Cite original article:
Muslim Uyghur Students in a Dislocated Chinese Boarding School: Bonding Social
Capital as a Response to Ethnic Integration, with Yangbin Chen, Race/Ethnicity:
Multidisciplinary Global Contexts, Vol 2. No.2, 2009, pp 287-309.
Muslim Uyghur Students in a Dislocated Chinese Boarding School:
Bonding Social Capital as a Response to Ethnic Integration
Chen Yangbin, Gerard A. Postiglione 
University of New South Wales, The University of Hong Kong
In order to enhance national unity, the Chinese government has established dislocated
boarding schools in Chinese cities. These schools are for students from the far western
regions of Tibet and Xinjiang. The latter enroll Muslim Uyghur and other ethnic minority
students from Xinjiang. This paper delineates these Uyghur students’ school living
experience. The empirical data were collected from a four-month qualitative field study
in one such kind of boarding school. It argues that the students have developed a bonding
form of social capital as a response to the school goal of ethnic integration. The bonding
social capital is manifested in typical ethnic norms of daily life, such as language usage,
food, greeting rituals and dressing customs.
KEYWORDS: Xinjiang Classes, Uyghur students, bonding social capital, ethnic
integration
Ethnic minority education is organized to function as the agency for national integration
in China (Mackerras, 1995). The state also provides minorities with preferential policies
in education to establish and maintain interethnic integration. Preferential policies may
include: provision of extra financial subsidies, textbooks, instruction and examinations in
minority languages, boarding schools for ethnic minorities in remote areas, and
preferential admission to universities. One of the most controversial of the preferential
policies has been the so-called dislocated schools or classes, which originally had been
set up in ethnic Han concentrated areas across China to educate young Tibetans through
the national curricula since 1985 (neidi Xizang zhongxue, neidi Xizang ban). The Tibetan
dislocated boarding schools are officially hailed as a great success for national unity and
Tibet’s rapid development.1 However, as Wang and Zhou (2003) argue, “First and
foremost, these institutions are built and managed primarily out of political and
ideological considerations” (p. 85).

Dr. Chen Yangbin, yangbin.chen@unsw.edu.au, Prof. Gerard A. Postiglione, postiglione@hku.hk.
Correspondence Address: Chen, Room 231, MB Building, School of Languages and Linguistics,
University of New South Wales, Sydney, NSW 2052, Australia.
1
As one of China’s 55 state-defined minority groups, Uyghurs lag behind most national
indicators of educational achievement. Yet, they have a strong ethnic identity due to their
distinctive history, geographic location, religious affiliation and culture (Ahemaitijiang,
1998; Cao, 1999b; Gladney, 1999). Considering the growing Uyghur secessionism and
the gap in socio-economic development between Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region
(abbreviated as Xinjiang) and the rest of China, the Ministry of Education of China
(MOE) implemented the “Inland Xinjiang Senior Secondary School Classes” (neidi
Xinjiang gaozhong ban, abbreviated as the Xinjiang Classes) from September 2000 in 13
senior secondary schools in 12 inland cities, such as Beijing and Shanghai. All these
cities are in the east, and are among China’s richest areas. These schools enroll 1000
Xinjiang minority students yearly.2 The inland boarding school policy stipulates that
ethnic minority students from Xinjiang should constitute a minimum of 80 percent of
enrollment. As a result, Uyghur students account for a majority of the student body.3
The government-funded classes for Xinjiang students aim to train a group of local
talent for the development of the Xinjiang, as well as for ethnic integration nation wide. 4
The policy assumes that educating Uyghur youth through the national curricula and in
Han Chinese urban schools will promote interethnic integration and thereby political
stability. This paper aims to examine the policy from the Uyghur students’ perspective. It
begins with an overview of the context of the Xinjiang Classes policy and introduces a
theoretical framework with which to organize the conceptualization of the data. This is
followed by a discussion and analysis of the fieldwork data containing perspectives of
Uyghur students about their boarding school experience. These perspectives focus on the
elements of language, food, greeting rituals and dressing customs. Finally, the result of
the analysis is interpreted to illustrate the way of Uyghur students’ school response
constitutes a bonding form of social capital.
The Context of Xinjiang Classes
Uyghurs are one of the largest ethnic minority groups, and the second largest Muslim
group in China (after the Hui). The majority of Uyghurs live in Xinjiang, and some 80
percent are concentrated in southern Xinjiang like Hotan, Kashgar, Aksu and Korla
(Schwarz 1984). They are the descendants of Arian-Staqi-Sark-Turkic groups
(yali’an-sitaiqi-sake-tujue) (Abuduxuku’er, 1995, p.147). Their language belongs to
“Turkic group of the Altaic family of languages” (Schwarz, 1984, p.5). The meaning of
“Uyghur” is explained as “unity” or “alliance”. Although they had believed in a variety
of religions through their early history, Uyghurs eventually turned to Islam from the 15th
century (Xu, 2000, p. 14).
Like Tibetans, Uyghurs are of great concern to the Chinese central government. Both
are among the most populous minority groups and occupy vast areas rich in natural
resources in western China. They also have very strong religious affiliations: Uyghurs are
Muslims and Tibetans are Buddhists. Moreover, both have long-standing grievances
against the Han government as well as quite determined separatist movements (Dreyer,
1997). Baranovitch (2003) regards Uyghurs are “one of the most politically sensitive
minorities among which there exists a strong aspiration to achieve independence from
China” (p.727).
2
Since the 1980’s, the China’s government has treated ethnic separatism, religious
fundamentalism and terrorism as three intermingled forces which jeopardize Xinjiang’s
social stability.5 Therefore, measures have been introduced to fortify ethnic integration
and national unity. Among others, China initiated a national strategy of “Go West” to
accelerate economic development in its vast western areas, including Xinjiang. 6 In
addition, along with a campaign of prompt and tough suppression, schools and classes for
students from Xinjiang were also established as a part of a long-term strategy. The central
government explicitly views this program as “a political task,” and is ready to “provide
special support.”7
Since most of these inland schools separate Xinjiang students from Han students, the
group of Uyghur students distinguishes themselves from the local Han counterparts. This
is due to several interrelated factors. Firstly, Uyghur students are enrolled immediately
after junior secondary schools and live in a Han majority urban environment where the
local culture is different from the one in their hometown, and where most Han people
traditionally lack an awareness and sensitivity to ethnic minority culture. Secondly, some
Uyghur students are accustomed to Uyghur language teaching and learning (Min Kao
Min, minority students are examined in minority language), but have been required to
turn to the Chinese Han language (Min Kao Han, minority students are examined in Han
language). The gap between Uyghur and local Han students in Chinese language
proficiency remains noticeable, and Chinese language proficiency appears a challenge
along Uyghur students’ academic pursuit. Thirdly, Uyghur students are boarding
students, but generally the Han students return home each day. Uyghur students have a
four-year senior secondary school program, one year longer than for Han students. The
first year is a foundation year to improve language capacity and strengthen what was
supposed to have been learned in junior secondary school.8 This is follower by a regular
three year senior secondary program of study. Finally, these Uyghur students will sit for
the national level higher education entrance examination upon graduation,, like their local
Han counterparts. However, their separately considered quota for higher education will
be higher, thus increasing their possible opportunities for further study.
How Uyghur students respond to the goal of ethnic integration is a key to the success of
the preferential policies. Moreover, whether the preferential policy enhances ethnic
integration or not has become a cause for considerable debate. On one hand, Sautman
(1998) argues that the strategy of preferential treatment is understood, and tolerated or
accepted by the majority Han people. They view the policy as balancing the interests
between the Han group and ethnic minorities, so as to ensure national unity. On the other
hand, this strategy is not always effective and successful, as problems with minority
groups still persist (Dreyer, 1997; Ping, 1990). Yee (2003) even argues that, “(Chinese)
minority education policy is also ill-advised. We have already mentioned the
controversial affirmative policy to help the under-privileged minorities students to go to
university or college, which is criticized by the Uyghurs for perpetuating low quality
minority students and by the Han people for creating unfair competition”(p. 450).
3
Theoretical Framework
Ethnic integration is the formula for ethnic inter-group relations among China’s 56
officially classified ethnic groups. Academic discourse defines it as Zhonghua minzu
duoyuan yitihua geju (plurality and unity within the configuration of the Chinese nation)
(Fei, 1989, p.1). This is consistent with the designation in the National Constitution that
China is “a unified multi-ethnic nation.”9 Laws in China have been promulgated to
ensure integration of ethnic groups into the national landscape. Ethnic integration is also
the policy designation of interethnic relationship, which read as “equality, unity, and
mutual assistance”, “against discrimination and oppression to any ethnic group”. 10
Nevertheless, considering that the Han constitute the overwhelming majority (91 percent
of the national population), it is not surprising that the process of integrating ethnic
minorities into the national mainstream “places a premium on Han cultural capital”
(Postiglione, 1999, p.4).
Schermerhorn (1970) categorizes ethnic integration into three dimensions: power
legitimation between the dominant and the subordinate groups; the cultural congruence
and incongruence between the two groups; and a problem of common or discrepant goal
definitions for subordinate ethnic groups. This paper mainly focuses on the cultural
dimension. Furthermore, when there are specific minority policies set by the
super-ordinate group, it is crucial to look at the responses from the ethnic minority
students’ perspective. Relevant studies can be found, for example, in Valenzuela (1999)
on Mexican American youth and schooling, and Guthrie (1985) on bilingual education in
a Chinese community in America. Both interpret the responses as the minority’s rejection
of inferior status and segregated role in schools. This paper also examines the minority
group’s response to segregation as a result of the national policy of Xinjiang Classes.
The theoretical approach of this research relies upon the concept of social capital. Over
the past two decades, sociology has experienced a growing application of social capital in
research. Regardless of the contentions in its definition, “social capital” is commonly
seen as a kind of usable resource embedded in social networks or social structures and
aimed at actor’s goal attainment (Coleman, 1988; Portes, 1998). In minority education,
social capital is useful in explaining the life experiences of minority children and young
people, where their socio-cultural disadvantages in mainstream society can be
compensated for by the creation and application of social capital in varied contexts like
families, communities, and schools, etc. (e.g. Stephenson, 2001; Zhou, 1997). In addition,
social capital has been commonly differentiated into three sub-types. Putnam (2000)
proposes bonding social capital and bridging social capital. Literally, the former means to
maintain group solidarity by bonding members together. The latter functions to bridge
divisions such as gender, social class, ethnicity or generation. The third is the linking
social capital which helps actors to tap resources by the way of linking to influential
others (Foley and Edwards 1999).
Furthermore, the role of social norms in social capital analysis is well documented and
studied (Bankston & Zhou, 2002a; Coleman, 1988; Fukuyama, 2000). Norms are
“expectations about appropriate conduct which serve as common guidelines for social
action,” and “imply the presence of legitimacy, consent and prescription” (Abercrombie,
4
Hill & Turner, 2000, p.243). In this paper, social capital “can be defined simply as an
instantiated set of informal values or norms shared among members of a group that
permits them to cooperate with one another” (Fukuyama, 2000, p. 98). However,
Coleman’s (1988) proposition is conditional, “When a norm exists and is effective, it
constitutes a powerful, though sometimes fragile, form of social capital” (p.104). Norms
must be effective or proceed with sanctions in order to become a form of social capital.
The sanctions may either be positive, such as to reward conforming behavior, or be
negative, such as to restrain deviant behavior.
Mainstream norms impact the development of children and young people, particularly
those from ethnic minority groups. Zhou and Bankston (1994) suggest the benefits for the
ethnic minority youth group through the social capital derived from norms. For example,
ethnic norms as a form of social capital enhance ethnic solidarity in a Vietnamese
minority community in America, which prevents its young people from assimilating into
the underprivileged segments of American society. Coleman (1988) recognizes that
“there exists a high degree of closure among peers, who see each other daily, have
expectations toward each other, and develop norms about each other’s behavior”(p. 106).
Besides, it is also relevant to the argument that ethnicity can be seen as a kind of social
capital for the ethnic minority group (Zhou, 1999). Ethnicity is a basis for a system of
social relations. It may involve the ethnic cultural endowments (including social norms)
which are conducive for producing social capital. Studies suggest ethnicity (or values,
behaviors and norms in families or ethnic communities) functions as a distinct form of
social capital to facilitate the adaptation of young ethnic minority people to mainstream
society (Zhou & Bankston, 1994; Zhou, 1997 etc.). This has implication for this paper too,
as Uyghur ethnicity values mutual assistance and cooperation among its members (Cao,
1999b).
“Effective norms can constitute a powerful form of social capital” (Coleman 1988, p.
105). Because norms function to bond group members together, such form of social
capital can be seen as bonding social capital. For young people, it provides the individual
benefits such as social support and emotional well-being (Morrow 2001b). Moreover,
Portes’ designation of altruistic (1995) motivation of social capital is also helpful in
understanding bonding social capital. Such motivation is commonly referred by two
different sources: value or norm introjections during childhood, and an emergent product
of a common fate, or bounded by community. The powerful motivation force of
“identification with one’s own group, sect, or community” (Portes, 1995, p. 8) increases
bounded solidarity among group members.
The concept of bonding social capital has implication for Uyghur students in this study,
since minority students are dislocated from direct family and community supports of the
ethnic hometown. In this sense, the utility of their cultural capital declines in value while
at the same time it increases in significance for the purpose of survival strategies in the
new school. Additionally, the social networks on which these students have to rely
intensively are characteristic of closeness, segregation and tightness in the boarding
school environments. The features can facilitate Uyghur students to create and apply
independent social capital for achieving the goals of school lives adaptation in a Han
5
majority local school and community, and academic success under Chinese language
teaching. In general, the context of dislocated boarding schools is conducive for social
capital analysis.
Methods and Student Profile
The paper intends to depict a comprehensive picture of Uyghur students’ perspectives
within the context of their lives at the special boarding school. The topic is compatible
with the purpose and characteristic of qualitative research as understanding the particular
context (Watkins & Sachs, 2002). It involves holistic and naturalistic information on the
specific Xinjiang Classes. Moreover, the research for the paper includes multiple
methods in a relatively short field study (four months) in order to collect the sufficient
data. This strategy is derived from the prior relevant studies on Chinese ethnic minority
education (Lee, 2001, Trueba & Zou, 1994).
The methods of data collection included participant observations, in-depth interviews
and social-demographic questionnaire, documents and essays. It was completed in one
selected inland boarding school enrolling Xinjiang Classes (anonymous as X School).
Before the formal field study in August 2003, Chen had paid two prior visits to the school
in 2001 and 2003 to collect the preliminary data about Uyghur students in the X school.
The key informants include teachers, counselors and students. In particular, the Uyghur
student informants were chosen from two Xinjiang classes: one foundation class (year
one) and one grade-three class (year four), which together are conducive to gaining an
understanding of the Uyghur students’ school living experience at the early and late
stages.
The profile of the Xinjiang students is ordered in Table I (see p. 36). By ethnicity,
Uyghurs account for the bulk of the students. Kazak students are the second largest group
but in a much smaller number. The students of the other ethnic groups only account for a
minor portion. By gender, because the enrolments are based on the academic
achievement in the junior high school graduation examinations in Xinjiang, female
students significantly outnumber male students. On average, Uyghur girls perform better
than boys at this stage. In terms of geographic origins of the students, the field study
reveals that about 58.2 percent of students come from southern Xinjiang, especially the
three prefectures like Kashgar, Hotan and Aksu. In northern Xinjiang, Ili prefecture also
provides a large portion of students (about 13.4 percent). The explanation for these two
main sources of students, accounting for 71.6 percent of the total, is that southern
Xinjiang and the Ili prefecture are both the strongholds of Uyghur Muslim separatist
movements, which is evidenced by the fact that most recorded political turmoil has
happened in these areas. Therefore, the students’ geographic sources again imply that
Xinjiang Classes function as the agent for ethnic integration and national unity.
Regarding the students’ family background, there is an inconsistency between the reality
and the official requirement. The field study shows that 63.1 percent of students come
from families with fathers who are cadres, workers, or clerks. Only 18 percent of
students’ fathers are farmers or herdsmen. The Ministry of Education mandates that over
80 percent of students should come from families of farmers and herdsmen.11
6
Uyghur Students’ Response: Group Norms as Bonding Social Capital
Fukuyama (2000) maintains that “A culture provides a common vocabulary of not just
words but also gestures, facial expressions, and personal habits that serve as signals of
intent” (p. 109). For Uyghur student in this study, these norms include the way in which
their language is spoken outside of class, how they dine and consume their meals,
greeting rituals, styles of dress, and facial make-up. While the last of these is restricted to
females, the greeting rituals and styles of dress differ for males and females. We
acknowledges that these norms can function as precursors to the group bonding that is a
necessary condition for producing and using of social capital in school life. These norms
also function to draw Uyghur ethnic boundaries and maintaining group solidarity within
the Han mainstream school.
Language after Classes: the dilemma of Uyghur and Han Languages
In official discourse, both Chinese and ethnic minority languages are valued in the
Xinjiang Classes. “Students in the Xinjiang Classes are grouped into classes regardless of
their ethnicities, and all are taught in the Han (Chinese) language using the local curricula.
Meanwhile, students also continue to learn their ethnic minority language.…..Schools
also must subscribe to and make available minority language reading materials and
arrange lectures to facilitate students’ minority language learning.12 Nonetheless, school
practices indicate an entirely different picture, with a premium placed on Chinese Han
language and a general neglect in the learning of Uyghur and other ethnic minority
languages. Basically, Chinese is the sole medium of instruction, and Chinese language
proficiency is vital for Uyghur students’ academic achievement and success. The school
also encourages students to practice Chinese outside of the classroom. For Uyghur
students, the dilemma is clear: which language (Chinese or Uyghur) should be spoken
outside of classroom? While they recognize the significance of Chinese for academic
success, they also know that Uyghur language is still much more popular among Uyghur
students outside of class. Uyghur language speaking is more pronounced for students
from rural areas, from the southern part of Xinjiang, and those who attended Uyghur
language medium secondary classes before coming to the inland boarding school.
As the attitudes towards Chinese language, Uyghur students themselves strive to build
up an environment of practicing more Chinese language outside of class.
We (Uyghur students) will ask those who speak Uyghur in the dormitory to do
on-duty jobs such as cleaning the room for three days following such an incident.
Thus, we dare not to speak the Uyghur language in dormitory. (Uyghur female
student M)
The above finding about sanctions for speaking Uyghur in the dormitory suggest
proactive attitude on the part of the Xinjiang students towards using Chinese language.
I support my fellows who speak the Han language after classes, and I would like to
learn from them. (Uyghur male student H)
7
Besides the internal sanctions on Chinese language expectation from Uyghur
students themselves, there also exist external sanctions. They invite teachers to oversee
them in this language practice.
They hope the school, or the teachers will create the conditions for Chinese
language speaking. These conditions can force them speak in Chinese. They are
waiting for the outside pressure. (Uyghur counselor)
However, regardless of their proactive attitudes towards Chinese language, Uyghur
students still commonly speak Uyghur language outside of the classroom in daily lives.
The socio-demographic feature of Uyghur dominance in the Xinjiang Classes determines
the popularity of speaking Uyghur language.
Eighty percent of the students in the Xinjiang Classes are Uyghurs….. You put
Uyghur students together; they will definitely speak Uyghur, as it is comfortable.
The other reason is that …..they speak Uyghur unconsciously. Uyghur language is
really dominant. (Uyghur counselor)
The Uyghur language influences other ethnic minority student groups, as Uyghur group
is dominant in Xinjiang Classes inside the X School. Even non-Uyghur students in
Xinjiang Classes use Uyghur language in daily life. For example, the only two Han
female students from Xinjiang often speak Uyghur language with Uyghur peers. The
second largest student group, the Kazaks, frequently speak Uyghur too.
Uyghur language speaking gives students the sense of belonging and provides the basis
for producing and using social capital. As a form of social capital, it functions to provide
“social support and emotional well being in the here and now” (Morrow, 2001b, p. 53).
One Uyghur male student (F) in the foundation year stated: “We speak Uyghur, and we
feel safe”. When asked why he does not practice more Chinese language, a Uyghur male
student (C) explains, “When others speak in Uyghur, and only you speak in Han
language, you would feel strange.”
Moreover, the conflicting expectations toward language speaking after classes clearly
affected ethnic boundaries in the X School. Speaking Uyghur language helped Uyghur
students to differentiate themselves and other ethnic groups, such as other ethnic minority
students in the Xinjiang Classes and local Han students. A Han counselor and a Han
female student from Xinjiang both reported that Uyghur students periodically curse Han
students while in their company using Uyghur language, since local Han students do not
understand Uyghur language.
In short, although Uyghur students recognize the importance of Chinese language in
realizing their academic goals, they prefer speaking in Uyghur language. The
concentration of Uyghur students in “Little Xinjiang” as called by some Han teachers
drives them to speak the Uyghur and ignore practicing Chinese. After the intensive
interaction with local Han teachers in class, Uyghurs withdraw to a background of
Uyghur language dominance in their out-of-class time, including class breaks, dining,
8
playing, and social activities in dormitories,. Speaking Uyghur is a badge of membership
in the Uyghur student community. Nevertheless, it also hinders their interactions with
other ethnic groups, especially with the majority local Han students.
Food for Uyghurs: Source, Cooks and Dining
If classrooms are considered as the centers for national socialization and acculturation,
the Ethnic Canteen is the most explicit cite for manifestation of Uyghur students’ dining
norms. This applies to other Muslim groups from Xinjiang (Kazak, Kyrgyz and Hui),
except for two Han students and one Mongolian student. The Ethnic Canteen is
distinguished by the complete absence of pork products.
“The idea of zhushi (staple) assumes that a single grain food is the basis for each
society’s food-ways” (Blum, 2001, p.79). Traditionally, the Uyghur’s staple grain food is
wheat and the common food process is roasting, renowned in central Asia from ancient
time (Abuduxuku’er, 1995). However, since the city where the inland boarding school is
located has rice as its staple food, the Ethnic Canteen provides a combination of rice and
wheat food for Uyghur students. The basic service includes those Uyghur style food such
as nan (Uyghur bread) at breakfast, längmän (hand-stretched noodles), polo (mixed and
fried rice), and qoqura (boiled dumpling) etc. The menu also includes local Han style
food such as rice and fried dishes. Most students, especially freshmen, prefer Uyghur
food to local Han style food.
The finding suggests Uyghur students rely on their ethnic dining culture to respond to an
ethnically segregated school and help them to survive school life comfortably. They keep
strong expectations on Muslim food, such as the sources of food, the ethnicity of the
cooks, and the dining style. These expectations constitute their norms of food and dining
in the X School, which in turn function as bonding social capital to establish the Uyghur
ethnic boundary, and maintain the Uyghur group solidarity.
The universal norm for all Muslims, including Uyghurs is not to consume pork
products. Muslim students ay X School care greatly about food processing. They expect
the sources of canteen food to conform to the prescribed Muslim food conventions.
Some students asked me where the meat comes from in the Ethnic Canteen. Those
from rural areas were particularly concerned. I assured them that all the meat is
from a Muslim process in local city, as Hui people sent it to the school. They said,
OK, we trusted you because you are the teacher. (Uyghur counselor)
This extends beyond the school walls to include the community outside the school
campus.
When we are outside of campus, I would rather be starving than eat non-Muslim
food, because that is an evil thing to do. ……We may eat some snacks if we are out for
a long time, but we need to check whether they contain any pork products.”(Uyghur
female student B)
9
The Muslim norms extend to the ethnicity of the cook who prepares food in the Ethnic
Canteen. In one case, the Uyghur students and a Uyghur counselor forced the school to
remove the local Hui Muslim cook because they viewed him as not being a genuine
Muslim. The Uyghur students then introduced three Uyghur cooks from southern rural
Xinjiang to the school.
Uyghur students have also rejected the local Han students from dining in the Ethnic
Canteen. When some local Han students came to the Ethnic Canteen, many Uyghur
students, particularly males and seniors, did not welcome them.
Many of us, including myself, do not accept them. If they come to our canteen, I
must leave them and sit together with my fellows.” (Uyghur male student H)
Islamic religion is a highly sensitive topic in the discourse of school life inside the
Chinese boarding school, where on occasion, Uyghur students avoided explaining the
norms surrounding food in terms of its religious significance. Although the male students
are reluctant to explain why they reject the local Han students, their complaint is a clear
hint, “Han students have had meals in Han canteen, why should they come to our
canteen?” Since the local Han students eat pork, their dining in the Ethnic Canteen
appears as a violation of the Muslim food norm. Similarly, the Han waitresses in the
Ethnic Canteen are seriously reminded not to eat pork inside the Ethnic Canteen, in case
of offending the Uyghur students.
Anderson (1988) suggests that food can serve as a marker of identity. Cesaro (2000)
also finds that, “Uyghurs in Xinjiang draw on Muslim dietary prescriptions in order to
reinforce boundaries between them and the Han Chinese” (p. 225).Through the
application of food and dining norms, the Uyghur students explicitly manifest their ethnic
identity, and draw a boundary between them and the mainstream Han society. In addition,
the norms also enhance group solidarity. For example, the Han counselor says, “when a
Uyghur student is alone, he or she can eat anything except for pork…...When they are in
a group, they become more picky in choosing food”. Moreover, as Millward (2000)
argues, “food, too, is a site of ethnic resistance” (p. 132). The sanctioning of the local Hui
cook and local Han students suggest this kind of resistance within the official culture in
the boarding school.
Nonetheless, though social and cultural aspects of food are central to the Uyghur’s
identity processes and boundary setting in China, “such processes often are ambiguous
and problematic” (Cesaro, 2000, p. 225). Uyghur students’ understanding of the meaning
of food norms is problematic.
I also do not know why we have such kind of food choice. …. I do not know the
reasons for many things, but I just follow them. …..I also do not know the
consequences if I would not follow them…..These come from my early childhood
experience. (Uyghur female student B)
10
Interestingly, while Uyghur students reject local Han students, they welcome Han
teachers to dine in the Ethnic Canteen. “We respect Han teachers as they teach us. They
pass on knowledge to us. If they come to have meals in the Ethnic Canteen, we welcome
them.” (Uyghur male student H)
Greeting Ritual among Uyghur Males: Shaking Hands
“Ritual is often used to refer to any regular pattern of interaction; thus the expression
‘how do you do?’ as a routine method of starting conversations could be regarded as a
ritual of everyday interaction.” (Abercrombie et al., 2000, p. 301) The gender specific
expectation of shaking hands among Uyghur male students is a normative foundation for
ethnic bonding and the production of social capital. The handshaking gesture reinforces
group boundaries and maintains ethnic solidarity. One who shares in the ritualistic
practice enters the male Uyghur social network
Yang and Yang (1999) describe two greeting rituals among Uyghur people, “the first is
explicit in religious meaning: putting right hand on chest, bowing and saying:
“csalamuclcJKum” (wish you peace). The second is shaking hands and greeting
“yakshimsiz” (hello), which is more popular among intellectuals and young people.” (p.
114). Both can be found in the X School. For example, when Uyghur students received
the sports awards from the principals in the closing ceremony of school sports meeting,
Uyghur male representatives performed the first type for audience. Meanwhile, shaking
hands appears as the most common ritual when Uyghur males greet fellow males in
campus, such as at meal times in the Ethnic Canteen. The Han counselor notes: “they
would like to shake hands with any Uyghur males…. even two males who just came
across and were complete strangers”.
Uyghur male students make extra efforts to keep this greeting ritual in force in the
Xinjiang Classes. The senior Uyghur male students require freshmen and junior male
students to follow the ritual. When new students arrived at the X School, senior students
voluntarily held a meeting to welcome them, and clearly asked them to do it in the
campus. The Uyghur counselor reported, “There is an expectation that the younger
students must respect the senior students”. Shaking hands can signal this expectation.
Uyghur male students also expect other ethnic minority male students, such as Kazaks
and Kyrgyzs, to exercise the same ritual.
Uyghur students learn this ritual from their adult generation. For example, a Uyghur
male describes his impressions of following his father to visit a mosque in Xinjiang,
where he sees all the greeting rituals, such as bowing and shaking hands. A Uyghur
female refers to her father’s experience to explain it.
It seems that my father also shakes hands with others like Uyghur males do here. I
do not know what the exact meaning of shaking hands, anyway, it means hello to
you. I guess those Han students do not have such kind of customs. (Uyghur female
student B)
11
Maintaining the norm of shaking hands functions to sustain the Uyghur cultural identity
in the Han mainstream boarding school, which also means to draw Uyghur ethnic
boundary and enhance group solidarity (Uyghurs and Xinjiang community). Spreading
the norm of shaking hands to all male students in Xinjiang Classes can link with the
proposition of different levels of identity among Uyghur or other Turk people in Central
Asia, including the Muslim religious identity, regional identity, local oasis identity, and
even identity of clan or tribe (Bovingdon, 1998; Gladney, 2004). The inclusive norm of
shaking hands implies the common Muslim religious identity, as well as the common
area identity of Xinjiang people, as the other males are also Muslim and Xinjiang people.
But, the gesture clearly excludes local Han students or Han teachers, as Uyghur males
rarely shake hands with Han people on campus.
The handshaking ritual is gender specific. Uyghur female students rarely behave in a
similar way on campus, although they do have a unique pattern of greeting rituals.
“Uyghur women embrace each other and touch right face, saying “salaam” (blessing)”
(Xu, 2000, p. 19). Uyghur female students seldom exhibit it in daily life except for
important occasions, like festival celebrations. This is in contrast to their male fellows.
This difference is linked to distinct gender perceptions between Uyghur males and
females, and reflects the tradition of male dominance and the seniors first in Uyghur
culture (Cao, 1999b). Uyghur counselor regards that males are more valued than females
in Uyghur culture. A Uyghur female also grumbles, “Uyghur males think they are special
and more important than us!” Other female students complain that, only males are
allowed to enter mosques in Xinjiang.
This (shaking hands) is their ethnic greeting style. I do not understand well, but I
think, Uyghur ethnic group highly value males. This is the first reason. They respect
those elder people. This is the second reason. (Han counselor)
Customs: Dressing and Make-up among Uyghur Females
Blum (2001) points out that “clothing is the paramount emblem of ethnic difference in
China” (p. 83). Although Uyghur females do not develop specific greeting norms in
school, except for holidays, they do exhibit explicit norms in dressing and facial make-up
in school.
Dressing norms within the female students relate with clothing style, make-up, and
wearing of scarves. Two typical items reflect Uyghur ethnic styles: dopa
(hand-embroidered skullcaps) and skirts made in traditional Atlas silk. Yang and Yang
(1999) suggest that Uyghur females are fond of make-up, and wearing ornaments such as
earrings, bracelets, necklaces, and rings, and painting fingernails and eyebrows. This is
the case of Uyghur females in the Xinjiang Classes. For example, among the total 24
Uyghur females in one foundation class, 11 females wear earrings; one female wears
finger ring; and 12 females paint their fingernails. Uyghur female students perceive it as
Uyghur customs.
The norm of wearing scarves is more related with Islamic religious connotations. It is
an Islamic religious prescription that requires Uyghur females to don a veil and scarf to
12
cover their hair (Xu, 2000, Yang and Yang, 1999). Some Uyghur female students wear
silk scarves to cover their hair. They are usually junior or southern Xinjiang students.
Although they are not many, they stick quite strongly to this norm. Han female student Z
in Xinjiang Classes reports that, “When they newly arrive here, some Uyghur female
students wear scarves. These females are from Hotan and Kashgar. Counselors require
them to take off the scarves, then one Uyghur female in my dormitory starts to wear scarf
when she sleeps.” The Uyghur counselor explains:
They are used to wearing scarves. Those females are from Hotan, or the broader
southern Xinjiang, as Islamic religion has melted into their life. The religious
influence is stronger there than in northern Xinjiang.
Moreover, Uyghur students regard wearing scarves as a common norm derived from
Uyghur ethnicity, utility and aesthetic concerns.
Females from northern Xinjiang usually do not wear scarf, as they have assimilated
into Han culture. …..Educated students, like university students or us, do not wear
it. But some females in this school wear it…..The practical reason is for sand proof.
The other reason is: they look more beautiful when wearing scarf. Our people wear
scarf. This is not a problem. (Uyghur male student H)
Uyghur female students maintain their norms of dressing and make-up in school life.
For example, they take advantage of the compromised attitudes from school, and keep the
norms of painting fingernails and wearing ornaments. School officials worry that a ban of
all make-up and dressing customs may lead to ethnic conflict due cultural sensitivity.
Therefore, Uyghur female students tactfully insist on maintaining this norm in different
contexts, as the Uyghur counselor observes:
When Uyghur females are in school, they may not wear it. When they go back home
in Hotan, they wear it again. …..I ask them why do they put on scarves. They just
smile. In this school, they do not wear it in daytime, and then they wear it at night.”
Moreover, these females also understand the strong sanction from family influences
and ethnic cultural traditions.
Some people think they have to wear a scarf. It is a kind of violation if they do not
wear it. It is hard to describe. ……. But Uyghurs just do it. Their fathers and
grandfathers say that, females must wear scarves. If they do not wear it, it is a sin,
which restrict them going into heaven after death. (Uyghur female student B)
Like the food norms, Uyghur female students avoid discussing the sensitive religious
significance of the norm of dressing and make-up. Nonetheless, the norms underlies an
ethnic boundary within school, to convey ethnic pride, or resist the school’s official
culture. Uyghur female students also don traditional ethnic costumes in key events, such
as Uyghur festival cerebrations, opening and closing ceremonies in sports meeting and
taking group photos. In sharp contrast, local Han students always wear school uniforms.
13
Blum (2001) suggests, “Clothing - especially women’s clothing - seemed the most
obvious maker of difference” (p. 83). Uyghur female students accentuate the ethnic
boundary between them and local Han students through dressing norm.
Again, Blum (2001) maintains that the “focus on clothing suggests a certain degree of
voluntary identification with minority status” (p. 83). Dressing norm also conveys
Uyghur female students’ ethnic pride. This function can be seen as a self-protection or
proactive resistance to the negative Uyghur image in local Han mainstream culture,
which labels Xinjiang and Uyghur ethnic group as backward. The Han counselor
confirms that Uyghur females have a positive attitude about their norms of dressing and
make-up. Uyghur female student B regards clothing and make-up as Uyghur’s strengths
in competing with local Han culture.
There are many poor areas in Xinjiang. But, we have also many advanced things,
for example, our clothing. We Uyghurs specialize in living. Our women are good at
doing housework, such as cooking. I do feel very proud. We are also very good at
dressing and make-up. (Uyghur counselor)
Finally, in a more extreme case, the dressing norm can act as a resistance to the official
school culture. A Han female student of the Xinjiang Classes explains how Uyghur
female students challenge the non-religious official culture through wearing scarves.
During Ramadan, in the very early morning in dormitory, two Kazak female
students saw a group of Uyghur roommates sitting together. They wore scarves,
and reading the Koran. They were doing Namaz (Muslim pray). The Kazaks were
scared and pretended to be asleep. They would not get up until the Uyghurs finish
reading.”(Han female student A)
Discussion and Conclusion
In conclusion, the paper suggests that the experience of Uyghur students’ norms and
sanctions in the dislocated inland boarding school can be designated as a bonding social
capital. The findings firstly identify four typical Uyghur ethnic norms on campus as the
prevalence of Uyghur spoken language after classes, keeping dining and food style of
Muslim significance, maintaining gendered greeting rituals, and persisting Uyghur ethnic
dressing customs. Then, they delineate the strong sanctions of the norms among Uyghur
students’ tight and close social networks within the segregated boarding school context.
As a consequence, the findings finally see Uyghur students’ bonding social capital
reinforces Uyghur ethnic boundaries, increases group solidarity, as well as creates a
resistant culture toward school official ideology of ethnic integration.
The building of Uyghur students’ bonding social capital is both pulled by the internal
force and pushed by the external force. The internal force is derived from Uyghur
ethnicity. Cao (1999b) subscribes that the traditional Uyghur society proscribes
individual behaviors among its members. In this paper, the group expectations on
language, food, greeting rituals and dressing codes show strong impact on the Uyghur
students. They have to conform to these expectations in daily life. In this regard, Uyghur
14
ethnicity is conducive to form the bonding social capital. Moreover, unlike the previous
literature of minority young people’s social capital in mainstream society (Morrow 2001b,
Zhou 1997, 1999 etc.), the role of religion stands out in explaining the influence of
Uyghur ethnicity on bonding social capital. The Islam religion has a broad and in-depth
impact on Uyghur culture in daily life (Ding, 1991). Although students sometimes could
not figure out the exact meanings and reasons for the norms containing religion
significance, they still behave the ways that their parents do in hometown Xinjiang. The
cases of concerning the source of food, excluding Hui cook and Han students in Ethnic
Canteen, male students’ greeting rituals of shaking hands, and female students’
scarf-wearing, all manifest that Islam religion enhances the bonding force among Uyghur
students.
In the meantime, the external force for forming bonding social capital stems from the
boarding school context. Coleman (1988) contends that closure of the social structure is
important for the existence of effective norms, as it enhances the possibility of access to
resources among members in networks. Similarly, Portes (1998) argues that sufficient ties
can guarantee the observance of norms between members. The management of the inland
boarding school builds up a micro context that is favorable for bonding social capital
formation. The school segregates Xinjiang Classes from the mainstream Han student
classes. Therefore Uyghur students live in the self-sustainable environment of “the little
Xinjiang”. Moreover, under the rubric of protecting Uyghur students’ safety, the school
adopts the strict and closed rules, which constrain Uyghur students from interacting with
local Han students. As a result, Uyghur students have to mainly rely on their ethnic peers
for gaining resources for the living adaptation and academic success in the boarding
school. In general, the school management style increases the closure of the Uyghur
community, and further enhances the observance of the norms among Uyghur students’
closed and tight peer networks.
Finally, there are implications on the school official culture of non-religion education
and ethnic integration. Islam religion certainly is a sensitive topic for both the school and
the students. Because Chinese national education system strictly abides by the
non-religion principle, the school authorities and teachers pay close attention to the
Uyghur student norms on campus. Among them, the norm over language is more
connected with Uyghur ethnicity and is implicit in Islamic religious influence.
Meanwhile, the norms of greeting ritual, food, dressing and make-up appear much more
sensitive, because these norms are regarded as explicitly containing Islamic religious
connotations. Nonetheless, in order to avoid ethnic conflict problems, the school
reactions keep a balance between close watch and a compromise. Except for wearing
scarf, the school did not interfere with Uyghur students on practicing other ethnic norms.
At the same time, the Uyghur students also avoided expressing the religious meanings in
their norms practice.
As said earlier, the policy of Xinjiang Classes in the inland boarding school aims for
ethnic integration. The prevalence of Uyghur students’ bonding social capital shows a
contradiction with the goal of ethnic integration. The effects of bonding social capital
feature a “double-edged sword”. “The ties that bind may also turn into that blind”
15
(Powell and Smith-Doerr, 1994, p. 393). While it bonds Uyghur students as a tight group
to facilitate their schooling, it also limits the interactions between the Uyghur community
and local Han students, as Han students do not share the similar norms with Uyghur
students. In this regard, the paper suggests that Uyghur students need not only the
bonding social capital that bond themselves, but also other form of social capital that can
bridge Uyghur community and local Han students in order to enhance ethnic integration
in the inland boarding school.
Acknowledgement
This paper acknowledges the support of Office of Research, Faculty of Education, The
University of Hong Kong, and all the administrators, teachers and students during the
field study.
Notes
1
Up to 2000, Tibetans schools had enrolled 22700 students, and graduated more than 8200 from inland
schools who work intensively in Tibet nowadays. Many hold important positions in various walks.
Ministry of Education, China, http://www.edu.cn/20010823/207543.shtml
2
Originally, 1000 Xinjiang students were enrolled yearly. In September 2002, the enrollment had been
expanded to 1540 yearly. http://www.moe.edu.cn/minority/minzuban/05.htm. Moreover, the yearly
enrollment was increasing continually again from 2005, which will reach 5000 students in 2007.
There were 16 extra inland host cities. http://www.moe.edu.cn/edoas/website18/info12128.htm.
3
Uyghur population constitutes about 75.3 percent in the whole ethnic minority population in Xinjiang.
Government of Xinjiang, China. http://www.xj.gov.cn/xjgk.
4
http://www.moe.edu.cn/minority/minzuban/04.htm.
5
Fandui fenlie zhuyi, shuli zhengque guannian: zhenxing zhonghua, nuli xuexi (Oppose Separatism,
Build up Right Views: Rejuvenate China, Study Hard). Booklet for Xinjiang Classes students from
XUAR Educational Department, 2003.
6
Opinions on implementation of the policy of West Development, State Council of China.
http://news.xinhuanet.com/news/2001-12/20/content_172477.htm.
7
http://www.edu.cn/20010823/207543.shtml
8
http://www.moe.edu.cn/minority/minzuban/03.htm
9
Foreword, The Constitution of the People’s Republic of China. Ministry of Justice,
16
http://202.99.23.199/home/begin.cbs.
10
Article 4, The Constitution of The People’s Republic of China, 1982. Ministry of Justice of China,
http://202.99.23.199/home/begin.cbs
11
http://www.moe.edu.cn/minority/minzuban/04.htm.
12
http://www.moe.edu.cn/minzu/xjgaozhong/04.htm
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Table I. Xinjiang Classes students gender & ethnic compositions in X School
Items
Time
Enrol
ment
Gender
Ethnic Profile
Male Female Uyghur Kazak Kirgiz Hui Tajik Tatar Han
20
2000
80
39
41
62
18
2001
80
33
47
72
7
2002
125
43
82
106
11
4
2
Total number
285
115
170
240
36
4
2
Percentage (%) 100
40.4
59.6
84.2
1
1
15.8
(Source: Office of Xinjiang Classes Administration in X School, 2003.)
21
1
1
1
1