Religious minorities in turbulent periods: The recurring dilemmas for
Christians in Syria
Ilias Tasopoulos*
*Currently submitting his PhD in the University of Peloponnese with
the support of the Greek State Scholarships Institution.
Struggling to survive and experiencing a financial catastrophe, the Christian
population in Syria had to handle carefully its relations both with the regime and the rebel
forces, as the longstanding ties of several churches with the regime have put the
communities in a situation where they cannot stand idle and wait. As Syria represents a
battle ground, both literally and figuratively, for the eventual outcome of the Arab Uprising,
this paper will examine the position that Christians hold in the country, in the light of the
dilemmas they face in times of crisis.
Key words: Syria, Christians, Minorities, Religion, Arab Uprising
Religious minorities in turbulent periods: The recurring dilemmas for
Christians in Syria
Religious minorities have been shaping society and politics in the
Middle East for a long time, either as being part of the state structures
or by becoming a target for the regimes.
The term minority, referring to groups sharing common
characteristics inside a state, was introduced in international relations in
the first decades of the 20th century. When it came to the Middle East,
the term was actually referring only to Christian minorities. While Syria
was under occupation after the First World War, French authorities were
reluctant to acknowledge ethnolinguistic minorities within the religious
majority, apart from the Christians.1 The French considered Christian
patriarchs to be crucial interlocutors among the Christian communities. 2
This perception and the consequent protection of European powers in
commercial relations3 helped Christians gain an important place in the
political system of the country after the interwar period and the Second
World War. 4
Throughout the independent state formation period, Christians
managed to portray themselves as an indispensable part of the country,
1
Excluded from state occupations of the Ottoman Empire, Christians excelled in banking and trade or
opened their own stores, making considerable fortunes. Donald M. Reid (1970). Syrian Christians, the
Rags-to-Riches Story, and Free Enterprise. International Journal of Middle East Studies, 1, pp 358-367
2
White, Benjamin Thomas, The Emergence of Minorities in the Middle East, Edinburgh: Edinburgh
Press, 2011, p. 21-44
3
Kuran, Timur, “Why the Middle East Is Economically Underdeveloped: Historical Mechanisms of
Institutional Stagnation”, The Journal of Economic Perspectives, Vol. 18, No. 3, 2004, pp. 71-90
4
Abu-Manneh, Butrus, "The Christians between Ottomanism and Syrian Nationalism: The Ideas of
Butrus Al-Bustani", International Journal of Middle East Studies, Vol. 11, No. 3 (May, 1980), pp. 287304
by integrating their own narrative into the panarabist ideological
structure.5 Due to their inferior status in the Ottoman Empire, Christians
took a strong stand in favour of Syrian nationalists advocating a secular
state, without any discrimination for different religious doctrines. 6
Christians participated in the articulation of the secular ideology
of the Baath party, which dominated the Syrian political scene since the
1950s. The influence of Christian members inside the party contributed
heavily to the efforts of downgrading the importance of Islam for Ba’ath.
Christians coalesced with other ethnic groups, under the banner of
secular nationalism to achieve some of the ideals that radical
nationalists propagated in Syria. The Baa’thi ideology concentrated in
the common history and language of the people living in the same
country since time immemorial, regardless whether they were from
Syria, or Palestine, or any other place of the Arab world, leaving religion
in the background.
In times of constant change in the region, Christians achieved a
place of equality in the political system of the country with all the other
communities, in spite of living in a place where most of the inhabitants
were Muslims, and their everyday behavior was affected by religious
influences. Christians assumed numerous positions of Ministries during
this period, including the Ministry of Finance, Agriculture and Education.7
As Baa’th assumed control of the country in the following
decades, Christians managed to maintain their strong economic position
mostly due to their successful trade practices and links with the Western
capitals, while access to government facilitated the expansion of their
activities.
5
Khoury, Philip S., Syria and the French Mandate: The Politics of Arab Nationalism. 1920-1945,
London: I.B. Tauris, 1987
6
Kelidar, A. R., "Religion and state in Syria," Asian Affairs, 1974, 5:1, 16-22, p. 19-20
7
Kelidar, "Religion and state in Syria, p. 22
Starting from the 1990s, the relative decline of the number of
Christians in the country and the rising influence of political Islam in the
region transformed the situation for the Christians. When the Arab
Spring knocked the door of Syria, the impact of these changes was
clearly discernible.
While minorities historically see their role in the region notably
magnified with the development of major crises, a different pattern of
relations arose. Despite their strong and continuous presence in the
country, Christians had to encounter severe difficulties due to the
spiraling of the conflict.
Many Christians were sympathetic to the concerns expressed by
the opposition in Syria, in the beginning of the conflict in 2011. As the
regime was often not responsive to their demands, mainly because of
the centralized and not well organized Syrian state apparatus, Christians
saw the initiatives put forward with a favorable eye. Apart from those
strongly linked with the regime, Christians were quick to support voices
of dissent against Damascus, even joining the protests in various towns
and villages.
However, when the Syrian regime decided to respond to the
demands for political reform, made in the spirit of the Arab Spring, with
excessive and unwarranted force, Christians became subject to the
outcome of a vicious conflict between the Assad regime and a divided
opposition. The Syrian regime’s attempts to deepen sectarian tensions
and polarize Syrian society along sectarian lines had a deep impact on
the attitudes of the Christians. Many media of the opposition responded
in kind by presenting the National Coalition as a Sunni “revolution”
against the Alawites. As soon as the negotiations failed and the conflict
was militarized, Christians made it clear that they were not willing to
take up arms against the regime or participate in any way in a civil war.8
Despite initially being in favour of the oppositionists, the regime’s
ruthless and indiscriminate use of force made Christians sit in the
sidelines. The transformation of a political dispute into a military conflict
helped the regime prevent the Christians from throwing their weight
behind the opposition. 9 10
8
Bandow, Doug, “Choosing between Two Evils in Syria”, National Interest, August 6, 2012
9
Darwisheh, Housam, "From Authoritarianism to Upheaval: The Political Economy of the Syrian
Uprising and Regime Persistence", IDE Discussion Paper No 389, Institute of Developing Economies,
2013, contra see Al-Gharbi, Musa, “Syria Contextualized: The Numbers Game”, Middle East Policy,
Vol. XX, No. 1, Spring 2013
10
“Syrian
Opposition
Fails
to
Reassure
Christians”,
Al
Monitor,
monitor.com/pulse/security/2013/09/syria-opposition-has-not-reassured-christians.html
www.al-
Indeed, fear has driven many of Syria’s minorities to back Assad,
an Alawite, whose Shia-related faith is seen as heretical by many Sunnis.
While the Christians opted out of the conflict, the civil war that
ensued put the continued existence of the communities in jeopardy, as
they were not able to retreat to a safe haven. Christians, as a religious
minority in the country, had to handle carefully its relations both with
the regime and the rebel forces. In addition to the hardships of the civil
war, Christians were forced to deal with the extremist Islamist offshoots
inside the rebel forces. Christian populations, as well as other non-Sunni
Muslim minorities, incurred the wrath of extremist groups, such as Jabal
al Nusra, while at the same time several attacks and abductions against
prominent Christians were reported.
Turbulent periods in a region, apart from the inherent dangers,
present religious minorities with an opportunity to reconstruct the
dominant narrative on new ideological and social premises. In order to
overcome the restraints of the current situation and survive in the midst
of a disastrous conflict, Christians need first to address the rise of
political Islam in the Arab society, sooner rather than later.
As an encouraging sign of things to come, Syria's branch of the
Muslim Brotherhood has announced the formation of a new political
party, the party's deputy leader of which will be a Christian. Placing
Christian figures in leading positions could reassure not only the
Christians, but also other minority groups in Syria and perhaps the
Western world for the intentions of the opposition. The exclusion of
Christians from the ‘interim government’ of the opposition,11 however,
could be a message from other parts inside the National Coalition that
the only guarantee for the Christians is to participate in the “revolution.”
11
“Christians excluded from Syrian rebels’ ‘interim government’”, Accessed on 16/11/2013,
http://theorthodoxchurch.info/blog/news/2013/11/christians-excluded-from-syrian-rebels-interimgovernment/?utm_source=feedburner&utm_medium=feed&utm_campaign=Feed%3A+ocpfeeds+(Or
thodoxy+Cognate+PAGE%C2%AE)