Progress in Human Geography27,4 (2003) PP. 475—485
Progress reports
Region and place: regional identity
in question
Anssi Paasi
Department ot Geography, Box 3000, 90014, University ot Oulu, Fin land
I Introduction
Identity, a term that was not yet included in Williams‘ important Keywords: a vocabulary of
culture and society (1976), has become a major watchword since the 1980s. Traditional
territorialized battles over democracy, political status/citizenship and wealth have been
complicated by the struggle over ‘race‘, ethnicity, multiculturalism, gender, sexuality,
recognition and a new symbolic economy characterized by the production/marketing of
images (Isin and Wood, 1999; du Gay et al., 2000; Lash and Featherstone, 2002). The identity
discourse has emerged concomitantly with such arguments that the world, particularly the
western world, is moving towards a ‘forced‘ individualization: people‘s lives are increasingly
being left as their own responsibility. so that people shape their lives and environments
through personal identities rather than through categorizations such as nationality, class,
occupation or home region (Beck and Beck-Gernsheim, 2001). Contrary to previous
arguments, however, people‘s awareness of being part of the global space of flows seems to
have generated a search for new points of orientation, efforts to strengthen old boundaries and
to create new ones, often based on identities of resistance (Castells, 1997; Meyer and
Geschiere, 1999; Kellner, 2002). It is argued that collective action cannot occur without a
distinction between ‘us‘ and the ‘other‘ (Della Porta and Diani, 1999) but identity movements
do not always base their activities on difference as it may be strategically beneficial to stress
similarities (Bernstein, 1997).
This report will review one specific part of the complicated identity discourse, the question of
regional identity. Along with the tendencies depicted above, this old idea has gained new
importance not only in geography but also in such fields as culturalIeconomic history,
literature, anthropology, political science, sociology, psychology and musicology. I will first
reflect the premises that geographers and others have associated with this mushrooming but
rarely analytically discussed category, then map the conceptual gaps, and, finally, suggest
some possible avenues for further research.
ArnoId 2003 10.1191!0309132503ph439pr
476 Region and place
II Geography and the question of identity
The idea of regional identity has been implicit in geography for a long time, since traditional
approaches to regions and regionalism often celebrated the primordial nature of regions,
accentuating their ‘personality‘ and the harmony/unity between a region and its inhabitants.
Regional narratives were typically accompanied by idyils and conservatism (Gilbert and Litt,
1960; Winks, 1983; Harvie, 1994). Regionai geographers were deeply involved in powerknowledge relations when creating bounded ‘orders‘ on the earth, fixed in apparently neutral
maps and teXts that identified separate regions. While traditional exclusive, homogenizing
regionai geography narratives have lost their validity in academic research (but not in
geographical education), the respective ideological contexts of their production are now being
scrutinized by the historians of geographicai ideas (Entrikin, 1991; 2002; Livingstone, 1992;
Claval, 1998).
Regional and place identity and their meanings for peopie were important for humanistic
geographers, and Relph (1976; see aiso Regional identitet, 1978) still provides one of the best
analytical accounts of place identity, even though current views on region/place regard these
as contested social constructs and processes (Paasi, 2002a). Critical and feminist geographers
have reflected spatiaiity as part of identity formation: the politics of place are seen as crucial
for class, gender, religious and ethnic relations and sexuality (Keith and Pile, 1993; Rose,
1995; Watts, 1996; Pile and Keith, 1997; McDowell, 1999), implying that people may have
many contested identities — not as separate spheres of identity politics but constitutive of
each other. For politicai geographers/IR scholars, identity is one key to understanding (ethno)regionalism, nationalism and citizenship (Herb and Kaplan, 1999; McSweeney, 1999; Albert
et al., 2001; Storey, 2001; Agnew, 2002; Painter, 2002).
Identities and differences are actualized in many ways on several (spatial) scales — not just as
neat divisions — so that one site of the construction of difference can act as the unmarked
background for another (Brah, 1996; Bell, 1999). Harvey (1993) suggests that localized
identities, especially when conflated with race, gender, religious and class differentiation, are
among the most dynamic bases for both progressive political mobilization and reactionary,
exclusionary politics (cf. Pratt, 1999; Hamer, 2001; Mackenzie, 2002; Graham and Shirlow,
2002). Not only are places/place-based identities contested but aiso current views on what
place or identity mean (Casey, 2001; Schatzki, 2001; Entrikin, 2001; Hooper, 2001; Staeheli,
2003).
Identity is a social process. Della Porta and Diani (1999) suggest that the notions that actors
develop of themselves are continuously being confronted with images which other social
actors (institutions, sympathetic/hostile groupings, public opinion and the media) produce of
them. As Hall (1993: 135) states, ‘identity is formed at the unstabie point where the
“unspeakable“ stories of subjectivity meet the narratives of history, of a culture‘. The key
question in understanding regionai identity is not how the individual and the social are
integrated in space, but how can the sociospatial be conceptualized in the ‘production‘ of the
individuai/collective and vice versa (cf. Michael, 1996). This ‘diaiectics‘ introduces action
that stems from two intertwined contexts: ‘from above‘ in the form of territorial
control/governance and ‘from below‘ in the form of territorial identification and resistance.
Anssi Paasi 477
III Re-invention of regional identity
EXpressions of regional identity are currently found au around the world. Whether or not
regional ties motivate people into conflict with their respective state (often intersecting their
affiliation to ‘nations‘), belonging to a region may raise a sense of identity that challenges the
hegemonic identity narratives (cf. Radcliffe and Westwood, 1996:
109). Regional identity has been recognized as a key element in the making of regions as
social/political spaces, but it is difficult to elucidate what this identity consists of and how it
affects collective action/politics (Keating, 1998a; 1998b; 2001). The crucial question is how
political passions are regionalized, and here institutions constitutive of region-building
(economy, governance, language, media, literature) and inherent power relations are
significant.
The burgeoning literature, academic coiiferences and thousands of web pages testify to the
fact that regional identity is on the agenda in many ways. It can be a constitutive element of
localized resistance to globalization (Castells, 1997) but the view of regional identities as
constitutive/productive forces of economic and cultural/political practices and discourses is
becoming increasingly typical all around the world. Politics, economics, culture and power
come together in complicated ways, particularly in regionalist practices/discourses (Giordano,
2000; Tomaney and Ward, 2001; Keating, 2001). Regional identity has become particularly
visible in the rhetoric on the Europe of Regions (Le Galés, 1998; Keating, 2001). Diverging
regional development agencies and chambers of commerce have adopted this idea as a selfevident positive. The ‘Europe of Regions‘ refers to several NUTS levels and to cross-border
regions, to the extent that ‘regional identity‘ seems not to be confined to any specific regional
scale (Paasi, 2002b). ‘Region‘ means many things in this connection, varying from the deeply
historical contexts of ethno-nationalism to the operation of economic institutions and
administration and the regionalization of ad hoc spatial units for the purposes of governance
(Gren, 2002). it is the task of critical research to reveal in each instance whether or not a
narrative of ‘regional identity‘ means a conservative, fetished view of the ‘power of regions‘
as surpassing other forms of power in a regional context.
Narratives of regional identity lean on miscellaneous elements: ideas on nature, landscape, the
built environment, culture/ethnicity, dialects, economic success/ recession, periphery/centre
relations, marginalization, stereotypic images of a people/community, both of ‘us‘ and ‘them‘,
actual/invented histories, utopias and diverging arguments on the identification of people.
These elements are used conteXtually in practices, rituals and discourses to construct
narratives of more or less closed, imagined identities. Scholars have recently referred to
regional identities e.g. in folklore studies (Allen and Schlereth, 1990; Wrobel and Steiner,
2001; Robbins, 2001), in the analysis of political and/or goveriimental rhetoric (Tägil, 1999;
Paasi, 2002b; Gren, 2002; Painter, 2002), and in the memory and place promotion/heritage
business (Crang, 1999; Bialasiewicz, 2002; 2003). While many studies map the internal
processes of regional identity building, some have also analysed the ‘stretching‘ of identities
to several spatial scales in response to the forces of globalization (Nijman, 1999; Sletto, 2002;
Cuayton, 2002; Cartier, 2001). The contexts of narratives of identity thus vary from the
regimes of power and ideologies that come ‘from above‘ to local actions of citizens and forms
of resistance. The role of regional identity has been noted as a precondition for multilevel
citizenship (Painter, 2002; Entrikin, 2002). Regional identity has also been
478 Region and place
seen as an important tool — laden with social and productive magic — in regional
planning and development (Amdam, 2002; Haartsen et al., 2000; Raagmaa, 2002).
IV Regional identity — the identity of a region: conceptual clarification
‘Regional identity‘ is, in a way, an interpretation of the process through which a region
becomes institutionalized, a process consisting of the production of territorial
boundaries, symbolism and institutions. This process concomitantly gives rise to, and
is conditioned by, the discourses/practices/rituals that draw on boundaries, symbols
and institutional practices. While practice and discourse are the media by which the
structural and experiental dimensions of the process are brought together, it is useful to
distinguish analytically between the identity of a region and the regional identity (or
regional consciousness) of the people living in it or outside of it (Paasi, 1991). The
former points to those features of nature, culture and people that are used in the
discourses and classifications of science, politics, cultural activism, regional marketing,
governance and political or religious regionalization to distinguish one region from
others. These classifications are always acts of power performed in order to delimit,
name and symbolize space and groups of people. Regional consciousness points to the
multiscalar identification of people with those institutional practices, discourses and
symbolisms that are eXpressive of the ‘structures of eXpectations‘ that become institutionalized as parts of the process that we call a ‘region‘.
Regional consciousness is an old idea (Morgan, 1939; Dickinson, 1970) that gained
new ground in the 1980s in German geography, drawing on both the rich German social
theory and conventional survey-based approaches (Pohl, 1993). Some German scholars
regarded it as an archaic, irrelevant phenomenon and noted that these studies would
only provide politicians with instruments for the manipulation of the citizenry (see the
review by Jordan, 1996). In fact, the latter comment reveals why it is crucial to study
critically the narratives of regional identity and their presuppositions with regard to
‘regional consciousness‘, especially as this theme is currently gaining importance all
over the world.
The question of regional identification implies two intertwined contexts: culturalhistorical and political-economic. Political ideologies and regionalism/nationalism do
not themselves produce identification, for the latter comes — and here culture and
history enter the stage — only if ‘it interprets and provides an appropriate attitude for
an experienced reality‘ (Bloom, 1990: 52). This eXperience, Bloom notes, may be
politically manipulated but any symbol/ideology without a relevant eXperience is
meaningless and impotent in terms of evoking identification. Social psychologists in
particular have emphasized the motivational dimensions of identity processes (Hogg,
2000). One basis for (regional) identities is that they eXist as forms of social and cultural
practice, discourse and action, not as abstract slogans.
Regional identity as the ‘identity of a region‘ or as a supposed combination of this
identity and ‘regional consciousness‘ has become a very popular, clearly international
topic in cultural, political and economic geography. Scholars have traced culturalhistorical processes in specific regions (Brace, 1999; Crang, 1999; Oakes, 2000; Yorgason,
2002; Alvarez, 2002) and have at times been eXplicitly interested in the globalizing
economy and the regional ‘responses‘ to it (Cartier, 2001; Sletto, 2002). Research has aiso
Anssi Paasi 479
been carried out in urban and rurai conteXts (Haartsen et al., 2000; Van Houtum and
Lagendijk, 2001; van Langevelde and Pellenbarg, 2001). Studies on regional identity have
been rare in the UK (Brace, 1999; MacLeod and Jones, 2001) but, following the devolution of
power to the regionai level, geographers have taken to studying regionalism (Casey, 2002;
Regional Studies, 2002), aithough predominantiy from an economic perspective. Hudson
(2001) nevertheless shows how a territorial basis and spatial identities are cruciai for the
organization of production, work and spatiai divisions of labour: not only are places provided
with identities but they can aiso provide a basis through which peopie form their own
identities (cf. Allen et al., 1998). Recent studies carried out in Scotland (Clayton, 2002) and
Wales (Jones, 2000; 2001; Harvey et al., 2002) have paid more attention to culture and to
mapping combined regional and national identities.
Martin (2000: 79) notes that, whiie institutionalist approaches are important in economic
geography, concepts such as institution, institutional thickness, social embeddedness or
governance are still ‘under construction‘ (cf. Mackinnon et al., 2002). Regional identity is
doubtless part of this conceptual apparatus. All these categories are constitutive/eXpressive of
what Bourdieu (1998) labeis as the economy of symbolic exchange, which implies a specific
deference, a relation that converts power relations into moral ones as it is through this
transformation that power relations become reproduced as systems of trust. Regional identity
may also be used in the rhetoric/activities of the business coalitions that constitute new
governance frameworks crossing politicai jurisdictions, even national borders (Kanter, 2000).
Representations of regional identity may also be used as symbolic/material commodities for
the purposes of regional marketing (Crang, 1999; Bialasiewicz, 2002).
V Who needs regional identity? Methodological problems
Collective identity is not out there, waiting to be discovered. What is dout there‘ is identity
discourse on the part of political leaders, intellectuals and countless others, who engage In the
process of constructing, negotiating, manipulating or affirming a response to the demand — at
times urgent, mostly absent — for a collective image. (McSweeney, 1999: 77—78)
At a personal level regional identity/consciousness provides an answer to the question ‘where
do I belong?‘. This answer is based on a personal/family spatial history, which is rarely bound
to one specific region (Paasi, 2002b). The answer to the question of where ‘we‘ belong raises
the problem depicted by McSweeney: classification and power. As Bourdieu (1991: 221) has
suggested: ‘Struggles over ethnic or regional identity. . . are a particular case of different
struggles over ciassifications, struggles over the monopoly of the power to make people see
and believe, to get them to know and recognize, to impose the legitimate definition of the
divisions of the social world . . . to make and unmake groups.‘
It is no surprise if politicians, entrepreneurs or journalists using regional identity for their own
purposes do not provide any systematic analysis of the political-ideologicai or other meanings
of the idea. Some geographers have conceptualized the dimensions of regional identity
(Weichhart, 1990; Dirven et al., 1993; Werlen, 1993; Wollersheim et al., 1998; Le Bosse,
1999; Paasi, 2002b), but, to sum up much of recent work, region, regional identity and the
links between the two are rareiy problematized in research.
480 Region and place
One major difficulty is that writing and talking about regional identity creates concomitantiy a
content and an agenda for understanding it: narratives on regional/‘our‘ identity become
constituents of the interpretations of what identity is and what it means. Bourdieu (1999: 31)
aptly notes how ‘words produce things, create fancies, fears, phobias or simply wrong
images‘, and ‘naming is showing, creating, bringing into existence‘. This emerges from the
fact that human knowledge is based on classification, and identification is basic to
classification (Jenkins, 2000). Claims that one has defined an identity are aiso ciaims that one
has suggested a classification, established a set of values and even made a moral judgment
(Bourdieu, 1991). No wonder that language and dialects are often key discursive ‘battiefields‘
in national and regional identity narratives and identities of resistance (Knox, 2001; Harvey et
al., 2002). This means that, as forms of classification, interpretations of ‘regions‘ and regional
identities are deeply political categories.
Another problem is the often implicit supposition that regional identity is ultimately an
empirically existing phenomenon in a given region that can be adequately analysed by using a
specific body of research material, possibly survey data on identification (as Euro-barometers
do — but not on a regional or local scale; cf. Painter, 2002) or material such as regional
novels, paintings, poems, folklore, media texts, films, advertisements or various elements of
material or symbolic landscapes that ‘represent‘ a region — either separately or together. The
result is often a narrow empirical analysis that becomes equivalent to regional identity itself,
and may even essentialize it.
One more problem is that regional identity, when understood as idenhfication, often implies
the assumption of homology between a portion of space, a group of people and a ‘culture‘ to
form a homogeneous conintunity covering a particular bounded territory. This harks back to
the tendency to associate geographical concepts with a primordial ethnos rather than a more
cosmopolitan demos (Entrikin, 2002). The notion of demos claims to reflect the ‘regional‘ in
a broader constellation of identifications and raises the question of boundaries, since identity
is often associated with boundaries and narratives that imply an opposition to the Other.
Claims to ‘anti-essentialize‘ the assumption regarding bounded identity spaces have been put
forward (Pratt, 1999; Rose, 1995; Massey, 1995; Entrikin, 2002), since identities are often
imagined in terms of boundedness and containment (Morley and Robbins, 1995), and this is a
questionable matter in the mobile world (Paasi, 2002a).
The idea of ‘borderlands‘ has emerged in debates on identities that do not fit neatly into the
master narratives Of ethnicity, ‘race‘ or nation (Isin and Wood, 1999), particularly in the case
of the US-Mexican border (Andreas, 2000; Herzog, 2000; Vila, 2000), but aiso in relation to
European borderlands (Dürrschmidt, 2002; Kaplan and Häkli, 2002; Space and Polity, 2002).
Current cross-border regions are often units that have emerged rapidly from the desks of
planners, politicians and business coalitions (Kanter, 2000; Gren, 2002), not from long
historical regionalization processes and the daily struggles of citizens. A fitting illustration is
Midt-Norden, a ‘region‘ extending from Norway to Sweden and Finland, fairly unknown to
ordinary people, and which does not have any real political, cultural or economic meaning. A
more realistic case is Oresund, a cross- border area based on the ‘open space‘ that emerged
along with the new bridge between Sweden and Denmark. Both ‘regions‘ have raised the
question of the future and rescaling of regional identities (Lysgrd, 2001; Bucken-Knapp,
2002; Berg et al., 2002; Ek, 2003).
Anssi Paasi 481
In summary, instead of assigning automatically an eXplanatory role to this very popular
category, regional identity itself has to be ‘eXplained‘. Thus it is important to ask not what
regional identities are but what people mean when they talk or write about regional identities
(cf. Billig, 1995). Our understanding of what this identity mearis in each case should be a
result of conceptualization and an actual research process, rather than a point of departure for
research.
Meyer and Geschiere (1999) describe how the tension between globalization and identity
forces social scientists to reflect critically upon how they construe their object of investigation
and to search for appropriate fields of investigation that take into account people‘s
entanglement in wider processes. Regional identity is one such object. Contrary to approaches
that construct boundaries and distinguish ‘regions‘ from each other, it is challenging to make
sense of regional identity discourses in the globalizing world and to analyse how narratives of
identities are constructed as part of the making of regions, how they become part of a
sociocultural practice/discourse and are used to maintain divisions and exclusions. This forces
us to reflect on the questions of who places contested identity narratives and practices on the
agenda as part of the production and reproduction of ‘regions‘, why and how they come there
and what they mean in terms of power-knowledge relations and the politics of
categorization/representation. Regions are historically contingent processes, related in
different ways to political, governmental, economic and cultural practices and discourses.
These processes are in a sense unique and this must also be the case with the always contested
narratives concerned with regional identities. Whatever their motives and morals may be,
social actors are in different positions when producing and reproducing spatial reprešentations
and boundaries/social distinctions between ‘us‘ and ‘the Other‘ — for narratives on regional
identities are inevitably eXpressions of ‘power geometries‘ (Massey, 1993). It is increasingly
becoming the case that the production and reproduction of these geometries does not take
place in people‘s native localities and regions but in other regions, in other national contexts.
Acknowledgements
Thanks are due to Jacobo García Álvarez, Lujza Bialasiewicz, Paul Claval, Martin Jones, Joe
Painter, Benno Werlen and Peter Weichhart for informing me about the role of regional
identity as a research topic in their respective research contexts.
VI Epilogue
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