INST 205 – Review Sheet - Section Eleven: Social Protest and the Feminist Movement
Learning Objectives
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To recognize the various ways people organize around gender identities and promote
changes in gender ideology.
To be aware of the various ways in which women resist domination and inequality at the
individual and collective levels.
To understand how race, class, and sexuality interact with gender in social movements
and protests.
To understand the history and the demands of the feminist movements.
To recognize the diversity of feminisms and women’s issues.
Section Summary
Contemporary feminist movements are very diverse with varying constituencies, ideas, goals,
tactics, and strategies.
 Feminism has a long history of attempting to transform gender ideologies.
 Women resist forces of domination and inequality through a variety of individual and
collective tactics.
 Women, and feminists, have often perpetuated various class, racial, and even gender
inequalities.
 Outside forces such as economics and politics affect feminist activism.
 Women may recognize their gendered subordination, but may not necessarily label
themselves as feminists.
 The focuses of feminists vary by race/ethnicity, class, and other socio-political
conditions.
 Feminists broadly agree on the ideal of equality, but not necessarily on specific goals or
the best means to achieve equality.
Reading 47: Verta Taylor, Nancy Whittier, and Cynthia Fabrizio Pelak, “The Women's
Movement: Persistence through Transformation”
The women’s movement has changed forms, but the core concerns with challenging gender
hierarchies and norms remain. Broad social changes such as urbanization, industrialization, and
changes in demographics alter women’s access to work and education and alter women’s status.
These changes made it likely that women will challenge their subordinate position.
 Western women’s movements appeared around the same time, with the first wave
appearing at the end of the nineteenth through the beginning of the twentieth centuries,
and the second wave appearing during the 1960s.
 Liberal feminist ideology focuses on gaining equal opportunities for women in the
current political and economic structure; this ideology was the focus of the first wave and
was a dominant theme during the second wave.
 The second wave challenged a broader set of issues. There were various forms of
feminist ideology during this period, including radical feminism, which suggests there is
a structural basis for women’s oppression that requires a radical reorganization of society.
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During this period, the line between radical and liberal feminism began to blur, and
lesbian feminists and feminists of color challenged feminism to focus on the intersections
of oppressions.
Following the waves of women’s activism, periods of doldrums ensued during which
feminists were still active, but they were in abeyance. The political climate was less
conducive to feminist activism during these times.
The women’s movement has had two primary structures: large, hierarchical and
bureaucratic structures that tended to focus on political aspects of the movement; and
small, collectively organized structures that focused more on cultural aspects.
Challenges to the gender order include women’s resistance on an individual level and
collective challenges at the structural and cultural levels.
Today, feminists continue to be active in a wide variety of movements, including the
international women’s movement. The movement has increased dramatically since the
1970s, even though the word “feminism” has been stigmatized.
Countermovements have organized against feminism at every stage of its development,
and they continue to oppose feminist gains so feminists must be prepared to continue
their activism.
Reading 48: Pamela Aronson, “Feminists or ‘Postfeminists’? Young Women’s Attitudes
toward Feminism and Gender Relations”
Contrary to media and other portrayals of young women as uninterested in feminist concerns and
unaware of the gains of previous feminists, there is little to support the idea that we live in a
“postfeminist” era or that “feminism is dead.” In-depth interviews with a racially and lifeexperience diverse sample of young women reveal that young women are aware that the feminist
(or women’s) movement increased their opportunities and that gender inequality remains.
However, young people have varying positions regarding their self-definition as feminists.
 Aronson interviewed 42 young women of diverse racial and class backgrounds who had a
range of life experiences. Unlike other researchers, Aronson did not assume that the
definition of feminism was widely agreed upon and allowed her interview subjects the
opportunity to define its meaning in their lives.
 The majority of young women expressed a general optimism about the expanded
opportunities for women, particularly in education and career choices, and they
recognized that older women had struggled to generate these opportunities. The majority
were also aware that gendered obstacles persisted.
 These young women were very aware of gender discrimination. Nearly all of the young
women felt they had experienced minor gender discrimination and only a few felt they
had faced blatant discrimination.
o Almost one-third of the women were concerned with future workplace
discrimination.
o Some of the women who had experienced discrimination did not believe that such
gendered treatment would impact their lives. Many of the women with this
paradoxical approach were reluctant to label their experiences as discrimination
because they narrowly defined discrimination in terms of the workplace.
o Other women focused on individual solutions to discrimination like facing the
perpetrator or their own choices.
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Nearly all of the young women were supportive of feminist issues. However, only onequarter defined themselves as feminists and over half of the women did not want to
explicitly define themselves in terms of feminism. Race, class and life paths/life
experience in early adulthood were important factors in determining how young women
related to feminism.
o The women who did not qualify their definition of themselves as feminists were
white, college-educated women who came to feminism through women’s studies.
o The women who qualified their identification as feminists were women of color
or working-class white women. Most had attended college but had no experience
with women’s studies. While growing up their families had assumptions of
equality.
o The young women who did not define themselves as feminists were mostly from
privileged backgrounds but had either not attended college or not taken women’s
studies courses. These women were supportive of much feminist ideology.
o One-third of the young women were “fence-sitters” who refused to position
themselves in terms of feminism as an identity. These women came from a variety
of backgrounds. These women focused on evaluating the ideologies and
stereotypes associated with feminism.
o Many of the women who were unsure of their attitudes toward feminism had little
time to think about feminism. Most of these women were full-time workers who
had not attended college and/or young mothers.
Support of a feminist identity was closely tied with involvement in institutions that
support and nurture feminism like women’s studies inside universities which was most
available to white women. However, many young women cannot afford the luxury to
think about feminism.
Many of the women were aware of the negative stereotypes of feminists.
Although the women were aware of gender discrimination and supported feminist goals,
most of these young women stopped short of a collective or activist orientation.
Boxed Insert: Lisa Jervis, “The End of Feminism’s Third Wave”
The idea of the “Third Wave” is not a useful way to differentiate current feminism from feminist
activism during the 1960s and 1970s (the “Second Wave”). While there are differences within
the feminist movement, these are primarily ideological differences rather than generational
differences.
 The wave metaphor was meant to capture differences in age, ideology, tactics, and style,
and this terminology has ignored the differences within the generational “wave.”
 The use of wave terminology has suggested that feminism today is very different from
feminism is the past, when it is actually very similar. Both have focused on fun and pop
culture as well as serious issues. Both look at many of the same issues such as violence
against women.
 Within feminism there have been and continue to be many ideological disagreements, but
these do not necessarily vary by generation. Differences within the movement are healthy
and good for the movement.
 Feminists of both generations and across various other differences want the same thing:
“gender justice.”
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Reading 49: Cathy Cohen, “Punks, Bulldaggers, and Welfare Queens: The Radical
Potential of Queer Politics?”
Cohen describes the potential and the limits of queer theorizing and politics for radical social
change. While Cohen praises queer politics for making various peoples’ experiences visible, she
critiques the movement for ignoring the diversity of people within the category “heterosexual.”
Activists and scholars need to focus on the relation of multiple identities to power, not just on
dichotomies of particular identities.
 The radical potential of queer politics is in its:
o ability to create a space in opposition to cultural norms where the marginalized is
celebrated;
o ability to recognize the fluidity of categories of identity (particularly sexual
behavior); and
o confrontational challenge to power that is not assimilationist but seeks broad
changes in the values, definitions, and structures of society.
 The problem with queer theory lies in its:
o use of single-identity politics that privilege sexual identity over other categories
of oppression;
o inability to recognize the intersecting oppressions particularly of people of color;
and
o monolithic understanding of heterosexuality that fails to understand how some
expressions of heterosexuality break sexual norms.
 Queer theory has not been able to destabilize heteronormativity because it has focused on
the binary of hetero and queer and has failed to grapple with the power differences within
and between each of these categories. Some of the people who are heterosexual, like
punks, bulldaggers, and welfare queens, do challenge heteronormativity.
 A leftist framework of politics that focuses on the structural and the cultural oppressions
of people based on multiple systems of identity is necessary to recognize the potential of
queer politics.
 People who have espoused queer politics have often had inherent privileges based on
race, class, or gender, and they must grapple with the differences within the queer
communities as well as with the possibility of establishing coalitions with heterosexuals.
Discussion Questions
Reading 47: Verta Taylor, Nancy Whittier, and Cynthia Fabrizio Pelak, “The Women's
Movement: Persistence through Transformation”
1. Describe the three waves of feminism. When did each one occur? What were its
primary concerns?
2. What are the different feminist ideologies? When have these ideologies been
prominent?
3. What is abeyance or the doldrums? What happens to feminism during these periods?
4. Describe the state of feminism today. Describe the role of intersectionality and the “I am
not a feminist but” syndrome.
Reading 48: Pamela Aronson, “Feminists or ‘Postfeminists’? Young Women’s Attitudes
toward Feminism and Gender Relations”
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5. What does the media often suggest about feminism today? Is this an accurate
representation? Why or why not?
6. What do the interviews suggest is true regarding young women’s attitudes about
feminism? Do the young women appreciate the gains made in the past? Do these young
women identify as feminists? Do the young women agree with the goals of feminism? Do
these women perceive (or expect future) gender discrimination?
7. How do life experiences alter how the young women perceive feminism? What
experiences are important to those women who identify as feminists? What experiences
keep other women from identifying as feminists?
8. How might a feminist movement successfully engage many of these young women in
activism in the future?
Boxed Insert: Lisa Jervis, “The End of Feminism’s Third Wave”
9. What does Lisa Jervis suggest is true of the “Third Wave” in Feminism? What does she
suggest should be done with the wave terminology?
10. How is the current generation of feminists similar to or different from earlier feminist
generations?
11. What differences does Jervis suggest exist in the feminist movement? Are these
differences good or bad for the movement? Why or why not?
Reading 49: Cathy Cohen, “Punks, Bulldaggers, and Welfare Queens: The Radical
Potential of Queer Politics?”
12. How is queer politics transformative? Who or what has been left out of queer politics?
13. Why is it important to recognize the multiple identities people have in order to challenge
one aspect of power?
14. What should a queer politics that truly challenges power in all forms look like?
Web Links
Arab Women's Solidarity Association (AWSA)
Susan Muaddi Darraj describes becoming familiar with AWSA in her search for other Arab
feminists. AWSA was founded in 1982 by Egyptian Nawal El Saadawi. This organization
“promotes Arab women’s active participation in social, economic, cultural, and political life.”
Explore this website to learn more about Arab feminism.
http://www.awsa.net/
Beijing Declaration and the Platform for Action
This University of Minnesota website provides the Beijing Declaration as it is in the textbook,
but it also includes the text of the Platform for Action that details how the Declaration is to be
carried out in the U.N. member nations. You can explore the wording regarding abortion that
was discussed in the Boxed Insert “UN Commission Approves Declaration Reaffirming Goals of
1995 Women’s Conference After U.S. Drops Antiabortion Amendment” and many other aspects
of this declaration.
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http://www1.umn.edu/humanrts/instree/e5dplw.htm#three
The Library of Congress: Suffrage Archives
The Library of Congress maintains an impressive collection of materials documenting the
struggle for women’s suffrage in the United States from 1850-1920. This website maps the
library’s collection and provides an introduction to this fascinating feminist movement.
Votes for Women Pictures: www.memory.loc.gov/ammem/vfwhtml/vfwhome.html
Other documents on the National Women’s Suffrage Association:
http://www.memory.loc.gov/ammem/naw/nawshome.html
National Women’s Hall of Fame
This website is the virtual home of the National Women’s Hall of Fame, which pays tribute to
great American leaders. Have you heard of the National Women’s Hall of Fame? Do you know
the historical significance of its location in Seneca Falls, New York? Who do you think should
be added to this collection of women? Are you surprised by any of the women included?
www.greatwomen.org/
“Peace Feminism in International Relations”
The Fourth World Conference on Women’s Beijing Declaration highlights the importance of
peace to the status of women. In this position paper entitled “Peace Feminism in International
Relations,” Susan Coates argues that peace is a feminist issue that must be addressed on a global
feminist scale. How do you feel about incorporating the issue of peace into feminism?
www.du.edu/~suscoate/
Rift Between Feminist Generations
Relationships between feminist generations aren’t always easy. As the third wave emerges, it
sometimes encounters resistance from second-wave activists. At the first site below, Tamara
Straus interviews Jennifer Baumgardner and Amy Richards, authors of Manifesta: Young
Women, Feminism, and the Future (Farrar, Straus & Giroux, 2000), about the tensions between
second-wave feminists and their successors in the new feminist generation. At the second site,
read about how feminists from the second-wave recently described the activism (or lack of) by
young women today.
http://www.alternet.org/story/9986/
http://www.womensenews.org/article.cfm/dyn/aid/920/context/cover
The Third Wave Foundation
Feminists in the United States refer to the suffrage movement as the “first wave,” and the
women’s liberation movement of the 1970s as the “second wave.” The generation of young
women active in feminist projects during the 1990s and the early years of the 21st century call
themselves the “third wave.” Visit The Third Wave Foundation’s website for an overview of its
projects, and more. Why do you think this organization uses the “wave terminology” that Lisa
Jervis critiqued in the boxed insert?
http://www.thirdwavefoundation.org
Women’s Rights National Historical Park
The National Park Service also recognizes the significance of Seneca Falls as the sight of the
First Women's Rights Convention to the fight for women’s rights. It has created the Women’s
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Rights National Historical Park in Seneca Falls to commemorate the importance of this location
and as a place to present information on the fight for women’s rights in the United States.
http://www.nps.gov/wori/
Women in the Black Panthers
Women participate in all movements for social justice. Women played important roles in the
Civil Rights and Black Power movements in the U.S. This website offers tantalizing suggestions
about the interesting history of women in the Black Panthers.
http://sunsite.berkeley.edu/calheritage/panthers/women.htm
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