Story#0 of 189
Title: "Chamber Of Life" A Boon For Severely Ill Patients
Author: Bindu Shajan Perappadan
Source: Hindu
Date: May 08, 2006
URL: http://www.hindu.com/2006/05/08/stories/2006050814980400.htm
Called the "chamber of life", the advanced Hyperbaric Oxygen Therapy Machine is no
ordinary device. And the machine's impressive track record speaks for itself.
Used for administering 100 per cent pure oxygen to patients in a chamber at a pressure
greater than the atmosphere absolute, the machine is used for "treating" and giving to
severely ill patients the "extra-edge" to fight and overcome their disease.
The advanced Hyperbaric Oxygen Therapy Machine is now available in the Central
Government-run Dr. Ram Manohar Lohia Hospital -- the only Government hospital in
the Capital to have the facility -- making this otherwise expensive and exclusive
treatment accessible to even the poorest of the poor.
Benefit
Speaking about why the hospital is so proud of its newly acquired Rs. 1.2-crore machine,
RML Medical Superintendent Dr. N. K. Chaturvedi said: "We have had several seriously
ill patients benefit from this therapy. A classical case that we had a few weeks ago was
that of a senior Central Government official, who having wrapped up his day at office
was headed home when he experienced a sudden loss of hearing. Puzzled and worried, he
rushed to RML Hospital, where he was recommended the Hyperbaric Oxygen Therapy.
His hearing was restored in just one sitting. Now the benefit of this advanced technology
is made available in the Government sector. In fact, victims from the Capital's Sarojini
Nagar bomb blast case were treated and saved using this therapy.''
Injury cases
The therapy according to physicians at the hospital has proved extremely beneficial in
brain injury cases, gangrene, soft tissue infections, problem wounds, burns, carbon
monoxide poisoning and smoke inhalation, excessive blood loss and sudden deafness.
"The advanced Hyperbaric Oxygen Therapy provides immediate support to areas with
compromised blood flow. It causes immune stimulation by restoring white blood cell
function, reduced tissue swelling and increases antimicrobial activity by causing toxic
inhibition. There are also cases where we have seen beneficial effects in the preservation
of tissues that may otherwise be lost,'' explained Dr. Mridula Pawar, Head of Department
of Anaesthesiology and Intensive Care at Lohia Hospital.
The add-on features of the new machine at the hospital includes -- allowing the doctors to
alter and maintain the atmosphere within the chamber according to the changing needs of
the patient. The treating physician can also constantly monitor the condition of the patient
while administering drugs to the patient in the chamber. The machine also allows twoway communication.
"The therapy, however, can't be used in certain special medical conditions. Known side
effects that are, however, minimal include discomfort due to pressure changes also
claustrophobia caused due to a single chamber. Adverse side effects reported include
reversible myopia, cataract formation and reduced pulmonary functions, if protocol for
the treatment is not followed,'' added Dr. Pawar.
****End of Story# 0 of 189
****Story#1 of 189
Title: 10 Per Cent Seats Not Feasible This Year, Pleads Centre
Author: Correspondent or Reporter
Source: Hindu
Date: May 03, 2006
URL: http://www.hindu.com/2006/05/03/stories/2006050300860300.htm
The Centre on Monday pleaded before the Supreme Court not to make absolute its
interim order directing 10 per cent reservation of seats for scheduled caste/scheduled tribe
candidates in postgraduate medical admissions for the academic year 2006-2007.
Additional Solicitor-General Gopal Subramaniam told a three-judge Bench of Justice
K.G. Balakrishnan, Justice A.R. Lakshmanan and Justice D.K. Jain that enforcing the 10
per cent order for this year would create practical difficulties. This year it should be free
of reservation for SC/STs under the 50 per cent all-India quota, he said.
The Bench had passed the interim order last week on a writ petition filed by a batch of 14
doctors challenging the method of calculation of reserved seats in courses for which
counselling is now taking place.
When the matter was taken up again on Monday, Mr. Subramaniam said that as per the
earlier apex court judgment the 50 per cent all-India quota was exclusive of reservation.
Reservation was contemplated only under the 50 per cent State quota. As a result there
was no mention in the prospectus about reservation in the 50 per cent all-India quota. He
said that was why many SC/ST students had not taken the test for the all-India quota.
He said that the interim order to provide 10 per cent seats for SC/STs would open the
floodgates for filing applications from other students who would question why the
reservation not contemplated in the prospectus was being implemented all of a sudden.
He said it would not be proper to implement what was not stipulated or contemplated in
the prospectus.
At the same time, he said the Centre was conscious of the Constitutional entitlement of
SCs/STs and the Government was in the process of consulting the States and would come
out with a national policy on reservation in three months. Till then the interim order
should be kept in abeyance, he said.
The petitioners contended that as per the apex court judgment 50 per cent of the
postgraduate medical seats were reserved for the all-India quota and 50 per cent for the
State quota.
The 50 per cent all-India quota would be calculated after deducting the number of seats
for the reserved categories.
Considering the plight of such students, the Bench, while posting the matter for further
hearing on May 5, asked Mr. Subramaniam to explore whether the 10 per cent order
could be given effect to for this year itself. He assured the court that he would discuss it
with the Government. Since the first counselling was to end on May 4, he said he would
ask the Government to keep the 10 per cent seats vacant.
****End of Story# 1 of 189
****Story#2 of 189
Title: 50% Cut-Off For Iim Admission Test
Author: Correspondent or Reporter
Source: Telegraph
Date: April 21, 2006
URL: http://www.telegraphindia.com/1060421/asp/nation/story_6126343.asp
A score of 50 per cent in the bachelor’s degree will now be a must for IIM aspirants, with
the institutes deciding to bring back the cut-off that was lifted in the mid-nineties.
“The idea is to discourage non-serious aspirants. Those getting less than 50 per cent
marks in bachelor’s actually do not get admission anywhere,” said Bakul Dholakia,
director of the Indian Institute of Management, Ahmedabad, defending the move that
might leave many unhappy, especially those advocating reservation.
Human resource development minister Arjun Singh is yet to respond to the decision,
taken collectively by all six IIMs.
At present, all graduates are eligible to take the common admission test (CAT) for
entrance into the IIMs. When the institutes invite applications in June for this year’s
CAT, to be held on November 19, the cut-off will be mentioned.
Dholakia insisted the decision “has nothing to do with the quota controversy”.
The B-schools have been unhappy about a proposal to bring in 27 per cent reservation for
Other Backward Classes in all central government educational institutions, and the cut-
off is being seen by some as a ploy to skirt the quota. A 22 per cent quota already exists
for Scheduled Caste/ Scheduled Tribe students. Arjun has said a decision on reservation
will be taken after the ongoing Assembly elections in five states.
“We have only re-introduced the old eligibility criterion for IIM aspirants that existed,”
Dholakia stressed, but declined to say why it was lifted in the first place.
The decision was taken at a meeting of IIM directors in Ahmedabad on April 10, but the
suggestion had come up during an earlier meeting in October, Dholakia said. It required
the approval of the faculty, and when the directors met this month, the teaching staff of
five IIMs had given their nod.
The IIM Bangalore faculty was the last to approve, “which is why we could not announce
it the day we took the decision”, Dholakia explained.
“It was a joint decision taken by the IIMs in view of the difficulty in handling the
increasing number of applicants,” said Prakash Apte, IIMB director. Last year, 1.6 lakh
aspirants took CAT.
Apte, however, clarified that no decision was taken on the cut-off for Scheduled Caste/
Scheduled Tribe students which had earlier stood at 40 per cent. “That decision has been
deferred for the time being,” he said.
An IIM Calcutta official said: “The 50 per cent cut-off will not apply to them; it will
probably be between 5 and 10 per cent less.”
Professors say that the probability of someone who has scored less than 50 per cent in
their graduation exams doing well enough in CAT to get a call from the IIMs is low.
****End of Story# 2 of 189
****Story#3 of 189
Title: 6 Cong Mlas For 70 Pc Job Reservation For Punjabis
Author: Sarbjit Dhaliwal
Source: Tribune
Date: April 22, 2006
URL: http://www.tribuneindia.com/2006/20060422/punjab1.htm#1
Six MLAs of the ruling Congress today urged the Punjab Government to reserve 70 per
cent jobs for people of the state in the mega projects cleared by the government.
Backing the stand taken on this issue by the president of the Punjab Pradesh Congress
Committee, Mr Shamsher Singh Dullo, the Congress MLAs said that the people who had
been displaced from the land where the mega projects would come up deserved to be
given employment.
The MLAs are Mr Tarlochan Singh Soond, Mr Gurbinder Singh Atwal, Mr Malkit Singh
Dakha, Mr Tej Parkash Singh, Mr Raj Khurana and Mr Ramesh Dutt Sharma.
In the statement signed by Mr Tarlochan Singh, the MLAs said land was being provided
for the mega projects at nominal rates and other concessions were also being given in this
regard.
Mr Tarlochan Singh, under whose name the statement was issued, said that it had been
issued with the consent of the MLAs whose names figured in it.
He said that besides him, the other five MLAs were present at the Punjab Congress
Bhavan here when the statement was issued. It has been issued on the letterhead of the
Punjab Pradesh Congress Committee.
All six MLAs belonged to the erstwhile Beant Singh group. They are now considered
close to Mr Dullo. Recently, Mr Dullo had made his views known on the issue of the
mega projects. He had stated that the projects would not benefit the poor or create jobs
for Punjabis.
The Chief Minister, Capt Amarinder Singh, is opposed to such reservation. This issue had
earlier come up in the Punjab Assembly.
Replying to a question in the House, Capt Amarinder Singh had stated that the entire
country was one unit and it would not be wise to reserve jobs exclusively for Punjabis in
the state. He had given instances of how Punjabi youth were preferred at call centres in
Chennai and other cities in the South. On certain other occasions, he had also opposed
such reservation for locals.
The Congress MLAs said that it had been seen in the past that the owners of big projects
in Punjab had been giving employment to outsiders in the name of cheap labour and
skilled workers. The MLAs requested the state government to lay a precondition and
frame bylaws with regard to the projects to ensure 70 per cent employment to local
people in the skilled and non-skilled categories.
The outsourcing of employment should be restricted to only those slots for which local
people were not available.
As unemployment is emerging as a big issue in the state, the statement given by the
MLAs has political significance.
There are states such as Himachal Pradesh where it is mandatory for industrialists to give
a certain percentage of jobs to people of that state.
However, big industrialists are opposing any sort of reservation in jobs in their
companies. They have been saying that merit should be the sole criterion for
employment.
****End of Story# 3 of 189
****Story#4 of 189
Title: A Belated But Welcome Move
Author: K. Veeramani
Source: Hindu
Date: May 03, 2006
URL: http://www.hindu.com/2006/05/03/stories/2006050308681100.htm
UNION HUMAN Resource Development Minister Arjun Singh's circular to the Cabinet
Secretariat regarding reservation in Central educational institutions has not brought
anything new to the domain of public knowledge. It is a follow-up measure to the 93rd
Constitutional Amendment that has added clause 5 to Article 15. Accordingly, the state
can make any special provision by law for the advancement of any socially and
educationally backward class or for the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes "insofar
as such special provisions relate to their admission to educational institutions including
private institutions whether aided or unaided — other than minority institutions." Article
15(5) of the Constitution came into force on January 20 this year when it received
Presidential assent.
In its communication to the Cabinet Secretary on April 8, the Election Commission said
Mr. Singh's announcement prima facie amounted to a breach of the model code as it gave
new concessions to certain sections of the electorate in Assam, Tamil Nadu, Kerala, West
Bengal, and the Union Territory of Pondicherry. In his reply, Mr. Singh told the
Commission that he had refrained from making a comment to the media on the
reservation issue precisely on the ground that the election process was under way in some
States. After a National Council of Education Research and Training (NCERT) function
on April 5, he made a reference to the Constitution Amendment and said that necessary
follow-up action was under way and a decision would follow after the Assembly
elections.
The Centre's move to provide reservation for the Other Backward Classes in Central
institutions, including the Indian Institutes of Technology and the Indian Institutes of
Management, is a belated but commendable one. Among the various measures
recommended by the All India Second Backward Classes Commission headed by
Bindeshwari Prasad Mandal, the V.P. Singh Government sought to implement only 27
per cent reservation in jobs in 1990. It did not attempt to carry out other
recommendations, including reservation for OBCs in Central educational institutions.
Reservation in jobs under Article 16(4) will be meaningful and effective only when
opportunities to get educated are given to the socially disadvantaged people. It is in view
of this fact that the First Constitutional Amendment was made in 1951, after Periyar E.V.
Ramasamy launched an agitation against the higher judiciary's ruling that the then
composite Madras Government's Order on Communal Representation was
unconstitutional. This Amendment has safeguarded the job and education reservation in
the State.
Just demands
This should have prompted the Union Government also to meet the demands of social
justice to uplift the underprivileged sections of people. It is regrettable that the labours of
the First All India Backward Classes Commission (1953-55) under the chairmanship of
Kaka Kalelkar, proved to be a futile exercise. Even nearly 60 years after India attained
Independence, the Central Government is reluctant to take effective measures to promote
the legitimate demands of the OBCs. The demand for reservation for the historically
disadvantaged is constitutional, not unconstitutional or extra-constitutional.
When they promote social justice in countries such as the United States under the name
of affirmative action or positive discrimination, the upper caste authorities in India put
obstacles to similar measures.
Lessons from history
The oft-repeated argument that merit and efficiency will suffer under the quota system
does not stand the scrutiny of past history and current experience. In Tamil Nadu, the
practice of providing communal representation has been in existence for quite a long
time, from the 1920s when it was a part of the composite Madras Province. And yet
Tamil Nadu is among the best-administered States in the country and its academic
standards remain very high. Due to reservation enjoyed for a long period, the socially and
educationally backward classes have so improved their cultural and intellectual
atmosphere that they score high marks in public examinations and common entrance
tests. What is demanded is not dispensing with competitiveness with regard to less
privileged classes, but avoiding competition among unequals.
Let there be competition among equals. It is neither just nor fair to ask the sons and
daughters of those who have been traditionally doing only manual jobs to compete with
those who have a centuries-old background of academic and literary skills.
Central Government educational institutions have already adopted the quota system in the
form of reserving a certain percentage of seats for the Scheduled Castes, the Scheduled
Tribes, managements quotas, NRIs, the physically handicapped, etc. Again, in this
background, allotting 27 per cent of seats to the OBCs, who are socially handicapped and
who constitute about 54 per cent of our country's population, should be treated as one
among the foremost duties of our Government.
When the disadvantaged communities are sure of getting a certain number of seats, the
boys and girls among them gain confidence and begin to cultivate the competitive spirit.
They get the opportunity of sharing the experience of excellence and grow up optimistic.
People of a country become strong and progressive when they have social cohesiveness,
which depends on providing equal opportunities for different communities and classes.
This becomes possible only when the systems and institutions are made inclusive of
various sections and not kept exclusive preserves of the privileged.
What is guaranteed by the Constitution should have been implemented from 1951. But
reservation in Central educational institutions was not provided even in 1992 when the
Union Government provided for job reservation after the Supreme Court judgment in the
Mandal Commission Cases (Indra Sawhney versus Union of India). Now the United
Progressive Alliance Government has come forward to translate the constitutional
promise into a reality. Though belated, it is a welcome proposal.
****End of Story# 4 of 189
****Story#5 of 189
Title: A Creator Of Ragas
Author: Mala Kumar
Source: Deccan Herald
Date: May 07, 2006
URL: http://www.deccanherald.com/deccanherald/may72006/finearts10289200655.asp
As the strings of the Navachitravina came alive, the air was filled with music that can
only be called a classical trance. The audience comprised of listeners who were either
wide-eyed with wonder, or had their eyes closed lost in the pure, almost spiritual energy
of the music. When Chitravina maestro N Ravikiran played the morning raga Bhupalam
at ‘Yamini’, the dusk-to-dawn music and dance event, the audience sat spellbound.
Organised by the Bangalore Chapter of SPICMACAY (Society for Promotion of Indian
Classical Music and Culture Amongst Youth) and IIM-B, the event showcased
Ravikiran’s genius, made more interesting with his youthful zest and on-stage banter.
“I’ve played every kind of music, listened to great music in all parts of the world, but
now I realise that Carnatic music is the most complete form of classical music,” said
Ravikiran in a pre-dawn interview. “It is intellectually stimulating, logically explainable,
and spiritually satisfying.”
Ravikiran first performed on stage at the Malleswaram Sangeetha Sabha in 1969 as a
two-year old. The Astrological Magazine of India claimed that Ravikiran was the re-
incarnation of his legendary grandfather, Gotuvadyam Narayana Iyengar. Does he believe
in that, I asked him. The child prodigy-turned-virtuoso laughed, and said modestly, “I’m
no authority to talk about supernatural things, but as I see it my walking God is my father
Chitravina Narasimhan. He fed me with knowledge. When I was five years old, he had
already taught me to sing 325 ragas! And since I loved music from the beginning, putting
in 15 hours of music each day never seemed like an ordeal.”
The father’s creative approach to teaching brought out the best in Ravikiran. Not only did
Ravikiran start giving vocal recitals, but anticipating a voice-break, he also started
playing the Chitravina or Gotuvadyam, the 21-string fretless instrument. His discipline
coupled with the pure joy of music allowed him to create compositions too. At age two,
he created a raga and named it ‘Choodamani’ after his mother. Among the several ragas
that he has created are ‘Andhakarini,’ ‘Keshavapriya,’ ‘Mohini,’ ‘Snehapriya’ and
‘Shivamanohari.’ He is also the first composer to have created pieces in each of the 35
talas of Carnatic music.
“A lot of talent goes wasted. You see, the more talented one is the more harder one has to
work... when the mind works very fast, the body must keep pace,” explained the musician
who has never stopped working.
Ravikiran created the Navachitravina, a more mobile, versatile version of the ancient
chitravina. He also created a concept called Melharmony. It integrates Indian melodic
system with Western harmonic system. “At the Society for Music Theory Conference
held in Boston last year, Prof. Robert Morris presented a paper titled ‘Ravikiran’s
concept of Melharmony: an inquiry into harmony in South Indian music’. I feel honoured
because this was the first time that an Indian concept was featured at this conference,”
informed the lute-king.
At present, Ravikiran is preparing for the first of its kind Super Jugalbandi tour of North
America. “Unlike most jugalbandis, the Panchakriya Project will have a third melody
component in the form of violin by my student Akkarai Subbalakshmi. Pandit Tarun
Bhattacharya will play the santoor and rhythm wizards Subrata Bhattacharya and
Subhash Chandran will make up the fourth and fifth elements of this project,” explained
the much-travelled musician.
Globetrotter
The busy artiste shuttles between continents, participating in the Thyagaraja Aradhane at
Tiruvaiyaru, presenting shows worldwide through his innovative Vintage Virtosos
ensemble and working at the organisation he has founded, International Foundation for
Carnatic Music. Through IFCM, Ravikiran and his wife vocalist Lata Ganapathy have
filed a petition asking for the preservation of the memorial (samaadhi) of Muthuswami
Dikshitar situated at Ettayapuram as a heritage site. The Foundation also popularises the
works of composers like Oothukadu Venkata Kavi. He has also authored two books
including ‘Appreciating Carnatic Music’. Much of Ravikiran’s time is taken up by tele-
teaching, a concept that benefits students all over the world. “I have this passion to teach,
and there are so many talented Indian students abroad who want to learn,” said the
‘reasonably techno-savvy’ musician.
****End of Story# 5 of 189
****Story#6 of 189
Title: A Question Of Merit
Author: Lalit Mohan
Source: Times of India
Date: April 28, 2006
URL: http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/articleshow/1507846.cms
Students protesting quotas are late by a few thousand years. Caste based reservations
have been the basis of our social order for most of our recorded history. The concern for
merit is legitimate.
However, it must be understood that when seats in institutes of higher learning are
reserved for certain sections today, they will be filled not by a draw of lots, nor through
nominations by influential political leaders, but by the same process of tests as is used for
the general category.
Except that in this case the eligibility will be restricted to SCs, STs and OBCs who
comprise about 70 per cent of our population.
Which means that around 49 per cent quota seats in higher education institutions are
going to be filled by competition among a section of our society, which numbers over
700 million.
Even if one per cent of this group reaches the qualification age every year, over seven
million young people will be eligible to jostle for a few thousand reserved seats in these
institutes. Is it possible that even among seven million people we cannot find a few
thousand people of merit?
If this is so then obviously something is drastically wrong with our social order and it
reinforces the general policy of reservations. It means that the handicap that these
sections started with when India became free persist to this day.
One reason for that is that the levers of power and influence remain in the hands of the
so-called upper castes and they are loath to let those at the lower rungs come up and
compete.
The concern for merit thus becomes the most powerful argument for continuation of
reservations, or their further extension.
Even after candidates have secured admissions in the reserved quota, they will have to
undergo the same rigorous training and pass the same tests as others, before they qualify
for their degree. One question, however, would still need to be asked.
Have we identified the backward classes correctly? The data that the Mandal
Commission used pertained to the 1931 census. No caste enumeration has taken place
subsequently.
Even the Mandal survey is almost 30 years old. Much has changed since then. Should we
not at least ascertain which are the genuinely backward classes, and what are their
numbers, before the latest tranche of reservations comes into effect?
****End of Story# 6 of 189
****Story#7 of 189
Title: A Timely Reminder
Author: Editorial, The Nation
Source: The Nation
Date: May 03, 2006
URL: http://nation.com.pk/daily/may-2006/3/editorials1.php
MR Shaukat Aziz has rightly asserted that free trade with India is not possible without
resolving the political disputes. Talking to delegates of the South Asia Free Media
Association in Islamabad on Monday, he called upon the leaders of the SAARC member
states to work together to ensure a better future to one fifth of the world's population. The
audience was reminded that it was General Musharraf's initiative that led to the
withdrawal of a million Indian troops deployed on the Pakistan-India border and
subsequently both countries' engagement in the peace process. Mr Aziz reiterated
Pakistan's stated position that talks for resolving the Kashmir issue should move in
tandem with the ongoing process of normalisation in other spheres. Expressing his
reservations about the slow pace of the composite dialogue, he once again highlighted the
need for immediately resolving the core dispute with the involvement of all the three
stakeholders, the Governments of Pakistan and India as well as the people of Kashmir.
Mr Aziz made this observation just ahead of a meeting between Dr Manmohan Singh and
a delegation of the All-Parties Hurriyat Conference in Delhi scheduled for Wednesday.
During their last meeting in July 2005, Dr Singh had promised to release all political
prisoners and to check human rights abuses by the Indian security forces in the Held
State. It is easy to judge how well he kept the promise, or whether he ordered his troops
to continue attacking the freedom fighters, in the wake of the massacre of 34 Hindus in
and around the Valley over the weekend. While none of the mujahideen groups claimed
responsibility for these attacks, Indian Army officials blamed Pakistan-based leaders of
the Lashkar-i-Taiba for ordering these killings. Condemning the incident, Dr Singh said
that "Kashmiris have rejected terrorism repeatedly." But instead of viewing it as an
attempt to sabotage the Manmohan-APHC meeting, the Indian leadership needs to realise
that growing violence in Kashmir can only be contained by putting an end to the
atrocities by occupation troops that show no sign of abating. As the international media
keeps reporting incidents of abduction and killing of the freedom fighters, the world
powers, stressing the need to establish peace in this region, must step in to prevent India
from committing human rights violations in Kashmir.
Now that Mr Aziz has made it explicitly clear that trade with India is linked with overall
progress in the conflict resolution, the Indian leadership should try to understand that it
would be difficult for it to draw more concessions from Pakistan without accepting a
timeframe for resolving the Kashmir dispute. Dr Singh and his colleagues will have to
shed their intransigence on this issue if they sincerely want to make the peace process a
success.
****End of Story# 7 of 189
****Story#8 of 189
Title: Abuse Of A Quota
Author: Editorial, Business Line
Source: Business Line
Date: April 29, 2006
URL: http://www.thehindubusinessline.com/2006/04/29/stories/2006042900121000.htm
If retail investors can trade in the secondary market on level terms with institutional
players, why should they not take their chance in a primary offering?
There is no doubt that there exists a prima facie case for Securities and Exchange Board
of India (SEBI) to conclude that certain entities associated with the capital market had
grossly abused the system of companies reserving a portion of shares in an initial public
offer (IPO) for retail investors. The SEBI case quite rightly rests on certain features in the
IPO of select companies that suggests that the system had perhaps been manipulated for
personal gain. For instance, it does seem strange that an individual, with no special
advantage, should have managed to identify so many retail investors allotted shares in an
IPO when such information is the preserve of only those connected with the issue
process. That such an individual should have also persuaded the original allottees to sell
the shares for a modest profit when they could have easily obtained a great deal more by
the simple expedient of waiting a couple of days for the shares to list, appears stranger
still. To top it all is the phenomenon of so many of the original allottees sharing a
common address and, additionally, showing so total a lack of interest in any capital
market investments as to close their accounts with the depository participants once the
initial purpose of allotment under an IPO had been served.
In the event, SEBI cannot be faulted for ordering the participants involved in the
suspected abuse of the IPO process to cease dealings of any kind in securities. But in
doing so, it has perhaps taken on the greatest regulatory challenge in the nearly decadeand-a-half of its existence. It is one thing to take interim measures on the grounds that in
all probability some abuse had been perpetrated but quite another to make the charges
stick. Making out a case against each one of those charged would tax the judicial skills of
its own investigative and appellate mechanism. The matter may not rest there. It may well
be agitated in higher judicial forum.
SEBI may yet bring the prosecution to a successful conclusion but it still leaves the core
issue unaddressed — the concept of reservation of shares for retail investors in an IPO.
There is no difference between investing in shares in the primary and secondary markets.
Indeed, transactions in the latter, in which many retail investors too participate, are many
multiples that put through under an IPO. If retail investors can participate in the
secondary market on level terms with institutional players, there is no reason why they
should not take their chance in a primary market offering. In many instances, the initial
listing gains disappear over time and hence steering them away from the primary market
through elimination of preferential treatment could well be a measure of investor
protection. Removing the incentive then is the surest way of eliminating the abuse.
****End of Story# 8 of 189
****Story#9 of 189
Title: Access To N-Technology: Right Vs Reality
Author: Shaukat Umer
Source: Dawn
Date: May 08, 2006
URL: http://www.dawn.com/2006/05/08/ed.htm#4
I WRITE this analysis with some reluctance since much has been written in these
columns on Iran’s nuclear programme. The preponderance of opinion has tended to
uphold Iran’s right to acquire and employ nuclear technology for power generation while
enjoining against the use of force with the aim to scuttle that country’s nascent nuclear
industry.
Nobody can take exception to these postulates. Iran’s adherence to the Non Proliferation
Treaty clearly entitles it to pursue a safeguarded peaceful nuclear programme. Military
action against Iranian installations, without specific Security Council authorisation,
would be an illegal act of aggression and an outright breach of the Charter of the United
Nations. Since the IAEA has referred the Iranian dossier to the council it must be allowed
to give future direction on the issue.
At the NPT extension conference in 2000, the non-nuclear states parties to the treaty
virtually agreed to its one sided implementation by giving their approval to its unlimited
extension. They deprived themselves of the limited leverage still at their disposal to
ensure some focus on the disarmament and technical cooperation provisions of the NPT.
Resultantly, the subsequent review conferences ended in failure. The collective weakness
displayed by the non nuclear states paved the way for the distorted interpretation of the
treaty of which Iran is today a victim. Its important disarmament provisions and the key
articles pertaining to the fostering of international cooperation for the development of
nuclear technology for peaceful purposes are considered as falling outside the ambit of
the treaty.
Just recently, Iran’s supreme leader Ayatollah Khamenei announced: “if international
institutions respect our legitimate rights we will respect their decisions. We will not
regard these decisions as valid if they are intended to deny us our rights.” Brave words
from a revered leader of a proud and self respecting nation. The multilateral system
mirrors the power realities of our time and its decisions are but a reflection of those
realities.
The revolutionary Iranian state, steeled in adversity and facing multiple threats from
within its immediate neighbourhood and beyond, should elicit sympathy in its resolve to
secure a right granted to it by treaty law and which is sought to be cancelled by the
compulsions of power politics. The principle, unquestionably, is on Iran’s side.
In statecraft, however, as we in Pakistan know only too well, a right cannot be exercised
in conditions of isolation, divorced from the political and strategic framework within
which a claimant is placed. No right is more fundamental than that of self-determination.
Despite a clear Security Council ruling in favour of a plebiscite, the Kashmiris are further
removed from securing that right than ever before. The most precious of all rights had to
be adjusted to the demands of realism.
Also, the manner in which a right is sought to be exercised impinges upon the quantum of
its realisation. In Iran’s specific case its nuclear programme was shrouded in secrecy till a
dissident group blew the whistle. Given the ideological moorings of that state and its
proclaimed policy of erasing Israel from the map of the world, the international
community, led by the United States, harboured grave reservations about the avowed
peaceful nature of Iran’s nuclear programme. The physical features of some of its nuclear
installations added to these misgivings.
Iran’s known nuclear infrastructure comprises four key facilities; the power plant at
Bushehr, the uranium conversion facility in Isfahan, the enrichment plant at Natanz and
the heavy water factory in Arak.The first is a declared facility and would on completion
be placed under the requisite IAEA safeguards. This installation is the product of a fully
transparent arrangement and should not cause any apprehension. The following two
should, in principle, have been notified by Iran to the IAEA but some benefit of the doubt
can be given since the agency’s regulations prescribe breach only when a nuclear reaction
actually takes place in a given facility. Iran had not engaged in any nuclear activity by the
time its infrastructure was detected. Technically, therefore, Iran had not deviated from its
NPT obligations, even though it could be faulted for being politically remiss.
Quite obviously, the international community has a major problem on its hands. In terms
of its legal obligations Iran has not, so far, violated the NPT, yet its nuclear infrastructure,
kept hidden from the world for nearly two decades, points towards a weapons
programme. Since nuclear material has not been used in any of its facilities, apart from
the few grams which Iran claims to have enriched recently, it has not forfeited its right to
acquire and apply nuclear technology for peaceful purposes.
At the same time, in the absence of full disclosure and foolproof monitoring the
international community would be justified in its distrust of Iran’s real intent. Iran has
publicly stated its resolve to expand the Natanz enrichment facility to allow industrial
production of enriched uranium with the ultimate objective of installing 50,000
centrifuges. Such an extensive enrichment infrastructure can easily be put to military
usage. The challenge lies in finding a solution which enables Iran to at least partially
exercise its right to the peaceful applications of nuclear energy while ensuring that even
rudimentary steps towards weaponisation are disallowed through stringent controls.
Iran’s modest nuclear capability, as it stands today, leaves some promise for a negotiated
agreement. These negotiations cannot be entrusted solely to the European Union as Iran
would have little incentive to make vital concessions to an organisation or its constituent
states from whom it faces no real threat. A negotiating format similar to the one set up to
address the North Korean issue would be appropriate and effective. It should include
Russia, China, United States, Iran and the European Union to explore a solution within
the following parameters;
— Full Iranian disclosure of the true extent of its nuclear programme. In the absence of
this initial information serious negotiations would be aborted. For instance Iran would
have to divulge, amongst others, complete details of its centrifuge manufacturing
capability including the P-2 which possesses enhanced enrichment features. Satisfactory
responses are also due in respect of the possible development of laser enrichment
technology and conversion of gas into metal.
— Following full disclosure to the satisfaction of the IAEA, a credible undertaking
renouncing the use of force in the resolution of the crisis.
— Complete dismantlement of the Arak heavy water plant which has no function in
power generation.
— The Natanz facility to be frozen at its present production level. The existing 164
centrifuges cannot but produce small quantities of low enriched uranium which has no
military value. .
— The Isfahan uranium conversion plant to produce such quantity of hexafluoride as is
necessary to feed the 164 centrifuges at Natanz. Access capacity to be placed under
IAEA seals.
— The fuel needed for the Bushehr power plant to be supplied by the Russian Federation
and used along with the small amount produced at Natanz. The spent fuel to be taken
back to Russia.
— All Iranian nuclear installations to be placed under the enhanced monitoring regime as
prescribed by the Additional Protocol devised by the IAEA some years ago.
— The agreement to be reviewed after an agreed period of time, and subject to IAEA
certification of compliance in good faith, consideration be given to allow increased
production at Natanz for use at the Bushehr power plant.
— Smooth implementation of the agreement to open the door for negotiations on larger
issues of normalisation of relations between Iran and the West, particularly, the United
States including cooperation in bringing stability to war-ravaged Iraq.
These provisions when agreed should be ratified by the Security Council under Chapter 7
of the charter to ensure strict compliance.The current thinking amongst the major western
powers which prohibits enrichment of any kind, leaves Iran with no other option except
defiance. Iran should not be totally denuded of its national pride.
The recent statements by the Iranian leadership are seen to be deliberately provocative in
content and excessively defiant in tone. However, the claim that Iran has mastered
enrichment technology by producing minor amounts of low enriched uranium, a meagre
3.5 per cent, can also be seen in the context of preparation for possible future
negotiations.
The subsequent announcement that Iran was ready to share its nuclear technology with
neighbouring countries triggered widespread alarm but might, equally, constitute a
negotiating tactic. After all, which government would be prepared to seek out Iran’s
nuclear technology in the current situation? This sabre rattling can be ascribed to the
time-tested practice of presaging the onset of hard bargaining with tough posturing.
The formula elaborated above or a variant thereof, which grants limited production rights
to Iran while completely foreclosing the nuclear weapons option can provide the basis for
a mutually acceptable settlement. Needless to say that this approach is premised on two
assumptions: first that Iran is genuinely committed to the pursuit of peaceful nuclear
applications to the complete exclusion of the military option.
The second, equally relevant, encompasses the belief that the United States’ objectives in
Iran are limited to denying that country a nuclear weapons capability and do not include
wider interests such as regime change or the erosion of Iran’s military or industrial
infrastructure. If either of these assumptions turns out to be invalid then this already
volatile region should brace itself for an extended period of intense upheaval in which
there would be no winners, only losers.
****End of Story# 9 of 189
****Story#10 of 189
Title: Advani Calls For Bjp-Muslim Unity
Author: Correspondent or Reporter
Source: Deccan Herald
Date: May 04, 2006
URL: http://www.deccanherald.com/deccanherald/may42006/national171935200653.asp
Has the negative outlook towards the BJP helped the minorities or the nation at large?
Floating the question to Indian Muslims, veteran BJP leader L K Advani took a dig at the
Congress party for trying to divide the Nation by harping on “minority protection” like
the Britishers did for their ulterior motive.
Reiterating his appeal to Muslims to introspect if the Congress party really needs their
support after its irrefutable record of betrayal and contribution in keeping a majority of
the Muslims poor and backward after so many years of independence, Mr Advani
criticised the Congress for playing politics of vote bank. The BJP will fight this divisive
politics of “minorityism” tooth and nail, he asserted. Addressing a press conference at the
state capital on Wednesday on the third and last day of his Bharat Suraksha Yatra in
Rajasthan, former deputy prime minister also reiterated his appeal to Muslims to give up
their claim on the Ram Janambhoomi recognising the significance the site has for crores
of Hindus. Would it not open a new chapter of amity, goodwill and mutual cooperation in
Hindu-Muslim relations, he asked.
Focussing his attention on UPA’s alleged “minorityism”, the BJP veteran deferred from
making BJP’s stand clear on the contentious reservation issue. Let the Congress and UPA
first come out clear on the issue, he said. He, however, added that his party was opposed
to religion based quota for religious minorities.
When asked on a new legislation to resolve the post of profit issue, Mr Advani said the
constitution makers did have some logic and rationale in introducing sections 102-103 in
the Constitution and it should not be undermined or diluted. The BJP has made it clear to
the government and the party is yet to see the proposals likely to come up in the coming
session, he added.
Replying to a query, he said the BJP was not facing any turbulence after the exiled
firebrand leader Uma Bharati launched her new party. He said his party was far more
stronger than in the past. Dissidence or dissonance was not new in the party but one thing
is clear that discipline is not to be compromised at any cost, he said.
It was Mr Advani’s 20th day of his Bharat Suraksha Yatra, which had covered about
4,240 km in six states, including Gujarat, Maharashtra, Andhra Pradesh, Chattisgarh,
Madhya Pradesh and Rajasthan.
****End of Story# 10 of 189
****Story#11 of 189
Title: Advani Challenges Govt To Introduce Telangana Bill
Author: Correspondent or Reporter
Source: Deccan Herald
Date: April 20, 2006
URL:
http://www.deccanherald.com/deccanherald/apr202006/national1946192006419.asp
Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) leader L K Advani whose “Bharat Suraksha Yatra” is
passing through Andhra Pradesh on Wednesday pledged his support to a separate
Telangana state. He said his party would support a bill if the Centre “introduces it in
Parliament.” He challenged the Congress-led UPA government in Delhi to introduce the
bill and asserted that the BJP would support it.
Addressing a press conference here on Wednesday morning before proceeding through
the naxalite strongholds of north Telangana districts amid tight police security to cross
over to Maharashtra, Mr Advani said that the BJP “fully” supported the Telangana cause
but it “is for the government to bring forward the bill. We are committed to supporting
the Telangana cause. But it is for the government to bring forward the bill. It is they
(Congress) who had promised the Telangana state and failed to fulfil it. Why are they
pushing the blame on us now,” he asked.
He was reacting to a Congress statement that the BJP had not fulfilled its promise during
its five years in power. The BJP had in the run-up to the 1998 general election promised
“one vote, two states” which saw it make massive inroads in Telangana. It, however,
failed to keep the promise as its ally, the Telugu Desam Party (TDP) then in power in
Andhra Prasdesh, was against the bifurcation of the state.
After ending its seven-year alliance with the TDP, the BJP has revived the Telangana
issue evidently to regain its lost ground in the region.
He charged Congress and its ally Telangana Rashtra Samiti with “cheating” the people of
Telangana by reneging on their promise to create a separate state after winning elections
on that issue.
Farmer suicides
Later, addressing a public meeting at Kamareddy in Nizamabad district, Mr Advani said
about 4,000 farmers had committed suicide in the state in the last 10 years of the TDP
and the Congress rules.
The party would demand an investigation into the farmers suicides by a parliamentary
committee in the next session of Parliament, he said.
Responding to a question, Mr Advani said Prime Minister Manmohan Singh's silence
over illegal immigration from Bangladesh and the demand for reservation for Muslims in
government jobs was “ominous” and his meeting with the Shahi Imam of Jama Masjid
has sent a “negative signal. I am constrained to comment on the negative signal that has
emanated from the meeting between Mr Singh and a delegation of Muslim organisation
led by Shahi Imam of Jama Masjid in New Delhi yesterday (Tuesday). I find the Prime
Minister's silence on the illegal immigration from Bangladesh and demand for reservation
for Muslims in government jobs to be ominous,” he said.
On the alleged harassment of Assam Muslims, he said “our party (BJP) stand is 100 per
cent protection to Assam Muslims but zero per cent protection to Bangladeshi
infiltrators.”
The Shahi Imam had met the prime minister with demands for an economic package for
riot-hit Muslims on the lines of one given to victims of 1984 anti-Sikh riots and
reservation for jobs for Muslims in Central and state governments.
****End of Story# 11 of 189
****Story#12 of 189
Title: Affirmative Action As Strategy
Author: Kanika Datta
Source: Business Standard
Date: May 04, 2006
URL: http://www.businessstandard.com/common/storypage.php?autono=89767&leftnm=4&subLeft=0&chkFlg=
Pardon me for covering old ground, but I can’t help thinking that if private corporations
did not run quite so scared, there might actually find a durable, strategic solution to this
affirmative action controversy. Yes, private corporations have a valid point: India’s
competitive advantage cannot be built with job quotas and reservations. To which it
might well be added that the policy of ever-increasing reservations has patently not
worked. It’s been around since the fifties, has been periodically extended and eventually
hardened into the strictures of the Mandal Commission that spawned a new genre of caste
power politics bringing the Mayawatis, Mulayams and Lalu Prasads to the forefront of
national attention in north India.
Yet the fact that the issue refuses to go away and has become a major factor in
competitive politics indicates that reservations and their efficacy thereof—and indeed, the
question of their linkage with the political economy—are all issues that demand creative
solutions beyond fixing job and university quotas and determining who qualifies for other
backward caste (OBC) status. Many commentators have correctly pointed out that
affirmative action—or “positive discrimination” as the British call it—at the primary and
secondary levels of education would be a far more effective remedy than reserving seats
at institutes of higher education or even within the corporate sector, public or private.
There is no gainsaying, too, that economic liberalisation and growth will create their own
momentum of prosperity and lift more and more people out of rank poverty. History has
shown that markets are, by and large, a quintessential social leveller. Which is why, even
as some Indians may choose to remain casteist in their private lives, competitive markets
demand skills that force corporations to look beyond race, gender and caste. Today, no
corporation in India, if it really wants to stay viable, can afford to stipulate the caste,
religion and increasingly even gender of their human resources.
A contemporary analogy can be drawn from the booming industry of European soccer,
where, despite rampant racism on the continent, players from Africa, South America and
Asia are beginning to dominate traditional all-“white” teams. They have little to sell
except their prodigious talent, which forms the foundation of the world’s best teams—
and creates a virtuous circle of growth and equity.
The issue at hand is basically one of providing not just equal opportunity but equal access
to opportunity to those who lack it. In poor and developing economies like India with
their intricate social structures, the issue of bootstrapping backward sections of society
out of their poverty is a complex problem. Over the longer term—and not least in the
interests of sustaining India’s competitive advantage—it is an issue that urgently needs to
be addressed.
It would be unrealistic for the private sector to think that this is an issue that is
exclusively the government’s preserve. Corporations cannot and do not work in isolation
of the societies in which they operate. If they are truly thinking long term and
strategically, corporations in India—whether Indian or foreign—need to be as concerned
about the fact that a significant proportion of India’s population remains excluded from
access to quality education. If anything, they need to be doubly concerned, given the
massive skills shortage that McKinsey recently predicted. As Dr Shankar Acharya,
former chief economic advisor, wrote in his column about a year and a half ago, the
maximum population growth in India is taking place in the BIMARU states. These are
states that continue to turn in the worst human development indicators. In other words, if
this section of the population does not rise out of poverty, illiteracy and poor health,
India’s famed “demographic dividend” will continue to be a demographic liability as,
let’s face it, it currently is.
To my mind, this fact provides a vital clue to corporations in India and this includes
multinationals with long-term interests in the country. Many of them currently talk about
leveraging technology to deliver the benefits of education and health to excluded sections
of India’s population. Some are now working in partnership with governments to deliver
such services. But overall - and there are honourable exceptions — these initiatives
smack of tokenism; they are largely placebos offered to assuage officialdom rather than
deliver meaningful, sustained gains. A more focused, serious and long-term engagement
in investing in and delivering education, not just higher education, to those who have
limited or no access to it should transcend the somewhat cynical altruism of “corporate
social responsibility”. Eventually it is corporations in India who will stand to benefit.
India currently talks of leveraging best practices from other countries to emerge as an
economic power. By consciously making itself an agent of social progress at the
grassroots, the private sector in India could well establish a best practice for other
countries to follow.
****End of Story# 12 of 189
****Story#13 of 189
Title: Affirmative Action Not At The Pvt Sector’S Cost
Author: Anant R Koppar
Source: Deccan Herald
Date: April 30, 2006
URL: http://www.deccanherald.com/deccanherald/apr302006/editpage175282006429.asp
"In Malaysia of 1970s, locals were given education and brought on par with Chinese &
Indian immigrants"
Elections are interesting times all over the world. It is the time when emotive, not always
rational, and often divisive but sometimes visionary and path breaking issues are mooted
by politicians to woo the electorate. In recent memory are BJP’s mandir, V P Singh’s
Mandal and the outsourcing and healthcare issues in US presidential elections. Most
recently when Human Resource Development Minister Arjun Singh proposed reservation
in the IITs and IIMs it was viewed as a populist pre-election announcement.
The image of Manmohan Singh is that of a free market liberal and architect of Indian
economic reforms. These very reforms are credited with the Indian economic miracle of
today, having moved us to an impressive growth rate of more than 6.5 per cent,
unprecedented and large forex reserves and an economically assertive nation being
wooed by all the major power blocs of the world.
When Manmohan Singh opened the debate of reservation in the private sector during his
address to the leaders of the private sector in Mumbai, the industry was shocked and
attributed it to politico-electoral compulsions. But, since then, we have seen him persist
with the idea and this has sparked off a countrywide debate and furore.
The raison d’être for reservations, positive discrimination and affirmative action is that in
a highly stratified and unequal society it is necessary to level the playing field for the
weaker sections. This is done by the state’s assistance to enable the weaker sections to
compete with those who have a social and educational advantage.
Sixty years after Independence — many land reforms-tenancy acts and 80 per cent
reservation in government and public sector later — we still have a sizeable population
economically and socially disadvantaged. Hence there is nothing wrong in the state
continuously exploring new means to correct the historical wrongs and bring parity in the
society. However, the private sector reservation as a solution is highly debatable.
Let’s look at some of the most obvious implications and concerns of this move. The
fundamental issue is with the definition of beneficiaries. Reservation should be based on
economic criteria rather than caste because it is broad based and will cover the needy
cutting across all castes and creeds. Whereas caste reservation is based on the
fundamental premise that all in a particular caste need help irrespective of their economic
status. This is not entirely correct because five decades of reservation in the government
and education sector have greatly benefited certain sections and they no longer merit any
assistance. Social disadvantage has been reduced to a great extent and is today a lesser
constraint than the economic factor.
Secondly, the caste system has lost its relevance in public life except in politics. The only
way to abolish the caste system is not to recognise castes and reservation in the name of
castes will only enhance this evil in the society.
Thirdly, Darwin’s survival of the fittest applies more than ever to businesses today
because of the globalised environment. Liberalisation allowed Indian companies to
compete in other markets, reduced or eliminated local protectionist barriers and permitted
foreign companies into the Indian markets. Private sector enterprises compete, succeed,
and thrive because they are built on the general premise of meritocracy and have the
freedom to hire the most suitable talent. Reservation will dilute this fundamental
ingredient responsible for their success and may increasingly make them inefficient.
For historical precedents we have Malaysia which faced a similar situation in the mid
1970s when the local majority Malays were less educated and hence had lesser
opportunities as compared to the immigrant Chinese and Indians. While it must have
been very tempting to introduce job reservations for Malays in the private sector, the
Malaysian government adopted a harder but more sustainable visionary approach. They
increased the education attainment of Malays and brought them on par with the others
while simultaneously introducing job reservations in the public sector. The results are
there for us to see.
So what are prudent short and long term affirmative action policies for us?
Credible systems for identification of economically backward classes; Full financial
support for those from the economically backward class until postgraduation; Financial
incentives for corporations who employ economically backward classes; Create
entrepreneurship in economically backward classes by distributing to them from the
government monopoly powers like broadcasting licenses etc and Finally, it is important
that the affirmative action be exercised with a great deal of patience, creativity and
caution since on one hand we have the private sector that is contributing significantly to
India’s growth and success and on the other we have this divide that is widening by the
day and it is not mandatory that a solution for the second will have to come at the
expense of direct interference with the first.
It was Nicolo Machiavelli who in famous treatise, The Prince said: “There is nothing
more difficult to take in hand, more perilous to conduct, or more uncertain in its success,
than to take the lead in the introduction of a new order of things, for in opposition are all
those who are in power and have flourished under the old order at best in support are
those who hope to do well under the new scheme of things.”
****End of Story# 13 of 189
****Story#14 of 189
Title: Affirmative Action: The American Experience
Author: T C A Srinivasa-Raghavan
Source: Business Standard
Date: April 28, 2006
URL: http://www.businessstandard.com/common/storypage.php?autono=224079&leftnm=4&subLeft=0&chkFlg=
"Affirmative action" in the US is aimed at the minorities. As such, in India it should
focus on Brahmins. They constitute no more than 3 per cent of the population.
The prime minister, while speaking to the CII recently, used the term affirmative action
rather than quotas. Implicit in this was the assurance that job quotas would not be forced
on the private sector. But that can change if Sonia Gandhi issues a fatwa.
Was the use of the term “affirmative action” appropriate? Affirmative action is an
American term signifying voluntary action by the Whites to give the non-whites a chance
in life. It is, moreover, aimed at minorities.
That is not the case in India , where it is aimed at the majority, that is the dalits and the
OBCs, who between them make up over 80 per cent of the population. As long as the
OBCs were not included, and the policy was aimed only at the SC/STs, it was genuine
because the SCs and STs are in a minority. However, by that logic, the Muslims and
other religious minorities would also be entitled to reservations or, at the very least,
affirmative action.
This is what gives the game away, namely, that the motives are political rather than
justice and equity. Indeed, genuine affirmative action would be aimed at the Brahmins
who constitute no more than 3 per cent of the population.
The Americans have had about as much experience with such policies as India has. There
also, the issue generates a lot of emotion. The latest instance involved the University of
Michigan where the Supreme Court ruled one way in the case of the Law School and
another in the case of the undergraduate college.
But the court also ruled that the Constitution did not require race-blind admissions, that
is, it was OK to use race as a factor while deciding whom to admit. “Student body
diversity is a compelling state interest that can justify using race in university
admissions.”
As always, economists, too, have been in the fray. Of particular interest to us here should
be a paper** by Roland G Fryer Jr of Harvard and Glenn C Loury of Boston University.
They say “economic reasoning can make a contribution to the affirmative action debate…
insights can be gained when one respects the consistency requirements of formal
definitions, remains mindful of incentives, and recalls that the behaviour of interacting
agents must adjust to be mutually compatible in equilibrium.”
They have examined some popular propositions about affirmative action and conclude
that at least seven of these are myths. Thus:
Myth 1: Affirmative action can involve goals and timetables while avoiding quotas.
Myth 2: Colour-blind policies offer an efficient substitute for colour-sighted affirmative
action.
Myth 3: Affirmative action undercuts investment incentives.
Myth 4: Equal opportunity is enough to ensure racial equality.
Myth 5: The earlier in education or career development affirmative action is
implemented, the better.
Myth 6: Many non-minority citizens are directly affected by affirmative action.
Myth 7: Affirmative action always helps its beneficiaries.
Numbers 3, 5, 6 and 7 are worth paying attention to, not least because we are saying
precisely the same things here.
The simple truth is that there is so much that can be said for and against that, in the end,
the decision has to be based on moral principles rather than political expediency.
No one in India objected to SC/ST reservations because it was based on a patently moral
principle. Everyone, except the OBCs, is objecting to OBC reservation because it is based
on an equally obvious political consideration.
If Sonia Gandhi is such a great ascetic, she should renounce Arjun Singh as speedily as
she renounced the other Singh of the oil deal fame.
****End of Story# 14 of 189
****Story#15 of 189
Title: Aiadmk, Dmk Mum On Reserved Panchayats Polls
Author: S. Annamalai
Source: Hindu
Date: April 21, 2006
URL: http://www.hindu.com/2006/04/21/stories/2006042117900700.htm
Assembly elections come and go, but these reserved panchayats are destined to remain
headless. The election manifesto and rhetoric of the major Dravidian parties, All-India
Anna Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (AIADMK) and Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam
(DMK), have no reference to the four reserved panchayats in Madurai and Virudhunagar
districts, which, except one, have found it impossible to elect a president since 1996
when elections were held under the revised Tamil Nadu Panchayats Act, 1994.
The ruling party manifesto speaks only about the "achievements" of "Puratchi Thalaivi
Amma" in local governance and claims "local body [sic] has attained self-sufficiency."
The "achievements" include implementation of the New Anna Marumalarchi Thittam,
Namadhu Gramam, computerisation of village panchayats and provision of cell phones.
But there is no assurance that elections will be held to the Pappapatti, Keeripatti and
Nattarmangalam panchayats in Madurai district and Kottakachiendal in Virudhunagar.
The DMK manifesto, which is also silent over this issue, says: "We will insist the Centre
bring in suitable Constitutional amendment to remove the shortcomings and
complications in the functioning of the present three-tier local bodies." The Communist
Party of India and the Communist Party of India (Marxist) have vowed to conduct
elections in these panchayats. But the Dalit Panthers of India, which attempted to back
candidates in these panchayats, is for a legal solution.
The new Government has to look into the question of de-reserving these panchayats,
where elections could not be held, or the elected president had put in his papers after
assuming office. Only in the case of Nattarmangalam had there been a president,
Yosanai, between 1996 and 2001. When the dominant caste Hindu group was
anticipating de-reservation in 2001, the Government decided to extend reservation for
another five years.
****End of Story# 15 of 189
****Story#16 of 189
Title: Aligarh’S Holy Cow
Author: Editorial, Statesman
Source: Statesman
Date: April 27, 2006
URL:
http://www.thestatesman.net/page.news.php?clid=3&theme=&usrsess=1&id=11444#6
Supreme Court reins in the ghetto ambience
Monday’s Supreme Court ruling (coram: Balakrishnan and Jain, JJ) will serve to relieve
Aligarh Muslim University of its ghetto ambience. While admitting the two petitions by
AMU and the Centre against the Allahabad High Court order that had scrapped the
minority status by striking down the AMU Amendment Act, 1981, the Bench has
directed the university not to implement the 50 per cent quota for minorities till the
pendency of the matter. This clearly is a setback for the Congress whose reaction to the
High Court order in January reflected its conduct of vote-bank politics. The university’s
tradition and heritage didn’t figure in the party’s official reaction. Nor for that matter did
it behove Arjun Singh to indulge in such unabashed double-think. Even as he conceded
that the Supreme Court is the forum for “final adjudication”, he had tried to appease the
Aligarh gallery when he played the minority card by hinting at legislation to restore the
status of AMU. As HRD minister he ought to have been guided by academic
considerations instead of the crassly political.
It is one thing for the AMU authorities to be aggrieved over the High Court order. Its
anxiety to protect the minority status ~ a matter of tradition and historical detail ~ and go
in appeal was only to be expected. It is a different ballgame altogether if a government,
that is committed to detoxification of saffronite learning, plays footsie with the Aligarh
circuit. The fact that it is a central university doesn’t imply that its campus becomes a
venue for political games. A responsible administration ought to be influenced by the
Benthamite philosophy of the greatest good of the greatest number instead of blatant
politicking. Advancement of learning can be achieved only when an institution opens its
doors to a cross-section of students. Merit rather than reservation must be the principal
criterion and quota ought not to be the holy cow in a centre of excellence... be it an IIT,
an IIM or the AMU. Aligarh Muslim University boasts some of the finest faculties,
notably in medieval Indian history. Its monographs rank among the exceptionally erudite
presentations on Mughal India. It will, therefore, redound to the university’s credit if it
widens its reach. The controversy is best settled within the great gates of AMU and
without a political finger in the minority pie. With respect, the matter need not have gone
to court.
****End of Story# 16 of 189
****Story#17 of 189
Title: An Open Letter To The Hon'ble Pm
Author: V RAGHUNATHAN
Source: The Economic Times
Date: April 29, 2006
URL: http://economictimes.indiatimes.com/articleshow/1509764.cms
In our country, we have more varieties of haves and have-nots than most. We have the
rich haves and the poor have-nots; the urban haves and the rural have-nots; the highercaste haves and the backward-caste have-nots; the educated haves and the illiterate haveknots.
Much wasted effort of the government since Independence has been aimed at bridging
the gaps between these haves and have-nots. Grants, subsidies, controlled prices, free
electricity, education and loans, reservations, quotas and what have you — have all been
targeted, at least in stated intent, if not in effect, at reducing this gaping divide.
And now, an eminent meritocrat like you, of all people, has gone and set the cat among
the pigeons, by exhorting the private sector (putting the very definition of ‘private’ sector
upside down on the head; and to think you were the one who redefined private sector in
India in the early ‘90s!) to adopt quotas, as if the move for quotas in higher academia
wasn’t the limit.
Of course, these have and have-not parameters are highly correlated. For example, a
greater proportion of the rural population is likely to be poor, of which a greater
proportion is likely to be illiterate of which a greater proportion is likely to be of
backward caste and so forth.
Is it that because we could not bridge this divide even after six decades of Independence
and the only thing we left untried was the reservation in the private sector, you have
concluded that reservation in the private sector must be the answer?
Well, that’s like concluding that cockroaches hear through their legs; since when you cut
off all the six legs of one, and ask it to walk, it does not — apparently having lost its
hearing power.
Sir, I have heard many of your Cabinet colleagues give a spiel on India-Bharat divide.
But to me, India-Bharat divide is not so much about the urban-rural divide as the English
— non-English speaking divide.
At a time when, a Class X dropout fluent in English is more likely to find employment
and earn more than an engineer who has studied throughout in the vernacular, the
vernacular language policy in government schools comes not as government’s shortsightedness; but as its blindness to see the reality.
Of course, your Cabinet colleagues know all that; or else their own children would not be
in the swankiest of schools in India and abroad (Gandhiji was the only exception and
history has pilloried him as a bad father!). It obviously serves their selfish vote-bank
politics to maintain the duality and keep the masses mired in linguistic parochialism.
Our politicians make passionate calls for Hindi as the national language. But why should
the politicians in the southern states root for Hindi among their vote banks any more than
their northern brethren root for ‘madrasi’ among theirs?
And for all that, it is not Hindi-speaking India that is at the forefront of our IT, BPO or
even industrial revolution. And even in the South, it is not the hinterland but only a
handful of cities like Bangalore, Hyderabad or Chennai or Thiruvananthapuram that have
really capitalise on English.
We have thousands of engineering and management institutions in the country, a large
bulk of which are in smaller towns. A majority of youngsters from such schools are
handicapped for serious careers, thanks to their poor proficiency in English.
When these students, who were throughout schooled in vernacular move to English
medium in their technical education and subsequently to their work life; they are severely
inhibited in their interactions and consequently lose out.
Nobody can dispute the benefits a young child derives from learning in its mother tongue
in its formative years.
Perhaps, we would do better by ensuring that all government schools (which is where
most of the have-nots go to) teach in the vernacular up to class V, with English as the
second language; but from Class VI onwards switch to English as the first language and
the vernacular as the second.
Give this policy seven years (class V to class XII), and this policy is likely to do more for
the development of our socio-economically backward than all the reservations and quotas
combined. And sir, I should know; I studied in Jammu and Ambala.
Bringing English to the remotest schools is the only way we will be able to ensure that
call centres, BPOs and many other service industries become an available option for our
vernacular have-knots.
English is our only edge over the likes of China, Taiwan or even the Far-Eastern tigers;
and the more of us that speak it, the sharper that edge. Sir I should know. I was a teacher
for 20 years.
****End of Story# 17 of 189
****Story#18 of 189
Title: Arjun Calls On Ec, Clarifies Stand
Author: Correspondent or Reporter
Source: Times of India
Date: May 05, 2006
URL: http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/articleshow/1516977.cms
With less than a week left for the model code of conduct to get over, HRD minister Arjun
Singh came calling on the full Election Commission on Thursday.
EC sources said Singh had himself sought the meeting.
A senior EC official said, "After his clarification to the first reply, Singh had requested a
meeting."
When asked if Singh explained about the Bill seeking to reserve seats in admission for
OBCs in centrally-administered educational institution, EC official said, "No.
He has already explained everything in writing. But he did clear some doubts." EC has
already asked the government to put the Bill on hold till the election process in five states
gets over.
On Wednesday, Singh had gone to meet President APJ Abdul Kalam and briefed him
about the Bill. He is believed to have told Kalam that the contentious Bill is merely a
follow-up exercise after Constitution amendment which led to the inclusion of Subsection 5 in Article 15.
Singh's briefing of Kalam should be seen in the light of the government showing an
inclination to introduce the Bill in the post-recess budget session of Parliament so that
reservation is in place by the next academic session.
So far Singh in his reply as well as subsequent clarification to the EC has denied that by
talking about reservation in admission for OBCs he has violated the model code of
conduct.
Giving a blow by blow account of how government was working for the Bill, Singh
denied that he made any announcement on April 5. "There was no announcement of any
concession, much less any other breach of the model code of conduct.
There is no basis even for a prima-facie view to that effect," he had said in his reply. But
EC still sought a clarification from Singh.
The poll panel wanted to know why there is a discrepancy between his reply and news
reports. In return, Singh had asked EC to send him video footage which apparently
showed him making the announcement.
Even while sparring between Singh and EC continued, cabinet minister Kapil Sibal last
week spoke against reservation.
****End of Story# 18 of 189
****Story#19 of 189
Title: Arjun Promises Wider Debate On Quota Issue
Author: Smriti Kak Ramachandran
Source: Tribune
Date: April 28, 2006
URL: http://www.tribuneindia.com/2006/20060428/main1.htm
The decision to suspend the strike till May 12, was far from unanimous, but following the
HRD Minister’s assurance of further discussion on the issue of reservation for OBCs,
students of five medical colleges decided to call off their agitation.
They will however continue to boycott their classes in the interim. They will go for their
rounds and clinics, but will not attend classes till the government comes clean on the
issue of reservation, it was mentioned.
After their meeting with Union HRD Minister Arjun Singh on Thursday afternoon,
representatives from five medical colleges decided to give the government more time to
thrash out the contentious issue.
This decision however led to a ruckus with a sizeable section of students expressing their
disagreement.
A heated deliberation ensued and it took these five representatives a while to bring about
a consensus. The students; have now decided to wait till the counting for Assembly
elections are over on May 12 and then, depending on the government’s response, decide
their next move.
During his interaction with the students’ representatives, Mr Arjun Singh expressed his
inability to discuss the issue. Expressing his concern over the police excesses on the
students which was carried out yesterday, the Minister said he would take up the matter
once the Assembly elections are over.
The Minister told the students that he would take up the issue with the Prime Minister
and the Cabinet and a wider debate will be initiated to study the proposal of reservation
for OBCs.
In a statement issued here the Minister said: “Unfortunately, because of the directions of
the Election Commission I am not in a position to interact with them and I have to
maintain silence till the elections are over. Still if anybody wants to meet me I have no
hesitation to meet them as may be requested.”
He also pointed out to the students that announcements or public statements expected to
affect voter behaviour are forbidden during elections by the Election Commission
through a code of conduct.
Protesting against the reservation policy, medical students had announced an indefinite
strike. Resident doctors in the city’s hospitals today stayed away from work to express
their solidarity with the students. OPD services in most hospitals were severely affected
and some students also boycotted their examinations.
“We have received tremendous support from our colleagues in medical colleges in
Amritsar, Chandigarh, Patiala, Jaipur and Rohtak, apart from students in IIT Delhi, JNU
and Delhi University. We will continue to protest against the reservation policy though it
will be at a smaller level. If the government does not come up with a concrete plan after
May 12, we will then resort to a major strike,” said Dr Anirudh Lochan, a representative
The Indian Medical Association also expressed concern over the quota system in
professional colleges and announced that the 31 medical associations across the country
will meet in Delhi on April 30 to chalk out their future strategy.
****End of Story# 19 of 189
****Story#20 of 189
Title: Arjun Refrains From Openly Pushing Reservation Agenda
Author: Correspondent or Reporter
Source: Press Trust of India
Date: May 01, 2006
URL:
http://www.ptinews.com/pti/ptisite.nsf/$All/A50F878861738211652571600032C760?Op
enDocument
In the eye of a political storm over the controversial move on reservations in elite
educational institutions, HRD Minister Arjun Singh today held an intriguing press
conference here at which he refrained from openly pushing his pro-reservation agenda
but subtly attacked his cabinet colleague Kapil Sibal who had given the impression of
being opposed to quotas.
In the face of explanations sought from him by the Election Commission over the move
for the reservations in the middle of election campaign in five states, the 75-year-old
Congress veteran maintained that "my lips are sealed" and said that he would speak on
the subject only after the assembly poll results are out on May 11. But he faced a volley
of questions on the issue which he deftly deflected.
The fact that Singh, who has avoided the media in the middle of the controversy over
reservations, had called a press conference had generated speculation that he might have
a major announcement to make. But he chose to talk on reservation without backtracking
or openly advocating it and to project himself as a veteran warrior against the RSS, about
which he distributed a long written statement.
In an apparent reference to Sibal's remarks in Germany, which were perceived to be antireservation, -- something the Science and Technology Minister since denied --, a reporter
asked why should ministers speak out of turn, Singh said that "it is certainly not
desirable." He indirectly confirmed reports that he complained to the Prime Minister
against Sibal by stating that decorum prevents him from saying what he had told
Manmohan Singh and it was for the Prime Minister to take a view in the matter.
****End of Story# 20 of 189
****Story#21 of 189
Title: Arjun: Up To Manmohan To Decide
Author: Special Correspondent, Hindu
Source: Hindu
Date: May 01, 2006
URL: http://www.hindu.com/2006/05/01/stories/2006050105111200.htm
Union Minister Arjun Singh on Sunday said he had drawn the attention of Prime Minister
Manmohan Singh to remarks made by Science and Technology Minister Kapil Sibal on
the reservation issue.
"I have drawn the attention of the Prime Minister and he would do what is appropriate,"
Mr. Singh said at a press conference here. He refused to join issue with Mr. Sibal whose
remarks were interpreted as being against reservation for Other Backward Classes in elite
educational institutions.
He said he would not take questions on the issue till May 11 when the results of the
Assembly elections would be declared. However, in response to a question, Mr. Singh
said he would appeal to the medical students who had launched a stir against reservation
not to listen to those instigating them.
The reason for the press conference at Parliament House Annexe, he said, was to appeal
for a speedy trial in the defamation case filed by the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh
against him in 2004 at Jagadhari in Yamunanagar district of Haryana. He circulated a
detailed note on his battle against the organisation. During the 40-minute interaction, he
took a range of questions from the impact of the Congress-led United Progressive
Alliance, party affairs, work being done by his Ministry and also discounted reports that
his recent moves were aimed at stirring the political cauldron.
Mr. Singh said, "During the last fortnight wild stories, some imaginative and some not so
imaginative, are in circulation accusing me of conspiracy. I have been in public life for
57 years and I do not believe in conspiracy. Only cowards indulge in conspiracy."
On issues such as reservation, Narmada and others, the Union Minister said he had not
raised any issue on which the Congress did not have a view. "The Congress is a party
committed to ideology which spells out schemes for the people."
He said the UPA Government was taking steps in line with the Common Minimum
Programme and denied any dilution in the non-aligned policy. However, he described the
engagement with the United States, as "a new phenomenon" but said it was "within the
framework of national interest." He said there might be differences with the Left parties,
but even they cannot say that the Government had forgotten the CMP though "the
emphasis has changed."
On the remarks of the former External Affairs Minister, Natwar Singh, on the Volcker
report, Mr. Singh said that if he had said anything that violated party discipline, action
could be taken against him. He said a party member could not apportion acts done by an
individual to the party.
****End of Story# 21 of 189
****Story#22 of 189
Title: Art And The Auction House
Author: Editorial, The Times of India
Source: Times of India
Date: April 24, 2006
URL: http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/articleshow/1500552.cms
Despite the current euphoria, India struggles to emerge as a true superpower. A key
reason is the nation's developmental vision lacks originality from within. India has
underutilised and virtually destroyed its artistic and cultural heritage, a fact that is still not
known to most.
Art is still seen as being about aesthetics with no market institutions to determine
appropriate values. Art has four key dimensions — aesthetic, historical, financial and
developmental — which function within a legal context.
India has traditionally appreciated the aesthetic, grudgingly incorporated the historical,
and today is beginning to grasp the financial. In the long run, only the historical
significance of art work and the artist determines financial value.
When aesthetic, historical and financial dimensions work in tandem, developmental
responsibility gets activated. The underlying legal context can critically support or hinder
this progress, by creating or destroying organised markets.
Lack of knowledge, legal ambiguity, smuggling, double standards and corruption have
led to decades of neglect. Yet, we remain unaware of the disease. However, in the past 10
years the world has come to know what 100 years of Indian contemporary art can begin
to achieve as a market.
That is barely the tip of the iceberg. From merely a Rs 5 crore turnover in 1997 — mostly
rooted in the black economy, with little public or institutional interest in fine arts, scant
respect for publishing, archiving or preserving arts, minor international purchasing,
negligible linkages with the social, economic and political framework of India and little
media coverage — there has since been a huge transformation.
We have today built a financially strong market in excess of Rs 1,000 crore capable of
generating domestic and international excitement and respect, creating the first stages of
financial institutional involvement, and opening new related services devoted to
exhibition, publishing, design, archiving, preservation and museology.
The lucrative realms of insurance, credit and wealth management beckon. Finance
seemingly dominates aesthetic appreciation, but that is a transition to be put up with if we
wish our people to rediscover their heritage with a new love and respect.
However, parallel to this boom is the death of the legitimate domestic antiquities market.
It is this domestic non-existence which has led to smuggling over the past 30 years.
****End of Story# 22 of 189
****Story#23 of 189
Title: Bad Infrastructure A Lesser Evil
Author: Editorial, Business Standard
Source: Business Standard
Date: May 03, 2006
URL: http://www.businessstandard.com/common/storypage.php?autono=89657&leftnm=4&subLeft=0&chkFlg=
Seeing the costs at ports, one suspects that infrastructure in China is not central to its
manufacturing exports growth.
India aspires to Chinese-style exports in labour-intensive manufacturing. Four things hold
India back: labour law, small-scale sector reservation, indirect tax structure, and
infrastructure. New evidence on Chinese ports shows that they are roughly as bad as ours.
Hence, explanations other than infrastructure might be more important.
Considerable resources are being deployed in improving infrastructure. Is it working?
There is a need to measure how we are faring. What do we measure? The ultimate bottom
line is that better transportation infrastructure must yield lower costs of transportation.
The best way to measure the impact of the new national highway from Bombay to Delhi
is by measuring the reduction in the cost of shipping goods from Bombay to Delhi.
In the area of ports, the standard statistics which are disseminated pertain to delays at
ports and the turnaround time. These are, indeed, important measures, and the sharp
reduction in delays over the last decade represents an important achievement. However,
lower delay is only a means to an end. The end is low cost of transportation. Many
elements affect the cost of transportation, over and beyond delays.
Cost measures associated with alternative Indian ports, and their international
competitors, are not available. However, some fascinating new evidence has surfaced in a
recent NBER paper by Blonigen and Wilson (http://www.nber.org/papers/w12052). BW
have harnessed comprehensive data about “import charges” associated with all ships
coming into the US. This is defined as “... the aggregate cost of all freight, insurance and
other charges (excluding US import duties) incurred in bringing the merchandise from
alongside the carrier at the port of exportation ... and placing it alongside the carrier at the
first port of entry in the US”.
This cost contains three components: (1) costs of loading the freight and leaving the
foreign port, (2) costs of moving between ports and (3) costs of arriving at the US port
and unloading the freight. Using an econometric model, BW control for the second and
third parts. The residual can then be attributed to the costs associated with the foreign
port. Their data size is huge, and the econometric model is remarkably successful,
explaining 90 per cent of the variation in import charges.
This methodology allows them to isolate a measure of cost associated with each foreign
port that sends ships to the US. It can be applied year by year, thus yielding a time-series
of the efficiency of the foreign port.
The results they show are restricted to the 100 ports that send the most traffic into the US.
Only one Indian port (Bombay) makes it to this list. All results are expressed as an offset
when compared with Rotterdam. The result for Bombay shows that the cost associated
with Bombay port is 25.3% worse than Rotterdam. The BW results have three interesting
features.
First, Bombay figures at near the bottom of the list. By international standards, we are
among the worst.
Second, a comparison between 1991-1993 and 2001-2003 shows that things have actually
worsened over this decade. While the functioning of the port may have improved in some
ways, simultaneously, the volume of traffic has also risen dramatically. The bottom line
is cost, and the BW results suggest that the gap between Bombay and Rotterdam
worsened over this decade.
The third and most interesting feature of these results is a comparison with our peers.
Bombay, at 25.3%, is worse than Hong Kong (11.3%). We are also worse than Karachi
(17.1%) and Colombo (22.5%). But remarkably enough, we are not that much worse than
other Chinese ports, which stand at 27% (Dalian), 26.8% (Dagu/Tanggu), 26.7%
(Shanghai), 25.5% (Ching Tao), 24.2% (Yantian) and 23.4% (all other Chinese ports).
The high costs of Chinese ports raise questions about the popular belief that China has
succeeded in building world-class infrastructure, and that this world-class infrastructure
is central to the Chinese manufacturing growth miracle. The BW results show that
Chinese ports, barring Hong Kong, are, actually, as bad as ours. But Chinese
manufacturing exports dwarf Indian manufacturing exports. How can this be explained?
One explanation is Hong Kong port, which has inherited British institutions, is hence
only 11.3% costlier than Rotterdam, while we are at 25.3%. Our goal in India should be
to match the cost numbers of Hong Kong, and not of Shanghai. However, this does not
explain the puzzle. The volume of goods that flow into the US from Chinese ports other
than Hong Kong is roughly 16 times bigger than the volume of traffic from Bombay.
One explanation could lie in distance. The total transactions costs for shipping goods
from India to the US reflect costs at ports plus costs of traversing the high seas. Even
though the port in Shanghai is roughly as bad as the port in Bombay, the distance from
Shanghai to the US west coast is smaller than ours. However, on the other hand, the ride
to Europe up the Red Sea through the Suez Canal is much shorter for India. Hence, while
geography gives China an edge in exporting to the US, we have the identical edge in
exporting to Europe. Given that Europe is roughly as big as the US, these two effects
should cancel out.
In summary, the measurement of costs at ports makes one uneasy about the claim that
Chinese infrastructure quality is central to the Chinese manufacturing exports growth
story. While we should continue to endeavour to make Bombay match the Hong Kong
numbers, we should perhaps recognise that matching Chinese infrastructure quality is not
central to replicating the Chinese export miracle.
If not infrastructure, what else separates India and China on manufacturing exports?
There are three bottlenecks left: small-scale sector reservations, labour law, and indirect
taxes. It may, hence, be time for policy makers to shift their prime focus to these other
issues.
The indirect tax front is basically about the GST: achieving near-zero customs, zerorating of exports, and free movements of goods within the country. The recurring theme
is economies of scale—China has perfected gigantic labour-intensive factories. Barriers
to the movement of goods, SSI reservation, and Indian-style labour laws all hold back
Indian firms from achieving scale. These three constraints differ fundamentally from
(say) bad electricity, because when faced with Indian labour laws, there is no coping
strategy like buying a generator.
****End of Story# 23 of 189
****Story#24 of 189
Title: Balco Bungling
Author: Editorial, Business Line
Source: Business Line
Date: May 01, 2006
URL: http://www.thehindubusinessline.com/2006/05/01/stories/2006050100220800.htm
That even five years after a strategic partner was brought on board for Balco the
Government is yet to complete the process of exiting completely from the venture is
neither a good advertisement for the quality of decision-making by the UPA Government
nor a demonstration of its commitment to preserving the sanctity of contracts entered into
by its predecessor. Consequently, the nation is witness to an absurd situation where the
Government receives a cheque for as much as Rs 1,000 crore but claims that it has
neither accepted nor encashed it. If the Government thought that Sterlite Industries, the
strategic investor, is not entitled, at this point in time or ever, to acquire the residual stake
held by it in terms of the shareholder agreement, then it should have refused the
instrument tendered.
The offices of the government are not cloakrooms where people can leave valuables for
safekeeping. On the other hand, if the Government is in breach of the agreement entered
into by its predecessor — as the events leading up to the present situation suggest — not
cashing the tendered cheque is poor financial management. After all, its case in a judicial
forum would stand by what the shareholder agreement commits it to do rather than what
it has chosen to do with the instrument of payment. In a worst case scenario, the
Government might well have to settle for a price based on the current valuation,
notwithstanding that the enterprise value may have appreciated by the time the issue is
judicially disposed of while denying itself the privilege of putting the money to some
gainful public purpose. The present Government may have some genuine reservations
with the earlier policy of offloading stake in public enterprises. Or, the compulsion of
coalition politics may be staying the Government's hand. But it cannot be denied that the
previous government had the popular mandate to do what it did and, hence, contracts
lawfully entered into must be honoured, unless there are grounds to believe that that the
process was vitiated by some malfeasance.
The UPA Government has deferred a decision on the subject by choosing to refer the
matter to the Cabinet Committee on Economic Affairs. This is a grotesque distortion of
the established principles of separation of operational and policy-making responsibilities.
The decision to sell stake or not could be a policy matter. The decision to engage an
investment banker to do the valuation or do it in-house might have its own policy
dimensions. But how can the CCEA come to an alternative conclusion as to the value of
the enterprise than the one proposed by a professional valuer? Clearly, the intention
seems to be to defer a decision on the subject through the time honoured device of
proposing another round of valuation.
****End of Story# 24 of 189
****Story#25 of 189
Title: Benazir, Nawaz Unite Against Musharraf
Author: Correspondent or Reporter
Source: News International
Date: April 25, 2006
URL: http://www.thenews.com.pk/top_story_detail.asp?Id=45#7
Two former prime ministers-in-exile Benazir Bhutto and Nawaz Sharif met in London on
Monday and agreed to jointly work for restoration of the 1973 Constitution.
The two-hour-long meeting took place at Nawaz’s residence in Park Lane and was
attended by Makhdoom Amin Faheem, Wajid Shamsul Hasan and Dr Rehman Malik,
representing the PPPP. The PML-N was represented by Shahbaz Sharif, Syed Ghous Ali
Shah and Zafar Iqbal Jhagra. After the meeting the two sides issued a joint declaration
announcing their resolve to “vigorously pursue” the course of democracy.
The joint press release also expressed deep concern over the deteriorating political and
worsening economic situation in Pakistan. They demanded free and fair elections be held
under an independent and autonomous election commission, which should be open to all
political parties as well as all political leaders.
The two sides also called for the release of political prisoners, including former National
Assembly speaker Syed Yousaf Raza Gillani and PML-N acting president Makhdoom
Javed Hashmi.
The two former prime ministers will meet again next month for the next round of talks in
order to chalk out a future strategy for the forthcoming elections and announce a charter
of democracy and a code of conduct for placing before the ARD summit meeting which
is scheduled for July 2, 2006. The next round of talks has been scheduled for May 14,
2006.
The two leaders condemned what they called the government’s character assassination
campaign aimed at them through politically motivated cases under the National
Accountability Bureau.
Talking to the media after their meeting, the two leaders said they would discuss “every
step that may have to be taken” to hasten the end of the military government. But they did
not specify the steps.
Nawaz said the process to help the public get their political and civil rights has been
launched. He was of the view that Pakistan’s very “survival was in danger”. Responding
to a question, Benazir said a coalition between the two parties already existed and they
had decided to reinvigorate it. “Today’s meeting,” she said, “is one of the first steps.”
Responding to another question, the two leaders emphatically reaffirmed their
determination to return to the country. “We’ve to go there,” said Benazir. Nawaz said
General Musharraf has “no authority to keep us out”. He said the general, who ousted
him from power in a bloodless coup in October 1999, “is not a constitutional ruler. He is
only a military dictator”.
Asked about the rumours that the two leaders had been contacted by the current
government and offered a deal, the two leaders expressed their resolve not to enter into
any deal with “the dictator”. Nawaz said: “No matter what Musharraf offers we’re not a
commodity for sale. On this there’ll be no compromise.”
Benazir said Musharraf had made no sincere effort to reach out to the Alliance for
Restoration of Democracy. His only attempts, she said, “have been aimed at breaking the
opposition.” She added that with two assassination attempts Musharraf is already in
danger.
Benazir said the two parties could reach an agreement on objectives only through a
combined effort. He reiterated their commitment to restore the Constitution of 1973 in its
original form — minus all the amendments. “A constitution made in the GHQ is
unacceptable,” he added.
PML-N sources told The News in Islamabad that the two leaders discussed electoral
strategy but it would be given a final shape during the next round of talks. It was also
decided that the summit of ARD leaders and other opposition leaders would be called in
London to have their consent on charter of democracy and decide future plan of action.
Online adds: In an interview with BBC Urdu service, PML-N president Shahbaz Sharif
hoped a charter of democracy would soon be approved with consensus. It would bind all
political parties and component parties of the ARD to stonewall all possibilities of
Army’s interference in national politics.
He said the PPPP and the PML-N constituted committees have done a lot of work on the
charter. Shahbaz said the political parties signing a charter will most importantly pledge
not to repeat the past mistakes.
He said restoring of the 1973 Constitution in the shape it was enforced prior to October
12, 1999, reforms in judicial system, establishment of an independent and autonomous
election commission, rights of women and joint electorate are issues included in the
drafted charter.
The two major parties have mutual consensus on majority of these points and there is just
a little reservations on the language and method which will be removed soon, he added.
Answering a question about the possibility of return of Nawaz Sharif and Benazir Bhutto
together, he said we would seriously look into the suggestion forwarded by Benazir. He
said this suggestion was not forwarded during the one-to-one meeting between the two
leaders in Dubai and Saudi Arabia.
****End of Story# 25 of 189
****Story#26 of 189
Title: Better Than Quotas
Author: Editorial, Indian Express
Source: Indian Express
Date: April 20, 2006
URL: http://www.indianexpress.com/story/2759.html
At least the debate has gone forward. Industry responded to the prime minister’s
suggestion, made at the CII conference on Tuesday, on broadbasing employment by
affirmative action. Affirmative action allows for flexibility in implementation — in this
context, companies can choose how they want to equalise opportunities and not be forced
to fill pre-fixed quotas. It doesn’t take a group of ministers to figure out this makes for a
somewhat better marriage between business and welfare. But the GoM that was set up to
look at private sector job quotas did perform a useful role — it pointed out how this
extension of reservations will be constitutionally tricky. Job quotas for the private sector
would in any case have meant little by way of numbers: the organised corporate sector
employs around three per cent of India’s workforce. Affirmative action, which needn’t
necessarily meet a fixed target, is a better tool for social diversification at the upper ends
of the labour and education markets.
America is the biggest lab for affirmative action. There’s irrefutable evidence that
representation of women and minorities in education, employment and business has
increased because of affirmative action. University admissions in the US work typically
on the basis of awarding additional points to students on the basis of gender, race,
national origin, and so on. A fact missed by many in the Indian debate is that JNU
admissions apply a variation of this principle. Additional points are awarded to
candidates based on social, economic and geographical measures. JNU undoubtedly
showcases greater social diversity than similar academic institutions.
But, and hoping that Arjun Singh doesn’t hurry through an affirmative action policy,
there are problems too. America has been debating the issue vigorously, with some court
judgments questioning the constitutional basis for such a policy (the argument is that the
principle of equal protection under the law is being violated). Awarding extra points for
entry into fiercely contested academic seats or corporate jobs may start similar protests
here. Plus, the supply of institutional integrity being rather more in the US than here,
leaving every institution to fix its own points system may create another blackmarket.
Ultimately, there’s no alternative to hugely increasing the supply of good education at all
levels. True, that sounds like a cliche. But it’s a cliche that can save us a lot of trouble.
****End of Story# 26 of 189
****Story#27 of 189
Title: Blending Social Equity With Merit
Author: Hari Jaisingh
Source: Pioneer
Date: April 22, 2006
URL:
http://www.dailypioneer.com/indexn12.asp?main_variable=EDITS&file_name=edit3%2
Etxt&counter_img=#3
It is a pity that the country is once again caught in the reservation quota controversy, this
time courtesy Mr Arjun Singh. The Union HRD Minister surely has had his own
calculations when he proposed reservation of another 27 per cent seats for OBC in IIMs,
IITs and central universities, taking the overall reserved seats to 50 per cent.
Of course, the timing of his move when the electoral process was on in four States was
ill-conceived. Perhaps this was a deliberate act since Mr Arjun Singh is a shrewd political
strategist. His role model is apparently Mr VP Singh, the original Mandal messiah. There
is no point in recalling those traumatic days that followed the former Prime Minister's
reservation game.
I do not think this helped Mr VP Singh politically. But that is a different story. What is
relevant is Mr Arjun Singh's gameplan that seems shuck for the present in the wake of the
Election Commission's show-cause notice.
What is regrettable in this crude reservation politics is that the real issues of social equity
and merit get lost. In principle, we must be fully committed to the uplift of the poor,
backward and weaker sections of the society. The Constitution provides for this.
However, the problem is: How to make the country move fast in today's competitive
world to achieve the objective of social equity with merit. Our track record has been
rather dismal in this respect. Too much of politics has clouded the vision of our rulers
over the years. In fact, logic becomes the first casualty when it comes to petty political
calculations. This has been the harsh reality of Indian politics for the past several
decades.
In a way, the institution of caste is indirectly enshrined in the Constitution as certain
caste-based backward and weaker categories of people have been guaranteed reservation
of jobs and admissions to higher centres of learning. The principal objective of the
reservation policy here is to adopt a "caste" strategy to end the past caste discriminations.
But, what probably was not visualized by the founding fathers of the Constitution is that
over the years caste labels would become new status symbols of electoral, economic and
political power.
True, at the national level every politician for the record decries caste-based, sectarian
politics. But in practice he invariably does just the opposite of what he pronounces in
public. Call this hypocrisy or duplicity. Such double standards are an integral part of the
politico-social scene here. Political games, of course, cannot be delinked from the
existing social realities, but they are often played dangerously to the detriment of national
interests.
This should not deter us from looking at the reservation issue afresh and in a new
perspective, keeping in view global challenges. To say this is not to suggest dilution of
the basic objective, but to emphasise the need for a new enlightened approach to the
sensitive issue of social equity and meritocracy.
To bridge the existing gap between social equity and merit we ought to set up a
countrywide network of institutes to help socially and educationally backward students
upgrade their skills for various competitive examinations. In this context, the nation has
to constantly remember its basic objective of treating the poor and backward people with
due dignity. For, ultimately we must not create second class citizens among the
backwards.
As it is, no thinking person will question the right of the disprivileged to break out of the
morass of sub-human social existence, abject poverty and inhuman economic exploitation
by deeply entrenched vested interests. The challenge here lies in identifying ways and
means to achieve the objective of building an egalitarian society speedily. Ironically,
while pushing up the new class of elite among the SCs/STs has left the bottom-line
Harijans and others in the lurch. The problem here is of the "creamy layer". Actually the
reservation quota has failed to percolate equitably to the bottom of the social
stratification.
Interestingly, Mr VP Singh does not think that his Mandalisation card is casteist. He says
that he even proposed 10 per cent reservation for the upper caste poor which he could not
implement as his government went out of power.
Speaking to the Harvard Alumni Association in New Delhi the other day Prime Minister
Manmohan Singh emphasised the need to balance social equity with a commitment to
excellence. He said, "Blending a commitment to excellence with a commitment to social
equity is a challenge with which modern democratic societies must contend. Excellence
does entail elitism because it is based on the notion of a performance pyramid. However,
government can and must balance the elitism of meritocracy by facilitating those at the
bottom of the social pyramid to rise to the apex of an academic pyramid."
Fine. The question is: How to go about this challenge? The task is daunting simply since
all political parties use caste labels to divide and rule the people for their vote-banks. Has
the Prime Minister any answer to this problem beyond the corporate sector quota route?
Well, I doubt it. All the same, the challenge has to be accepted.
For this purpose it is necessary to create the right atmosphere in a democratic way and
gradually discard the system of gauging the backwardness solely on the basis of caste. In
fact, the benefits of reservation meant for the backward classes have been snatched by the
"creamy layer" among them. The vested interests want to cling to the reservation crutch
to the disadvantage of those who really need a helping hand.
The way out of this complex situation is to evolve a new criterion for determining social
and educational backwardness for the purpose of reservation in job and education. This
will call for fresh identification of backwardness on the basis of family income and
occupation. Even the Supreme Court has ruled that a person belonging to a socially and
economically backward class can be identified without reference to caste.
Indeed, instead of taking pride in backwardness, the "creamy layer" among the
backwards should develop stakes in considering themselves as "advanced". This requires
a forward-looking thinking process and a national consensus for creating infrastructural
facilities for improvement of social, economic and educational standards of the
backwards without sacrificing the concept of meritocracy.
****End of Story# 27 of 189
****Story#28 of 189
Title: Call To Ban Commercialisation Of Education
Author: Anita Joshua
Source: Hindu
Date: May 07, 2006
URL: http://www.hindu.com/2006/05/07/stories/2006050704231000.htm
Even as Prime Minister Manmohan Singh is seeking more private investment in higher
education, educationists want privatisation to be restricted "to the minimum desirable
level." Also, they have called for a tax on the industry to raise resources for higher
education.
Such is their angst against privatisation and commercialisation of higher education that
the majority view at a recent meeting on the issue — organised by the National Institute
of Educational Planning and Administration — favoured a law banning such
commercialisation. "All commercialisation of education, which should be unambiguously
defined, should be banned by a suitable act of Parliament." This was one of the
recommendations of the meeting of 64 eminent educationists here earlier this week.
However, they are not closed to the idea of private participation. "Private investors in
education may be encouraged. However, it must be made clear that this cannot be for
profit-making purposes, in however disguised a form. Further, the entry of the private
sector cannot be seen as a solution to all the various problems of quantity and quality,"
the educationists noted in their recommendations submitted to the Government.
One of their grouses against privatisation was its market-orientation. "Commodification
of education may lead to excessive emphasis on skill, employment and corporate-oriented
education" at the cost of basic sciences and the vast pool of traditional knowledge,
thereby creating an imbalance among various streams of learning.
For holistic development
Given the inevitability of private initiative in the Indian context, they said Article 19(6)
of the Constitution should be invoked to ensure a holistic development of higher
education, and prevent commodification and profiteering. Article 19(6) allows the State
to put "reasonable restrictions" on the exercise of the right to establish and run
educational institutions conferred under Article 19(g) — the freedom to practise any
profession, carry on any occupation, trade or business.
Another concern was the failure of private institutes to provide access to the marginalised
sections. Commercialisation of education "could also mean marginalisation of the
Scheduled Castes, the Scheduled Tribes, women and vulnerable sections of society."
Though not in as many words, their recommendations dwell on reservation — an issue
prised open by the proposed move to reserve seats in all central educational institutions
for the Other Backward Classes. "It is important to develop effective and implementable
ways of increasing the access of socially marginalised groups as well as more needy
students to higher education."
Among those who participated in the meeting were the vice-president of the National
Knowledge Commission, P.M. Bhargava, and member of the Prime Minister's Economic
Advisory Council G.K. Chadha.
****End of Story# 28 of 189
****Story#29 of 189
Title: Calling Private Unlimited
Author: Editorial, The Hindustan Times
Source: Hindustan Times
Date: April 20, 2006
URL: http://www.hindustantimes.com/news/181_1678881,0012.htm
When the Prime Minister makes an appeal to the captains of industry to “seriously
consider enhancing educational and employment opportunities for weaker sections,
investing in their skill enhancement and promoting their employment in an affirmative
manner”, it is odd to find warning bells ringing all around. Nowhere in his address at the
annual conference of the CII did Manmohan Singh use the word ‘quotas’ in the context
of the private sector. What he did was ask companies to assess the diversity in their
employee profiles and commit voluntarily to make it more “broadbased and
representative”.
However, there may be an understandable reason why, despite Mr Singh’s invitation to
India Inc. to ensure that no segment of society gets left behind because of their caste,
creed or gender, many ears have heard a clarion call for job reservations. His party
colleagues like Agriculture Minister Sharad Pawar and HRD Minister Arjun Singh have
been blunt about their methods of choice when it comes to social justice. The former has
stated his belief in enacting job reservations in the private sector by constitutional
amendments and bringing in a new law; the latter has gone on an overdrive to reserve
seats in institutions of higher reservations. In our view, both Mr Pawar and Arjun Singh
are wrong and seem to be driven by what they believe will be the easy payback route of
vote bank politics. Prime Minister Singh, on the other hand, has been nuanced and
rational about the need to ensure that no one gets left behind as the country surges ahead.
In fact, he has turned down Mr Pawar’s suggestion, and there is no reason to believe why
he would succumb to gesture-politics all of a sudden.
What Mr Singh in his statement suggests is something of a partnership with industry.
This does not — and should not mean — injecting the debilitating PSU ailment of quotas
in the private sector. India Inc., whether one is comfortable accepting this fact or not, has
become a driving force in the development of the new India. It is only logical that this
engine is brought tighter into the loop of this developmental process and that the benefits
of this economic success story is channeled to weaker sections of our population. To
mistake such talk of ‘welfarism’ for a veiled attempt to ‘force’ reservations down the
private sector’s throat is as wrong as replacing merit with something else that can harm
India’s future as a knowledge-based, economically
****End of Story# 29 of 189
****Story#30 of 189
Title: Can Merit And Social Justice Be Compatible?
Author: Jayaprakash Narayan
Source: The Financial Express
Date: April 21, 2006
URL: http://www.financialexpress.com/fe_full_story.php?content_id=12439#9
The debate generated by the proposal to reserve 27% seats in Union educational
institutions for backward classes has predictably been shrill and hysterical. Reservation is
a classic zero-sum-game issue and polarises society intensely, as the gains to a social
group are matched by losses to another. Prejudice and bitterness in this debate must be
overcome by facts and logic. We need to step back and take a deep breath.
We need to examine three critical issues. First, even today the future of a child can be
predicted fairly accurately at birth, based on caste, family and gender. A future
determined by the accident of birth and unrelated to abilities and hard work is an
unacceptable disgrace in modern civilisation. Poor children from deprived sections are as
brainy and sharp as others, and yet they seldom fulfil their potential, as opportunities for
vertical mobility are denied. As a result, much of the gene pool of our society is wasted.
Sustained high growth can be preserved only if we include all social groups in a modern,
humane vision of an egalitarian society, where all sections are winners. There is a
compelling case for strong affirmative action policies to promote equity and opportunity
and preserve peace and harmony. Else, violence will become arbiter of social justice.
Equity and social harmony can’t be delinked.
Second, our quest for social justice and opportunities for all must be combined with
search for excellence. In a modern society, competence and performance are critical for
economic growth, service delivery and governance. We need to devise means of
affirmative action which ensure high standards of performance.
Third, thousands of youngsters would never have found dignity and opportunity without
affirmative action policies. While there are obvious distortions, the fact remains that
reservations benefited large sections and many of them performed creditably once
opportunities were provided. Equally, the benefits of reservation are uneven, with
families which prospered early through preferential treatment enjoying a huge lead over
the poorer, uneducated families.
Given the complexity of the issue and the unevenness of outcomes leading to distortions,
there is resentment on both sides. The poorer SCs, STs and OBCs feel cheated by the
politics of tokenism and lack of access to education and employment. The other sections,
particularly the poorer among them, feel discriminated and resent diminishing
opportunities relative to demand.
• The solution is to combine preferential policies with performance incentives
• Give quotas to poor in disadvantaged groups & free tuition in general groups
• Rationalise outdated Mandal-based quotas; deregulate higher education
Given the enormous hunger for quality education, the availability of seats in institutions
of excellence and the perceived fairness of selection are hugely contentious issues. Can
we promote equity with efficiency? Can ‘merit’ and ‘social justice’ be made compatible?
Can preferential policies be taken out of the prison of zero-sum-game through win-win
solutions? Happily, rational solutions are available to these dilemmas. Policymakers and
media need to focus on these, instead of indulging in invective and hype. Political
expediency, social ostracism and rage must give way to rationality, wisdom and longterm solutions. What, then, can be done?
First, preferential policies must be coupled with incentives for performance, particularly
in professional courses and institutions of excellence. For this, a head-start can be given
to candidates from disadvantaged groups—if 90% is the cut-off score for general
candidates, preferential groups can be admitted at 80% or 75%. This would provide
incentives to reach a benchmark, and guarantee uniformly high standards. The preferential groups must be given free, intensive coaching at the plus-two levels to meet these
standards.
Second, a ‘Means Test’ must be adopted for preferential treatment. Among
disadvantaged groups, reservations can be primarily for families with low income and
those below a certain grade in government or a profession. And among other sections,
poor candidates can be guaranteed free tuition, and no student will be denied higher
education for want of money. A system of scholarships, endowments and soft loans can
be institutionalised.
Third, there is a case for rationalising the reservations for BCs. The Mandal Commission
report is over 25 years old, and periodic surveys and reclassification are needed to
determine groups deserving preferential treatment and identifying the most backward
classes (occupational groups) for special privileges.
Fourth, there is need for deregulation and expansion of higher education to suit the needs
of a growing, large economy. Accreditation, academic freedom, rating and transparency,
instead of licensing and regulation, will expand opportunities vastly. In addition, state
institutions must significantly expand capacity to meet the demand for quality higher
education.
Finally, school education and healthcare must be the cornerstones of governance. Tony
Blair staked his government’s reputation and survival on the quality of education; George
Bush was elected in 2000 on the basis of his record in school education as Texas
governor. In India, public policy, political discourse and governance are largely divorced
from education. Education engages the attention of politicians and media only when
reservations become an issue. The appalling failure of the state in the social sector is at
the heart of persisting inequities.
But those who argue that good school education is a substitute for preferential treatment
must recognise that the poor and disadvantaged cannot be held guilty for monumental
governance failure. Neglected groups are hungry for good education and opportunities.
Even poor rural dalits are spending Rs 200 per month per child in the hope of ‘convent’
education. The nation needs preferential policies and good school education. Meanwhile,
we can design programmes to combine equity with efficiency.
—The writer is coordinator of the Lok Satta movement and VoteIndia, a national
campaign for political reforms
****End of Story# 30 of 189
****Story#31 of 189
Title: Cast Out Of Consent
Author: Malvika Singh
Source: Telegraph
Date: April 21, 2006
URL: http://www.telegraphindia.com/1060421/asp/opinion/story_6123024.asp
It was very heartening to find the young so very sane and appropriate in their reaction to
the simplistic, age-old, predictable albeit failed way of dealing with ‘reservations’ for the
less privileged. The generational divide was explicit. Arjun Singh, balancing his slow
movement with the assistance of his walking stick, made me feel I was back in my teens.
Listening to the young respond gave me hope that, in my dotage, India will most surely
deal with the realities of disparity in an intelligent and creative manner. The change in
methodology will happen. There was not one comment that was disparaging, crude or
selfish. It was a distinct change from the hyped-up responses of my generation caught in
similar controversies and Arjun Singh appears stuck in that time warp.
This generation was talking about the need for affirmative action but not at the cost of
excellence. Perpetuating negative caste polarization is no longer acceptable to most. If the
government wants to fight a battle for the ‘lower castes’ (it kills me to use the
expression), it should ensure that water is accessible from the same well to all human
beings across India.
To do this, most politicians and administrators will have to get their own families to
accept that all are equal. That is where the problem lies. Therefore, it is easier for them to
use this populist rhetoric to inflict this kind of mindless policy on India. They know no
other way.
Young in power
Our leaders and propagators of policy have not managed to cleanse their own minds of
this kind of prejudice, denying the people true social equality. That is why Bharat is
where it is. A generational shift will probably trigger the beginning of the transformation.
The prime minister too is alleged to have suggested that private sector companies should
employ people on the basis of caste. What else does ‘reservation’ mean today? To handle
the problem in this manner only confirms the absence of fresh and innovative thinking
that has led to the ‘symbolic’ redressal of this disparity. It is so typical of India and its
intellectually incompetent policymakers.
If Manmohan Singh would induct the under-45-year-old elected Congressmen and
women into his cabinet as deputy ministers and ask them to study the ministry and its
mandate, create an unencumbered blueprint for the reform of the present situation, deal
with these younger people directly to ensure that they are not stymied by their insecure
superiors, he may well get some new and radical ideas for growth, development, and
change that would be compatible with this new millennium. Yes, the ministers of state
and cabinet ministers would feel threatened if they are not fit for the positions they hold,
but so what! An exercise such as this should be encouraged to prepare the fundamentals
to enable the passing on of the baton. Only then and then alone will real change have a
chance to break through the rusted steel frame. This ‘tinkering’ about when placing
ministers and bureaucrats, never considering the larger issues nor the expertise of the
person being placed, compels us to stand still.
Of course, there is the oft-mouthed reason for keeping the infirm in office and forcing the
young, at their prime, to rot with frustration. The young do not have the experience is
what we are told. They will falter. They need guidance. They do not. They need to be
thrown into the deep end and they will swim with a little help from their uncles and
aunties! How come the young in the private sector have done extraordinarily well? They
have the same two eyes, two ears, a nose and a mouth. The difference is that in the public
sector, the political and administrative sector, the mandate is to keep the status quo and
themselves in power. In the private realm there is competition and the best wins. One
lives on the dole and the other works to grow.
****End of Story# 31 of 189
****Story#32 of 189
Title: 'Caste System Has Become Subtle And Sophisticated'
Author: Editorial, The Times of India
Source: Times of India
Date: April 25, 2006
URL: http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/articleshow/1502264.cms
Former principal advisor and chief economist with the RBI and author of Untouchables,
Narendra Jadhav, now senior advisor to the governor, Da Afgha-nistan Bank, discusses
reservations with Jyoti Punwani:
Will reservations for OBCs lower IIT/IIM standards?
No. Contrary to popular caste-based pride, intelligence is not distributed according to
castes. If the system were fair, for every caste, job opportunities would have been broadly
in proportion to its share in the population.
That could not happen because of the hierarchical nature of the caste system. Some castes
got a disproportionately large share of opportunities even when many individuals therein
did not have the necessary talents.
On the other hand, a vast majority of SC/ST/OBCs were confined to degrading tasks,
irrespective of their talents. In fact, the demand for conti-nuation of reservations could
also be seen as resistance by the so-called high-borns to give up the 'reservations' they
have enjoyed unimpeded for centuries.
For example, can a Dalit with even a PhD in theology and Sanskrit aspire to become a
Shankaracharya? Aren't these jobs reserved for a particular caste? I haven't ever heard the
proponents of so-called merito-cracy question these privileges.
Do caste-based reservations go against globalisation?
No. Our country was an economic superpower 2,000 years ago. According to American
scholar Maddison, in the year zero when the Gregorian calendar began, India's share in
global production was 30 per cent.
By 1991, it had declined to a little over one per cent. Can we blame the British alone for
this? No country can sustain its growth momentum over centuries if only a small strata of
society has access to education.
Now, the Indian economy is re-emerging. Our dream to become an economic
powerhouse can be realised only if all Indians get an equal opportunity to realise their
own potential.
Given the highly asymmetric pattern of opportunities we have inherited, this would
necessarily involve giving SC/ST/OBCs a helping hand so that they can compete with
others.
Reservations are needed because of the innate inability of Indian society to be just and
fair by itself to all its constituents.
Is there need for corrective action in our reservation policy?
Yes. The caste system today may not be as crude and blunt as it used to be. In fact, it has
now become subtle and sophisticated. It now resides in the mindset of the people. In this
subtle form it is even more pernicious.
There is therefore an imperative need for mass education. There also is need for more
effective implementation of the existing reservation policies. Investment in human capital
has a very high social rate of return.
****End of Story# 32 of 189
****Story#33 of 189
Title: Centre Blames Assam For Malaria Deaths
Author: SANJAY SINGH
Source: Statesman
Date: April 30, 2006
URL:
http://www.thestatesman.net/page.news.php?clid=2&theme=&usrsess=1&id=11472#7
As Assam reels under a virtual malaria epidemic, with 77 deaths already reported, the
Centre has accused the state government of a lackadaisical approach and failure to utilise
a consignment of mosquito nets it had dispatched in 2001.
A senior official in the national anti-malaria programme told The Statesman that 5.2 lakh
mosquito nets dispatched to Assam in 2001 were not used. Another 4.86 lakh nets which
were dispatched earlier this month by the NAMP ~ after the recent malaria outbreak in
the state ~ too remain unused in Guwahati.
A Central team reached Guwahati recently and sealed all the godowns where the nets,
supplied in 2001 and meant for distribution, were kept. No arrangements were made for
their preservation resulting in wasteful expenditure of Rs 43 lakh, the report of the
Comptroller and Auditor General of India has said.
The CAG report has also pulled up other malaria sensitive states like UP, Bihar,
Karnataka, Orissa, Rajasthan, MP and Pondicherry, which too have ignored NAMP
initiatives over the years. “The situation would not have been so bad in Assam had the
state government acted in advance. They failed to use mosquito nets supplied by the
Centre under the NAMP, while people continue to die of malaria,” said the NAMP
official.
However, this does not absolve the NAMP of its responsibilities. It has been pulled up for
its failure to get rid of stocks of conventional medicines like chloroquine which are
proving woefully inadequate for treating malaria. Even President A P J Abdul Kalam has
urged the medical fraternity to give up use of chloroquine, which has become resistant to
the Falciparum parasite which causes cerebral malaria. This, he said, has led to an
increase in the number of malaria deaths though the number of cases has come down over
the years.
****End of Story# 33 of 189
****Story#34 of 189
Title: Children Of A Mixed God
Author: T K NAVEEN
Source: Times of India
Date: April 25, 2006
URL: http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/articleshow/1502263.cms
India has evolved a system of job reservations and targeted access to educational
institutions as part of a larger affirmative action project. The Supreme Court's decision in
Anjan Kumar v Union of India threatens to mire this system in patriarchy.
Anjan Kumar, son of an Oraon (a scheduled tribe) mother and a Kayasth (forward caste)
father petitioned the apex court for enforcement of his right to the benefits of affirmative
action enjoyed by other members of various scheduled tribes.
He had a certificate stating that he was a member of the Oraon tribe. The court, however,
chose to examine whether "the offshoot of a tribal woman married to a non-tribal
husband could claim the status of scheduled tribe".
It concluded that the child of a tribal woman and a non-tribal man could not claim tribal
status, since the child was "brought up in the atmosphere of forward class and he is not
subjected to any disability...the situation will, however, stand on a different footing where
a tribal man marries a non-tribal woman.
The offshoots of such a wedlock would obviously attain tribal status". This decision
negates a March 1975 circular issued by the Union government.
The circular stipulates that when a scheduled tribe woman marries a non-scheduled tribe
man the children may be treated as members of the tribe if the community accepts the
marriage and treats the children as members of the tribe.
The court, however, held that since such circulars are issued from time to time, they are
not construed as law. Can beneficial discrimination be availed of only through patrilineal
lineage?
Does the mother's parentage have no bearing on the child's upbringing or social location?
The operative principle in the Anjan Kumar case is derived from the Supreme Court's
judgment in Punit Rai's case in 2003.
There, the court opined: "The caste system in India is ingrained in the Indian
mind...determination of caste of a person is governed by customary laws...A person, in
the absence of any statutory law, would inherit his caste from his father and not his
mother even in a case of inter-caste marriage".
****End of Story# 34 of 189
****Story#35 of 189
Title: Classy Cast Of Mind
Author: Editorial, The Telegraph
Source: Telegraph
Date: April 29, 2006
URL: http://www.telegraphindia.com/1060429/asp/opinion/story_6148070.asp
The announcement that reservation for other backward classes is to be extended to IITs
and IIMs has provoked much debate in the press. Critics say the move will undermine the
functioning of these institutions by devaluing the principle of merit. Cynics add that the
announcement was a consequence of the human resource development minister’s wish to
outstage and embarrass the prime minister. On the other side, there are those who see the
extension of reservation as both necessary and overdue. The upper castes, they say, have
dominated these institutions, and it is time they shared their privileges with the socially
disadvantaged.
As is not uncommon in India, the debate has generated more heat than light. Those who
oppose the move dismiss its supporters as ‘populists’. They, in turn, are charged with
being ‘elitists’. This article seeks to move beyond the polemics to analyse the issue in its
wider social and historical context. What is the logic of reservation? And why does
reservation find such favour among the political class?
To answer these questions, we need to go back to August 1990, when the prime minister,
V.P. Singh, announced that 27 per cent of all Central government jobs would henceforth
be reserved for OBCs. Singh was here endorsing and implementing the recommendations
of the Mandal commission, constituted in 1978, and which submitted its report two years
later. This commission argued that caste was still the main indicator of ‘backwardness’. It
identified, on the basis of state surveys, as many as 3,743 specific castes which were still
‘backward’. These collectively constituted in excess of 50 per cent of the Indian
population. Yet these castes were very poorly represented in the administration,
especially at the higher levels. By the commission’s calculations, the OBCs filled only
12.55 per cent of all posts in the Central government, and a mere 4.83 per cent of Class I
jobs.
To redress this anomaly, the Mandal commission recommended that 27 per cent of all
posts in the Central government be reserved for individuals from these castes, to add to
the 22.5 per cent already set apart for scheduled castes and tribes. “We must recognize,”
said the commission, “that an essential part of the battle against social backwardness is to
be fought in the minds of the backward people. In India, government service has always
been looked upon as a symbol of prestige and power. By increasing the representation of
OBCs in government services, we give them an immediate feeling of participation in the
governance of this country. When a backward caste candidate becomes a collector or
superintendent of police, the material benefits accruing from his position are limited to
the members of his family only. But the psychological spin off of this phenomenon is
tremendous; the entire community of that backward class candidate feels elevated. Even
when no tangible benefits flow to the community at large, the feeling that now it has its
‘own man’ in the ‘corridors of power’ acts as [a] morale booster.”
The most acute assessment of the Mandal commission came from the pen of the
sociologist, André Béteille. He argued that reservation for SCs and STs (which was
already in existence) was undeniably motivated by the imperatives of social justice. For
centuries, these communities had been stigmatized, discriminated against, and
condescended to. The move to reserve 22.5 per cent of government jobs for them was an
acknowledgment of the need to redress a historical injustice. On the other hand,
reservation for OBCs was motivated by the imperatives of power. These castes had
benefited substantially from the agrarian reforms undertaken after independence. Once
tenants-at-will, they had now become (sometimes very substantial) owner-cultivators
themselves. At the same time, since they were also very numerous, they had become
influential in electoral politics. Through the Sixties and Seventies, more and more OBCs
became legislators and parliamentarians, state ministers and chief ministers, and Union
ministers.
Economically and politically, the real beneficiaries of the Indian democracy had been
peasant castes such as Jats, Yadavs, Gujjars and Kurmis in the northern states of Madhya
Pradesh, Uttar Pradesh, Bihar, Rajasthan and Haryana, Marathas in Maharashtra, Vellalas
and Gounders in Tamil Nadu, Reddys and Kammas in Andhra Pradesh, and Lingayats
and Vokkaligas in Karnataka. These castes now had more land, and a greater presence in
political parties and in the legislatures. What they lacked was administrative power. By
virtue of the privileges granted them by the Constitution, the SCs and STs had begun
entering government service. Lacking a tradition of education, the OBCs were still kept
out. This deficiency was sought to be overcome by reserving a percentage of state jobs
for them.
That, in sum, was the logic of the original Mandal commission. The recent extension of
reservation to elite educational institutions is — the word is inescapable — a logical
extension. For, in the recent impressive gains made by the Indian economy, the OBCs
have not benefited proportionately. Upper castes — that is, Brahmins, Kshatriyas, and
Vaishyas — constitute less than 20 per cent of the Indian population. Yet they claim
perhaps 80 per cent of the jobs in the new economy, in sectors such as software,
biotechnology, and hotel management.
In the popular mind, the IITs and the IIMs are something of a passport to the new
economy. Entry into one or the other is a virtual guarantee of a handsomely paid job. The
Brahmins and Banias crowd into these institutions because generations of practice and
social conditioning have made them adept at passing the examinations required to gain
entrance. The SCs and STs already have 22.5 per cent of seats reserved for them. But the
OBCs remain at a disadvantage; hence the pressure to reserve seats for them, too.
What is crucial here is that the IITs and IIMs are publicly funded institutions, started by
the state and kept going by the state. This makes it obligatory for them to honour the
constitutional mandate to promote equality of access and opportunity.
In this respect, ‘Mandal II’ follows logically upon ‘Mandal I’. It is a further extension of
OBC power and influence into a sector where it previously had scarcely any presence at
all. When Mandal I was endorsed by V.P. Singh in 1990, there were howls of protest
from communist members of parliament, who thought ‘class’ should also take precedence
over ‘caste’. The Congress president, Rajiv Gandhi, also came out strongly against the
proposal. And the Bharatiya Janata Party leader, L.K. Advani, sought to answer Mandal
with (the Ram) Mandir. This time, however, the criticisms have been confined to the
English language press alone. Across the political spectrum, the proposal has been taken
as a fait accompli. For no party dare come out openly against a move that has the support
of such a numerous and politically powerful section of the Indian population.
My own personal opinion is that in a deeply divided society such as ours, some form of
reservation is indeed necessary. Indians born in castes historically denied access to
quality education do need special care and support. However, I believe that in schools,
colleges and offices alike, reservation should never exceed 33.3 per cent. I also think that
for SCs, STs and OBCs alike, family income should be used to determine eligibility for
reservation; that only one generation in a family should be granted the privilege; and that
children of Class I officials, MLAs and MPs should not be allowed to avail of it. The first
restriction would permit institutions to function more autonomously and efficiently than
is the case when fully half of its posts are filled on considerations other than individual
merit. The second restriction would allow the benefits of reservation to percolate more
widely among the population.
But I am only an ordinary writer, with no political affiliation or influence. What I (or my
readers) think hardly matters. The principle of reservation is written into the very logic of
Indian politics and Indian democracy. In dismissing a petition filed against the Mandal
commission, the Supreme Court imposed a limit of 50 per cent for reserved jobs and
posts. I myself think this is excessive; that one in three would work much better than one
in two. Others might argue that we should thank the judges for their small mercies — for
had they not specified a figure, there might have been no limit at all.
****End of Story# 35 of 189
****Story#36 of 189
Title: Coaching Them To Think
Author: Shailaja Chandra
Source: Pioneer
Date: May 08, 2006
URL:
http://www.dailypioneer.com/indexn12.asp?main_variable=OPED&file_name=opd1%2E
txt&counter_img=#1
The media is the message," said Marshall Mcluhan exhorting people to "know the now".
Indeed, media is the single most powerful force that determines how people think, feel,
act and react to events and situations. Breaking news and banner headlines uncover fresh
events every day. Past issues vanish into oblivion till it's time to air them again. Media
decides the moment, the timing and very often the thinking that follows.
Until all nine accused in the Jessica Lal murder case were acquitted, her lovely face and
the tangy sound of "Tamarind Court" had become a blur. Following the judgement, we
watched impassioned relatives, social activists, lawyers and retired policemen venting
their shock through newspapers, magazines and television. Suspicions long assumed as
true came into broad daylight. The outpourings spurred an unstoppable demand for
change. At last the machinery started moving. It was people's victory. Because the media
had splashed the facts incontrovertibly, until looking the other way was no longer
possible.
Pramod Mahajan's shooting tragedy went on for days. The news of the fratricide
dominated all channels, as every gory detail of his damaged organs was described. We
still know so little about his special talent for organisation or what made him so
universally liked, what made him the exceptional leader he was despite his bluntness and
reported ruthlessness.
My piece is not to tell the media how to change priorities. But so much power to
influence public opinion and act as a harbinger of things to come could be used to inspire
and transform young people like nothing else can. Condoleezza Rice, writing for Time
magazine, describes the American media darling Oprah Winfrey as "someone who
certainly has power" and her message as "empowering: I did it, and so can you." Oprah
has taught millions to think positively through her daily light-hearted conclaves on
television. We badly need that kind of charisma and ordinariness to reach out to young
people, simply, directly and enthusiastically.
During the past year, I have met countless young people. I am amazed at their complete
ignorance and lack of concern about what surrounds them. What happens in the country
does not interest them. It is only when something affects them directly that they react - as
has happened with reservation.
Oblivious of the yawning gap between demand and supply of power or that generation
capacity remains relatively stagnant, they spout names like Nathpa Jhakri, Rihand,
Singrauli and terms like low frequency, tripping, transformer burnout with ease. Banner
headlines may scream "blackout" and "powerless, but the question "why" never occurs to
them. They never stop to ask will it be better this year. Next year? Why not?
They hardly think about population either except as an issue of contraception. Our food
grain production has been virtually static and below target for years. Yields for paddy and
wheat continue to be lower than even Bangladesh and Myanmar. Candidates for top jobs
can spout the right answers and appropriate phraseology on irrigation, high yielding
seeds, and balanced use of fertilisers, plant protection and education to farmers. But their
coaching class does not cover how this stagnation will impact on India's social indices
and on our lives.
The fact that the population of the major wheat producing States grew at the rate of 2.5
per cent annually during 2000-2005 is just something to be deposited at the back of the
head. Good material to be regurgitated at an interview. That feeding more mouths has
caused farmers to hold back grain is a linkage that does not even occur to them. 40 per
cent children already suffer malnutrition. Under five mortality is among the highest in the
world. Fifty-two per cent of the children's population is married before the age of 18. The
seriousness of low production, poor yield, the consequence of food shortages,
malnutrition, and skewed population growth just does not get linked in their minds.
ADB has projected the Indian economy growth at 7.5 per cent in 2006 and 7.8 per cent in
2007, but warned that continued oil prices above $70 per barrel would curb growth and
need revised projections. Oil is already $75 a barrel. "Outrageous" fumes the Finance
Minister. "Eventually, taxpayers have to foot the bill," announces the Chief Economist of
the ADB. But which young man or woman is bothered?
Our media managers and editors have opportunity that no one possesses. A page a day
devoted to a current situation, covered in simple terms, shorn of statistics and jargon
would create a new kind of readership. TV channels could easily spare half an hour daily
for a similar exercise - not by bringing together the usual hackneyed anchors and the
same blasé audience, but by using powerful speakers to address an actual classroom.
A media that creates an awakening can show a thumbs-down to the coaching class culture
and arouse thinking that goes beyond politics, scams, stings and entertainment
buffoonery. This will be media's contribution to the development of generation next.
****End of Story# 36 of 189
****Story#37 of 189
Title: Confusion And Chaos In Professional Education
Author: T.R. Andhyarujina
Source: Hindu
Date: April 28, 2006
URL: http://www.hindu.com/2006/04/28/stories/2006042803441000.htm
Between cynical politicians and contradictory judgments of the highest court, students,
parents, educationists, and institutions are perplexed, awaiting the next move by the
government or the court.
UNION MINISTER for Human Resource Development Arjun Singh has justified his
proposal of a 27 per cent quota for OBCs (Other Backward Classes) in admissions to
Indian Institutes of Management, Indian Institutes of Technology, and Central
Universities as a "follow-up action" and logical conclusion of the Constitution 93rd
Amendment Act, 2006, which came into force on January 20, 2006. If the proposal is
implemented, IIMs, IITs, NITs, and 113 medical colleges run by the Central Government
will have 49.5 per cent reservation in admissions — the existing 22.5 per cent quota for
Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes, and 27 per cent for OBCs.
How correct is the Minister's statement that this decision is only a follow-up of the 93rd
Amendment? The Amendment was neither made nor required to provide reservation in
Centrally owned or aided institutions. It was enacted by Parliament for a different
purpose: to overcome the August 12, 2005, decision of the Supreme Court in the Inamdar
case. The Court had struck down existing reservation by State Governments in private,
unaided medical and engineering institutions. It held that the right to run educational
institutions was a "fundamental right to occupation" protected by Article 19 (1) (g) of the
Constitution. The state, therefore, did not have the power to impose reservation in
private, unaided educational institutions.
Some States, particularly Karnataka, Tamil Nadu, and Kerala, had reserved seats in
private, unaided medical and engineering colleges for socially and educationally
backward classes for many years, giving them opportunities to higher professional
education they would have otherwise had no access to. The Supreme Court decision was
a setback for reservation in such States. Parliament, therefore, inserted a new sub article,
15(5), in the Constitution with almost unanimous approval to enable the state to reserve
seats for any socially and educationally backward classes of citizens (which could include
OBCs) or for the Scheduled Castes and the Scheduled Tribes in private educational
institutions, which, by the terms of this amendment, could no longer claim a fundamental
right to carry on an occupation under Article 19 (1)(g) of the Constitution. This is clear
from the Sub-Article 15 (5) of the Constitution which states:
"Nothing in this article or in sub-clause (g) of Clause (1) of Article 19 shall prevent the
state from making any special provision, by law, for the advancement of any socially and
educationally backward classes of citizens or for the Scheduled Castes or the Scheduled
Tribes insofar as such special provisions relate to their admission to educational
institutions including private educational institutions, whether aided or unaided by the
state, other than the minority educational institutions referred to in clause (1) of Article
30."
Thus this new amendment was not for enabling reservation of seats for Scheduled Castes,
Scheduled Tribes or OBCs in centrally administered institutions such as the IIMs and the
IITs, but only for doing so in private unaided institutions. The Central Government
already had the power to provide reservation in institutions controlled by the state. The
Constitution, by a specific amendment in 1951, introduced sub article 15(4) enabling the
state to make special provisions for the advancement of any socially and educationally
backward classes of citizens or for Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes. Article 15(4)
says:
"Nothing in this Article or in clause (2) of Article 29 shall prevent the State from making
any special provision for the advancement of any socially and educationally backward
classes of citizens or for the Scheduled Castes and the Scheduled Tribes."
Despite this, the Central Government did not think of reserving seats for OBCs in higher
education institutions funded by it until April 5, 2006, when Mr. Arjun Singh
disingenuously stated that it was the Constitution Amendment of January 2006 that
required follow-up action. Of course no political party has thought it expedient to
disagree with this move because of the political vote bank involved. It does not occur to
them that centres of excellence such as IIMs and IITs, which have received world
recognition, should not be tinkered with or that there can be affirmative action other than
quotas to equalise disadvantages of the backward classes in such institutions.
This will be a summer of discontent, chaos, and confusion for students and professional
institutions. Apart from the Central legislation now being considered for reservation for
OBCs in centrally administered educational institutions, States like Karnataka, which
were deprived of their quota in unaided private professional institutions because of the
Supreme Court judgment in the Inamdar case, will now enact laws to restore reservation
for SCs, STs, and OBCs citing the 93rd Amendment. This will inevitably lead to further
challenges in courts. Indeed retired Chief Justice R.C. Lahoti who wrote the Inamdar
judgment has made bold to say that the court may strike down the amendment itself.
The Inamdar judgment was, to say the least, controversial. Consider how it came about.
In 1993, the Supreme Court in the Unnikrishnan case evolved a judicial scheme for
admission of students in professional medical and engineering colleges for "payment,"
and "free seats" to control capitation fees. After some initial problems, the scheme settled
down and worked satisfactory. But on October 31, 2002, in the TMA Pai case, an 11judge Bench of the Supreme Court declared the scheme "unconstitutional" as it violated
the fundamental right of private, unaided professional institutions to carry on an
occupation. The judges were cautious and did not frown on reservation for backward
classes. Indeed, in one significant part of the majority judgment widely believed to be a
compromise to achieve consensus among the judges, it suggested that reservation could
be made "for poorer and backward sections of the society" considering the local needs.
On August 14, 2003, in the Islamic Academy case, a bench of five judges headed by
Chief Justice V.N. Khare held that reservation was still possible even after the TMA Pai
judgment. But on August 12, 2005 in the Inamdar case, a seven-judge bench overruled
the Islamic Academy judgment and held that no reservation could be made in private,
unaided professional institutions as that would violate the fundamental right of
educational institutions to carry on an occupation. This put an end to reservation for
socially and educationally backward classes in private educational institutions, which had
been implemented for many years in some States. No serious consideration was given to
the fact that there could be no absolute right to carry on an occupation by private unaided
institutions without any social obligation and to the fact that they were in some degree
dependent on state help or recognition and there could be reasonable restrictions on their
right to carry on an occupation. This situation led to the 93rd Amendment to the
Constitution to restore reservation in private unaided institutions. It is quite another
matter that advantage is now being taken of this amendment to push in Mandalisation.
Where are we now in this vital field of education? Are we to be bogged down by
acrimonious controversies dividing the nation, and baffling litigation? Neither the
Government nor the courts have covered themselves with credit. Between cynical
politicians of all parties and contradictory judgments of the highest court, students,
parents, educationists, and institutions are perplexed, awaiting the next move by the
Government or the Court. We are like the hollow men of T.S. Eliot — "Shape without
form, shade without colour, paralyzed force, gesture without animation."
****End of Story# 37 of 189
****Story#38 of 189
Title: Cong Locks Horn With Advani On Telengana
Author: Correspondent or Reporter
Source: Statesman
Date: April 22, 2006
URL:
http://www.thestatesman.net/page.news.php?clid=2&theme=&usrsess=1&id=11387#5
In the midst of its growing conflict with the Telengana Rashtra Samithi (TRS) over a
proposal for the creation of a separate Telengana state, the Congress has been forced to
lock horns with the BJP on the issue.
Close on the heels of BJP leader Mr LK Advani’s open support for the cause of statehood
for the Telengana region of Andhra Pradesh and his public invitation to the TRS to come
out of the Congress-led UPA into the BJP-led NDA’s fold, the Congress today reacted
sharply to Mr Advani’s statements, accusing him of “playing politics and exploiting the
sentiments of Telengana people”.
Khurana issue: About Mr Madanlal Khurana’s statement on the possibility of a “major
sex scandal involving five-six BJP leaders” that he promised to expose very soon, the
AICC spokesman, Mr Rajiv Shukla said: “What has happened to the party with a
difference!”
Quota: The party today sounded non-committal on the proposal of reservation in private
sector jobs in the country. The AICC merely underlined the need for talks with the
industry and private sector representative. SNS
****End of Story# 38 of 189
****Story#39 of 189
Title: Consensus Crucial
Author: Editorial, Statesman
Source: Statesman
Date: May 05, 2006
URL:
http://www.thestatesman.net/page.news.php?clid=3&theme=&usrsess=1&id=11513#5
Nobody with a modicum of common sense would oppose a settlement of the debilitating
dispute over Siachen, yet there is scope for disquiet at the series of “leaks” suggesting
that an accord is imminent. For there is still no transparency over the give-and-take
inherent to such settlements, there are also suspicions that a deal could be rushed through
merely to ensure “substance” to Prime Minister’s likely visit to Pakistan some months
hence. Such has been the hype and aura accorded to the “world’s highest battleground”,
as well as its huge drain on military, financial and human resources that there can be no
meaningful settlement sans broad political consensus and widespread public approval.
Siachen is not a case where the government can stand on technicality and bypass both
Parliament and public opinion and claim it is authorised to take such decisions. A
settlement cannot be rammed down peoples’ throats and successive governments be
presented a fait accompli. Siachen has become, or made out to be, the core of the national
security effort. It is in that context that the points raised by the former minister for
external affairs and defence, and present leader of the Opposition in the Rajya Sabha,
assume distinct significance.
To be fair, Jaswant Singh has pulled political punches and stressed issues upon which the
strategic community (and the army too it would appear) have reservations. In short, the
desire to strike a deal which would be endorsed by those assorted peacemakers who have
never sniffed cordite must not compromise the basics. There must be no
“accommodating” alteration of the Actual Ground Position Line, it has to be demarcated
unambiguously as it exists today and Pakistan must guarantee it would not occupy posts
vacated by Indian soldiers. The withdrawal pattern should offer no terrain advantage to
Pakistan’s re-militarising the zone, and a timetable must be laid down for an ecological
clean up. That might appear a tall order, but India cannot flirt with the concept of
stooping to conquer. The commanding heights on the Saltoro Ridge were secured by our
jawans at great cost, there must be no more frittering away at the negotiating table what
was won on the battlefield. A settlement without political consultations aimed at
consensus will be myopic. And out there in the snows, as this newspaper has previously
asserted, Siachen cannot be allowed to become Haji Pir II!
****End of Story# 39 of 189
****Story#40 of 189
Title: Consensus Crucial
Author: Editorial, Statesman
Source: Statesman
Date: May 04, 2006
URL:
http://www.thestatesman.net/page.news.php?clid=3&theme=&usrsess=1&id=11513#5
Nobody with a modicum of common sense would oppose a settlement of the debilitating
dispute over Siachen, yet there is scope for disquiet at the series of “leaks” suggesting
that an accord is imminent. For there is still no transparency over the give-and-take
inherent to such settlements, there are also suspicions that a deal could be rushed through
merely to ensure “substance” to Prime Minister’s likely visit to Pakistan some months
hence. Such has been the hype and aura accorded to the “world’s highest battleground”,
as well as its huge drain on military, financial and human resources that there can be no
meaningful settlement sans broad political consensus and widespread public approval.
Siachen is not a case where the government can stand on technicality and bypass both
Parliament and public opinion and claim it is authorised to take such decisions. A
settlement cannot be rammed down peoples’ throats and successive governments be
presented a fait accompli. Siachen has become, or made out to be, the core of the national
security effort. It is in that context that the points raised by the former minister for
external affairs and defence, and present leader of the Opposition in the Rajya Sabha,
assume distinct significance.
To be fair, Jaswant Singh has pulled political punches and stressed issues upon which the
strategic community (and the army too it would appear) have reservations. In short, the
desire to strike a deal which would be endorsed by those assorted peacemakers who have
never sniffed cordite must not compromise the basics. There must be no
“accommodating” alteration of the Actual Ground Position Line, it has to be demarcated
unambiguously as it exists today and Pakistan must guarantee it would not occupy posts
vacated by Indian soldiers. The withdrawal pattern should offer no terrain advantage to
Pakistan’s re-militarising the zone, and a timetable must be laid down for an ecological
clean up. That might appear a tall order, but India cannot flirt with the concept of
stooping to conquer. The commanding heights on the Saltoro Ridge were secured by our
jawans at great cost, there must be no more frittering away at the negotiating table what
was won on the battlefield. A settlement without political consultations aimed at
consensus will be myopic. And out there in the snows, as this newspaper has previously
asserted, Siachen cannot be allowed to become Haji Pir II!
****End of Story# 40 of 189
****Story#41 of 189
Title: Cool Cocktail
Author: Correspondent or Reporter
Source: Hindu
Date: April 27, 2006
URL: http://www.hindu.com/mp/2006/04/25/stories/2006042500450200.htm
The temperatures have been on the rise every day this April. And as the city hots up,
Dublin, Irish pub at the ITC Hotel Windsor Sheraton & Towers, offers customers the
perfect way to cool off. Through the rest of the month, Dublin has a delectable collection
of daiquiris on offer.
A daiquiri is an alcoholic drink made with rum, limejuice, sugar and ice. Modern day
daiquiris include a wide range of fruit-flavoured cocktails containing rum (and other
liquors) and either frozen or served on the rocks.
On offer at the Dublin this month are mega servings of 30 different flavours of daiquiris
— one for each day of the month. This is the perfect chance for the ultimate daiquiri fan,
a veritable greatest hits collection of this wonderful cocktail.
For reservations or information, call 22269898.
****End of Story# 41 of 189
****Story#42 of 189
Title: Corrections And Clarifications
Author: Editorial, The Hindu
Source: Hindu
Date: May 05, 2006
URL: http://www.hindu.com/2006/05/05/stories/2006050506271100.htm
A sentence in the lead story "Pramod Mahajan loses battle for life" (May 4, 2006, page 1)
read: "He was immediately operated upon to stem the flow of blood, particularly from the
damaged liver, pancreas and the Inferior Vina Cava (IVC), the blood vessel that carries
deoxygenated blood from the stomach to the heart." A consultant urologist from Mysore
says it is Inferior Vena Cava. It is the main blood vessel carrying deoxygenated blood
from the lower extremities and almost all the major abdominal organs and not that of the
stomach alone. In Pramod Mahajan's case, it was injured because of its situation behind
the pancreas.
A reader has protested against the headline "Delhi students protest against move for
reservation for OBCs" (May 3, 2006). He says "protest" means "a fight or declaration
against". In American English, "against" is dropped.
It is the policy of The Hindu to correct significant errors as soon as possible. Please
specify the edition (place of publication), date and page.
****End of Story# 42 of 189
****Story#43 of 189
Title: Courtly Intrigues
Author: Pratap Bhanu Mehta
Source: Telegraph
Date: April 26, 2006
URL: http://www.telegraphindia.com/1060426/asp/opinion/story_6135188.asp
The author is president, Centre for Policy Research
In his “travelogue”, From Sea to Sea, Kipling, while observing courtly intrigues in
princely Rajasthan, suggests something to the effect that courtly politics can be far more
intense than real politics. In actual politics, the politician has to submit himself to a
nebulous entity called public opinion; ambition has to be tailored to a real ability to sway
people. In courtly politics on the other hand, the only thing that counts is second-guessing
the monarch’s wishes. This, paradoxically, fuels the wildest ambitions. All kinds of
individuals, who might not be able to sway the masses, who might not have real strength
of character or brilliance of intellect, think they can do two things: embarrass rivals, and
ingratiate themselves with the sovereign. A lot depends upon the signals the monarch
sends. Who does he intend to put in charge? What does he want done? What are the
limits no one is allowed to cross? Kipling writes, “It must always be borne in mind that
everything that has been done, was carried through over and under unlimited intrigue, for
Jodhpur is a Native State. Intrigue must be met with intrigue by all except Gordons or
demi-gods; and it is curious to hear how a reduction in tariff, or a smoothing out of some
tangled Court, had to be worked by shift and byway.”
When Kipling wrote this, Jodhpur was undertaking serious reform of its court and justice
system. In order to make it a success, Jodhpur appointed a “Punjabi Sirdar”, Har Dayal
Singh. Kipling’s gloss on this was: “it is not easy to circumvent a Punjabi.” He then went
on to pay Jodhpur and Har Dayal Singh a compliment, “The details of his work would be
dry reading. The result of it is good, and there is justice in Marwar, and order and
firmness in its administration.”
Even if we mind Kipling’s attribution of characteristics to “native” states, or Punjabis, it
is difficult to avoid seeing the resonance of this episode in what is unfolding in Delhi.
During the last few days, it has become apparent that there is no longer a single
government in Delhi, but a succession of ministers jostling for limelight, ideological
prominence and sheer power. In every episode, whether it involves Arjun Singh or
Saifuddin Soz or H.R. Bharadwaj, the prime minister’s position is becoming more
reactive than proactive. On a range of issues, from the Nepal crisis to Naxalism, from
reservations to Narmada, you begin to wonder who exactly is in charge. The image of the
government is unravelling, not under demands from the allies but by each minister
appearing to chart his own course. The “non-political” head of this drama, the prime
minister, who, in his own “dry” way, is supposed to be the source of justice, order and
firmness — as much of a statement of a political philosophy we will ever have — is
being easily circumvented to the point where the agenda of his own administration does
not appear to be under his control.
Delhi is a town where there are as many narratives as there are insiders. So no one is
quite sure what exactly is happening inside the Congress party. Whose ambitions are
creeping or soaring? What shape does the party want to give to this country? Where does
it stand on crucial issues like reservations? There is no doubt that the prime minister’s
authority is being challenged and dissipated on a range of important moral and
constitutional matters, and the prime minister has not done enough to recuperate his own
stature or vision. But equally, there is little doubt that the blame for much of this disorder
lies squarely with Sonia Gandhi. When the “Queen” does not make her ideological
intentions clear, or puts her weight firmly behind her chosen men, intrigue and
ideological uncertainty are an inevitable consequence. Every courtier feels empowered to
vie for the coveted position of diwan, every policy choice becomes plausibility, and there
is no one at the head who cannot be circumvented.
For what it is worth, I have argued that extending reservations to other backward classes
in Central institutions is not warranted for a variety of reasons. Whatever one’s views on
extending reservations to the OBCs, the manner in which the debate has come to the fore
is a disgrace to the Congress. In any scenario, the party looks bad. If Arjun Singh took the
initiative on his own, why is he being tolerated? If he did not take the initiative on his
own, why does not the party have the courage to own up to its convictions? Arjun Singh
is correct in one crucial respect: the issue of reservations has been on the radar since the
constitutional amendment enabling it was passed. If the party, to this point, has no
considered view on the subject, then it is either being extremely evasive, or it takes
important decisions in a fit of absentmindedness. Either way it looks bad.
What Sonia Gandhi’s leadership style has done within the Congress is add to ideological
uncertainty and factional intrigue. There is one policy measure that Sonia Gandhi has
made her own: the employment guarantee Scheme. For a brief moment, she appeared to
salvage her reputation by resigning from her seat, not as an act of sacrifice but because it
was the right thing to do. It is often difficult to fathom what she thinks of a range of
important issues. But what emerges from her actions is a style that is a throwback to the
days and ideological predilections of Indira Gandhi: a distrust of genuinely popular local
leaders, undue tolerance of the improprieties of those whose power depends upon her,
little respect for constitutional norms, little attempt to articulate the core convictions of
the party, and an emphasis on an improvised populism rather than serious reform of the
state. The circumstances are different: Sonia Gandhi is not Indira Gandhi, and India itself
has transformed beyond recognition. But the Congress’s ideology and culture are still
struggling to catch up. The Congress is doing its best to sow the seeds of the kind of
reactionary politics that was a result of its stints in power.
Sonia Gandhi’s leadership style imposes many costs on the Congress: it has long
prevented its organizational renewal, and the stress on loyalty over propriety has saddled
the cabinet with ministers who are constitutional and intellectual liabilities. But its most
corrosive effect is deeper and often unremarked: it has created a party where there is
almost no leader whose thoughts are their own. There are few “intellectuals” who can be
forceful qua intellectuals. As Congress party members, they are reduced to fitting into a
paradigm rather than helping to shape it. In fact, the remarkable thing about what Arjun
Singh did was that he actually took a policy initiative and claimed responsibility for it.
But what the party has spawned is a culture of second- guessing what Sonia Gandhi
might think, and second-guessing is not the same as thinking.
Is the current tussle between the prime minister and Arjun Singh a genuine tussle? Push
comes to shove, do they really have opposed views on reservations? If they do, why has
Arjun Singh been allowed to go this far? Or is it like the moderate extremist duet the
Bharatiya Janata Party used to put on to allow Atal Bihari Vajpayee to have his cake and
eat it too? If, indeed, the prime minister does not share Arjun Singh’s views, then this
particular round of courtly intrigue has got to be a fight to the finish: it is difficult to
fathom how the prime minister could continue to tolerate a minister who has openly
challenged his authority. Or will the prime minister fall more in line with the Arjun
Singh-view of the world? Unfortunately, the answer to whether Manmohan Singh, unlike
Kipling’s Har Dayal Singh, can be circumvented may not lie in his own hands: it will
depend upon Sonia Gandhi.
****End of Story# 43 of 189
****Story#44 of 189
Title: Dam Politics Is Pointless
Author: G.S. Bhargava
Source: Tribune
Date: April 20, 2006
URL: http://www.tribuneindia.com/2006/20060420/edit.htm#6
The Prime Minister has done well not to go along with Water Resources minister
Saifuddin Soz and his collaborators who sought to stall the Narmada development project
on the ground that rehabilitation of the oustees was not keeping pace with the dam
construction work. In a statesmanlike gesture, Dr Manmohan Singh declined to rule in
favour of stopping work on the project. Of course, Congress party functionaries,
including MLAs and MPs from Gujarat, were up in arms against the Soz manoeuvre.
In this context, I can never forget Professor Yogendra K.Alagh’s uncharacteristic display
of excitement when Narmada water reached the western parts of Gujarat, at the mouth of
the water- starved Kutch. Whenever I saw women, including small girls of this area, trek
long distances for a pitcher of water, I would look forward to the day when they would
have enough water at their doorstep, he has said.
Now it has happened, he added, collecting a mouthful from the gushing flow at the early
stages of the Narmada dam about three decades ago. Professor Alagh was ViceChancellor of Jawaharlal Nehru University and later of Nagaland University and also
Minister of Power and Planning in the United Front Government headed by I.K. Gujral.
Prof. Alagh heads the Human Development Institute, which is naturally loath to see
persons displaced from their homes and land.. But he is not for throwing the baby out
with the bath water. He has edited a publication for which Medha Patkar contributed a
chapter giving her point of view. The Narmada Project, when completed, would irrigate
1.8 billion hectares of land — a mind boggling prospect which compares well with
Nehru’s shining legacy of the Bhakra Nangal. It will reach water to four crore people of
Gujarat, including Saurashtra and Kutch, besides yielding millions of megawatts of
electricity for Maharashtra and Madhya Pradesh.
It is incomprehensible how power-starved Maharashtra has joined Soz and his colleagues
in opting for stoppage of work on the Narmada dam. The people of the State, plagued by
a perennial power shortage resulting in long hours of load shedding, would be shocked by
the Government’s politicking. In the process, the three BJP-ruled States of Madhya
Pradesh, Rajasthan and Gujarat combined to defeat consensus by the Soz committee, not
a healthy development!
Mr B.G. Verghese, eminent editor and research professor at the Centre for Policy
Research (CPR) in New Delhi, has written perceptively on harnessing river waters and
overcoming problems of rehabilitation caused by displacement of populations in the
construction of large dams. “Against the background that no more than 12 percent of
India’s hydroelectric potential has been harnessed — a wasteful luxury for a country with
massive electricity needs — we cannot but opt for projects like Sardar Sarovar and
Narmada Sagar”. The rehabilitation issue constitutes the eye of the storm “over these
projects,” he writes. The Narmada Waters Dispute Tribunal set out the parameters of
rehabilitation and associated benefits in 1978.
The Supreme Court has since entered the picture. Verghese also points out that the
rehabilitation package proposed by the Governments of Gujarat and Madhya Pradesh —
then under Congress party governance — is by no means ungenerous.”
But a dialogue between the authorities and the families being rehabilitated — so vital for
continued co-operation — was not possible because professional agitators had got into
the act. Now film personalities and others seeking ready publicity have compounded the
problem. He reiterates the principle that insistence on adequate and wholesome
compensation for displacement from homes and hearths and humane and accountable
rehabilitation should not be carried to the point of impeding the project itself.
Against this background, hunger strikes and ‘fasts unto death’ have no place in disputes
over rehabilitation of oustees from hydro projects. The Union Government and Soz as its
incumbent representative should have ensured it before they intervened in the matter. If
such tactics had been resorted to in Nehru’s time, monumental projects like BhakraNangal, Damodar Valley on the Mahanadi in Orissa or Nagarjuna Sagar in Andhra
Pradesh would never have been built. One has seen that at the time of the building of the
Nagarjuna Sagar, historic Buddhist relics had been shifted from shore to shore for
preservation. Even then, quite a few less important objects had to be abandoned. Nobody
staged a dharna on the issue. Because of Nehru’s towering personality and the fact that
the Congress party governed most of the affected States ensured smooth sailing for the
gigantic ventures.
Incidentally, in another study confined to the Narmada, Mr B.G. Verghese has brought
out the agitational profile of Medha Patkar. When the Maharashtra Government offered
to rehabilitate the families uprooted by the Maharashtra section of the Narmada Sagar
project on degraded forest area in the State, she objected that forest should not be
encroached upon. That it was recognised as a degraded forest area did not move her. At
the same time, she would insist on rehabilitation of the Adivasis in terrain congenial to
their tradition and culture. In the process, the project work was held up for near about ten
years! Ultimately, the authorities ignored her and completed the task, despite some
unpleasantness. There was no Saifuddin Soz at that time!
****End of Story# 44 of 189
****Story#45 of 189
Title: Damage Control
Author: Editorial, The Tribune
Source: Tribune
Date: April 25, 2006
URL: http://www.tribuneindia.com/2006/20060425/edit.htm#8
Human resource development minister Arjun Singh’s proposal for reservation for OBCs
in institutions like IITs and IIMs may be on the backburner for now — but the Capital’s
hyperactive political grapevine has not stopped speculating about the wily minister’s real
motive in taking up this issue at this stage. An overwhelming view is that Arjun Singh is
positioning himself as a Presidential candidate, although the election for this post is over
a year away.
Whatever his reasons, his Cabinet colleagues are furious at him for raking up this issue
just when the middle class was veering towards the Congress. The general view among
Congress leaders is to buy time on this contentious matter, by referring it to a committee
for further in-depth scrutiny, and to ensure that it does not reach Parliament in a hurry. If
that were to happen, vote bank politics will prevail and no political party will be in a
position to oppose this Bill.
****End of Story# 45 of 189
****Story#46 of 189
Title: Decisions On Free Trade
Author: Editorial, Dawn
Source: Dawn
Date: April 24, 2006
URL: http://www.dawn.com/2006/04/24/ed.htm#2
THE commerce ministers of Saarc who met in Dhaka recently have taken the first major
step towards operationalising the free trade area in South Asia that was created in
January. Focusing on the trade in goods, the ministerial council has worked out a scheme
for the gradual elimination of tariff barriers to be completed in the next 10 years. This
process has been staggered and a distinction made between the developing and the least
developed countries. Thus, India, Pakistan and Sri Lanka will not have any import duties
on goods from other Safta countries by 2008 while the deadline for the others will be
2016. The Dhaka decisions will be welcomed mainly because until now Saarc members
had not shown enough commitment to establishing a free trade area in the region. Thus
the South Asia Preferential Trade Arrangement that was launched in 1993 failed to give a
boost to regional trade which today is a mere 4.4 per cent of the total trade of member
countries. Its significance can be seen from the fact that regional trade is 55 per cent in
the European Union, 61 per cent in North America and 25 per cent in Asean.
One hopes that Safta’s trade will be enhanced as the tariffs are reduced. The inclusion of
the services sector in Safta’s regime should help in this process when steps are taken to
facilitate trade in services. Two factors are likely to create some reservations about the
pace and extent of integration that will actually take place. First, it has been agreed that a
number of products that members consider sensitive will be excluded from the scope of
the free trade deal. If a long list of items is excluded on this score, the scope of free trade
will be considerably reduced. Secondly, as pointed out by Bangladesh, if the non-tariff
barriers are not addressed, the entry of many goods from one South Asian country into
the market of another will still be blocked, the elimination of tariffs notwithstanding.
These issues must be taken up soon. If Saarc is to emerge as an effective regional
grouping, it is important that it has a strong economic underpinning. In such
arrangements free trade generally constitutes the most essential binding force.
****End of Story# 46 of 189
****Story#47 of 189
Title: Development And Conservation Should Go Hand In Hand: Collector
Author: Correspondent or Reporter
Source: Hindu
Date: April 28, 2006
URL: http://www.hindu.com/2006/04/28/stories/2006042819110300.htm
The need to strike a harmonious balance between development and conservation was
underscored by the Nilgiris Collector, C. Vijayaraj Kumar, while releasing a compact
disc titled, `Window on Nilgiris' brought out by the Nilgiri Wildlife and Environment
Association (NWLEA) here on Thursday.
Lamenting that in the name of development considerable damage had been done to the
environment of the Nilgiris, he hoped that at least, henceforth, lopsided development and
unplanned promotion of tourism would be discouraged.
Stating that focus should be on developing `safe tourism', he said that projects, which
were in tune with the concept were on the anvil.
Adverting to various aspects of the compact disc, he commended the NWLEA for having
taken considerable efforts to produce it. The effort was praiseworthy because it had been
prepared by a group of non-professionals.
Pointing out that it would help promote nature tourism, Mr. Kumar said that more such
projects could be taken up by the association.
Preservation
Referring to the six primitive tribal groups in the Nilgiris, he said that a great deal of
documentation needs to be done on them. Preservation of the flora and fauna was an
inextricable part of their culture. Their rituals were closely linked to conservation.
The vice-president, NWLEA, Geetha Srinivasan, said that producing the compact disc
had been a `dream project' of the association. Being an important part of the Nilgiri
Biosphere Reserve (NBR), the Nilgiris was rich in natural wealth, biodiversity, scenic
beauty and heritage. Of late, the district had to contend with the forces of development.
Consequently, documentation of various aspects of the Nilgiris assumed considerable
importance.
Stating that the compact disc had been divided into different sections like history,
tourism, topography, people, places and commerce, she said that it had been produced at
a cost of Rs. 10 lakhs provided by the Hill Area Development Programme (HADP) over a
period of 36 months. Around 5000 visuals had been selected from about 23,000
photographs.
The Tourist Officer, the Nilgiris, T. Chellappa, the Assistant Project Officer, HADP,
Bojan and S.B. Ravindra of the NWLEA also spoke.
Among those present were the former Chairman, Atomic Energy Commission, M.R.
Srinivasan. The secretary, NWLEA, N. Mohanraj, proposed a vote of thanks.
****End of Story# 47 of 189
****Story#48 of 189
Title: Dimensions Of Insecurity
Author: Hamid Ansari
Source: Frontline
Date: April 27, 2006
URL: http://www.hinduonnet.com/fline/stories/20060505000807500.htm
The book traces the new dimensions of security by focussing on the ingredients of
individual and group insecurity.
SO much has been written on the concept of security that yet another book is approached
with some diffidence, perhaps apprehension. Both reactions turn out to be unwarranted.
A sociologist of eminence has brought to the subject a refreshingly different perspective
and has enriched the debate.
The traditional bastions of state-centric security were breached decades ago. New criteria
for gauging security, relating to the totality of human condition, were added. The state
remained a point of reference but conceded centrality to society and to the human
condition within each society. Food, water, energy, minerals and other resources for
modern economies, technology, ecology and environment emerged as equally relevant
determinants. The debate moved from the a priori primacy of the state and its imperatives
to those of what John Locke called the Commonwealth.
Prof. T.K. Oommen traces the recent debate on the dimensions of security by focussing
on the ingredients of individual and group insecurity. He identifies five principal sources
of it: income disparity, patriarchy, cultural and religious heterogeneity, externality and
social hierarchy: "While the first two are found in all societies, the third is becoming
common in an increasing number of societies. As for the fourth source of insecurity, viz.,
externality, it is spreading with migration across cultural frontiers. The fifth source of
insecurity is unique to certain societies such as those of South Asia." These five sources
"tend to feed on one another and aggravate the sense of insecurity". The dimensions of
the problem are vividly summed up: "If 50 per cent of the human population experiences
insecurity because of its gender, some 25 per cent of the human beings feel insecure
because of their poverty." The sense of insecurity of groups (seeking recognition of
identity on other grounds) adds to this in considerable measure and is demonstrated by a
table (page 104) of `Minorities at Risk' in different regions of the world. The bulk of the
population in any society, therefore, signals a sense of insecurity in some measure.
The argument of socio-cultural diversity is developed in terms of the nation-state with
specific reference to South Asia: "First, nation-states could not achieve complete cultural
homogenisation and hence collective rights are relevant even in them. Second, in the case
of multinational and multicultural states, the preservation of collective identities along
with individual equality needs to be pursued deliberately. Third, national selfdetermination is irrelevant for multicultural polities as the constituting ethnicities are
territorially dispersed. In contemporary multinational polities, although selfdetermination is relevant, most of the constituting units do not invoke it; they are selfrenouncing nations. Fourth, new nationalisms, emerging and crystallising all over the
world, situated as they are in federal polities, simultaneously pursue individual rights and
collective identities" (page 74). Pursuant to this line of reasoning, an interesting typology
of South Asian nationalisms is developed (pages 76-77).
Another table, on page 10, indicates the falsity of a dichotomous approach and in favour
of a notion of continuity between the security of the state and everyday security as well as
the continuity between its macro and micro dimensions. Oommen therefore argues that
an optimal view of security is provided by an analysis of three factors: genocide,
`culturocide' and ecocide. Genocide can be executed by the state and/or representative of
one or another group. "Culturocide attempts to dismantle the identities of collectives."
Ecocide results when there is a deliberate attempt to destroy the ecological system of the
enemy or when there is the reckless application of modern technology for rapid economic
development. "A society free from genocide, culturocide and ecocide may be
conceptualised as a secure society."
ADEEL HALIM/REUTERS
A BEGGAR SITS inside a police cabin to protect himself from rain in Mumbai. Prof.
Oommen says 25 per cent of the human population suffer from insecurity because of
poverty.
Commencing with Plato's Republic, the search for security has been the most pervasive
of human pursuits. It has been argued, with justification, that insecurity refers both to the
subjective feeling of anxiety and to the concrete lack of protection. Measured against the
conceptual framework set out in the monograph, the shortcomings of all contemporary
societies become evident. The instances of genocide and attempted cultural
homogenisation cited by Oommen need no commentary. They reflect poorly on the
claims of the modern states as guardians of security. A related question pertains to the
role of socio-economic forces, and of political actors, in the construction of insecurity. To
what extent do they fuel the subjective feeling of anxiety and participate in avoiding
protection? These considerations propel thinking in the direction of an alternative
paradigm.
The closing decades of the 20th century also witnessed perceptible changes in the very
nature of the state and the society it professed to protect. The nation-state conceded
ground in increasing measure to the forces of globalisation, to what Philip Bobbit has
called the market-state.
It will be argued that Oommen's approach to security focusses on the avoidance of the
undesirable and leaves out the desirable imperatives. Thus, while freedom from fear is
one aspect of security, freedom from want is another, no less relevant. Both aspects were
covered in the United Nations Development Programme's Human Development Report
(2000): freedom from discrimination, freedom from want, freedom to develop and realise
one's human potential, freedom from fear, freedom from injustice and violations of the
rule of law, freedom of thought, speech and association and freedom for work without
exploitation. Oommen, however, considers this approach `obese'.
The Delhi Policy Group is to be complemented for initiating its project on NonTraditional Security aimed at creating a new awareness that the definition of the nature of
security has to be made more comprehensive. Oommen's monograph is a welcome
addition to a series of earlier publications on different aspects of this fascinating theme. A
dimension has been added; the quest for comprehensiveness needs to continue.
****End of Story# 48 of 189
****Story#49 of 189
Title: Divine Communion
Author: Correspondent or Reporter
Source: Hindu
Date: April 26, 2006
URL: http://www.hindu.com/2006/04/26/stories/2006042609810900.htm
The spiritual heights that great saints attain are not possible for laypeople even by doing
strenuous spiritual practices (Sadhana). Saints are emissaries of God chosen for His
mission (for reforming mankind) so that they will take to the spiritual path, and hence
they are specially equipped for their task. The example of a genius' ability to excel
naturally and that of an average person who cannot achieve the same level even with lot
of effort is apt to appreciate this difference.
In his discourse, Swami Gautamananda said even casual utterances of a saint like Sri
Ramakrishna Paramahamsa offered insight into the mystical states he had attained. He
used to say that he wept to the Divine Mother to grace him with scriptural knowledge and
that She enabled him to grasp the entire teachings of the Vedas and the Puranas in three
days. Even in the case of great Yogis spiritual experience lasts only for a few minutes or
hours. But in Sri Ramakrishna's case his vision of the Divine Mother including spiritual
union (Samadhi) lasted three days and when he came out of this divine communion his
face glowed with unearthly radiance. The saint then requested the Goddess to withdraw
the lustrous divine form he had so that his devotees would be able to interact normally
with him.
He was also blessed with the vision of Mahamaya (the obscuring power of the Almighty),
which appeared as a glow inside his room and spread, and enveloped the entire universe
before his eyes. This proves that it is not possible for human beings to overcome Maya
and only divine grace can enable one to transcend it and comprehend the Reality. The
world of diversity that is apparent to human perception is thus due to illusion.
The Divine Mother revealed to the saint how many devotees would seek his guidance and
also instructed him to teach Vedanta to this modern day people as the objective of his
spiritual ministry was to rejuvenate Hinduism in this age. The meeting of Sri
Ramakrishna and Narendra (Swami Vivekananda) was also ordained as the saint
observed when he met him for the first time that he had been waiting for him for years.
Naren was stunned by his statement and went away with reservation but returned the next
day totally transformed.
****End of Story# 49 of 189
****Story#50 of 189
Title: Divisive Quota
Author: Editorial, The Tribune
Source: Tribune
Date: April 28, 2006
URL: http://www.tribuneindia.com/2006/20060428/edit.htm#1
THE indefinite strike launched by the junior doctors of the five medical colleges in Delhi
reflects their agony and anguish over Union Human Resource Development Minister
Arjun Singh’s proposal to reserve 27 per cent seats for the Other Backward Classes
(OBCs) in professional colleges. The agitation is likely to intensify from April 30 when
31 medical associations across the country converge in the Capital. Clearly, there is no
justification for such quotas in professional colleges. Though all the political parties are
united on the issue in Parliament for protecting their vote banks, this has created sharp
divisions in society. Opinion seems to be divided in the Union Cabinet too. Union
Science and Technology Minister Kapil Sibal quite candidly said in Hannover on
Wednesday that quotas will dilute the quality of research and development in
professional institutions and India will lose its competitive edge in the global market.
The striking doctors have a valid point in opposing reservation in super-speciality
courses. At this level, merit should be the sole criterion for admission and not caste or
any other consideration. If a student is given a seat on the basis of his caste, it will
endanger the profession and do incalculable harm to the nation.
Nonetheless, the government — at the Centre and in the states — should help the socially
and educationally disadvantaged sections by extending all kinds of facilities like
scholarships, books, coaching and training so that they can upgrade their skills and are
capable of competing with others for admission to speciality courses purely on merit. In
tune with Prime Minister Manmohan Singh’s suggestion for affirmative action in the
private sector, the Confederation of Indian Industry, which is against quotas, is preparing
a blueprint on how to help the socially and educationally disadvantaged. The CII is
exploring proposals like setting up of scholarships, vocational institutes and self-help
groups for them. The Centre and the states too should think on similar lines. Ultimately,
the need of the hour is to train and empower them instead of doling out quotas for narrow
partisan ends.
****End of Story# 50 of 189
****Story#51 of 189
Title: Do We Need Censorship Guidelines?
Author: Zeenat Zafar
Source: Daily Excelsior
Date: April 20, 2006
URL: http://www.dailyexcelsior.com/web1/06apr20/edit.htm#5
Shyam Benegal hallucinates about human beings morphing into scissors whenever he
hears the word 'censor'. Nagesh Kukunoor can't stop talking about his seven films that
have been snipped before they have been declared fit for proper viewing. This when the
board has passed other films which have had cusswords tossed around for special effects
and violence against women/animals proscribed in the Cinematograph Act as their
running theme. "There is an enormous amount of ambiguity that allows the censors to
play god," says Kukunoor.
What is obscenity? How much liberty can a filmmaker take when showing violence?
What film is suitable for viewing by a teenager and what makes watchable fare for a
'mature adult'? Filmmakers have long grappled with these questions with the censor
board giving it cuts instead of satisfactory answers. No more perhaps. For, 54-years after
the Cinematograph Act was passed in parliament, the Union Information and
Broadcasting Ministry - that arbiter of the fine print on middle-class morality - embarks
on an exercise to overhaul it systematically. Officials in the ministry promise the act will
be liberal, in keeping with the times, though they concede there may be problems in
getting parliament to approve it.
This is the fourth time such an exercise to spell out the details in the act - seen as vague
and confusing by filmmakers at the receiving end - is being attempted. The first two
attempts - in 1982 and 1991 - proved futile. Vijay Anand, briefly censor board chief
during the NDA era, tried to bring in some rationalisation on the question of adult
content. But to no avail. His successor, Anupam Kher, too tried to modify the act, but
failed.
The proposed guidelines include films are to be certified under the categories: U
(Unrestricted), UA (under parental guidance), Adult, MA (Mature Adult 25 and above)
and S (restricted to members of a profession, say docs).
Explicit sex will be prohibited. But there will be provisions in place for foreplay (though
the guidelines aren't exact on the definition) in the MA category. Issue of male nudity
will be addressed for the first time and the extent to which it will be allowed will be
debated.
There will be mandatory reservation of 33 per cent for women on the board. Linguistic
and religious representation on the board has been recommended for he first time. Greater
coordination among the regional boards required to avoid confusion.
Filmmakers, however, say any 'official' guidelines will always be open to interpretation
and as a solution suggest an informal group of filmmakers rather than Government
appointees to examine films. "Let there be rapporteurs rather than decision-makers,"
pleads Benegal. "Beyond the rule prohibiting explicit sex and frontal nudity, everything
else is open to interpretation. How do you define what is vulgar?? Obscenity may mean
many things. How do you propose to get a fix on that? How can a clutch of people decide
on the morality of the people?" asks Benegal.
As a way out, Benegal says, the framers of the guidelines should be guided by how the
constitution defines the right of individuals. Be clear, not vague. "Classify the films
according to age and, as a precaution, flash a message beforehand advising some viewers
against watching some scenes," says Benegal. Kukunoor thinks members should actually
undergo training in film appreciation.
He should know. It was a revelation for the filmmaker who had just made his first film
when the censor board told him that Indian girl don't kiss on screen. Left with the choice
of either accepting the board's diktat if he wanted an Unrestricted certification for his
film, or knocking at the Film Tribunal's doors, he chose the latter.
The kiss in Hyderabad Blues stayed on for four seconds following the tribunals'
intervention. Benegal faced a similar trial when he was asked to drop a cussword from his
film Zubeidaa. "It was either the swear word with an Adult certification or nothing." He
dropped it. More recently, the censor board advised the makers of Parzania, a postGodhra film about a Parsi couple, to drop references to the Vishwa Hindu Parishad, and
retain only the word Parishad.
The ministry knows it has a tough task on hand. Drawing a line has never been so
daunting when it comes to 'defining' obscenity. Language too will pose a problem, more
so in the case of cusswords. "Board members will be asked to see the context in which a
particular 'offensive' word is being used and not excise it," say officials.
Former I&B Minister Pramod Mahajan sees another problem in the categorisation. It
won't help, he says. "How do you tell an 18-year-old from a 25-year-old, unless the act
requires them to carry their identification cards and the onus of identification is on the
gatekeeper of the cinema hall," asks Mahajan. He thinks censor boards have been quite
liberal and do not require further "liberalisation". Recalling the days when audiences
flocked to see a hint of cleavage in that runaway hit of the '60s - Sangam - Mahajan says
both Indian cinema and the censor board have come a long way since then. "I see more
problems on television than cinema and it is this content that needs to be regularised,"
says Mahajan.
The proposed new law will have to be passed by Parliament. It is perhaps fitting that
people's representatives debate the guidelines governing film censorship before giving
their verdict.
****End of Story# 51 of 189
****Story#52 of 189
Title: Dynasty No Longer Dazzles The Voters
Author: Editorial, The Pioneer
Source: Pioneer
Date: April 27, 2006
URL:
http://www.dailypioneer.com/indexn12.asp?main_variable=OPED&file_name=opd5%2E
txt&counter_img=#5
Rahul Gandhi will find it difficult to revitalise the Congress in Uttar Pradesh as the party
lacks credible strategy and organisation, says Anuradha Dutt
After years of indecisiveness, Congress heir apparent Rahul Gandhi is ready to don the
mantle of leadership. For the present, he intends to confine himself to Uttar Pradesh, the
karma-bhumi of several generations of Nehrus-Gandhis.
To begin with, he is handling the election campaign of his mother, Ms Sonia Gandhi. Not
that this is really a challenging task, given that the Rae Bareilly is home base for the
family. Moreover, Ms Gandhi's perceived martyrdom ensures her return with a
comfortable majority. As in the past, the announcement has spurred public displays of
sycophancy and jubilation among Congressmen, who continue to view the dynasty as a
panacea for boosting their flagging fortunes.
Mr Rahul Gandhi seems a temperate young man, in no hurry to grab power. He also
conducts himself with modesty. His apparent unpreparedness for the stellar role that his
party wishes to thrust upon him has been evident in the last two years.
He spent this period travelling through the country and interacting with a wide crosssection of people, including grassroots politicos, NGO workers and the intelligentsia.
Perhaps the realisation that the party leadership is his for the asking reduces the pressure
on him to succeed. It is a happy situation in that he can take over the reins of command at
leisure. For, he has no rivals for the post even among the young guard, while the old are a
jaded, visionless lot.
The choice of UP as Mr Rahul Gandhi's testing ground is a well-considered decision. The
reasons are obvious. The Nehru family's rise to political eminence began in Allahabad
with Motilal Nehru, Representing the fifth generation of the dynasty, Mr Rahul Gandhi is
hoping to draw on public sentiment, as much as history, in his bid to revivify the party.
Convention has it that any party that captures the Hindi belt, especially UP, has a better
chance of coasting to power at the Centre. The young strategists in the party are possibly
hoping to turn back the clock by winning back UP and Bihar.
The Congress's sharp decline coincided with its diminishing hold over the State. The
inept handling of the Ramjanmabhumi dispute by Rajiv Gandhi and PV Narasimha Rao
antagonised Muslims and Hindus. And, its inability to cash in on the Mandal formula of
reservations resulted in the BSP and the Samajwadi Party capitalising on caste equations
in UP, and the RJD in Bihar. The party, in consequence, was reduced to being a marginal
player in the north, with Rajasthan, Madhya Pradesh and Haryana shifting loyalties when
warranted.
Judging by Mr Rahul Gandhi's remark that he can turn around the Congress's fortunes in
UP, he is confident of succeeding where veterans have failed. The Assembly elections are
slated for next year, and the time on hand is short. The BJP, the SP and the BSP currently
over-shadow the dynasty, with the Congress having 16 MLAs in the Assembly. There is
no State-level leader of the stature of, say, Mr Mulayam Singh Yadav, or Ms Mayawati.
The Congress, in fact, lacks a specific agenda, the reason why it has no bankable votebank. The Dalits are with the BSP; OBCs with the SP; the upper caste Hindus lean
towards the BJP; and the minorities back the first two.
Mr Rahul Gandhi's debut in UP is a ploy to counter the appeal of Ms Mayawati, Mr
Kalyan Singh and Mr Mulayam Singh Yadav. But the gambit might fail since communal
and caste-based strategies determine political fortunes in the State. The dynasty no longer
dazzles voters. As a greenhorn, he will find it difficult to cope with the Machiavellian
tactics of seasoned players. Even if he does, it will be a case of too little too late.
****End of Story# 52 of 189
****Story#53 of 189
Title: Ec Examining Complaint On Rae Bareli Poll
Author: Correspondent or Reporter
Source: Tribune
Date: April 30, 2006
URL: http://www.tribuneindia.com/2006/20060430/nation.htm#4
The Election Commission is examining BJP’s complaint of Punjab Congress leaders
inducing voters in Rae Bareli parliamentary constituency, where the Congress President
Sonia Gandhi is contesting elections.
Deputy election commissioner R. Bhattacharya told reporters that the EC is examining
the BJP complaint alleging that Congress leaders in Punjab gave money to people to vote
during the May 8 bypoll in Rae Bareli.
The complaint quoted news reports that Congress activists had identified nearly 3,000
migrants from Rae Bareli constituency who are residing in Ludhiana and are making
arrangements to give them an ‘all-cost paid’ trip to that constituency if they promise to
vote for Ms Gandhi.
The poll panel said it is considering the response sent by Cabinet Secretary B.K.
Chaturvedi on the alleged violation of model code of conduct by HRD Minister Arjun
Singh on the issue of reservation for OBCs in elite educational institutions.
Mr Bhattacharya said, “The reply from the Cabinet Secretary was received yesterday and
it is now under the consideration of the Commission.”
The Commission had already asked the Centre to defer consideration of the controversial
draft Bill by the Union Cabinet on the issue till the completion of the Assembly polls in
the five states.
The Commission had earlier taken exception to the reported announcement of Singh on
the issue.
Arjun Singh had earlier denied the EC’s charge that he had prima facie violated the
model code of conduct for elections by announcing plans for quota in elite institutions.
****End of Story# 53 of 189
****Story#54 of 189
Title: Education, The Great Leveller
Author: C. J. Punnathara
Source: Business Line
Date: April 22, 2006
URL: http://www.thehindubusinessline.com/2006/04/22/stories/2006042200031000.htm
Today, the country's top educational institutions can be compared to the best in the world.
Institutions such as the IIMs are being wooed to go global, with none other than the
Prime Minister of Singapore championing the cause. Substantial allocations have laid the
foundation for education in Urban India. It is time the Government took the success story
to Rural India.
EDUCATION IN Rural India has still a long way to go.
When Gaurav Agarwal of IIM Bangalore walked away with an annual pay packet of Rs
86 lakh for his job abroad, it was not just India Incorporated, which sat up and cheered.
But also millions of parents and students, struggling to break into these citadels of
learning. Most of these aspiring students would have passed out of prestigious schools
and colleges in urban India, before entering the hallowed portals.
A world apart from the dreary government schools that their parents had to toil through
before gaining admission to the college in the distant township, and walking away with
the ultimate prize of a top Government job, India has made rapid strides both in education
and employment potential. But it still has a long way to go.
Rich dividends
There is no denying that the government's dedicated endeavour to extend education has
begun to pay dividends — at least in Urban India. Today, the country's top educational
institutions can be compared to the best in the world. Institutions such as the IIMs are
being wooed to go global, with none other than the Prime Minister of Singapore
championing the cause.
But it is still not time for the Human Resource Development Ministry to rest. Millions of
rural children are still without access to schools, leave alone higher education. Urban
India, be it Delhi or Mumbai, often presents a picture of contrasts. There are a large
number of government schools, often in prime locations, with low enrolment, poor
attendance and lower quality of education. Besides, there are the sprawling private school
campuses, besieged by large number of perturbed parents every year, unsure whether
their wards will make the grade.
For most children of these illustrious schools, gaining entry into institutions of higher
learning is virtually axiomatic. They have a wide choice of colleges and institutes,
offering excellent curricula and standards.
But the same situation is not the same in Rural India. Primary education is still neither
universally available nor accessible. The inherent demand for good education, which is
evident across Urban India, is most pronounced by its absence, leave alone demand and
access to higher education.
Substantial government allocations have laid the foundation for education in Urban India.
Fuelled by strong demand, education has been able to grow well beyond these
foundations. The educational success is evident in the massive services sector led by
software, information technology, BPO and IT enabled services. Now, it is time the
Government took the success story to Rural India.
Of the 7.10 lakh primary schools in the country, majority are located in Rural India. But
the numbers are deceptive, given the large population they cater to. While there are 1.37
lakh high-schools, higher secondary and junior colleges, the villages may have a large
number of high schools. Of the 9,000-odd colleges and 25,000 professional colleges,
most of them are in urban pockets. The high cost of land and inadequate infrastructure
have forced some professional colleges to migrate to Rural India, but they continue to be
populated by urban students.
It is not the dearth of professional colleges that is impeding education in rural India; it is
the absence of effective demand. The effect of good education, leading to a professional
degree, then to good and remunerative jobs, is yet to percolate the rural mindset.
Commercialisation of agriculture and remunerative prices is bringing prosperity to Rural
India. And, yet, the rural population remains averse to sending their wards for higher
education and prefer them children to follow in their footsteps.
Increased reservations is a supply-side strategy and need not result in extending better
education to the depressed classes. The demand for education has to emanate from the
depressed masses in rural India, when supply-side solutions can prove proactive.
The Government should desist from making a tokenism of education. Rural schools
should be better staffed to create a benign educational atmosphere.
With adequate funds, they can be transformed. While the 1986 National Policy on
Education had stipulated that six per cent of GDP should be invested in education, the
actual figure is way down at 3.49 per cent.
The demonstrative effects of professional qualification and remunerative jobs will kindle
a real demand for education, backed by burgeoning purchasing power from Rural India.
And not to forget the tens of thousands of qualified professionals, required for
transforming India into a back office and top service provider for the whole world.
Success story
Education is a great leveller as the success story of Sarath Babu reminds us. The software
engineer and management graduate from IIM Ahmedabad, rose from selling idlis in the
streets of Chennai and plans to start his own chain of catering units. Time we heard
similar success stories from Rural India.
****End of Story# 54 of 189
****Story#55 of 189
Title: Eviscerating A Holy Cow
Author: Nisheeth Srivastava
Source: Hindu
Date: May 07, 2006
URL: http://www.hindu.com/op/2006/05/07/stories/2006050700701400.htm
IT IS very fashionable for the young upper middle class `global' Indian citizen to inveigh
against the `sectarian', `populist' and `parochial' policies of the government. The article
`Reservation saga' (Open Page, April 23) denouncing 27 per cent reservation for OBCs in
the IITs and IIMs falls under this category. It seeks to question the validity of the antireservation lobby. As a specific case, we will examine their claims with regard to IIT.
The most feasible approach towards analysing the argument against reservation in IIT is
to view the underlying axioms that its proponents cheerfully assume to be unquestionably
true. The most banal of them all is the presumption that the IITs are merit-based
`prestigious' `temples of education' that command international respect.
Centres of excellence?
Merit-based? As of JEE 2004, more than 25 per cent entrants to IIT had been enrolled in
a coaching institute named FIIT-JEE. The curriculum is based on analysing trends in JEE
papers and focusing students' preparation on mindless precision in solving problems to
clear the JEE. The fee for the two-year course is upwards of Rs. 40,000. And FIIT-JEE is
but one of myriads of coaching institutes that populate the high-school education system
in our cities. Vidyamandir in Delhi, Ramaiah in Hyderabad and Bansal in Kota are
household names in the society of JEE aspirants. All these institutes, with perhaps the
honourable exception of Vidyamandir, concentrate on rote-repetition and practice to
prepare candidates for the JEE.
Prestigious? Infosys recruits upwards of 50 B. Tech students, from a batch of about 500,
to work as software-writing minions at a salary of Rs. 11,000 a month. The IIT system
has acquired a reputation for producing `techno-clerks' to create wealth for the
burgeoning Indian economy. That's not prestige; it's pragmatism.
Temples of education? Of the 180 credits that a B. Tech student is required to accumulate
towards completing his degree, how many do not relate to science and technology? A
grand total of twelve — including an instructional course in English. How much
flexibility does a B. Tech student possess in deciding his course work? None.
Let us not delude ourselves. IIT is a very efficient and consistent breeding ground for
productive mediocrity. It generates graduates with a one-dimensional view of the world
and with an intellectual horizon stunted to perform in a particular field of economic
activity, viz. technology.
This leads us to the crux of the argument against reservation — there should be no
regulations upon excellence. "Why not have reservation in the army? Is education not as
important as defence?" goes the plaintive cry. Such an argument would have much merit
if we were speaking of actual centres of research that do indeed strive for creative and
disciplined endeavour — TIFR, BARC and IISc are the first examples that spring to
mind. But to raise such an argument in favour of the IITs evinces an almost criminal
disregard for the ground reality.
Even a cursory perusal of campus culture in the IITs — their cultural hierarchy, their
social interactions, their means of recreation, etc., paints a definitive picture of IIT
students as self-aggrandising delusional brats living off the fat of the land in the form of
subsidies that an indulgent government continues to ritually bestow upon a system that
has deviated so far from its founding principles that it betokens those who feel
responsible for it to look the other way.
It is instructive to note that the only opposition to the reservation proposal arises from the
sections of society that will `suffer' as a consequence — the self-labelled `Forward Class.'
Both the faculty and the administration of these markedly autonomous institutes have
expressed no views publicly on the matter. Does this not imply that a concern regarding
the dilution of merit as a consequence of the reservation is groundless? Either that or, as
is more likely, the faculty at these institutes is too blasé to view any change as making a
difference to the commercially guided ethos that prevails.
Suggestion
Thus, the argument against reservation ought to be viewed for what it is — a self-serving,
pompous plaint. A parallel could be drawn, without much exaggeration, with the
righteous indignation of the French aristocracy at the time of the Revolution. While a
caste-based reservation system may be opposed on other principles, the argument that it
would dilute the quality of the intellectual product it offers India is flawed because it
presupposes that such quality actually exists. This is an extremely narcissistic claim.
****End of Story# 55 of 189
****Story#56 of 189
Title: Facing Opp On Quota, Arjun Digs Up Left Connection
Author: Santanu Banerjee
Source: Pioneer
Date: May 08, 2006
URL:
http://www.dailypioneer.com/indexn12.asp?main_variable=NATION&file_name=nt5%2
Etxt&counter_img=#5
Rattled over the adverse fallout of his move to extend reservation to OBC in the premier
educational institutions like IITs and IIMs, Union Human Resource Development
Minister Arjun Singh is now exploring his Left connection to fortify his position before
he faces Parliament Session beginning May 10.
According to sources, as Singh prepares to face Parliament and explain his move on
extending his quota initiative, he has began discussions with the most influential allies of
the UPA, the Left leaders.
According to Left sources, last week he met CPI general secretary AB Bardhan to gauge
the Left's response to his controversial move.
Sources said that his meeting with the Left leader had assumed significance in the wake
of serious resistance in the Congress on the issue of extending OBC quota to IITs and
IIMs.
Singh's move, which did not get his party colleagues' wholehearted approval and ran into
difficulty with the Election Commission, needs the political backing from the allies infact strong backing from the Left, sources said.
The HRD sources said Singh had come under pressure as he needs to do the balancing act
in his reply on the issue in Parliament between his party and other forces which opposed
his move. And the Left support is expected to give him the much needed strength. "He
met some top Left leader last week and explained his position to him," a senior Left Front
Leader told The Pioneer.
Singh based his move on the basis of 93rd Constitutional Amendment and the support it
elicited from MPs cutting across political party lines during its passage in Parliament, but
what seems to have ignited the controversy is the way he has tried to target institutions
like IIMs and IITs in the beginning.
However, Singh has no problem with the Left as the top Left leaders both from CPI(M)
and CPI support Singh's move. When Singh opened up OBC Pandora box for the
Congress, the CPI(M)'s mouth piece, People's Democracy made its position clear and
extended him support.
An editorial said: "Reservation definitely addressed the issue of equity, the issue of both
quality and quantity also needs to be addressed through measures to expand State-run
educational facilities and increasing expenditures for providing high-class educational
infrastructure to tackle quality."
****End of Story# 56 of 189
****Story#57 of 189
Title: Flawed Statistically
Author: P Priyadarshi
Source: Pioneer
Date: April 20, 2006
URL:
http://www.dailypioneer.com/indexn12.asp?main_variable=EDITS&file_name=edit4%2
Etxt&counter_img=#4
In the article, "Mandalism Congress style" (April 16), Mr Dina Nath Mishra has rightly
pointed out that support to reservation for the OBCs by Mr VP Singh and the Congress
was a political disaster for these parties. It was because of their support to the Mandal
Commission's recommendations that the Janata Dal lost both power and support base in
Gujarat, Rajasthan, Madhya Pradesh, Orissa, Punjab, etc. The Congress suffered a similar
fate.
Moreover, there are a large number of technical flaws in the treatment of the Mandal data
for which its further continuation is uncertain. But if only the opponents of Mandal-II
raised these points in the court of law.
The statistics of the Mandal survey were insignificant and thus not usable for framing
recommendations. The Mandal Commission sampled one village from every district of
the country, totaling 450 villages. In 1980, the rural population of India was about 45
crore. Hence each village had, on an average, a population of 1,000. Thus, total
population sampled was about 450,000.
According to the Mandal Commission, there are about 7,000 castes in India, which means
on an average, 64 members of each caste were studied (450,000 divided by 7,000 is 64
approximately). That is, about 10 families from each caste were studied if an average
family size is taken to be six persons per family. But in villages, joint families are the
norm, where the number of individuals per joint family would be about 15.
Another problem with Mandal data is that the Commission has arbitrarily decided that 25
per cent deviation from the average of a State for any parameter was required for any
caste to get one point (the point for that parameter). It will be seen that if small samples
are taken, like 60 or 70 individuals of any caste, their average income may be 25 per cent
more or less than the State average simply because of the chance factor. There is huge
variation in income, literacy, etc., within the same caste and it is only the largeness of
samples, which reduces probability of any deviation from average being caused by
chance and not because of any other factor.
It is also noteworthy that many of the 11 parameters studied by Mandal are now obsolete
for many castes. Therefore, many of those castes, which have gained point on this
account, will now lose that point and will automatically lose the OBC status.
****End of Story# 57 of 189
****Story#58 of 189
Title: For General Students, Anguish Doubles, Seats Halved
Author: Praveen Kumar
Source: Pioneer
Date: April 28, 2006
URL:
http://www.dailypioneer.com/indexn12.asp?main_variable=front%5Fpage&file_name=st
ory5%2Etxt&counter_img=#5
Young MBBS undergraduate students studying in the five medical colleges in the Capital
have every reason to feel anguished at the Government proposal to introduce
reservations. Lakhs of students appear each year for entrance tests to these five colleges.
Only 580 make it as that is the total number of seats.
If the number of seats remains the same then the students in the general category will
certainly find it a lot more difficult to enter into these premier institutes after reservation
is introduced. From 580 seats, the number will be halved to 290 seats.
AIIMS, the top notch medical institute in India has an intake of 50 students per year and
as per the earlier reservation module, only 34 students from the general category make it
every year. Seven seats are reserved for Scheduled Castes, 4 for Scheduled Tribes and 5
seats are reserved for candidates nominated by the Government of India.
If the new reservation formula is adopted, general category students will be deprived of 9
seats at AIIMS. Similar will be the case in other four Government funded medical
colleges in the Capital.
The students who have been agitating since Thursday justify their decision of indefinite
strike saying they have no other option to get the attention of the Government. Anmay
Mishra, a student of AIIMS said, "The decision of the Government is really going to
make it tough for medical aspirants and to get admission into AIIMS would become a
nightmare for many of them. Now with lesser number of seats there is no option left for
general category students in Government medical colleges."
The professors are backing their students' protest fully. Professor Ajay Kumar Gupta of
AIIMS Orthopedics Department strongly opposed the Government's move, saying, "Our
profession is not an ordinary one as we are dealing between life and death. By this
proposal, the Government is putting up a barrier for the entry of quality students in these
premier institutes who have merit on their side. This is rather an appeasement policy of
the Government that is not going to last for long. If they really want to provide
reservation to the backward class, they should ensure such steps at a basic level."
In addition to this, students who come from outside Delhi are going to find it almost
impossible to get admission to these medical colleges as only 15 percent of seats are
reserved for them. Meanwhile, students of medical colleges across the country are
planning to join the agitation if the Government does not reconsider the reservation
policy that has brought the students from classrooms to roads.
****End of Story# 58 of 189
****Story#59 of 189
Title: For Nepal, This Can Be A New Beginning
Author: Deb Mukharji
Source: Indian Express
Date: April 24, 2006
URL: http://www.indianexpress.com/story/3042.html
The seven party alliance in Nepal have shown wisdom and foresight in rejecting the
terms offered by the King of Nepal in his proclamation of April 21. The proclamation had
offered to return executive power to people’s representatives and asked the alliance to
name a prime minister.
It amounted, when stripped of the verbiage, to a return to the regime that obtained
between October, 2002 and February, 2005 — when parliament stood dissolved and
prime ministers were appointed from among politicians not unwilling to hold the post,
however briefly. The king has played for long on the greed for power among the political
classes, but forgot that over time, people also learn their lessons.
Something else has changed in Nepal and that is the equation between the people and the
political parties.
It would have been beyond the wildest expectations of political parties or the Maobaadis
that tens of thousands of Nepali citizens across the country would respond to the call for
democracy and risk their lives and limbs in facing the army and police.
It is, in the truest sense of the term, a revolution that unfolded over the past two weeks in
the bloodied streets across Nepal. And this upsurge which seems to be bringing to an end
the Shah dynasty founded by Prithvi Narayan Shah two-and-a-half centuries ago and with
which king Gyanendra has equated the state of Nepal itself with scorn and contempt for
his subjects, also carries a message for the political classes and Maobaadis of Nepal.
They have achieved what the Maobaadis have not succeeded in doing in a decade of
bloody insurgency. With determination and non-violence, with courage as their sole
weapon, they have asserted that there is a new Nepal where the will of the citizen has to
be heeded.
When change takes place close to one, it is perhaps difficult to appreciate the nature of
the change. It is easier and more comfortable to carry on with established images. India
has always approached Nepal with goodwill. Her conduct in approaching the
confrontation between the people and the palace had been exemplary and she also eased
the contacts between the Maobaadis and the political parties leading to the agreements of
November and March.
At the last moment, however, there appears to have been an overwhelming anxiety to find
stability in past configurations. The dispatch of prime ministers’s envoy, undoubtedly
born of the best intentions, had the potential of sending the wrong kind of message to the
Nepali people. And India’s far, far too swift welcome to the moth-eaten package offered
by the King on April 21 would take years of explanation.
Indo-Nepal relations traverse many levels. From the feudal connections of the past, still
not insignificant, the relations between the armed forces and the people at large, there is
also the significant connection between political parties going back to the preIndependence era. There are also those political elements in India who subscribe, out of
conviction or convenience, to the divinity of the Nepali crown, even if the Nepali people
believe it progressively less. If we continue to see Nepal through frosted old spectacles,
the reality will be out of focus.
There is understandable concern in India at the Maobaadi element in Nepali politics,
particularly as we too have our share of Maoists in a wide arc from north to south. But
whatever our reservations, the Maobaadi phenomenon in Nepal is not going to be wished
away. It was always clear that the insurgency was not going to be quelled by arms. In the
early years of the insurgency, the Royal Nepal Army stood back as the movement spread.
And even when it had a free hand after the first mini royal coup of October 2002, no
progress could be made despite the most substantial assistance in arms and training from
India and others. What emerged was more of an army action against people than against
the insurgents.
****End of Story# 59 of 189
****Story#60 of 189
Title: For Sustainable Development
Author: Diksha Rajput
Source: Daily Excelsior
Date: April 20, 2006
URL: http://www.dailyexcelsior.com/web1/06apr20/edit.htm#4
Environmental protection and tourism are closely linked with each other , as vacations
and outdoor recreation require a healthy environment. A tourist resort with clean environs
- air, water and scenery is most sought after by leisure seekers. According to the World
Tourism Organisation ( WTO), 'tourism that involves travelling to relatively undisturbed
natural areas with the specified object of studying, admiring and enjoying the scenery and
its wild plants and animals, as well as any existing cultural aspects ( both of the past and
present ) found in these areas is Ecotourism.
Eco-Wealth
India with its geographical diversity has been endowed with a wealth of eco- systems
comprising biosphere reserves, mangroves, coral and coral reefs, deserts, mountains and
forests, flora and fauna,sea, lake, river and other water bodies.
These eco-systems form the major resources for ecotourism. Unfortunately , during the
last decade or so there has been a mushrooming of concrete buildings in the form of
hotels, industries and lodging houses in eco-fragile areas, poaching of rare marine and
wild life with little concern for the environment or aesthetics. This unplanned
development activty has had an adverse effect on both environment and tourism.
Adverse effects
Take for example, Manali in Himachal Pradesh, an important tourist resort, and a long
time favourite with domestic and international tourists. For the past six years, the hill
resort has been subjected to unregulated urban expansion which has resulted in the
mushrooming of numerous multi-storeyed buildings around the town. The hotels have
been discharging sewage into the Beas river causing water pollution. The green area of
this township has diminished rapidly, thereby, destroying the natural landscape, and the
pedestrian path has become a regular vehicular road causing air and noise pollution.
NGO Initiative
There are several other instances as well where local NGOs and authorities have taken up
cudgels to rectify the situation. Mumbai's water fronts which include the Gateway of
India, Marine Drive, Chowpatty, Haji Ali, Dadar Beach, Bandrastand and the Juhu
Beach, have become mere dumpyards , with garbage and sewerage strewn all over these
areas. The Indian National Trust for Art and Cultural Heritage ( INTACH) and the
Brihamumbai Municipal Corporation have developed a project for restoration of these
water fronts. Work is already underway and will involve construction of a watch tower,
installation of appropriate signage, lighting, construction of podiums, pavements, steps
and ramps and creation of a beach park.
The Coral reefs of Andaman and Nicobar Islands were facing threat from unchecked
human activities like siltation, logging and blasting. These made the islands extremely
vulnerable to erosion. These coral reefs serve as a source of potential genetic and other
raw materials and attract economically important tourism. An investigation undertaken to
look into the effects of human derived damages to corals, recommended educating the
public about the effects of land based practices on marine ecosystems and value the rain
forest/mangrove/coral reef relationship. It also suggested that fishing and tourism could
save the islands from the continuing ravages of deforestation if managed properly on a
sustained basis.
Supporting 400 million people along its 2, 510 km course, over 29 cities, 70 towns and
thousands of villages extending along it's banks, river Ganga receives nearly all their
sewage . An estimated 1.3 billion litres of sewage goes directly into the river, along with
thousands of animal carcases. Another 260 million litres of industrial waste is added to
this by hundreds of factories on the banks each day.` ECO Friends', a Kanpur based NGO
is communicating its slogan `Think Green, Talk Green & Act Green' to sensitise and
mobilise the support of local citizens, students and children. Ganga camps are being
organised during the Kumbh Mela, Dussehra and Kartik Purnima.
The lake system of Udaipur, a city which thrives on tourism has been threatened due to
effluents, sewage and solid waste coming from hotels and industries located mostly at the
periphery of the lakes. Incidentally, Udaipur is known as the city of lakes. Similar is the
case with the Dal lake in Srinagar, which is receiving effluents from the house boats and
hotels in its vicinity.
National Policy
The above scenario is clearly illustrative of the reason for environment having emerged
as a topical issue in India. The Department of Tourism has come up with a set of policies
and guidelines for the development of ecotourism in pursuance of the Government
policy. These have been formulated after analysing the documents of various national and
international organisations working in this field. According to the guidelines, a selective
approach, scientific planning, effective control and continous monitoring has to be
adopted , to help preserve , retain and enrich our world-view and life-style, our cultural
expressions and heritage in all its manifestations.
For integrated development of a eco-fragile area, the local community should be involved
and economic development of the area ensured. Development has to be based on an
indepth knowhow of local resources, social and economic factors and other
characteristics. The tourism management plan should also establish standards for resort
development, covering among others, the style and locations of structures, treatment of
sewage , control of litter, preservation of open spaces and public use of fragile areas.
Physical planning and design should integrate community services including availibilty
of potable water, transportation and tourism.
Global initiatives
The concept of environmentally responsible tourism floated by Pacific Asia Travel
Association ( PATA) rests on the basic premise that organised tourism can contribute to
the development of areas worthy of conservation as well as determine the level of
development. Thus, environmental impact assessment becomes an integral step in the
consideration of any site for a tourism project.
The World Travel and Tourism Council ( WTTC) in its guidelines for systematic and
comprehensive environmental programmes gives utmost importance to environmental
concerns in design planning, construction and implementation. It also advocates being
sensitive to conservation of environmentally protected or threatened areas, species and
scenic aesthetics, achieving landscape enhancement where possible, practising energy
conservation and reducing and recycling wastes.
Creating Awareness
It is evident fromthe above that all the key players in the ecotourism business including
the State Governments, local authorities, NGOs, scientific research organisations, travel
and hotel associations, tour operators, tourists and the local community has to be
sensitive to the environment and local traditions of the site in question and follow a set of
guidelines for the successful development of tourism. The various recognised institutions
conducting courses in tourism management and administration should make eco- tourism
a compulsory part of the syllabus.
****End of Story# 60 of 189
****Story#61 of 189
Title: Fraud In The Name Of Social Justice
Author: Hiranmay Karlekar
Source: Pioneer
Date: April 27, 2006
URL:
http://www.dailypioneer.com/indexn12.asp?main_variable=EDITS&file_name=edit3%2
Etxt&counter_img=#3
The claim that the demand for reservation of seats for members of the Scheduled Castes
and Tribes in institutions of excellence and higher learning like the Indian Institutes of
Management and Indian Institutes of Technology, and job reservation in the private
sector, is aimed at furthering social justice, is wholly fraudulent. It is a diversionary move
aimed at giving the impression of making an effort to serve the disprivileged when its
authors are really feathering their own nests. Its purpose is to ensure that their own
offsprings get into these institutions and firms even if they do not make the grade on
merit.
To claim otherwise, would fly in the face of the fact that most of them have used their
positions of political power to accumulate wealth and ensure that their own children have
access to the best schools and colleges where money and influence can gain admission. If
their children still cannot get into the IITs and IIMs, it is because of lack of ability and
not of opportunity.
That this is the stark fact becomes clear on remembering that the children of the
overwhelming majority of Scheduled Caste/Tribes families, mostly sharecropper or
agricultural labourers and others below the poverty line, will never have the chance to
benefit from these reservations and for a simple reason: They will never go past high
school. According to the Union Education Ministry's report, Challenge of Education: A
Policy Perspective (1985), 60 per cent of the children dropped out between Classes I and
V. Of every 100 enrolled in Class I, 23 reached Class VIII. According to the Approach
Paper to the Tenth Plan (2002-2007), the dropout rate had come down to 41.34 per cent
and 58.61 per cent between Classes I and V, and V and VIII respectively.
It is not that no effort has been made to improve matters. There has been improvement
but at a very slow pace. Not only that, progress has been grossly uneven even within the
same State. According to Sarva Shiksha Abhiyan: Third Review Mission: Andhra
Pradesh State Report (January 15-20, 2006), dropout rates were above 50 per cent in the
districts of Mahbubnagar, Medak, Warangal and Nizamabad and 40 per cent in
Nalgonda. In sharp contrast, the rate was below 10 per cent in Kadapi, Chittoor and
Hyderabad districts.
Other figures are as dismaying. The National Education Policy of 1986 had as one of its
goals the provision of "free and compulsory education of a satisfactory quality" to all
children below 14 years of age before the arrival of the 21st Century. One of the aims of
the District Primary Education Programme, launched in 1994, was to reduce differences
in enrollment, dropout rates and learning achievements among gender and social groups
to less than five per cent, and the overall primary school dropout rates to less than 10 per
cent.
The Sarva Shiksha Abhiyan or Education for All programme, launched in 2001, had,
among its objectives, the completion by all children of primary school education by 2007,
eight years of schooling by 2007, and bridging all gaps between gender and social groups
by 2010, which was also to be the target year for ensuring full retention of all pupils.
None of all this has happened. Worse, according to the Approach Paper to the Tenth Plan
(2002-2007), 121 million Indians in the age group of 15-35, two-thirds of whom are
women, have not been touched by literacy. And this has happened despite the fact that
the provision of mid-day meals, a major source of nourishment for a huge number of
disprivileged children, has been a major factor in enrolling and retaining pupils. Not only
that, more than 90 per cent of India's population now has a primary school within one
kilometre of their residence.
The reasons for the high dropout rates are well known. Most Government-run primary
schools are in a mess. Most of these comprise only one or two rooms; many do not have
running water and toilet. Fewer than two teachers are available in the villages to teach
100 students. Their motivation level is very low. A very large section of those who are
there are frequently absent or are busy doing other things. The level of instruction is
abysmal.
A large section of those who complete five years of primary schooling do not attain
adequate functional literacy. Things are not much better in urban areas, and even in the
national capital. According to a recent report, unhygienic and insufficient mid-day meals
and disinterested teachers have been the bane of students at the Municipal Corporation of
Delhi's primary school in Amar Colony.
The impact of all this is made worse by social factors. In many rural, and even urban,
areas boys are taken out of schools to help their families make both ends meet. Girls are
withdrawn to help their mothers in doing domestic chores like cleaning homes and
dishes, cooking, fetching water, and minding younger siblings. The dismissive contempt
with which they are treated discourages some - particularly those belonging to the
Scheduled Castes/Tribes - of those who are not affected by these factors.
The poverty and discriminatory social conditions behind the high dropout rates, are the
results of an utterly exploitative, expropriatory, and corrupt social order that is, in the
name of economic development, mercilessly dispossessing and destituting the poor.
Significantly, those demanding reservation in the IIMs and IITs and similar institutions of
excellence, are hardly ever as vocal or active in demanding a total overhaul of this order.
Nor have those among them, who have been or are Chief Ministers, and have held, or are
currently holding, important ministerial offices at the Centre, done anything to alter the
state of affairs in which the Patwari, the Thanedar, the Tehsildar, the Thekadar, the Bock
Development Officer, the neta and the mafia don (often the same person), form, at the
grassroots level, a massive and criminal nexus that denies the poor their basic rights and
dignity as human beings. This is because, at the highest level, the leaders themselves are
the biggest beneficiaries of the thoroughly corrupt, exploitative, inhuman and
increasingly criminalised order.
To camouflage this, and to project themselves as champions of social justice while
benefiting themselves and their wards, they demand reservation in the IIMs and IITs and
similar institutions. They should, however, remember that one cannot fool all people for
all time and the day of reckoning will be rather unpleasant.
****End of Story# 61 of 189
****Story#62 of 189
Title: Friendship Films
Author: Editorial, Statesman
Source: Statesman
Date: April 26, 2006
URL:
http://www.thestatesman.net/page.news.php?clid=3&theme=&usrsess=1&id=11431#9
Could ease tensions in other spheres
In the on-going thaw in relations between India and Pakistan, a major step forward is the
easing of the ban on some Indian films across the border. This is the logical outcome of
contacts that have taken place in recent times. The dust raised by the “liberated’’ image
of a Pakistani actress in a Mahesh Bhatt film (the pre-release hype proving somewhat
misleading) led to more substantial exchanges in the form of an award for an Indian film,
Iqbal, at the Karachi film festival where another controversial Indian film based on the
life and times of Nathuram Godse had been screened. Now comes the premiere of a new
all-colour version of Mughal-e-Azam which should serve to strengthen emotional bonds
and, more important, remove some of the reservations there may be in Pakistan which
had led to the ban after the 1965 war. The premiere of a second film, Taj Mahal, made by
the UK-based grand-daughter of the singing sensation Noor Jehan with the presence of
Indian stars should reinforce the shared heritage and confirm that political barriers are no
longer of any consequence.
It has long been felt that cultural exchanges can survive the sectarian resistance in some
quarters. The Pakistani film industry may have at one point feared being swamped by the
popularity of Indian films. But with the march of technology, it is impossible to prevent
Bollywood blockbusters from entering drawing rooms in Karachi and Lahore just as it is
impossible to prevent Pakistan TV from being aired in India. That the Pakistani
authorities have accepted the reality is a positive signal. Perhaps there is hope that one
day Indian films reaching audiences in Pakistan will cover a wider socio-cultural canvas
and that more Pakistani stars and singers will perform in India. It would help Pakistani
films grow and match Indian professional standards; in some small way it could even
ease tensions in other spheres.
****End of Story# 62 of 189
****Story#63 of 189
Title: Germany Lowers Reservation On Indo-Us N-Deal
Author: Satish Misra
Source: Tribune
Date: April 24, 2006
URL: http://www.tribuneindia.com/2006/20060424/main4.htm
Germany today lowered its reservation on the issue of supply of civilian nuclear
technology to India saying that developments on this issue were on “the positive path”.
Addressing a joint press conference along with Prime Minister Manmohan Singh,
German Chancellor Angela Merkel said Germany was closely observing the progress on
how the Indo-US agreement on civilian nuclear energy issue was being received by the
House of US Representatives and the Senate which still had to ratify it.
Ms Merkel said her government had noted the positive remarks of IAEA Chief Mr
ElBaradei. “We found it very important in Germany that Mr ElBaradei considered the
Indo-US deal as a clear step forward. We will also have a close look at what the Indian
Prime Minister said. Germany will take very seriously what was said by the Indian side
and we will recognize these as a clear commitment. But it is still a process and then we
will build an opinion within the international community. I have an overall impression
that we are on a successful and a positive path.”
The German Chancellor, who had a 30-minute one-to-one talk with Dr Manmohan Singh,
said her government acknowledged that the Indian side had ensured a lot more on this
issue than was the case earlier. “If we have further questions on it, we will discuss them
directly on a friendly basis.”
On his part, Prime Minister Manmohan Singh expressed optimism that Germany would
respond positively to India’s energy requirements by extending support to the Indo-US
civilian nuclear deal.
“Of our requirements for oil and gas increase, it will exercise enormous pressure on the
World market price and increase competition for diminishing reserves. We hope we will
be able to convince Germany to look at this issue for mutual benefit,” Dr Singh said.
When the Prime Minister’s attention was pointed to poor condition of India’s
infrastructure, he said: ‘we need huge investments if we are to remove the bottlenecks
and at the same time overcome the great challenges in sectors such as energy and water.
Foreign companies can play an important role here.’’
He stated that a lot was already happening in the field of infrastructure. India had
established regulators in all important areas. Its highway system was growing, ports were
being constructed and set up a facility at Pitampura in Madhya Pradesh to manufacture
trucks and buses at an estimated investment of 300 million Euro.
Optical lens manufacturer Carl Zeiss, plans to set up a research and development centre,
car major Volkswagon has committed to set up a base in India, while Deutsche Bank
intends to start a BPO for its global services.
Engineering major Siemens would also invest $ 600 million over the next few years to
expand its manufacturing facilities, Mr Nath said.
Mr Nath said Germany was the manufacturing base of Europe and for India to emerge as
a favoured manufacturing destination it was essential to tap German companies.
About 70 per cent of German investment in India was in manufacturing sectors and this
was a good sign, he added.
German companies have evinced interest in setting up operations in India, he said, adding
that BMW had appreciated the Indian government authorities for the fast clearances for
their project.
Bosch will expand its facilities at Nashik and Bangalore, Mr Nath added.
The MoU between Indian and German railways (Deutsche Bahn) is aimed at enhancing
cooperation between the two in railways related technology and developments.
The areas of cooperation would cover both modernisation, and servicing of rolling stock,
signaling and telecommunication, maintenance and servicing of rail lines, modernisation
of transport operations, technology for increasing speed of rail traffic and undertaking
joint research projects.
****End of Story# 63 of 189
****Story#64 of 189
Title: Ghisingh Back In The Mountain Mainframe
Author: Editorial, Indian Express
Source: Indian Express
Date: May 08, 2006
URL: http://www.indianexpress.com/story/3973.html
As Darjeeling votes in the West Bengal Assembly polls today, its biggest leader returns
to the spotlight touting a controversial autonomy proposal
‘‘I am planning to write a book on Subash Ghisingh. It will be called ‘Ghisingh, an
Enigma or a State agent?’’’. So said Kul Man Lama, one of the principal advisers to the
Gorkha National Liberation Front president when the latter spearheaded a 28-month long
violent agitation for separate state of Gorkhaland in the late 1980s. This was last autumn
when the Darjeeling hills waited expectantly for the outcome of tripartite talks between
Ghisingh, the Centre and the West Bengal government.
The GNLF leader himself was emerging in the political arena after a long hiatus. He had
closeted himself after an assassination attempt on him in February 2001, thereafter
attending only religious ceremonies and occasionally delivering long metaphysical
speeches — and becoming more enigmatic than he ever was.
Ghisingh, pushing for the Sixth Schedule, was returning after talks with New Delhi when
his convoy came under an armed attack in a desolate part of a highway in the hills. His
political revival was timed with the Darjeeling Gorkha Hill Council election that was due
March 2004, and he picked up the threads right away: he threatened not to allow the
holding of the election, until the council was included in the Sixth Schedule. Finally, on 6
December 2005, a Memorandum of Settlement was signed between the Centre, state and
Ghisingh, agreeing for the inclusion.
There is an irony to Monday’s polling in Darjeeling for the West Bengal Assembly
elections. It is now more than two years that the election to Darjeeling Gorkha Hill
Council is due; it is a year to this month that the hill panchayats have been “functioning”
despite their term having expired. The entire system is in limbo, held hostage by one
man.
Perhaps having been denied their franchise so far, the hill people are showing extra
enthusiasm for Monday’s polls, as do the Opposition candidates. The CPI-M is the only
national party in the fray but the main battle will be fought between the ruling Gorkha
National Liberation Front and the anti-GNLF coalition Peoples Democratic Front; it will
see the demand for autonomy, including the separate state of Gorkhaland, reverberate
along the ridges.
The CPI-M would be satisfied in dividing Opposition votes in favour of the GNLF, given
that bonhomie between the State government and Ghisingh has scaled new heights. The
latter received his fourth extension from the government as “caretaker and sole
administrator” of the DGHC in March.
By disavowing, for all practical purposes, the demand for Gorkhaland, Ghisingh has
made himself the favourite of the State government. And Writers’ Buildings, in return, is
ready to do anything to accommodate their trusted man — whether suspending elections
or granting a carte blanche when it comes to administering the hills, including usage of
monies.
The December MoS has all the makings of another protracted process that will long fester
on the backburner of the national polity. The GNLF is pressing hard, touting the MoS as
a major achievement towards autonomous rule in the hills, while the Opposition has
dubbed the agreement a “Memorandum of Surrender.” There are fears that the proposal
in its present form would balkanise the hitherto homogenous hill society.
The main controversy regarding the MoS centres on the composition of the 33-seat
council: 10 seats for tribals, 15 seats for non-tribals, three for “all communities” and five
to be nominated by the Governor.
It’s the first time the DGHC sees reservation based on ethnicity. Given that only
Tamangs and Limboos among the Nepali-speaking are recognised tribals, while the
majority — over a dozen other Nepali ethnic groups — belong to the General category,
the latter are understandably unhappy and anxious over their fate once the MoS is
implemented.
The ethnic fissures that are emerging among the Nepalese of the hills in the wake of the
Sixth Schedule proposal is unprecedented. In the coming years, if the hill people continue
to remain divided on tribal and non-tribal lines, an ethnic conflict, like the kind that
occurred in the Sixth Schedule district of Karbi Anglong last October, cannot be ruled
out. Local political observers are tempted to surmise that the Centre and the state, with
the connivance of Ghisingh, are encouraging divisions among the hill people to
undermine the demand for Gorkhaland.
The Sixth Schedule of the Constitution currently comprises special provisions for
administration of Tribal areas in Assam, Meghalaya, Tripura and Mizoram. The
governance of the autonomous district and regional councils instituted under the
Schedule is carried out by an elected council. The Governor oversees it all. Tribal laws
prevail in these councils while state laws are extended only after approval by the
Governor. The council enjoys significant powers to legislate and impose taxes.
****End of Story# 64 of 189
****Story#65 of 189
Title: Government Urged To Appoint Chairman Of Backward Classes Panel
Author: Correspondent or Reporter
Source: Hindu
Date: April 22, 2006
URL: http://www.hindu.com/2006/04/22/stories/2006042213100400.htm
It was time the Government appointed the chairman and members of the Permanent
Backward Classes Commission to begin the urgent task of a survey of backward
communities so that policies and programmes could be effectively drawn up for them,
Legislative Council Chairman V.R. Sudarshan said here on Friday.
Presiding over the valedictory of the `Educational and Cultural Conference' of the
National OBC Minorities and Employees Federation, Mr. Sudarshan said it was during
the stewardship of the late D. Devaraj Urs that the Government came up with several
laws that later inspired the Centre to bring in laws that changed the way social justice was
delivered in the country.
They included the path-breaking land reforms amendment Act that gave land to the tiller
and freed labourers from the stranglehold of absentee landlords.
The laws to abolish bonded labour were another pioneering law that no government could
ignore today, Mr. Sudarshan said.
Housing Minister D.T. Jayakumar said the small percentage of people from these sections
of society must now do their bit to spread the benefits of reservation over a wider area
and cover more beneficiaries, so that the communities could move up.
Minister for Small-scale Industries Katta Subramanya Naidu said though many
individuals had overcome discrimination and subjugation to occupy high offices in
politics and the social sector, they were yet to make the grade in education and
employment The four pillars of democracy should work together to ensure that more
from these communities chose higher education and got employed in sectors where they
were not found in sufficient numbers.
The federation felicitated Vishal Sharam of Holy Faith International and B.G. Sudha,
acting Vice-Chancellor of Bangalore University, the first woman to hold the post, though
she is only holding charge after the retirement of M.S. Thimmappa.
****End of Story# 65 of 189
****Story#66 of 189
Title: Government Urged To Appoint Chairman Of Backward Classes Panel
Author: Correspondent or Reporter
Source: Hindu
Date: April 22, 2006
URL: http://www.hindu.com/2006/04/22/stories/2006042213100400.htm
It was time the Government appointed the chairman and members of the Permanent
Backward Classes Commission to begin the urgent task of a survey of backward
communities so that policies and programmes could be effectively drawn up for them,
Legislative Council Chairman V.R. Sudarshan said here on Friday.
Presiding over the valedictory of the `Educational and Cultural Conference' of the
National OBC Minorities and Employees Federation, Mr. Sudarshan said it was during
the stewardship of the late D. Devaraj Urs that the Government came up with several
laws that later inspired the Centre to bring in laws that changed the way social justice was
delivered in the country.
They included the path-breaking land reforms amendment Act that gave land to the tiller
and freed labourers from the stranglehold of absentee landlords.
The laws to abolish bonded labour were another pioneering law that no government could
ignore today, Mr. Sudarshan said.
Housing Minister D.T. Jayakumar said the small percentage of people from these sections
of society must now do their bit to spread the benefits of reservation over a wider area
and cover more beneficiaries, so that the communities could move up.
Minister for Small-scale Industries Katta Subramanya Naidu said though many
individuals had overcome discrimination and subjugation to occupy high offices in
politics and the social sector, they were yet to make the grade in education and
employment The four pillars of democracy should work together to ensure that more
from these communities chose higher education and got employed in sectors where they
were not found in sufficient numbers.
The federation felicitated Vishal Sharam of Holy Faith International and B.G. Sudha,
acting Vice-Chancellor of Bangalore University, the first woman to hold the post, though
she is only holding charge after the retirement of M.S. Thimmappa.
****End of Story# 66 of 189
****Story#67 of 189
Title: Gunning For Reservations
Author: Editorial, Financial Express
Source: The Financial Express
Date: April 21, 2006
URL: http://www.financialexpress.com/fe_full_story.php?content_id=12440#3
What is happening on the issue of job reservations in the private sector is the equivalent
of being made to negotiate at gun-point. First, state a principle which you declare is nonnegotiable, of a caste-diversity in workforces everywhere which matches, at the
minimum, the respective proportions in the total population. Then declare that as this is
nowhere near happening, state-imposed quotas have to be the answer—unless
compliance arrives right away. Then, when people question principle or method, just
dismiss these as the ranting of the privileged, with whom discussion is a waste of time.
Then, declare as you’ve waited long enough and with no worthwhile response, there’s no
reason to wait any longer: it’s a simple question of justice. And if people insist on
continuing to resist the tide of history, they will have to be taught the hard way.
These are excellent tactics—Hitler used precisely these to seize half his neighbours
before trusting democracies realised the only way to preserve their principles was to
fight. Proponents of forcible reservation would be offended at the historical parallel: it
should make them introspect. There are diverse tried and tested methods which have
worked in India and abroad to widen opportunity for all so as to ensure what the Prime
Minister called a “more broad-based” work force. The biggest such push would be for
government to work with industry and teachers to reform our educational system, to
institute accountability and user choice. Particularly for our state-run schools and
universities. The lure of money and contracts is another: require any firm wanting a
government contract or order to adhere to benchmarks on hiring and training in its
workforce. The US has been doing this for decades. Any reasoned discussion can come
up with dozens of other methods which push the aim of widened opportunity and equity,
without doing violence to the basics of liberty.
That is, if there is reasoned discussion. It is, of course, in private industry’s own interest
to make a persuasive case, to note this has become a political issue. We trust our rulers
will respond with some statesmanship.
****End of Story# 67 of 189
****Story#68 of 189
Title: Hire Without Discrimination
Author: Abdullah Khan
Source: Pioneer
Date: April 25, 2006
URL:
http://www.dailypioneer.com/indexn12.asp?main_variable=EDITS&file_name=edit4%2
Etxt&counter_img=#4
The UPA Government's proposal to extend the policy of reservation to the private sector
has caused grave concern not only to the business community but also set off a wave of
competitive populism among the political parties.
The move is also bad in law. For any attempt by the Government to dictate employment
policies to the private sector could violate its Fundamental Right to carry on any
occupation, trade or business as guaranteed by Article 19(g) of the Constitution.
The question of legality apart, the proposal is fraught with serious consequences for the
management of Indian business. The private sector owes its success to a relative
insulation from Government interference. Equally, its subordination of all other
considerations to that of profit maximisation compels it to hire and reward on the basis of
merit alone. Businesses need to maximise profits for shareholders and, therefore, require
the freedom to hire people who best fit their needs, and not hire by fiat.
Restrictions on its freedom to hire the best person for the job will not only jeopardise this
basic operating principle, but will also hurt profitability, growth and ultimately its
capacity to generate jobs. It will also turn away MNCs and put Indian companies at a
disadvantage globally.
Undoubtedly, private sector companies should fulfill their social responsibilities but job
reservation does not seem to be the appropriate method. Every society seeks to help
historically disadvantaged groups by policies of positive discrimination. The decision to
do so should be left to them. A bottoms up approach makes more sense then a top-down
one.
The best way to achieve such social objectives without harming business is to, perhaps,
give incentives to companies that hire socially disadvantaged groups by enacting laws on
the lines of the US Equal Employment Opportunity Commission (EEOC). The EEOC
eliminates discrimination based on race, colour, religion, sex, national origin, disability or
age in hiring, promoting or firing workers; and sues errant companies. Such a model will
both ensure that employment opportunities are made available to every social group and
create a lawful mechanism for enforcing it.
****End of Story# 68 of 189
****Story#69 of 189
Title: Hitches In Implementing Job Scheme In Naxal-Hit Areas
Author: Correspondent or Reporter
Source: Hindu
Date: May 03, 2006
URL: http://www.hindu.com/2006/05/03/stories/2006050307441300.htm
Union Rural Development Minister Raghuvansh Prasad Singh has said that the
Government is finding it difficult to implement the National Rural Employment
Guarantee (NREG) scheme in naxalite-affected areas.
Talking to reporters here on Tuesday, Mr. Singh said special attention should be given to
implementation of this ambitious scheme in the districts affected by the naxalites. He said
that since law and order was the responsibility of the State Governments, it was for them
to implement the scheme.
Referring to the progress of various rural development schemes being implemented in
Madhya Pradesh and Chhattisgarh, Mr. Singh said the worst affected areas were
Dantewada and Bastar in Chhattisgarh.
The Rashtriya Janata Dal leader also criticised the Narendra Modi Government in Gujarat
for "fomenting communal tension" in Vadodara by demolishing an old mazar.
Mr. Singh alleged that the Modi Government had intentionally caused the communal
clashes in Vadodara, in which five people were killed and over 60 injured.
Mr. Singh said he was not against the demolition of illegal structures but since the mazar
was over 200 years old it had not only become legal but also a historical structure.
On the reservation issue, and Human Resource Development Minister Arjun Singh being
pitched against Science and Technology Minister Kapil Sibal, Mr. Singh said difference
of opinion was a healthy trend in a thriving democracy.
Social justice
He said the RJD had been a long-time supporter of reservation even during the Mandal
Commission report and there was no change of stand. Justifying the reservation for OBCs
in educational institutions, he said it would help in providing social justice to the
deprived communities.
Giving details of the rural development projects, the Minister said 11 of the 16 districts of
Chhattisgarh were covered under the NREG scheme and Rs. 239.66 crore was released
by the Centre under the National Food for Work Programme (NFFWP) as against the
annual allocation of Rs. 231.81 crore in 2005-06.
****End of Story# 69 of 189
****Story#70 of 189
Title: Hook, Line, Sinker
Author: RAKESH MEHAR
Source: Hindu
Date: April 27, 2006
URL: http://www.hindu.com/mp/2006/04/25/stories/2006042500980400.htm
The seafood market with infinite options is the last word in culinary DIY
ENDLESS OPTIONS Pick the fish, the cut, the sauce and you have your custom-made
dish Photo: MURALI KUMAR K.
Imagine not only getting your favourite piece of seafood, but also getting to choose just
the right portions, and just the right way to cook it. That's Memories of China's Seafood
Market for you.
This special promotion, on every Friday at Taj Residency's Chinese restaurant, aims to
recreate the freedom of choice at an actual seafood market.
Walk in and look to the far side, and you can see a rudimentary fish market set up, with
every available variety of seafood on display in a bed of ice. All that the customer has to
do pick the kind of fish he'd like to eat, the kind of cut he'd prefer and the sauce he'd like
it cooked in.
There is a diverse array of seafood on offer, from the ubiquitous pomfret, seer fish, crab
and prawn, to the more interesting red snapper, fresh water garupa or lobster, right up to
the wonderfully exotic baby shark. As far as cuts go, you could get your fish whole,
boned, sliced, darne (transverse slices). Once you've got the cut figured, you can choose
from eight different sauces — black pepper, cha cha, lemongrass ginger, black bean
chilli, xo sauce, thai green, touso, konjee and coriander. And finally, you can pick how
you'd like it cooked; you could have it steamed, stir fried, deep fried, pan seared or
sautéed.
Perhaps the most customised option available to customers is the Chef Fei style. This is a
specialty of Chef Fei Maohua, otherwise called the two fish style. Here, the fish is
divided into two different portions, where each portion is cooked differently. Usually,
one portion is steamed and the other deep fried, as this ensures that both ends of the taste
spectrum are satisfied.
A personal favourite is the Lobster Cha Cha Cha. This is an exquisite creation perfectly
suited for people who love boisterous tastes. It's called the cha cha cha because it
combines three different tastes, sweet, sour and spicy. And indeed this impudent dish
does feel like a vigorous culinary dance. The spicy leads the way, but sweet and sour
follow closely behind, weaving their way in and out of your perception. But be warned,
the spice dominates the proceedings and this dish isn't for the weak tongued.
Another good option is the crab in black pepper sauce. Despite the ominous sound of
black pepper, this sauce isn't all that spicy. Rather, it has a salty, upbeat feel that just
lights up the taste buds.
For those into textures as much as taste, a wise choice is any fish cooked in the touso
sauce. This packs quite a snap, crackle and punch that contrast the soft, smooth feel of the
fish itself. The result is a textural delight. If you want something lighter on the palate, try
out the refreshing coriander sauce. For a sweeter taste, go with either the xo sauce or the
konjee.
All seafood dishes are served with a portion of white rice and steamed vegetables. The
rice can be upgraded to fried rice or noodles, but it's a good idea to stick with plain rice
because that keeps the conflicting tastes out of the way. Do make sure to eat generous
portions of the steamed vegetables — their tepid, smooth taste nullifies any excesses of
spice you might feel, and help balance out the meal. The restaurant also has on offer a
wide range of white wines that go well with the seafood.
Anyone who's not up to seafood needn't fret because the regular menu stays in place and
this promotion only supplements it. The Seafood Market is on at Memories of China, Taj
Residency every Friday for dinner only. Call 56604444 for and reservations.
Ambience: Oriental
Service: Courteous
Specialty: Chef Fei style fish
Wallet factor: Rs. 1600 to Rs. 2000 exclusive of alcohol
****End of Story# 70 of 189
****Story#71 of 189
Title: Hrd Minister Pays Ec A Visit
Author: Correspondent or Reporter
Source: Pioneer
Date: May 05, 2006
URL:
http://www.dailypioneer.com/indexn12.asp?main_variable=NATION&file_name=nt4%2
Etxt&counter_img=#4
A day after having met President APJ Abdul Kalam, Union Human Resources
Development Minister Arjun Singh visited the Election Commission on Thursday over
his alleged announcement declaring quota for other backward classes (OBC) in elite
educational institutions.
Since the Election Commission (EC) first issued notice to Singh over his alleged
statements for alleged violation of model code of conduct during ongoing Assembly
elections a month ago, this is the first visit of the Minister to the Commission. On
Thursday Singh met CEC BB Tandon along with the two commissioners after the
Commission had granted time to the Cabinet Secretary for providing clarifications on the
reservation proposal been forwarded by HRD Ministry.
"He (Singh) wanted a personal hearing, which was granted," said an EC source, without
clarifying further. According to informed sources in the Commission, Singh is believed to
have sought for additional time for filing his clarifications having already filed his reply
in this regard.
The Commission had borne the brunt of the Ministry's decision as announcement of a
new concession for certain sections of the electorate came at a time when election process
in five states were on.
where assembly poll process was on. In his early reply to the EC notice, Singh had denied
the Commission's charge that he violated the model code of conduct. In this regard, the
Commission had even sent him the videotapes pertaining to the alleged interview given
by him to a television channel. The reservation had sought to create quota for OBCs in
IIT, IIM and other premier educational institutions which sparked nation-wide protests.
"There was no announcement of any concession much less any other breach of the model
code of conduct...There is no basis even for a prima facie view to that effect", Singh had
said in his reply. Dissatisfied with the response, the EC sought further clarifications from
the Minister and issued notice to Cabinet Secretary BK Chaturvedi in this regard.
The Commission had asked the Centre to defer consideration of the controversial Draft
Bill till the completion of the assembly polls in the five states. Singh is believed Earlier
this week, Singh had held a press conference here in which he made a veiled attack on his
Cabinet colleague and Science and Technology Minister Kapil Sibal over his reported
remarks, which were seen by him as anti-reservation.
****End of Story# 71 of 189
****Story#72 of 189
Title: Hu’S Discerning Remarks
Author: Editorial, The Nation
Source: The Nation
Date: April 25, 2006
URL: http://nation.com.pk/daily/april-2006/25/editorials2.php
PRESIDENT Hu Jintao’s address to the Saudi Shura Council on Sunday was full of
observations that were as much discerning and pertinent to the present global scenario as
much as they contained a strong undercurrent of criticism of Western policies, in
particular of the US. They might appear as commonplace thoughts of diplomatic parlance
but would prove highly useful for resolving current international disputes rather than the
inept responses of the neocon-run Bush administration to tackle them. For instance, the
aggression on Iraq has left little room for doubt that even the most powerful military
might has failed to achieve the desired objective. After three years of merciless slaughter
of civilians and violations of human rights it is no nearer to restoring peace or introducing
democracy. It would be hard for the occupying powers to absolve themselves from any
role in the suicide bombings committed by Iraqis and the continuing misery they have to
undergo: insecurity and joblessness. President Hu’s remark that force is no solution of
disputes has, thus, been proven right once again.
The only sensible course that can produce mutually beneficial results, and to which
President Hu has pointed, is negotiations. But the power-intoxicated forces, which made
light of President Khatami’s suggestion about holding inter-civilisation dialogue, are not
likely to pick up President Hu’s emphasis on its need to bring peace and progress to the
world. The West has highly skewed reservations about Islam and considers its adherents
too violence-prone to merit any debate with them. Besides, it regards them as the raison
d’être of its troubles born of so-called international terrorism, without trying to give a
moment’s thought to the excesses they have been through at its hands over the past
several centuries. Rather, it is doing its best to find a solution with brutal oppression of
whomsoever it believes to be a potential threat to its global dominance. The classic
example is the unprovoked invasion of Iraq on the patently false claim that it possessed
WMD and had links with Al-Qaeda, just because it was considered as posing a veritable
threat to Israel’s power in the region. The warmongering noises against Iran have the
same rationale.
President Hu has very rightly pointed out that no country should try to impose its own
values on others; instead, every nation has the right to live within the social and economic
system it chooses as suitable for it. What the global community should be doing is to
promote common values, respect for one other’s independence and territorial integrity
and abstention from interference into others’ internal matters. But powerful countries’
track record is, sadly, anything but encouraging. And the US-led West in its current state
of the arrogance of power is hardly likely to heed President Hu’s perceptive words.
****End of Story# 72 of 189
****Story#73 of 189
Title: I'm A Soldier Of The Congress, Says Rahul
Author: Correspondent or Reporter
Source: Hindu
Date: April 30, 2006
URL: http://www.hindu.com/2006/04/30/stories/2006043017401400.htm
After creating a flutter three days ago by his remarks on reviving the party in Uttar
Pradesh, Congress MP Rahul Gandhi on Saturday appeared to suggest that he was not in
a hurry to take up any post in the organisation.
"As I said earlier [in Hyderabad], I see a distinction between doing work and holding a
post. I am more than ready to do any work I am told to. As far as a post is concerned, I
will only take it up when I have done adequate work," he said.
His comments on the state of the Congress in Uttar Pradesh and his own role in reviving
it came in an impromptu interaction with reporters during a campaign for his mother
Sonia Gandhi for the May 8 Lok Sabha by-election.
PHOTO: PTI
Akhilesh Yadav, MP and son of Uttar Pradesh Chief Minister Mulayam Singh, Yadav
campaigns for Samajwadi Party candidate Raj Kumar Choudhary.
The MP from Amethi constituency was asked about his statement in the AICC plenary in
Hyderabad earlier this year that he would not take up a party position in the near future.
Will implement leadership's orders
Asked about his statement three days ago that he was prepared to take up the
responsibility of reviving the party in Uttar Pradesh, Mr. Gandhi said his remarks were
"distorted," but made it clear that he would "implement" any orders of the leadership.
He said his statement three days ago was a "simple one, which basically said I will follow
the orders of my senior leaders." With a smile, he added: "You guys went out and gave it
a life of its own."
Asked about his remarks that he would play an "active role" in reviving the party in the
State, he said: "You guys like sort of distorting. I said my stance is I am a soldier of the
Congress party. If I am ordered by my seniors to do something, I will do it."
"Until I get the orders, how can I implement them? It is not my decision, but a decision of
my leaders."
No formal position
He said his personal view was that "the role does not necessarily imply post. I am playing
a role in Rae Bareli right now. I don't have a formal position."
He did not agree with the view that the Congress was in a state of limbo in Uttar Pradesh.
"There is quite a lot of progress being made in the Congress party. I think we are
progressing," he said.
The organisation "is not built in a month. It takes time. The Congress party organisation
will be built in Uttar Pradesh."
He said right now, he was involved in Rae Bareli where the organisation was "quite
strong and decent. In Amethi also, it is quite strong. Of course, a lot of work has to be
done across Uttar Pradesh."
People's demands ignored
He said: "Leave Rae Bareli, can anyone say in Uttar Pradesh in the past 15 years that the
Government has listened to people's woes and met their demands?"
Asked whether his sister Priyanka Vadra would visit Rae Bareli, he said he had been
"pestering" her to come. She has been appointed Sonia Gandhi's election agent for the byelection.
With a controversy raging on the reservation issue, Mr. Gandhi played safe, maintaining
that it was a "complex matter," in which both the proponents and opponents have "valid
points."
SP's campaign
Refuting his allegations that hurdles were put in the development of Rae Bareli, the
ruling Samajwadi Party said the Government had accorded a special package to that Lok
Sabha constituency.
Special package
Launching the SP election campaign in Rae Bareli with a cycle rally, Uttar Pradesh Chief
Minister Mulayam Singh Yadav's son Akhilesh Yadav, MP, said Mr. Gandhi's allegations
were unfounded as the State Government had sanctioned a special package of Rs. 350
crore for the all-round development of the constituency.
On Mr. Gandhi's statement that he was ready to lead the Congress in Uttar Pradesh, he
said the Congress MP "should first set his party in order in the State."
Accompanied by around 1,000 cyclists, Mr. Yadav began his rally from Ratapur.
****End of Story# 73 of 189
****Story#74 of 189
Title: Imf's New Role In The Global Economy
Author: S. Sethuraman
Source: Business Line
Date: May 06, 2006
URL: http://www.thehindubusinessline.com/2006/05/06/stories/2006050600031000.htm
The RBI Governor was dismayed that while the international community had been
commending India's contribution to world growth and stability, there was a decline in
India's share of the IMF quota.
-------------------------------------------------------------------------------The IMF's 184 member-countries endorsed the new consultative mechanism to enhance
the Fund's relevance and credibility. But the modalities of consultations with country
authorities aimed at encouraging the actions needed to reduce imbalances are yet to be
worked out.
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
The 2006 Spring meetings of the IMF and World Bank in Washington (April 22-23) have
set the stage for a new "multilateral consultation" process in which the International
Monetary Fund will involve all principal economic players — developed and emerging,
deficit and surplus nations — for consensus-building on reducing global imbalances, now
acknowledged as a "shared responsibility".
The imbalances are broadly reflected in the deepening US current account deficit of
around $800 billion, or 6-7 per cent of GDP in 2005, and the substantial trade surplus and
reserve build-up by China and other Asian emerging economies, totalling over one
trillion dollars, raising fears of a disorderly adjustment that could lead to a sharp rise in
interest rates and, possibly, recession.
Finance Ministers representing the IMF's 184 member-countries on the International
Monetary and Financial Committee (IMFC) endorsed this new consultative mechanism,
proposed by the Fund's Managing Director, Mr Rodrigo de Rato, in a medium-term
strategy setting out the IMF's future directions in order to enhance its relevance and
credibility. But the modalities of consultations with country authorities aimed at
encouraging the actions needed to reduce imbalances are yet to be worked out.
Regional groupings too
Besides leading developed and emerging market economies, the consultations will cover
regional bodies and groupings, such as oil-exporters.
For the first time, the Fund's traditional Article IV consultations with individual countries
will be supplemented by "multilateral surveillance" of issues related to global
imbalances, especially in trade, so that hopefully it would result in "multilateral action"
on a co-operative basis to lessen the risks of any abrupt shifts in financial market
conditions.
The IMF, in its twice-yearly World Economic Outlook reports, has been drawing
attention to the risks of allowing imbalances left unattended and underscoring the
importance of a coordinated package of policies for an orderly global adjustment of
imbalances involving policy measures by important players. But there has been no
meaningful response from major economies.
These policies are for the US to cut its fiscal deficit and raise savings; for the EU and
Japan to undertake further structural reforms and fiscal consolidation, and promote more
domestic demand growth; for surplus emerging market countries in Asia to make
exchanges rates more flexible; and for oil exporters to promote efficient absorption of
petrodollar surge with sound macroeconomic policies.
But many economists are sceptical whether the new procedure, while giving more power
to the IMF and making it more relevant for a globalised economy, with unprecedented
capital flows across the borders, would make a difference in the near future.
It is likely that the whole process will not get into motion until after the Fund-Bank
annual meetings next September.
Challenge of imbalances
The Finance Ministers could not have met at more opportune moment than when the
world economy looks to keep expanding at 4-5 per cent for the third year in 2006,
according to an IMF forecast, but it was an equally grim setting in which oil prices hit
$75 a barrel and there was an urgent need for confronting the challenge of burgeoning
imbalances that could throw the world economy out of gear.
How to rebalance growth among the major industrial countries and lower the trade
divergences that pose risks of protectionism against growing competitiveness, became the
central issue.
However, the IMFC mandate for the Fund was not without reservations from some of the
Finance Ministers/Governors of central banks, especially from China and India, in regard
to the procedure and documentation of the outcome of the Fund's consultations with
leading countries, individually and collectively.
For the US, running big trade deficits with China and not making headway with its calls
for revaluation of Chinese currency, multilateral intervention seemed the best solution.
The Treasury Secretary, Mr John Snow, said that global imbalances reflected multilateral
conditions and the US could not, and should not, by itself be expected to resolve the
problem, though it had, like other major participants in the world economy, an important
role to play.
What seems to bother China, which has withstood strong pressure from the US on letting
its renminbi appreciate significantly in relation to dollar, is the Fund's proposed
surveillance focussing on monetary, financial, fiscal and exchange rate policies, and the
"spillovers" from one economy to the other.
The People's Bank of China Governor, Mr Zhao Xiachuan, told the IMFC that the
procedure must be "defined properly and widely accepted by member-countries" and that
Fund surveillance should "respect the autonomy of exchange rate systems" granted to all
countries under the IMF Articles of Agreement.
Each country was entitled to choose its exchange rate system "consistent with its own
economic development", he said. It thus remains to be seen how this will play out as the
Fund consultations get under way.
India's stand
India saw merit in the proposed multilateral surveillance but the RBI Governor, Dr Y. V.
Reddy, took the stand that given sensitivity of exchange rates for emerging markets, the
Fund has to balance its role as a confidential adviser on such issues and it would be
highly premature to consider publication of exchange rate assessments in the World
Economic Outlook.
In his view, effective multilateral surveillance would depend crucially on its coverage of
spillovers from industrialised countries, which accounted for significant share of global
financial flows.
Mr Gordon Brown, British Chancellor of Exchequer and Chairman of IMFC, however,
summed up the outcome as one making it a "year of reform for the international
economy," which would enable the IMF to address challenges different from those of the
world of the l940s, when it was created.
The global economy remained vulnerable to volatile oil prices, he said, and called for
greater investments, both up and downstream, to reduce supply uncertainties.
Quota increase
The World Economic Outlook noted that oil price increases had been widening current
account imbalances, which could persist for a long time.
The other important proposal of the Managing Director, aimed at endowing the IMF with
legitimacy, was limited to providing for an ad hoc increase in the quotas of "most underrepresented members"(China, Korea, Mexico and Turkey) in the near future, which could
be followed at a later stage with increase in basic votes of developing countries.
IMF quotas have not been revised since l998. While approving the ad hoc increase on
which concrete proposals would go before the Fund's annual meeting in September, the
IMFC said there was need for fundamental reforms for giving fair voice and
representation for all members.
Dr Reddy was dismayed that while the international community had been commending
India's contribution to world growth and stability, there was a decline in India's share of
the IMF quota.
He wondered whether the Fund's legitimacy would be enhanced if three of the four rising
powers of BRIC (Brazil, Russia, India and China) get their quotas reduced, even if for a
brief period.
****End of Story# 74 of 189
****Story#75 of 189
Title: In Nepal, The Beginning Of The End
Author: Siddharth Varadarajan
Source: Hindu
Date: April 22, 2006
URL: http://www.hindu.com/2006/04/22/stories/2006042206561100.htm
People power has forced Gyanendra to cede executive power. But only a democratically
elected Constituent Assembly can bring the people true sovereignty.
IN THE fullness of time, King Gyanendra — like other monarchs and ex-monarchs who
litter the pages of history — will also realise that revolutions have a horology of their
own and do not respect the neat rhythms that kings and generals try to impose on them.
For more than a year, the people of Nepal have been demanding that King Gyanendra end
his illegal seizure of power and return executive authority to an elected government.
After first subverting the Nepalese Parliament in 2002, Gyanendra staged a putschwithin-a-coup on February 1, 2005, arrogating all powers to himself and declaring an end
to even the `three-fifths democracy' that the 1990 Constitution embodied. But today,
when the moment finally arrived for the monarch grumpily to announce his surrender on
national television, the relentless clock of popular expectation and revolt could well end
up robbing this kingly concession of its power to send the masses back into their homes.
Monumental folly
Today, the genie of constitutional change is out of the bottle, liberated from its confines
by a monumental act of folly on the part of the King. From here, it will not be easy for
either Gyanendra or the parties or the people who have come on the streets to merely
return to the status quo ante as it prevailed on February 1, 2005.
The Ancient Greeks had a term to describe Gyanendra's sickness — akrasia, or the state
of acting against one's better interests. Socrates saw akrasia as the manifestation of
ignorance, Aristotle of weakness. In both cases, full-fledged reason is overwhelmed by
impetuosity and bathos, qualities the Nepalese monarch surely possesses in abundance.
Four years ago, when he embarked on his misadventure, the demand for a Constituent
Assembly was largely confined to the Maoists and to the student wings of the Nepali
Congress and UML parties. If at all the subject came up for discussion in "polite
company," advocates for constitutional change were quick to add apologetically that any
elected assembly need not necessarily be empowered to do away with the system of
monarchy itself. What Gyanendra has done is turn the slogan for a Constituent Assembly
into a democratic totem for the majority of his people. Most Nepalese today correctly
consider constitutional change as essential to strengthen popular sovereignty, institute
democratic control over the armed forces, and achieve a fairer deal for the country's
diverse and unequal ethnic groups, for the janajatis and the Dalits. Above all, a new and
genuinely democratic and inconclusive Constitution will allow Nepal to transcend the
violence and bloodshed that has marred the better part of the past decade. It will offer the
prospects for a new and more just social compact in which there will be no room for
insurgency and counter-insurgency.
It took one maharaja who no longer has a kingdom — Karan Singh — to rekindle the
fading instincts for self-preservation in Gyanendra that hubris had all but extinguished.
Each hour of every passing day was pushing the kingdom closer and closer to that crucial
point at which kings and ex-kings, politicians and army chiefs suddenly discover they no
longer have the capacity to control or even influence the flow of events. General Pyar
Jung Thapa could always be counted upon to order his men to open fire on the gathering
thousands but his soldiers' fingers may have baulked at traversing those crucial few
inches that stand between mutiny and genocide. India and the United States knew that
time had already run out. And that a delay of even one more day would have meant there
would be nobody out there to accept an offer of compromise from Gyanendra.
In the event, the King has stepped back from the edge but it is not clear his opponents are
ready to accept the wares he is holding out. Gyanendra will not admit it but the whole of
Nepal and the world already knows that he has lost his kingdom. Is his offer of returning
executive power to the Seven Party Alliance (SPA) on behalf of the people under Article
35 of the Constitution, then, an admission on his part that the old order is over? The old
order with all its constitutional ambiguities that allowed not just his palace putsch but
also his unquestioned (and very disastrous) leadership over the army? Clearly not, since
the text of the King's televised speech makes explicit reference to the need for the country
to be governed in accordance with "the Constitution of the Kingdom of Nepal, 1990." All
Gyanendra is offering, really, is a quick turn of the clock back to February 2005.
As the seven-party alliance ponders over its next move, its leaders should resist the
temptation to give up the popular leverage that has made this remarkable turn of events
possible.
Any acceptance of the King's latest offer must be prefaced by a clear and transparent
statement of purpose that respects the sentiments of the Nepalese people for fundamental
constitutional change and a negotiated end to the Maoist insurgency in the country. It
must also respect the basic principles of the two understandings reached between the SPA
and the Maoists in November 2005 and March 2006.
The modalities of a transitional government, including the revival of parliament, the
nature of the negotiations with the Maoists, and the manner in which a Constituent
Assembly is to be elected, can all be worked out once the SPA takes charge, but this goal
can and must be explicitly spelt out by the alliance leadership if the unprecedented
popular uprising of the past few weeks is to have any meaning at all. In addition, the SPA
must announce that their first act in power will be the release of all political prisoners, the
scrapping of the draconian Terrorism and Disruptive Activities Ordinance (TADO), and
the laws restricting media freedom. The SPA must also stress its understanding that the
assumption of executive power includes taking charge of the Royal Nepal Army and that
if at all there is any ambiguity, all the more reason to push for constitutional changes at
the earliest possible opportunity.
At stake is not just popular sentiment but the parties' own need for some guarantee
against King Gyanendra making another grab for power once he feels the heat is off.
Revolutions done in half-measure inevitably fail. The parties must learn well the lessons
of Nepal's recent history and not rest till the Nepalese people have wrested true
sovereignty for themselves.
****End of Story# 75 of 189
****Story#76 of 189
Title: India Hints A Giftwrap Of Revival Package
Author: ANANDA MAJUMDAR
Source: Indian Express
Date: April 29, 2006
URL: http://www.indianexpress.com/story/3397.html
With Nepal taking the first major step towards popular rule when its Parliament was
reconvened after four years today, India has decided to propose a package for the
country’s economic recovery. The details of the package will be worked out in
consultation with the new Nepali leadership and at their request.
Wary of upsetting Nepali sensibilities, care is being taken to ensure it is not seen as an
“aid package” thrust by India without asking the new government if it wants aid, and if so
in which areas.
Prime Minister Manmohan Singh spoke to Girija Prasad Koirala, who is to take oath as
Nepal’s next prime minister, and made the offer. The PM told the Nepali leader that India
was ready to fully support the new government’s plans for the country’s economic
recovery.
Discussions on the economic package will be held when CPM leader Sitaram Yechury
meets the Nepali Congress leader at the latter’s home on Saturday morning.
Before leaving for Kathmandu, Yechury was briefed by Foreign Secretary Shyam Saran
in New Delhi this morning. Discussions were also held with Defence Minister Pranab
Mukherjee, the seniormost minister in the Prime Minister’s absence.
“India should not decide on the aid package unless the request comes from the Nepali
leadership, the demand must come from them. We should not appear to be providing
them with unsolicited help. That would hurt Nepali sentiments,” Yechury said.
When Parliament was reconvened, it adopted what were the remaining two points of the
four-point formula put forth by Yechury last week on the roadmap for the parties—a
resolution was adopted for holding elections to a new constituent assembly, and another
on formally inviting the Maoists for talks with the new government.
Nepal had already moved ahead on the other two points: restoration of Parliament and
appointing an interim government.
Yechury was inside the House at the time and noticing him, the Speaker mentioned him
by name for his role in Nepal’s movement towards democracy. A resolution was also
adopted highlighting the CPM leader’s role.
Back at his hotel, alliance leaders held a dinner in his honour—among those present were
CPN-UML leaders Madhav Kumar Nepal and Jhalanath Khanal, former PM Sher
Bahadur Deuba, Nepali Congress leaders Gopal Man and Mehendra Nath Thakur and
Nepali Congress-Democracy leader Pradeep Giri.
“The roadmap is now laid out. The travel begins now, even though it may be full of
potholes,” Yechury said.
Meanwhile, the parties seemed undecided on whether the King should swear in Koirala
even though the crowds outside the Nepali Parliament this afternoon left no one in doubt
that he should not. Nepali Congress leader Shekhar Koirala said earlier on Friday that
while it was the people’s wish that King Gyanendra should not swear in the country’s PM
it seemed to be the only way out despite his own reservations on the issue and the
people’s mood.
Madhav Kumar Nepal, the CPN-UML leader was emphatic this was not right. “How can
the King be involved? It will be against the wishes of the people,” he said. Later in the
evening, a source close to G P Koirala claimed that the swearing-in would be at the
palace on Sunday. Citing protocol he said, it was not possible for the chief justice to
administer oath to a prime minister as he was lower in the order of protocol.
However, the parties did move ahead on some issues. Shekhar Koirala said it had been
decided to honour those killed in the pro-democracy movement and offer financial
assistance to their families, take action against administrators, police and army officials
who had authorized repressive force in the people’s movement. While the shadow of the
king remained, on the streets of Kathmandu it seemed that there was much to look
forward to.
Earlier, while protesters gathered in thousands shouting anti-King slogans outside, the
House did away with the practice of placing a sceptre and a crown on the top of the
Speaker’s chair everyday before the beginning of proceedings.
Members belonging to the Seven-Party Alliance—particularly the Communist Party of
Nepal-United Marxist Leninist (CPN-UML)—asserted that the recent movement of the
people, which was responsible for the revival of the House, was also directed against
these two symbols.
The proceedings began almost four hours behind schedule (around 5 pm) as the Secretary
General and the other members differed over the way the House should be conducted.
Secretary General Surya Kiran Gurung even threatened to quit, saying he couldn’t be
made to bow to dictates of leaders against the established rules and conventions of the
House.
****End of Story# 76 of 189
****Story#77 of 189
Title: India Inc Rejects Manmohan's Quota Call
Author: Correspondent or Reporter
Source: Times of India
Date: April 21, 2006
URL: http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/articleshow/1498322.cms
The industry has rejected Prime Minister Manmohan Singh's proposal of voluntary caste
quotas, setting the stage for renewed activism by the scheduled caste and scheduled tribe
forum for a legislation.
Both Confederation of Indian Industry (CII) and Federation of Indian Chambers of
Commerce and Industry (FICCI) picked holes in the advocacy for voluntary quota,
arguing that the goal of affirmative action would be better served by focusing on training
and education of those belonging to the scheduled castes, scheduled tribes and backward
classes.
"The issue will have to be addressed at the root and this cannot be done merely through
reservation," Ficci president S K Poddar said in a statement.
Clearly, if the PM had intended to nudge the industry towards accepting the voluntary
quotas, the purpose has not been served. In fact, two days after Singh called on the
private sector to voluntarily provide jobs to the weaker sections, industry chambers could
be seen launching an offensive in the coming days.
A paper prepared by Ficci also tried to list out the flip side of reservations. "While the
private recruiters may find themselves in a situation where they have to fill the reserved
vacancies just to avoid penalty and litigation, members of the preferred group may take
job availability for granted and shift their focus away from hard work, self-improvement
and education.
Further, it is very likely that fraudulent cases of belonging to the designated groups
would multiply," the paper said.
Instead, it suggested that the private sector, along with the government, could step in with
assistance to lower the drop-out rate at the primary as well high school level.
Ficci also offered to join hands with the government to impart vocational training through
ITIs using the public-private partnership model.
****End of Story# 77 of 189
****Story#78 of 189
Title: India Inc Vows To Oppose Reservation
Author: Correspondent or Reporter
Source: Times of India
Date: May 07, 2006
URL: http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/articleshow/1518740.cms
The Indian industry stands staunchly opposed to job reservations in the private sector,
Bharti Group Promoter and CII Vice-President Sunil Mittal has said as he vowed to fight
the move at every flora.
"I would say anything that's going to hurt the industry's competitiveness will have to be
fought. At what quorum, which place, courts or outside courts, or politically needs to be
dealt with," Mittal, whose company offers telecom services under the Airtel brand, said
in an interview to a TV channel.
But he did underline the role corporates can play in social uplift of weaker sections of
society.
"I am a strong believer that if India has to get the complete benefit of its large population
and big market, if you will not carry the weaker sections of society, if you will not
incorporate the eastern part of India into the mainstream, I think India will never achieve
its glory," he said.
Mittal sought a time period of two years from the government to bring any law to
introduce reservation in the private sector saying "...give us two years for affirmative
action by industry on a voluntary basis. If it fails then let the government start using the
(South African style) measures."
Asked whether he was saying this on behalf of the majority of industry in India, Mittal
said "I would say that in the last ten or twenty days of this debate, within CII at least,
everybody and anybody who has been on the table for discussion supports this view."
Speaking about claims made by companies that they were employing up to 50 per cent
from the weaker sections, Mittal said industry has been doing enough in terms of people
its employing and perhaps the industry was becoming a victim of false impression.
"I think what's coming out very clearly is that industry is doing enough in terms of people
its employing... There is no active discrimination. People are not actively discriminating
in the market place," he said.
"If industry was to take a roll call I think everybody would be surprised. The question is
should we take that roll call. We believe it should not be taken. What I can confirm is, the
accusation by some segments that industry actively discriminated does not hold at all,"
Mittal said.
Give industry a chance to prove itself, he said adding "it was unlikely the government
would bring legislation to enforce reservations. I think the government falls short of
going through with legislation... I believe the government has the good of the nation at
heart and there's not much good that's going to come out of reservation."
****End of Story# 78 of 189
****Story#79 of 189
Title: India Inc Will Fight Quota: Cii
Author: Correspondent or Reporter
Source: Deccan Herald
Date: May 07, 2006
URL: http://www.deccanherald.com/deccanherald/may72006/business161557200656.asp
Indian industry would fight reservation if imposed through a legislation, but weaker
sections of society should be taken on board development, Confederation of Indian
Industry (CII) Vice President Sunil Mittal has said.
“Anything that is going to hurt industry’s competitiveness will have to be fought”, Mr
Mittal said in an interview to CNN-IBN’s Devil’s Advocate programme.
However, Mr Mittal said that if India has to achieve progress, a large part of weaker
sections of the population would have to be taken on board.” I believe this is something
industry must have right in front of their agenda,” he said.
False impression
Mr Mittal opposed any move to take a roll call to find out the social or economic status of
the people employed by the industry.
Rejecting accusations by some segments that the industry actively discriminated while
hiring employees, Mr Mittal said the industry was a victim of a false impression of
discriminating against weaker sections.
He exhorted the Centre to give two years’ time to prove that its (industry’s) commitments
on “affirmative action” were genuine. “I would say give us two years for affirmative
action by industry on a voluntary basis. If it fails then let the government start using these
(compulsory) measures,” he added.
The CII, which has opposed the legislation on reservation policy, has set up a Task Force
under Mr J J Irani’s chairmanship to come out with specific affirmative actions that the
industry can initiate.
Mr Mittal believed that his views about voluntary action within next two years to carry
the weaker sections along were shared by majority of the Indian industry.
Mr Mittal said he did not think that the government would enforce reservation through a
legislation.
Stating that all the 630 million people of working age do not have equal opportunites, he
said, over 55 per cent of India’s population is below 25 years of age.
Their aspirations and needs have to be met or else there would be a tension in the society,
he added.
****End of Story# 79 of 189
****Story#80 of 189
Title: India Inc., Liberalisation, And Social Responsibility
Author: Sushma Ramchandran
Source: Hindu
Date: April 25, 2006
URL: http://www.hindu.com/2006/04/25/stories/2006042504140800.htm
Domestic industry cannot divorce itself from the social environment within the country.
However, it may be counter-productive for the Government to lay down the law in the
sensitive area of human resource for the private sector.
CORPORATE INDIA is disturbed over the latest remarks by Prime Minister Manmohan
Singh at one of industry's annual conclaves. The first worrying comment for India Inc.
was the suggestion that the care of environment and rehabilitation of the dispossessed
should be taken up on a priority basis by industry. The second and even more startling
statement was the need to "broad base employment" and move towards "affirmative
action" to include backward sections of society in recruitment by the private sector.
The immediate response to these suggestions has been sharp with Wipro chief Azim
Premji insisting that high quality of human resources is essential to meet global demand
for services in the infotech sector. Similarly, the new chief of the Confederation of Indian
Industry, R. Seshasayee, has firmly opposed the concept of "mandatory reservation" for
backward classes. Even so, despite the vocal opposition to the idea, the chamber has
decided to set up a committee headed by Tata veteran J.J. Irani to consider the quota
issue.
While the Prime Minister has virtually set the cat among the pigeons in the corporate
world on the reservation issue, the other aspect of environment and rehabilitation of
displaced workers due to industrial projects will also assume grave proportions in the
days to come. With the Narmada Bachao Andolan having gathered greater strength in
recent weeks, the voices of the dispossessed are being heard more loudly even in the
normally apathetic corridors of power. The report of the United Progressive Alliance
Government's Group of Ministers on the tardy progress in rehabilitating those displaced
by the Sardar Sarovar dam has come as an eye opener. Chief Ministers are now seeking
to deny that the situation is as bad as has been portrayed in the report.
There is no doubt, however, that the report and the NBA's agitation to prevent the height
of the dam being raised have served as a wake-up call even for those who are proeconomic reforms and view the dam as a vital infrastructure project needed by several
States. The complete inability of the State Governments concerned to provide
rehabilitation in time to those affected by submergence is surprising, given the
considerable lead time available. The question that must be asked is whether State
Governments are prepared to care for the dispossessed within their boundaries or whether
the interests of weaker sections must always be subservient to infrastructure projects.
The Prime Minister has sought to put the onus for rehabilitation issues on private industry
as well since it is involved in many giant projects. The executive alone, he has indicated,
can no longer carry this burden and industry must take environmental issues into account
while planning investments. The concerns of those displaced by large industrial projects
will also have to be the responsibility of those implementing them, be they in the public
or private domains.
The other key question is whether those affected by the Sardar Sarovar dam have tasted
the fruits of the country's higher economic growth. Is it possible for an eight per cent
growth rate to completely bypass huge segments of the population, and provide benefits
only to the urban middle class, is an issue we must all ponder. It is here that the issue of
providing support to the displaced links up with the other proposal for providing
reservation in private sector jobs for backward segments of society.
The contentious quota issue is really part of a wider problem of the growing divide
between rich and the poor in this country. The gap has always been wider here than in
other Asian countries such as China. The rapid improvement in income levels in urban
areas has further extended this divide leading to social unrest, expressed in many areas as
naxalism or other forms of extremist movements. The progress in uplifting those below
the poverty line seems to be moving far more slowly than the rapid impact of reforms in
urban areas. The growth of affluence has been palpable in the metropolitan areas of the
country. The rise in employment as a result of the call centre boom is certainly a positive
development to meet the needs of millions who graduate as potential educated
unemployed from the country's schools and universities. At the same time, there has not
been a matching rise in employment opportunities in rural areas. The net result is the
current widening chasm between the rich and the poor.
Whether quotas for backward classes in the private sector will help bridge the gap is an
issue that needs to be debated and discussed for some more time. The proposal for
introducing a quota for OBCs in premier educational institutions such as the Indian
Institutes of Technology or the Indian Institutes of Management has already begun
agitating young people. A suggestion to extend such quotas to private sector recruitment
is bound to create more unrest. It is, however, only a logical extension of a policy that
already exists both in the government and the public sector. There has so far been no
agitation over the existence of such quotas for employment in these segments of the
economy and these have always been accepted unquestioningly. Neither has the
government nor the public sector ever been faulted on efficiency issues because there are
quotas for the Scheduled Castes and the Scheduled Tribes. The reasons for inefficiencies
and failures of performance in the government have been attributed to the lifetime
employment policy, which gives prospects of complete job security without any matching
performance requirements. Similarly, the ills of the public sector enterprises have been
mainly due to lack of autonomy rather than the special job quotas.
It may thus be advisable for private industry to approach the issue as the Prime Minister
has suggested, in terms of "affirmative action," rather than to view it as "mandatory
reservation." The principle of affirmative action has been accepted all over the world.
Even in the U.S., such special measures to increase recruitment based on gender as well
as race are adopted in most educational institutions as well as corporates. It may well be
argued that the quota percentages in this country are too high and need to reconsidered.
At the same time, domestic industry cannot divorce itself from the social environment
within the country. The centuries of discrimination against certain sections of society
have affected both their economic and social status. Even the private sector will have to
play its role in making an effort to redress these societal imbalances.
Strengthening basic education
It may be counter-productive, however, for the Government to think in terms of laying
down the law, literally, in the sensitive area of human resources for the private sector. As
a leader in the information technology industry Mr. Premji has candidly pointed out, it
has been possible for India to meet global demand by providing an international level of
employees to implement projects. A rigid mechanism of job reservation may adversely
affect industries that need to be at the cutting edge of technology in order to maintain
global standards. In fact, the government really needs to look at the other end of the
spectrum to provide better educational opportunities for backward segments of society. A
beginning has to be made in primary and secondary education where even now large
numbers are dropping out of schools. The lacunae in the mid-day meal schemes are well
known by now and it has been widely recognised that better implementation of these
schemes will ensure much lower dropout levels in elementary education.
Unless basic educational facilities are sound for those at the fringes of society, it will not
be possible for them to make it up the ladder to reach institutes of excellence such as the
IITs. Even quotas may not suffice, as the recent turmoil over Human Resource
Development Minister Arjun Singh's proposal for OBC reservation in higher education
has thrown up stories of cases where students taken in through quotas have not been able
to finish the course. For some reason, HRD ministerial incumbents have a penchant for
looking more closely at higher education issues rather than elementary and secondary
education. This is an area where much more work needs to be done to provide simply the
most basic of education facilities for children both in rural and urban areas. While Indian
Ministers may like to speak more about the IITs and the IIMs, the former Singapore
Prime Minister, Goh Chok Tong, on a visit here several years ago, pointed out that China
was far ahead of India in terms of providing primary education to its people. He had then
observed that this was where the focus was needed for India rather than on its admittedly
excellent institutes of higher education.
In any case, the comments by Dr. Manmohan Singh clearly indicate a recognition that
private industry has now reached a stage where it needs to take on more social
responsibility. In the past, it was the public sector that was given this onerous role and
most public sector units had a very specific "social role" to be included as part of their
mandate. With the liberalisation of the economy, this mantle has to be donned by the
private sector since it has been freed from controls. As always, freedom has to be dealt
with maturely and, in this case, it means taking on the burden of social responsibility.
****End of Story# 80 of 189
****Story#81 of 189
Title: Indo-Thai Economic Ties To Get A Boost
Author: Manoj Kumar
Source: Tribune
Date: May 04, 2006
URL: http://www.tribuneindia.com/2006/20060504/edit.htm#8
THE economic and political ties between India and Thailand is likely to gain strength as
the political uncertainty in Thailand is receding after Prime Minister Thaksin
Shinawatra’s resignation early last month.
The business community in India, which heavily invested in Thailand, after the free trade
agreement (FTA) in 2003 was worried over the protests demanding Prime Minister’s
resignation over alleged corruption and abuse of power.
The FTA between the two countries has paved way for the success of India’s Look East
Policy leading to annual bilateral trade to around $ 2 billion between the two countries.
“After reaping early harvest of FTA, both the governments are now geared up to double
bilateral trade to $ 4 billion in next two years as more and more Thai and Indian
companies are looking for joint ventures and business opportunities,” says Chirasak
Thanesnant, Thailand Ambassador in India.
Cumulative Indian investment in Thailand from 1991 to date is close to about $1 billion.
At present, there are 26 joint venture projects producing chemicals, steel wires and rods,
fibre, drugs and pharmaceutical. The major Indian groups in Thailand include Aditya
Birla Group, Ranbaxy Laboratories, Tatas, Lupin Laboratories, Indo-Rama and Usha
Martin.
After signing the Comprehensive Economic Cooperation Agreement (CECA) with
Singapore, Prime Minister Manmohan Singh is reportedly taking personal interest in
making FTA with Thailand a success as part of India’s strategy to strengthen economic
and political ties with the ASEAN countries.
Despite reservations expressed by certain quarters in industrial circles, the government is
certain that FTA with Thailand, under which the list of commodities is expected to go up
to 5,000 from a initial list of 82 items, will help the small and medium enterprises here to
improve their competitiveness.
India has much to learn, believe business community, from Thailand especially in
tourism and infrastructure sector. The country has made much progress in exporting light
manufacturing goods like auto components electric and plastic equipment, food
processing products. It is showing keen interest in Indian pharmaceutical, IT and auto
sector. Despite a small size, its global trade was worth about $212 billion in 2004-05,
almost comparable to India.
In fact, its early economic reforms, strong push to exports coupled with increased
consumption and investment spending have helped push GDP growth up to 6 per cent in
recent years.
After Malaysia and Singapore, Thailand is the third largest investor in India from the
ASEAN region. “Enthused by the opening of FDI in construction and food processing
sectors, many Thai companies are expected to invest in these sectors,” feels Pramon
Sutivong, Chairman, Board of Trade of Thailand and Thai Chamber of Commerce.
He is currently on a visit to India with a large contingent of business delegates looking
for business opportunities in food processing, petrochemical, steel, auto and IT sectors.
With a population of about 6.5 crore and per capita income of $ 2540 which is about five
times that of India, Thailand is today one of the best performers in East Asia.
Over the recent decades, the ties between India and Thailand have improved as both
countries are facing threat of terrorism.
After tying knots of FTA, both countries are expected to join hands at other forums like
Indian Ocean Rim, BIMSTEC and Ganga-Mekong project. An international highway
from India to Thailand via Myanmar over the next few years is likely to open new routes
of cooperation between the people of two countries which have a history of common
culture and friendship.
****End of Story# 81 of 189
****Story#82 of 189
Title: Indus Water Woes
Author: B.G. Verghese
Source: Tribune
Date: April 27, 2006
URL: http://www.tribuneindia.com/2006/20060427/edit.htm#4
Pakistan’s water worries should concern India. Both sides share the Indus and it is only if
they join hands that its potential can be optimised with sustainability to combat the
common peril of climate change. Three separate reports by parliamentary, technical and
international expert committees set out Pakistan’s water future. Sharp inter-provincial
differences, largely revolving around Punjab’s dominance, and the need to accommodate
Afghanistan’s demands on the Kabul river have shaped the discourse.
Strangely, both sides have ignored the idea of maximising mutual benefit through further
Indo-Pakistan cooperation under the Indus Treaty. Hopefully, the impending report of the
Neutral Expert on India’s Baglihar project on the Chenab will signal a change from
confrontation to cooperation as the futility of beggar-my-neighbour policies will soon
become apparent.
Pakistan has a cultivated area of 40 m acres and an irrigable potential of 38.86 m acres.
(West) Pakistan’s population was 34 m in 1951, but had risen to 146 m by 2003 and is
likely to touch 221 m by 2025. This will mean a per capita water availability of 1200 cu
m by 2010 and 800 cu m by 2025. Like India, Pakistan is a wasteful water user and has to
improve use efficiency. Canal modernisation, including lining and a telemetry system, are
under way.
Pakistan currently diverts 117.35 MAF from the Indus, two-thirds of this during the
kharif season. Another 8 MAF is used for drinking, sanitation and industrial purposes. A
further average daily flow of 5000 cusecs (10 MAF) is required to escape to the sea
below the Kotri barrage for the purpose of fisheries, coastal and delta management,
preservation of mangroves and to prevent saltwater intrusion. The entire 33 MAF flow of
the three eastern rivers has been allocated to India under the Indus Treaty, but apart from
regenerated supplies, about 3 MAF still flows into Pakistan. Additionally, while India is
entitled to irrigate 1.34 m acres of land in J&K from the three Western rivers, it has still
to irrigate some 0.52 m acres and Pakistan estimates it will never use more than 2 MAF
under this entitlement.
Currently Pakistan uses almost 90-95 per cent of Kabul waters. However, Afghanistan
has started on the road to development and has arid areas to irrigate. A UNESCO-Iran
study on possible Afghan uses is under way; but Pakistan believes that this requirement
will not exceed 0.50 MAF.
Pakistan has no storage sites on the Chenab and only one site on the Jhelum, at Mangla,
just within POK. It has lost 30 per cent of the overall storage capacity at Mangla, Tarbela
and Chasma (the latter two on the Indus) on account of sedimentation. It is raising
Mangla by 30 feet to store an additional 2.9 MAF and is desperately looking for other
sites on the Indus. Kalabagh, below Tarbela, marks the lowest possible storage site (6.1
MAF, 3600 MW). But this dam is strongly opposed by the NWFP and Sind. The Federal
Government has recently approved the Basha-Diamer dam, near Chilas in the Northern
Areas, 200 km upstream of Tarbela (7.34 MAF, 4500 MW, $6.7 bn as of 2002). The
NWFP supports Basha but Pakistan feels that Basha and Kalabagh should go together
and can be completed by 2011-2014.
The Basha-Diamer project entails widening and upgrading the Karakoram Highway from
Manshera to Chilas, itself a considerable undertaking. A 905-foot high dam appears
problematic to some who advocate phased construction, going up to 600 feet in the first
instance. Basha lies beyond the arc of the monsoon and will therefore be entirely snowfed like the proposed mega Katzarah dam (35,000 MAF, 15,000 MW), near Skardu, or
the more modest Skardu dam alternative (8000-15,000 MAF, 4000 MW). The two latter
dams would require even more elaborate highway improvements over a longer lead and
entail high transmission costs over a bleak landscape to distant load centres.
All three dams, and even the Kalabagh dam, would only fill in years of high flood, being
essentially carryover dams to hold such “surplus storage”. The Katzarah dam would
submerge much of the Skardu bowl, the best of Balti civilisation and Pakistan’s strategic
communications. It has accordingly attracted considerable opposition even at the
conceptual stage. Nevertheless, A.N.G. Abbas, Chair of the Technical Committee on
Water Resources continues to champion it, along with Sind, as Pakistan’s carryover
solution to wide annual flow variations, capturing 84 per cent of the available “storable
surplus” in the system. He believes that a detailed project will be ready by 2009; work
can commence by 2015 and be completed in eight years.
However, a consultancy study for the World Bank by Wallingford of the UK suggests
that climate change and glacier melt could reduce Indus flows at Skardu by as much as 30
per cent within the next 30-40 years.
Several run-of-river hydel sites are available and a substantial dam at Ghazi Barotha on
the Indus was commissioned some years ago. But the only other storage sites of any
significance are at Yogo on the Shyok and Akhori, on an “off-channel” taken from the
Tarbela lake.
Cooperation with India in developing an Indus-II on the foundations of the 1960 Indus
Treaty would probably yield Pakistan better and surer dividends, at less cost and sooner.
India too would stand to benefit as it could then jointly survey sites with Pakistan for
potential storages on the upper Indus in Ladakh and investigate the possibility of building
or augmenting storages on the Chenab and Jhelum that are currently barred by the Indus
Treaty beyond stipulated limits. The surplus waters of the Ravi and the other two eastern
rivers that India cannot utilise could perhaps also be harnessed through joint cooperation,
which could extend to developing the potential of the Indus system in the Northern Areas
and POK, on Pakistan’s side of the LOC.
Exploration of this idea, whose time has come, could add a most useful and creative
dimension to the current India-Pakistan peace process in J&K, covering land use,
sediment control, agriculture, forestry, hydro energy, transmission and eco-tourism on
both sides. This would make the J&K border “irrelevant”, help build trans-border
institutions across it and yield a huge peace dividend with manifold benefits to all the
people of J&K.
****End of Story# 82 of 189
****Story#83 of 189
Title: Initial Mess
Author: Editorial, The Telegraph
Source: Telegraph
Date: May 01, 2006
URL: http://www.telegraphindia.com/1060501/asp/opinion/story_6165405.asp
The Securities and Exchange Board of India’s most recent revelations indicate that
almost every institution involved in the initial public offering process had thrown away
the rule-book in its zeal to grab a share of the business. Depository participants
encouraged multiple applications, banks had no qualms about ignoring the “Know Your
Customer” norms while depositories conducted their inspections in a perfunctory manner.
Hundreds of savings bank accounts have been opened by the same person, thousands of
account holders have furnished identical addresses, the signatures of different account
holders have been found to be the same and many such accounts have the same
introducer. It is clear that there has been collusion on a massive scale, although some of it
could have been done under the pressure of gaining a share of the lucrative IPO business.
With cut-throat competition in the banking system, it is clear that a blind eye has been
turned to risk-containment measures that prove restrictive in attracting business. Given
the ease with which the system can be abused, it is a miracle that the size of the scandal
has not been bigger.
But while the market regulator’s dogged pursuit of the IPO scandal deserves
commendation, it is also true that it could have gone about the issue in a less ham-handed
manner. The announcement that it was keeping its decision against Indiabulls Securities
in abeyance a day after the report was made public, for instance, is another dent on the
regulator’s reputation. If it could have made a mistake in Indiabulls’s case, so goes the
logic, perhaps it could be mistaken in other instances too. In the circumstances, it is a
mystery why Sebi did not think it fit to get the views of the parties it has accused in its
report before rushing ahead with its order. It will be recalled that when the earlier interim
order had been passed a few months ago, the National Securities Depository Limited had
complained that it was denied natural justice because its side of the story had not been
heard before Sebi passed the order. The regulator’s dismal record in having its orders
overturned on appeal should have made it more cautious.
Nevertheless, the point is that the system has been abused and glaring loopholes have
been discovered. The question is: how to fix it? The key issue is to weed out benami and
fictitious accounts. This can be done by a unique identification system — PAN cards are
now being touted as the panacea. But even if a fool proof system of identification is
introduced, it would not take much to induce slum-dwellers to lend their names to create
dummy accounts. In the circumstances, perhaps the best solution would be to remove the
special reservation for the so-called small investor.
****End of Story# 83 of 189
****Story#84 of 189
Title: Ipo Demat Scam And Retail Reservation
Author: PRITHVI HALDEA
Source: The Financial Express
Date: May 04, 2006
URL: http://www.financialexpress.com/fe_full_story.php?content_id=12582#8
Sebi’s order on the IPO scam should be applauded. At the core, it will benefit the retail
investors as they will, in the future IPOs, get their rightful share. This is not a typical
scam—it is not about investors losing monies, it is only about an opportunity loss. And
that explains why investor confidence has actually increased; the subsequent bull run
validates this.
It is amazing to see many argue that it is the inbuilt profits in IPOs that have led to
multiple applications and, therefore, they are demanding abolition of the retail quota. It is
a paradox that there is simultaneously a huge out-cry about aggressive pricing of IPOs,
about valuations going haywire, about undeserving companies raising hundreds of crore
of rupees! Can we have unanimity on this please?
That IPOs mean profits is actually a myth. Subsequent to the abolition of CCI in 1992,
most IPOs have actually resulted in losses. In over 80% of the 3,911 issues that came in
the IPO boom between 1992-95 and those that came in the next IPO boom of the late 90s,
investors lost. The present boom has surely delivered dream returns in most IPOs, but
that was in the early phase. Recent times have witnessed a host of IPOs delivering
negative returns. In fact, Sebi is so worried that it has considered the idea of IPO grading.
So, for over 14 years now, IPOs are not equal to assured profits! If many issues have
gained on listing, it is substantially because of the booming secondary market and huge
liquidity. Also, why single out IPOs? Haven’t the prices of hundreds of scrips in the
secondary market gone up several times over? The fact remains that among all
instruments, the risks in IPOs are the highest. And retail investors in any case, like others,
are taking the IPO risk. In reality, the cautious retail is not bee-lining the IPOs, as the
subscription data reveals. Hope this bursts the theory of ‘incentivised IPOs.’
And why attack the 35% quota for retail investors? The major beneficiaries, in fact, are
the FIIs, who enjoy a much higher 50% quota, and which until recently was used for
mak-ing discretionary allotments.
The argument for removing retail reservation to prevent such scams is flawed. If there are
a couple of pickpockets planning to board a train, should all other passengers be
prevented from boarding it? Solution is in arresting the pickpockets and enacting systems
to prevent potential pickpockets. Irrelevant comparisons are being drawn with
reservation/quota policies in other sectors like sugar and cement. The quota for retail is to
ensure they do not get edged out by the moneybags in the system of proportionate
allotment.
• The proposals for removing retail quota and also of auctioning IPOs are flawed
• IPOs help grow the investor base; we need entry stage systems, unique IDs
• We also need clean-up processes in the secondary market & the banking system
The proposal to auction IPOs is also flawed. For one, would QIBs even want this? Will
auction not result in a handful of investors—say, even just four to five in an IPO—the
ones who bid the highest? And, as such, what will happen to the after-market? Why, in
fact, have an IPO market at all; convert this into a private placement market. For another,
it would be a death knell for the small investors, as they are not equipped to participate in
an auction. IPOs have always helped grow the investor base, as these typically are the
best entry points. We still have less than 80 lakh investors, a very small number in a
country of over 100 crore, and a matter of worry as our household savings are hardly
moving into the economy. Retail has to be provided access to IPOs. Removing them
would also have adverse conseque-nces on the goal of involving more people in the
‘ownership society.’
If the argument is based on the premise that retail investors should rather use mutual
funds, it is ill-timed, as neither has the fund industry built confidence among investors,
nor has it achieved any reasonable level of market penetration. History shows that most
Indian mutual funds have worked mainly for themselves and for the large corporate
investors; gains to small investors are only incidental.
The better way would be to auction the 50% to QIBs. They would be happy, as they will
get the number of shares they want at the prices they want, while the issuer will maximise
his inflows. The remaining half should then be sold as a fixed price issue to the retail—at
the lowest of QIB allotment price or an average of the bottom five QIB allotment prices
or average price at which the bottom 25% of the issue was sold to QIBs. This would be
the best way to bring in household savings into the capital market.
This scam is not about malpractices by millions of retail investors, so why punish them?
It is the lack of due diligence by banks and DPs which allowed a handful of fraudsters to
create thousands of fictitious identities. The solution, therefore, does not lie in banning
retail reservation, but in installing entry-stage systems and creating a unique ID. I have
been asking for this for seven years and the laxity is very distressing. The IPO demat
scam is small; benami/fraudulent operations in the much-larger secondary market could
be manifold. This is now even more critical, with the market reaching a daily turnover of
over Rs 50,000 crore.
The other key leg of the market—the banking system—in fact hides more. There are
benami and multiple hidden-from-tax, but-used-for-capital-market-operations accounts
and huge un- accounted cash stashed away in unaccounted lockers. That all payments of
above Rs 20,000 have to be made by cheques only gives a false sense of integrity.
Beyond that, a big fraud possibly lies in the sub-accounts of FIIs, where we may even be
allowing scamsters free access to our capital market. The need is also to disgorge and
punish the scamsters severely to act as a deterrent (it was the lack of deterrents that
emboldened scamsters to become so audacious as to open thousands of fake accounts). In
a country infested with frauds in all spheres, is it not utopian to expect only the capital
market to be above board? But someone has to start the ‘clean-up’ process somewhere.
****End of Story# 84 of 189
****Story#85 of 189
Title: J&k Producing 500 Doctors Every Year
Author: Dr. Jitendra Singh
Source: Daily Excelsior
Date: April 30, 2006
URL: http://www.dailyexcelsior.com/web1/06apr30/edit.htm#5
In the last decade or so, the number of MBBS graduates that India produces every year
has multiplied by several thousands and the number is going up each day. A small State
like Jammu and Kashmir is itself producing around 500 MBBS pass-outs every year if
one takes into account the strength in the State's four medical colleges in addition to those
of the Jammu and Kashmir candidates who manage MBBS seats in colleges outside the
State or sometimes also in colleges outside the country in Bangladesh, Russia etc. These
figures, however, do not take into account the number of BDS dentists or alternative
medicine like Ayurveda/Unani doctors that the State produces every year.
Where do all these half a thousand MBBS boys and girls from Jammu and Kashmir go
every year? Do all of them or most of them succeed in securing decent professional
vocation for themselves? Are most of them employed, underemployed or unemployed?
With the erstwhile National Conference Government having reserved 50% MBBS seats
in State's Medical Colleges for girls, where are the 250 to 300 lady doctors who pass out
each year? How far does a degree of MBBS or MD per se in present day and time
actually translate into a career boost for a male graduate or a matrimonial boost for a
female graduate? Are the dividends or returns for these young medical graduates
proportionate to their enormous input in terms of both labour as well as monetary
investment? And, last but not the least, what is the best method these medicos or their
parents have planned to recover back 40 to 50 lakh rupees paid in case of a management
quota seat?
The consequences of unplanned education policy, which are already manifest in every
other field of education, have now begun to show ramifications in the field of medicine as
well. While this has emerged as a countrywide phenomenon, it is worrisome to note that
in Jammu and Kashmir itself there are at present atleast 3,000 doctors who are
unemployed. And yet, many of the doctors' posts in periphery are lying vacant because as
a result of administration's indifference, the young doctors are unable to adjust to
inhospitable living and working conditions for which they can be hardly blamed. At the
same time, 50% reservation for women candidates in State's Medical Colleges has led to
a quixotic crowding of female doctors with several households having a young daughter
or a young daughter-in-law who is a "non-working" lady-doctor.
Thoughtless reservation quotas first at the admission level and later at the recruitment
level make it virtually impossible for many a meritorious candidate to become a doctor or
to later secure Government job as a doctor. As a result, there is today a rapid
mushrooming of young doctors who are doctors either through reserved quota or through
donation. Another serious fall-out of this is that medicine which was once a profession of
the best and the brightest is fast getting reduced to be a business of mediocres and no
wonder, of late, with the arrival of new vocational avenues, more and more meritorious
pass-outs from class 12, particularly boys, have begun to opt for streams other than
medicine.
With little possibility of Government jobs for young medicos, the entry of Corporate
hospitals and nursing homes in metros and sub-metros however offers an opportunity but
not for all. On the other hand, to set up an independent private practice is not easy in the
initial years and therefore a young doctor who has spent lakhs to earn an MBBS and who
is under social pressure to make quick fortune finds himself tempted to indulge in
scandalous malpractices like sale-purchase of kidneys or unnecessarily prescribed
exorbitant investigations or surgeries without indication like unwarranted caesareans or
needlessly prolonged indoor admissions in private nursing homes.
In a confusing scenario like this, the bare minimum remedy is to (i) plan a medical
education policy taking into consideration the number of doctors actually required for
each region (ii) base admissions to MBBS both in Government and private medical
colleges purely on merit and abolish reservation quotas as well as private management
quotas (iii) and above all, to launch an awareness drive for parent counselling and student
counselling at pre-medical level so that those who make a bid for a career in medicine
should do so not simply for the sake of it but must first understand why they are doing so.
But the question is, will all the vested social, political and bureaucratic interests ever
allow any remedy to happen? And if not, then the question-mark is wide open. The
common man has no answer. Umapathy has no redemption in sight, a La, "Manzil Bhi
Nahin, Manzil Ki Justjoo Bhi Nahin......"
****End of Story# 85 of 189
****Story#86 of 189
Title: Japan May Back Indo-Us Nuclear Deal In Nsg
Author: Correspondent or Reporter
Source: Times of India
Date: May 07, 2006
URL: http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/articleshow/1519109.cms
Ahead of the Nuclear Suppliers Group's meeting in Brazil next month, a key politician
from Japan's ruling party has indicated that Tokyo will consider supporting the India-US
nuclear deal if there is "adequate trust" between New Delhi and the international
community over its nuclear programme.
"As far as peaceful uses of nuclear energy are concerned, Japan is not opposed to it,"
Kisaburo Tokai, director general of the international bureau of the Liberal Democratic
Party (LDP), said.
"If there is complete trust between India and the international community and India
complies with provisions of the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) on the
safeguards issue, then Japan has no problems with it," he stressed.
Tokai was here as head of a four-member delegation of MPs who were visiting India to
study the country's growth story and prospects of better India-Japan relations.
Tokai, however, underlined that Japan, a victim of the only nuclear attacks in history,
advocated universal nuclear disarmament and sought India's cooperation in pushing it in
various bilateral and multilateral forums.
"Japan's position has always been complete disarmament. We need to ensure there is
complete disarmament and complete elimination of nuclear weapons," said Tokai, former
senior vice-minister for education, science and technology.
Japan is an influential player in the 45-nation NSG that controls global exports of nuclear
technology and fuel and holds the key to facilitating civilian nuclear cooperation with
India.
If Japan backs nuclear cooperation with India at the NSG meet, it will be a big diplomatic
gain for New Delhi as it was one of the few countries that expressed its reservations over
the India-US nuclear deal at the meeting of the NSG held last year.
Japan, which backs stronger non-proliferation institutions, can also help India deal with
tricky issues of nuclear safety.
The two countries had agreed to establish a new framework to discuss the issue of
civilian nuclear cooperation during Japanese Foreign Minister Taro Aso's visit here early
this year.
Japan, which never missed an opportunity to criticize India's nuclear tests in 1998, has
softened over the years and forged a strategic partnership with New Delhi during the visit
of Japanese Prime Minister Junichiro Koizumi last year.
Rebutting speculations about Japan quitting the G4 initiative for expansion of the UN
Security Council, Tokai clarified that Tokyo was still very much a part of the G4
grouping that comprises India, Japan, Brazil and Germany.
"We need to build international consensus on expansion of the UN Security Council.
Certain steps have to be taken to push it forward," Tokai said.
Tokai, however, rues that despite shared values of democracy, free market and open
societies, economic relations between India and Japan have not grown to the extent they
should have.
"Being major powers in Asia, India and Japan should play a bigger role on the global
stage. We have to give more time to explore ways and means to make this relationship
more powerful in political, economic and cultural terms," Tokai asserted.
****End of Story# 86 of 189
****Story#87 of 189
Title: Jayalalithaa Promises Computers For Students
Author: Correspondent or Reporter
Source: Hindu
Date: May 06, 2006
URL: http://www.hindu.com/2006/05/06/stories/2006050607900100.htm
All India Anna Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam general secretary and Chief Minister
Jayalalithaa on Friday said that her party, if elected to power in the May 8 Assembly
election, would distribute computers free to each and every successful candidate of the
Standard XII examination.
Continuing her election campaign in Chennai city and adjacent areas in Kancheepuram
and Tiruvallur districts, she said though computers could be used for communication just
as telephone, the poor and the downtrodden were not in a position to avail themselves of
the facility. Distribution of free computers would enable students to use them for
knowledge-oriented purposes, besides securing better jobs, Ms. Jayalalithaa said.
She accused the Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam of giving a "false promise" to the
electorate that if elected to power it would provide free colour television sets, each
costing Rs.2000. A Government should strive hard to fulfil the basic livelihood needs
instead of reeling out "fake announcements," she said.
Ms. Jayalalithaa also promised to end the "monopoly" of a private company in the cable
television sector. Steps would be taken to do away with the set-top box system, presently
in vogue in Chennai so that the exploitation of the public was stopped.
She said that the law introduced by her Government in 2002 to ban forced conversions
was not in vogue, as it had been repealed through an Ordinance in 2004. A five-Judge
Bench of the Supreme Court confirmed in 1985 that a law repealed by an Ordinance
could not be revived even if it was not placed in the Assembly for approval, she said.
The Backward Classes Welfare Commission had been reorganised, she said, adding that
necessary orders would be issued by the new Government on providing reservation to the
minorities on the basis of its recommendations.
****End of Story# 87 of 189
****Story#88 of 189
Title: Job Creation Critical To India’S Development
Author: Editorial, Financial Express
Source: The Financial Express
Date: May 02, 2006
URL: http://www.financialexpress.com/fe_archive_full_story.php?content_id=12559#7
India’s economic reforms have transformed it from a plodding economic behemoth into a
rising nation. In the past three years, growth has averaged more than 8%. The reforms are
improving the lives of millions of Indians. But to spread the country’s success, the
economy must create more and better jobs. Else, the sustainability of growth will be
undermined as inequalities trigger political and social responses that turn economic
policymaking into a zero-sum game.
Despite per capita GDP growth of around 5% through most of the 1990s, a growing
number of employed Indians are working on daily or periodic contracts. Employment
growth in the organised sector—where the ‘good’ jobs are—has been excruciatingly
slow, if not negative, in recent years. While average wages have increased, it is the larger
pay packets for the small sliver at the top end of the income scale that have been the main
driver.
These trends are not limited to India. As a new book, Labor Markets in Asia: Issues and
Perspectives points out, unemployment rates are higher today in many countries in East
and Southeast Asia than before the 1997 Asian financial crisis. Even an economic
powerhouse like China is affected. In the 1980s, a 3% growth rate of output in China
induced a 1% increase in employment. In the 1990s, it took 8% growth to create the same
increase.
In India, spreading opportunity will require focusing of public investment on the rural
sector, home to about 75% of the labour force. Much work in this sector is characterised
by very low productivity and meagre earnings. For rural living standards to improve,
farm productivity must rise and jobs created in higher productivity non-farm production.
This will only happen if public investments in rural infrastructure rise and delivery of
agriculture extension services, credit and various producer services for farm and nonfarm enterprises improves.
Many observers have blamed rigid labour laws for slow job creation in the formal sector.
Some aspects of India’s labour laws need to be reconsidered, as markets are increasingly
relied on to allocate resou-rces. An example is Chapter VB of the Industrial Disputes Act
that requires units with over 100 workers to seek government permission before laying
off workers.
But whether labour laws are the main drag on private sector job growth is open to debate.
There are signs that Indian firms have learned how to cope with the more difficult aspects
of labour laws, for example, through voluntary retirement schemes and other negotiated
solutions with workers. If labour laws are not the main drag, policymakers would likely
get better and faster results by focusing their attention and political capital on reforms in
other areas of the economy. First, the woeful state of power and transportation
infrastructure needs urgent action. Establishing an appropriate regulatory and pricing
framework is essential to attract private investment in these areas.
• Employment growth in the organised sector has been excruciatingly slow
• Rigid labour laws often blamed for slow job creation in the formal sector
• To spread job opportunity in rural areas, public investment is needed
Second, reform is still required in areas including regulations on land, insolvency laws,
and continuing reservations for small enterprises in certain labour-intensive product lines.
The red tape that slows business in India must be reduced.
Finally, the government needs to be proactive in enabling producers to restructure and
diversify into new economic activities. This is crucial for job creation, given that the
adoption of modern technologies allows goods to be produced with fewer workers. The
public and private sectors need to work together to find productive activities that create
large numbers of new jobs. This approach must also apply to the development of nontraditional activities in agriculture or services.
Take food processing. Compared with other Asian countries, only a small fraction of
India’s fruit and vegetable production is processed. This industry has the potential to
expand. So far, it has been constrained by factors ranging from cultivation of traditional
varieties of fruit and vegetables unsuitable for processing to the weak infrastructure for
post-harvest preservation, lack of modern storage, etc. Coordination failures abound.
Overcoming these problems will require effective public-private partnership.
India has shown it can change. The government is focused on improving the lives of the
poor. A structured and integrated nationwide approach to job creation is the country’s
best option for ensuring all its people benefit from strong growth and that growth is
sustained.
****End of Story# 88 of 189
****Story#89 of 189
Title: Job Quotas
Author: Editorial, The Tribune
Source: Tribune
Date: April 21, 2006
URL: http://www.tribuneindia.com/2006/20060421/edit.htm#2
Reservation in jobs is again emerging as a major political issue in the country. And Prime
Minister Manmohan Singh asking industry for extending “affirmative action” to weaker
sections in the private sector has expectedly evoked sharp reaction from the captains of
industry. Wipro Chairman Azim Premji is not alone when he says that it would be
difficult for his organisation to compromise merit as the only way to compete in the
global market is by hiring the best brains from India and abroad. Dr Singh’s suggestion to
enhancing the educational and employment opportunities for weaker sections is
understandable. However, what is worrying industry is his emphasis on “affirmative
action” even though there was no direct mention of a fixed quota in his CII address.
Already, industry is cut up with Union HRD Minister Arjun Singh’s proposal for
reservation for OBCs in the IIMs, the IITs and Central universities.
It is not clear whether the Centre is planning for legislation on job quotas in the private
sector. However, industry’s response to quotas is any indication, it may be difficult for
the government to have a smooth sailing on the issue, whatever its compulsions are,
political or otherwise. It is nobody’s case that the marginalised groups of society should
not be given greater access to the jobs available in the private sector. However, the issue
in question is whether reservation is the most honest, effective and reliable way to help
them and on what principles it is justified.
The Prime Minister is wholly justified in stressing the need for a better deal to the
socially disadvantaged sections. What industry can do in this regard is to prepare a
comprehensive plan on how to help the weaker sections through scholarships, coaching,
training and upgradation of skills. More investment in education will create conditions
for greater market access. The state itself can subsidise high-tech education for the
disadvantaged. But reservations, far from helping the marginalised groups, can have
adverse social consequences. The economic and educational disparities of the
underprivileged can be removed not by quotas, but by providing them education in the
trades to gain a competitive edge in the job market.
****End of Story# 89 of 189
****Story#90 of 189
Title: Joke Morcha Charge Of The Lost Brigade
Author: Editorial, The Pioneer
Source: Pioneer
Date: April 25, 2006
URL:
http://www.dailypioneer.com/indexn12.asp?main_variable=EDITS&file_name=edit1%2
Etxt&counter_img=#1
O! what a fall was there, my countrymen!" A former Prime Minister of India, who had
also held the Defence and Finance portfolios at the Centre, and had been Chief Minister
of Uttar Pradesh, has now set up an organisation which, though called Jan Morcha or
People's Front, should really have been named "Joke Morcha". The reference here is, of
course, to Mr VP Singh, whose desperate effort to project himself as the masiha or
saviour of the poor and disprivileged, and the principal icon of secularism in India, would
have warranted no more than an amused arching of eyebrows had the consequences of his
actions not been so damaging and divisive for the country.
If his decision as Prime Minister to implement the Mandal Commission's report
fragmented the country along caste lines and unleashed a process that now threatens
institutions of excellence like the IITs and IIMs with reservation-induced quality dilution,
his ardent articulation of the cause of secularism and railings against the communal
"demon", has deepened religious faultlines. Understandably, the people of India have
banished him to the margins of the country's public life, where he has been passionately
championing a wide assortment of causes like those of people displaced by the
demolition of unauthorised slums or construction of dams like the one over Narmada
river as a part of the Sardar Sarovar Project.
One does not know what prompted him to abandon such a role, which had made him the
blue-eyed boy of the country's jholawalla brigade, and seek to return to active politics.
Perhaps he felt that the various causes that he has been supporting would continue to
languish unless backed by political power. There is more than a grain of truth in this.
Unfortunately, the instrument he has chosen to attain political power, the Jan Morcha, is
unlikely to set popular imagination on fire and develop the sinews needed to make it a
major force.
Mr Singh is himself generally seen as a political has been. Mr Raj Babbar, the suspended
Samajwadi Party member of the Lok Sabha, whom he has nominated as the Morcha's
president, is by no stretch a credible torch-bearer of a shining tomorrow. The same
applies to some of the other leaders who are expected to gather under the new
organisation's umbrella - Mr Siddaramaiah and Mr CM Ibrahim of the Janata Dal
(Secular), and Kunwar Sarvaraj Singh and Mr Kausal Kishore, both former Socialist
Party leaders, to mention a few.
While Mr Lalu Prasad Yadav's Rashtriya Janata Dal has reportedly put a representative in
the front and the Communist Party of India (Marxist-Leninist) is said to be willing to join
it, the Left Front remains firmly committed to Mr Mulayam Singh Yadav, Mr Babbar's
bete noir, and shows no signs of coming over. The Janata Dal (United), which is slated
for wooing, is unlikely to break with the National Democratic Alliance.
It remains to be seen whether Mr Ajit Singh of the Rashtriya Lok Dal, who Mr VP Singh
expects to join, actually does it. Clearly, the new organisation has launched itself on an
excercise in optimism if capturing capturing power in Uttar Pradesh, pace Mr Babbar, is
its first "target". Delhi? Door ast!
****End of Story# 90 of 189
****Story#91 of 189
Title: Journey Of A Lifetime
Author: Balbir K Punj
Source: Pioneer
Date: May 05, 2006
URL:
http://www.dailypioneer.com/indexn12.asp?main_variable=EDITS&file_name=edit3%2
Etxt&counter_img=#3
The immediate fallout of Pramod Mahajan's untimely and tragic death was the
cancellation of the two Bharat Suraksha yatras by Mr LK Advani and Mr Rajnath Singh.
The situation is made more poignant by the fact that Mr Mahajan was the organiser of Mr
Advani's 1990 Ram rath yatra as well, that repositioned the BJP in the firmament of
national politics. In 1990, the yatra was aborted in Samastipur, Bihar, for "secular"
reasons. This time the cause is shockingly different and more painful. The journey did not
culminate in Shivaji Park (Raja Garden) Delhi as planned; instead, tens of thousand of
people met tearfully at Shivaji Park Crematorium, Mumbai, where Mahajan's last rites
were performed.
I was in Mumbai recently during the Maharastra-lap of the yatra when I had read a
headline in a national daily, 'Advani makes the crowd wait in scorching sun'. Its crux was
Mr Advani's yatra, hugely welcome at previous stopovers, was running two hours behind
schedule. He was feted by a sea of humanity in Gujarat and Maharashtra. But the report
wrongly said that Mr Advani was holding a section of people hostage.
If it had been Ms Sonia Gandhi's road show, the same newspaper would have said that
the people waiting in scorching sun were her diehard supporters. This is one example of
how cynical the national media has been towards Bharat Suraksha yatra. It may have
largely ignored the yatris as they trudged on. The same, however, is not true about the
regional and vernacular press that provided an objective picture.
I was with Mr Advani in Gujarat, Maharashtra, and Andhra Pradesh segments of the
yatra. Wherever it went, it met with huge receptions. Navsari in Gujarat is a small Parsi
town. It appeared as if the whole town was out to welcome Mr Advani. It was massive
turnout at Chikhali, Valsad, Pardl, Vapi and Bhilad. At places one could see a phalanx of
people, in a half-kilometre long chains, standing to welcome the yatra.
The national media first said the yatra was a flop as it began from Rajkot on April 6. But
the scale of its reception on first 246 km from Rajkot to Ahmedabad at Aatkot, Jasdan,
Vinchiya, Paliyad, Bavia, to name a few places, made the media rethink. They attributed
it to Mr Narendra Modi's mobilising skills, and the fact that Gujarat is both BJP bastion
and Mr Advani's adopted State.
But as the yatra entered Maharashtra, we were in for a happy surprise. Acchad is a
sunbaked place, virtually shorn of greenery. The BJP has little presence there. But
tribesmen turned out in large numbers in their traditional attire and musical instruments.
Many more such small non-descript towns like Bori, Pandharhavda, Karanji, Wadhi,
Wadhera, Hingan Ghat, Jamb and Bubbori are etched in my mind for their sheer
response. In Andhra Pradesh, Mr Advani received a rousing reception in Hyderabad,
Medchal, Toopran, Ramayampet, Nirmal and Adilabad.
I shall not ascribe this overwhelming reception to his stature in public life alone. In these
parts of the country, the people seldom get to see or hear a national leader in person. The
arrival of a national leader, irrespective of his party, turns into a festive occasion. The
leader also benefits.
The yatra is ridiculed on the ground that the rath is air-conditioned. The rath might be airconditioned but much of India's roads are bad. Air-condition, quite necessary during a
long road journey in April-May, is small consolation if one has to disembark every 20 km
in the scorching sun. It is a tough day that begins at 9 am and ends midnight with Mr
Advani coming out at least a score of times to address big and small wayside meetings
and accepting greetings from thousands, which includes hundreds of BJP activists who
are known to him personally. Mr Advani is running 79. I personally attribute his mettle to
undertake a yatra to two things; one, his frugal eating habits; and two, an element of
divinity in him.
Mr Advani announced 'Ekta yatra' (which was changed to Bharat Suraksha yatra) on the
morrow of the serial blasts in Varanasi on March 7. The 'secular' media went hammer and
tongs predicting that Mr Advani's yatra will vitiate the communal atmosphere. There is
no record of Mr Advani's yatras leading to communal tension anywhere in the country.
We have a history of communal tensions that predates even the Jana Sangh.
The truth is that the announcement of the Bharat Suraksha yatra might have been
precipitated by the Varanasi bomb blast but not its concept. It is a critical build up of
threat to national security since the UPA Government took over in May 2004. It appears
resigned to terrorism whether jihadi or Maoist. To pander to Muslim vote-bank it
scrapped POTA, which was legislated after a Security Council meet felt that anti-terrorist
laws were inadequate to meet global terror. POTA was not only effective in prosecuting
terrorists but also in stopping the funding of terrorism. During NDA regime 45/50 ISI
sleeper cells were busted every year. The figure has now come down to 15/20.
The charge sheet gets longer. One, reservation for Muslims in jobs and educational
institutions in Andhra Pradesh (five per cent) and reservation in post-graduate
professional courses in AMU (50 per cent); two, attempt to manipulate the report on
religious demography in 2001 Census; three, appointing the Rajinder Sachar Committee
which recommended quota for Muslims in the armed forces; four, bringing back IMDT
through the backdoor by amending Foreigners Act, 1946 exclusively for Assam; five,
exponential growth of Maoism, largely due to Andhra Pradesh under the Congress
rescinding ban on the terrorists.
A fortnight before the yatra began, the Kerala Legislative Assembly, where the BJP has
no presence, passed a unanimous resolution exhorting the Tamil Nadu Government to
release on parole Abdul Nasser Madni, accused of 1998 Coimbatore serial bomb blasts.
Now the UPA Government is planning for ill-advised de-militarisation of Siachen.
Pramod Mahajan has gone, but his legacy will continue to inspire the BJP. The two yatras
might have had to be terminated, but they created a mass awareness. Not surprisingly, Mr
Advani has said that the NDA is sure to unseat the UPA if snap poll were to be held.
****End of Story# 91 of 189
****Story#92 of 189
Title: Just A Nudge
Author: Editorial, The Telegraph
Source: Telegraph
Date: April 20, 2006
URL: http://www.telegraphindia.com/1060420/asp/opinion/story_6118943.asp
Tragedy is created when two rights are thrown into conflict — love against honour for
example, or obedience to the king against duty to a brother. The proposal for introducing
reservations in industry made by the prime minister, Mr Manmohan Singh, at the annual
conference of the Confederation of Indian Industry, however, may not have the
aesthetically delineated tragic effect. But it certainly puts two positives in positions of
potential conflict: merit and affirmative action. The prime minister is following up on the
proposal in the common minimum programme of the United Progressive Alliance
regarding quotas for scheduled castes and scheduled tribes in the private sector.
Predictably, the response from industry leaders has been less than enthusiastic; the
majority is willing to be perceived as doing their social duty through education and
training of less privileged sections, while in recruitment they would like to stick to merit.
And it would be unfortunate if the government decided to move from nudging their social
conscience to actual legislation — they would be likely to oppose it.
There is logic and restraint in this response. It is not as if the private sector does not
discharge its social duties — paying taxes is certainly one of them. Labour reform
through more flexible labour laws, which the prime minister is also promising, should
broaden the labour market and automatically increase opportunities for the economically
backward. Forcing a fixed number of recruitments on caste-based criteria on an
establishment is likely to have the opposite effect of limiting jobs. Inequities cannot be
corrected by a bouquet of jobs: that would merely increase divisions and confine benefits
to certain layers of certain castes. The government needs only to look at the net gains of
its policy of job reservations in the public sector and assess whether it has changed
anything for the underprivileged or whether it has just helped different political parties
get more votes. While it is true that merit cannot be judged fairly when the conditions for
the development of merit are so painfully unequal, it is also true that the corrections have
to be made at the base, by addressing poverty and social attitudes, the lack of
opportunities for education and access. The government cannot pass on the burden of its
failures to the private sector.
****End of Story# 92 of 189
****Story#93 of 189
Title: Kerala Seeks Review Of Mullaperiyar Dam Judgment
Author: J. Venkatesan
Source: Hindu
Date: April 21, 2006
URL: http://www.hindu.com/2006/04/21/stories/2006042111760400.htm
The Kerala Government has filed a petition in the Supreme Court seeking review of the
February 27 judgment directing the State to permit raising the water level in the
Mullaperiyar dam from 136 ft to 142 ft.
The apex court had also asked Kerala to permit Tamil Nadu to carry out the strengthening
measures as suggested by the expert committee before allowing the water level to be
raised to 142 ft.
In its review petition, Kerala submitted that it had no reservations about the directions for
strengthening of the dam, but it had serious apprehension and objection to the direction to
raise the water level. It said the Union Government did not address Kerala's objection to
the procedure followed by the expert committee. The committee was of the view that the
water level be raised up to 145 ft and Kerala had objected to the conclusion arrived at by
the committee.
The petition said that the committee wholly ignored the consequential impact on down
stream dams in case of failure of the Mullaperiyar dam which would have direct and
immediate effect on the safety of all the three high dams of the Idukki, Cheruthoni and
Kulamavu projects.
Expressing concern, it said "in case of such an event the water will plunge into the down
stream course of the Periyar river, lower reaches of the Chalakkudy river and backwaters
up to Munambam and the Vembanadu lake causing a deluge leaving not only Idukki and
Ernakulam district under water but also would cover Kottayam, Thrissur, Pathanamthitta
and Allapuzha districts."
Pointing out that there would be only 5 per cent benefit by increasing the water level up
to 142 ft, the petition said "the consequent effects on the life and property of the people
of Kerala for providing an insignificant percentage of additional benefit to Tamil Nadu
will be highly disastrous."
The State was of the view that the 107-year-old Mullaperiyar dam had already surpassed
its life span and its designed life tenure.
Therefore the balance life expectancy of an old dam had to be scientifically studied.
The expert committee had not properly considered the impact on ecology and
environment, the petition said.
****End of Story# 93 of 189
****Story#94 of 189
Title: Knowledge Panel Meets Today To Cut Through Quota Fog
Author: Shubhajit Roy
Source: Indian Express
Date: May 07, 2006
URL: http://www.indianexpress.com/story/3879.html
The high-profile National Knowledge Commission (NKC) is expected to witness
fireworks when it meets for a three-day meeting in Bangalore from tomorrow to discuss
the hot-button “affirmative action’’ in the Education sector.
In the wake of HRD minister Arjun Singh’s controversial announcement to extend 27%
reservations to OBCs, the Knowledge Commission—which reports directly to the PM
and has education reforms as one of its key agendas—will take up the issue over the next
three days.
Sources in NKC said the matter will be discussed under the agenda item, ‘‘access to
knowledge.’’
The Commission, according to a member, does not believe in putting up a facade of
‘‘false consensus’’ on such important issues. ‘‘Every member is entitled to his or her
opinion, so there will be a free exchange of ideas,’’ the member told The Indian Express.
Insiders said the NKC members will prepare a comprehensive document on education for
the underprivileged groups. ‘‘The document will look beyond the quota-based approach
and examine issues of access for underprivileged groups to primary and secondary
education which would improve chances of entry into premier institutions,’’ said one of
them.
Sources said they are also working towards proposing systems like merit-based
scholarships, points and grades depending on economic and social backwardness and
financial help to the needy.
“Some papers will also be presented by the members in this regard, before a public
position on the quotas is taken,’’ the source said.
The commission’s meeting will be attended by all members including Pitroda, Mehta,
Ghosh, vice-chairperson P M Bhargava, Infosys CEO Nandan Nilekani, Delhi
University’s ex-VC Deepak Nayyar, Chairman of ICICI One Source limited Ashok
Ganguly and ICSSR chairman Andre Beteille. It will also come up with its first report on
e-governance.
The divide is evident within the NKC on the issue, as was first reported by The Indian
Express—after the controversial quota announcement was made. Consider these.
• NKC Member-Convenor Pratap Bhanu Mehta had on April 6 termed OBC quotas as a
‘‘very distressing development’’ and had said that ‘‘there is no point having a NKC, if we
don’t take a stand on this issue’’.
‘‘IITs are already facing severe faculty shortages, and to simply increase the number of
seats will have serious adverse consequences. It shows the extent to which these
institutions are being subjected to the (HRD) ministry’s own political and intellectual
predilections.’’
He had proposed to the NKC members to ‘‘send a short letter to PM registering our
protest’’.
• Another NKC member Jayati Ghosh, a JNU professor of Economics, however didn’t
approve of Mehta’s views. She wrote back to the members to record her ‘‘dissent’’ on
this issue.
“I disagree on this matter,” she wrote. “If such a letter is indeed sent, I would like to
insist that my dissent be explicitly recorded in the letter, in an easily visible manner. I
would also like to see the letter before it is finally sent.’’
n On April 8, NKC’s chairman Sam Pitroda told The Indian Express: “It (the Arjun
Singh’s plan) came as a news to me...it’s a very important issue. This is a step fraught
with long-term implications.’’
On whether it was a correct step taken by the HRD ministry, Pitroda had said: ‘‘We
definitely need more discussion and debate on this issue. We, as a commission, will be
taking a collective view on this only after we meet.’’ He had said that the panel would
prepare a paper in 90 days.
PG medical: No quota for SC, ST this time
• Clearing confusion over admission to PG medical courses under the all-India quota, the
Supreme Court on Friday vacated its interim order extending 10 pc reservation to SC/STs
after the Centre gave an undertaking to provide reservation in the coming year.
• Lalu Prasad Yadav says he is not averse to reservation, up to ‘‘5-10 per cent’’, for
children from the upper castes
****End of Story# 94 of 189
****Story#95 of 189
Title: Law And Order Situation Better In Aiadmk Rule, Says Vaiko
Author: Correspondent or Reporter
Source: Hindu
Date: April 25, 2006
URL: http://www.hindu.com/2006/04/25/stories/2006042515570300.htm
The MDMK general secretary Vaiko has appealed to the voters to vote for the AIADMKled alliance based on the achievements of the AIADMK Government, which has been
maintaining law and order situation in an appreciable manner.
Addressing a meeting here on Monday to seek vote for the MDMK candidate, M.
Palanisamy, who is contesting from the Ramanathapuram constituency, he said there was
no notable incident of caste or communal riot during the past five years.
People of different religions, communities and multiple societies were living together
without the threat of anti-social elements or riots.
The prevailing peace and tranquillity, basic necessity for peaceful living, had earned a
good name among the people. It had paved the way for the investors to prefer Tamil
Nadu as an investment destination.
He accused that the DMK and its alliance partners had deliberately prevented the Central
Government from allocating flood relief to Tamil Nadu. The Central Government
released just Rs.1000 crores as against Rs.13,500 crores demanded by the State
Government for providing flood relief.
The same was the situation during the tsunami tragedy, which struck the coastal areas of
Tamil Nadu.
"When the people were without homes, household materials and lost everything
including family members, the DMK-led alliance members prevented the Central
Government fund fearing that the Chief Minister Jayalalithaa would earn good name by
distributing the fund to the affected people," he said. However, the AIADMK
Government had done excellent relief and rehabilitation work despite the poor allocation
from the Central Government.
Mr. Vaiko termed that the Uzhavar Pathukappu Thittam, free cycles and textbooks to
schoolchildren were novel schemes in India. No State Government in the country had
implemented such schemes. Free cycle scheme to schoolchildren would arrest the rate
dropouts from schools.
He said the AIADMK Government had formed a commission to find ways and means for
providing reservation to minorities. In the last five years of AIADMK rule, no Muslim
was harassed or arrested without any valid reason on December 26.
Madurai
Addressing a public meeting in Madurai on Sunday, Mr. Vaiko said the State was all set
to witness a turn of events happened during the 1980-elections.
He recalled that the Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (DMK)-Congress combine had then
won 38 out of the 40 parliamentary constituencies in the State and formed a Government
in the Centre.
But within a short span of eight months, the entire electoral pattern underwent a sea
change during the Assembly elections; the All- India Anna Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam
(AIADMK), led by its founder M.G. Ramachandran, got a decisive mandate.
"A similar situation is prevailing now and I am confident that the DPA led by the Chief
Minister is going to sweep almost all the constituencies in the State."
On democracy vis-à-vis DMK, he said, its leader, M. Karunanidhi, had failed to perform
his democratic duty by not attending the Assembly sessions during the past five years.
Recollecting that the former Chief Minister, M.G. Ramachandran, and the present Chief
Minister, Jayalalithaa, were humiliated and insulted in the Assembly during the DMK
regime, he asked, whether Mr. Karunanidhi was ever troubled by such unwarranted
incidents during the AIADMK rule.
Mr. Vaiko claimed that there was a large-scale resentment among the DMK cadres over
increasing dominance of the leader's family members in party affairs.
****End of Story# 95 of 189
****Story#96 of 189
Title: Let’S All Share
Author: GAUTAM CHIKERMANE
Source: Indian Express
Date: April 30, 2006
URL: http://www.indianexpress.com/story/3355.html
But for a minor glitch, it could well be one of the best explained, best researched Sebi
orders. Released late Thursday evening, this 94,473-word, 252-page order, that attempts
to bring credibility and confidence in the capital markets, seeks to track down market and
policy manipulators in the IPO sub-sector and hopes to deliver “demonstrative regulatory
action”. Unfortunately, since under law all culprits have to be treated alike, the
demonstrative impact may be shaved off when some depository and scam participants
who have been prevented from dealing in the securities market appeal, the noises of
which have already begun.
The roots of the IPO Scam 2006 (IS 2006) lead all the way back to pre-liberalisation
thinking, through a deformed version of what was then known as Quota Raj. Under this,
institutional buyers like FIIs, mutual funds, banks and so on have a 50 per cent
reservation for share allotment. Another 35 per cent goes to retail investors, that is
investors who invest Rs 1 lakh and less in an IPO. Finally, the wealthy, a.k.a. high net
worth individuals, for whom the quota is 15 per cent. It is some deviants from this last
group of investors, seeking the sky-high listing gains that IPOs have been delivering, who
overstepped regulatory boundaries.
What happened was that some ambitious and profit seeking entities, like the infamous
Roopalben Nareshbhai Panchal, sensing that competition in the 15 per cent category was
not going to allow them to get adequate shares to profit from, crafted a network to move
to the 35 per cent category of retail investors. (The over-subscription level for Suzlon
Energy, the last IPO to be investigated for IS 2006, for the non-institutional portion was
over 40 times; the retail portion was over-subscribed by only six times. It doesn’t take a
game theorist to decipher who got more shares.) Effectively, if a wealthy individual
invested Rs 5 crore in Suzlon at one go, she would get, on a proportionate basis, shares
worth Rs 12.5 lakh. The same money, if invested in the names of 500 false entities,
would result in shares worth over Rs 83 lakh.
And if the objective of the exercise was to make immediate gains, that is, sell on listing,
the returns multiply. While an institutional investor would, in this case, have got 2,451
shares, a retail investor would have got more than six times as much, or 16,340 shares.
The profits for the former, if sold on October 19, 2006 at the closing price of Rs 692.85,
would be Rs 4.5 lakh; that of the latter, almost Rs 30 lakh. In both cases, the return on
investment would be 36 per cent in less than a month. Even if this was done just four
times — not really indicative since it poured IPOs during this period, and the gains have
been near about or more — an investment of Rs 10 lakh would be worth Rs 34 lakh in a
year. While Roopalben and her financiers like Karvy Stock Broking made Rs 2.51 crore
from Suzlon, between 2003 and 2005, their total gains added up to Rs 45.82 crore. Add
all the players and the illegal profits from IPOs like NTPC, IDFC and so on rise to Rs
72.38 crore. To put this number in perspective, while a retail investor in the IDFC issue
was allotted 531 shares, had this manipulation not taken place, he would have got 800
shares.
While that may be statistically insignificant, there’s more than numbers at stake here.
Technically, Sebi has defined Roopalben as a key operator or a master account holder,
who working through countless benami demat accounts, would work on behalf of
financiers like Karvy who would invest the capital, corner shares allocated for retail
investors and make listing gains. The flow chart is fairly simple: financier puts money on
table, operator creates benami accounts, mis-invests the money, gets shares meant for
retail investors, sells them for immediate profit and delivers profits to financier. Of
course, there are layers and layers between these transactions — the depositories and
their depository participants (DP), the banks, the brokers and so on. Passing through
which, Roopalben and Co were able to flout know your customer (KYC) guidelines (a
DP is expected to know its customer through a series of mechanisms like photo identity
card, proof of address and so on).
And hoodwink the banking channel — talking about Bharat Overseas Bank, the order
says: “The Bank meekly came under the leading strings of Karvy and in due course, a
part of the manipulative assemblage and this continued so long as the Bank got its
margins and revenues without any risk, while the risk of exposure to scrutiny was lost
sight of in the burgeoning volume of business in several IPOs.” The order notes that a
dozen big names in the DP business including HDFC Bank, Centurion Bank, IL&FS and
ING Vysya Bank, have “grossly failed in adhering to KYC norms” and facilitated
opening of demat accounts in fictitious/benami names; they have been directed not to
open fresh accounts. It also found that Kotak Securities, ICICI Bank, Standard Chartered
Bank and UTI Bank are among 15 DPs that had more than 500 demat account holders
sharing common addresses and has directed NSDL to inspect them.
****End of Story# 96 of 189
****Story#97 of 189
Title: Let’S All Share
Author: GAUTAM CHIKERMANE
Source: Indian Express
Date: April 29, 2006
URL: http://www.indianexpress.com/story/3355.html
But for a minor glitch, it could well be one of the best explained, best researched Sebi
orders. Released late Thursday evening, this 94,473-word, 252-page order, that attempts
to bring credibility and confidence in the capital markets, seeks to track down market and
policy manipulators in the IPO sub-sector and hopes to deliver “demonstrative regulatory
action”. Unfortunately, since under law all culprits have to be treated alike, the
demonstrative impact may be shaved off when some depository and scam participants
who have been prevented from dealing in the securities market appeal, the noises of
which have already begun.
The roots of the IPO Scam 2006 (IS 2006) lead all the way back to pre-liberalisation
thinking, through a deformed version of what was then known as Quota Raj. Under this,
institutional buyers like FIIs, mutual funds, banks and so on have a 50 per cent
reservation for share allotment. Another 35 per cent goes to retail investors, that is
investors who invest Rs 1 lakh and less in an IPO. Finally, the wealthy, a.k.a. high net
worth individuals, for whom the quota is 15 per cent. It is some deviants from this last
group of investors, seeking the sky-high listing gains that IPOs have been delivering, who
overstepped regulatory boundaries.
What happened was that some ambitious and profit seeking entities, like the infamous
Roopalben Nareshbhai Panchal, sensing that competition in the 15 per cent category was
not going to allow them to get adequate shares to profit from, crafted a network to move
to the 35 per cent category of retail investors. (The over-subscription level for Suzlon
Energy, the last IPO to be investigated for IS 2006, for the non-institutional portion was
over 40 times; the retail portion was over-subscribed by only six times. It doesn’t take a
game theorist to decipher who got more shares.) Effectively, if a wealthy individual
invested Rs 5 crore in Suzlon at one go, she would get, on a proportionate basis, shares
worth Rs 12.5 lakh. The same money, if invested in the names of 500 false entities,
would result in shares worth over Rs 83 lakh.
And if the objective of the exercise was to make immediate gains, that is, sell on listing,
the returns multiply. While an institutional investor would, in this case, have got 2,451
shares, a retail investor would have got more than six times as much, or 16,340 shares.
The profits for the former, if sold on October 19, 2006 at the closing price of Rs 692.85,
would be Rs 4.5 lakh; that of the latter, almost Rs 30 lakh. In both cases, the return on
investment would be 36 per cent in less than a month. Even if this was done just four
times — not really indicative since it poured IPOs during this period, and the gains have
been near about or more — an investment of Rs 10 lakh would be worth Rs 34 lakh in a
year. While Roopalben and her financiers like Karvy Stock Broking made Rs 2.51 crore
from Suzlon, between 2003 and 2005, their total gains added up to Rs 45.82 crore. Add
all the players and the illegal profits from IPOs like NTPC, IDFC and so on rise to Rs
72.38 crore. To put this number in perspective, while a retail investor in the IDFC issue
was allotted 531 shares, had this manipulation not taken place, he would have got 800
shares.
While that may be statistically insignificant, there’s more than numbers at stake here.
Technically, Sebi has defined Roopalben as a key operator or a master account holder,
who working through countless benami demat accounts, would work on behalf of
financiers like Karvy who would invest the capital, corner shares allocated for retail
investors and make listing gains. The flow chart is fairly simple: financier puts money on
table, operator creates benami accounts, mis-invests the money, gets shares meant for
retail investors, sells them for immediate profit and delivers profits to financier. Of
course, there are layers and layers between these transactions — the depositories and
their depository participants (DP), the banks, the brokers and so on. Passing through
which, Roopalben and Co were able to flout know your customer (KYC) guidelines (a
DP is expected to know its customer through a series of mechanisms like photo identity
card, proof of address and so on).
And hoodwink the banking channel — talking about Bharat Overseas Bank, the order
says: “The Bank meekly came under the leading strings of Karvy and in due course, a
part of the manipulative assemblage and this continued so long as the Bank got its
margins and revenues without any risk, while the risk of exposure to scrutiny was lost
sight of in the burgeoning volume of business in several IPOs.” The order notes that a
dozen big names in the DP business including HDFC Bank, Centurion Bank, IL&FS and
ING Vysya Bank, have “grossly failed in adhering to KYC norms” and facilitated
opening of demat accounts in fictitious/benami names; they have been directed not to
open fresh accounts. It also found that Kotak Securities, ICICI Bank, Standard Chartered
Bank and UTI Bank are among 15 DPs that had more than 500 demat account holders
sharing common addresses and has directed NSDL to inspect them.
****End of Story# 97 of 189
****Story#98 of 189
Title: Living With Quotas
Author: B. S. Raghavan
Source: Business Line
Date: April 28, 2006
URL: http://www.thehindubusinessline.com/2006/04/28/stories/2006042801331000.htm
The debate on the Government's proposal to increase the quotas in professional
institutions such as medical and engineering colleges and the IITs and IIMs and on
applying the policy of reservations to the private sector is proceeding entirely along
wrong directions. It is undeniable that there is a great divide between the forward
communities, well-endowed resources-wise and opportunity-cum-ability-wise, and the
still-to-make-good backward classes, making some kind of affirmative action
inescapable. By adopting a dog-in-the-manger attitude, the more fortunate sections of the
society are only making things worse.
As regards the private sector, it must remember that the Governments at the Centre and
the States have managed to make an impressive showing in many sectors while still
conforming to reservations in employment all these years. The National Thermal Power
Corporation, the Oil and Natural Gas Commission and the Railways, just to cite a few
examples, have a record of performance that can be the pride of any country. Why, take
the Delhi Metro: Reservations in appointments and promotions have not come in the way
of its giving a spectacular account of itself.
Instead of taking an implacably negative stand, the private sector should put to work its
innovative and creative faculties to devise institutional mechanisms to make the most of
the situation. When it came to the privileged upper crust, the mega industrial houses had
no problem setting up a forbiddingly costly school of business which is notionally Indian,
but is perceptibly dependent on Western collaboration, ethos and practices.
Displaying the same zeal, all the chambers of commerce and industry should join hands,
to raise the corpus fund necessary to set up Institutes of Training for Social Equality and
Equity in all major cities to upgrade the soft and hard skills of the depressed classes to the
desired level.
The private sector should not stop with just going after financial capital; they should also
show their readiness to build up human capital.
****End of Story# 98 of 189
****Story#99 of 189
Title: Man In Self-Destruct Mode
Author: ARUN FIRODIA
Source: Times of India
Date: April 24, 2006
URL: http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/articleshow/1500527.cms
Imagine a world inhabited only by cockroaches, rats, crows and mosquitoes, the few
hardy creatures that have learned to survive in Man's world. Weak ones are getting
extinct — at the rate of one species every hour.
It took one lakh years for nature to create one species. How strong is Man? He can
survive only if helped by friends like snakes, who eat rats, or frogs who eat mosquito
eggs.
If snakes and frogs become extinct, plague and malaria epidemics will threaten the
existence of human race. To avoid this, we need to preserve biodiversity. Biodiversity
implies preservation of all plants and creatures — from algae to tall trees, viruses to
whales and amoeba to elephants.
To this end, we have created national parks and sanctuaries. But human beings encroach
on them, defeating the very purpose for which they are created. It is essential to resettle
them elsewhere and reserve parks for birds, bees and wildlife.
The Olympic National Park in the US, spread over 3,734 sq km, is a fine example we can
follow. We also need to create new biodiversity parks on hilltops, around lakes, and
reclaim wastelands which were teeming forests in the past.
Preserving biodiversity also means discouraging monoculture, like mass plantation of a
single variety of hybrid wheat in a region. Monoculture gives rise to inbreeding, reduced
productivity and eventual extinction.
An entire crop can be wiped out in the event of an epidemic. A multinational company
(MNC) producing genetically modified (GM) seeds creates monoculture. It subsidises
GM seeds in the first few years, to induce farmers to switch from traditional local seeds.
The MNC then aggressively promotes its terminator seeds which are useful just for a
single sowing. farmers have to buy a fresh batch the next year. These GM seeds are
programmed to respond only to fertilisers and pesticides made by the same MNC.
Farmers' dependence on the MNC becomes total. With input costs rising and output
prices not under their control, farmers find the going tough and are often driven to
suicides.
****End of Story# 99 of 189
****Story#100 of 189
Title: Manifestos Or Mere Promises?
Author: K. Murlidar
Source: Hindu
Date: May 07, 2006
URL: http://www.hindu.com/op/2006/05/07/stories/2006050700711400.htm
THE TERM `manifesto' assumes significance only when a general election is announced
to a State Assembly or the Lok Sabha. Political parties come out with a volley of
promises through the manifestos just to woo the voters. If a party is elected to power after
a general election, it must have policies ready on the very same day that it officially takes
over. Therefore it becomes essential for a party to draw up an action plan in the form of a
manifesto that clearly dictates the course of action when the party is in office.
However, the electoral manifestos of political parties in Tamil Nadu have raised an
intense debate over the seriousness of such an exercise. While the manifestos are
supposed to contain promises that are viable to be implemented, parties are vying with
one another to make extraordinary promises without stating the ways by which they
would be able to honour their commitments.
While the DMK has announced rice at Rs.2 a kg, the AIADMK has promised 10 kg free
rice every month. As a common man, I fail to understand how these commitments could
be realised, as thousands of crores would be required to carry out the schemes. So is the
case with the DMK's promise of a colour television to every household if it came to
power. It is time the issue of election manifestos was also brought under the purview of
rules of the Election Commission.
Of late, the EC has tightened the implementation of the code of conduct on the eve of
elections though some of its actions have drawn flak from courts. As per the rules of the
EC, even distribution of freebies such as utensils, clothing, etc., to voters once the
election is notified amounts to a violation of the code. The EC also keeps a close watch
on the pre-poll announcements by the government and the 27 per cent reservation in
government run educational institutions is a case in point.
When such a strict adherence to rules is ensured by the EC, why not frame some
guidelines on the issue of poll promises too? If a promise is made in an electoral speech,
there is no harm. But when certain commitments are made as part of manifestos, it
becomes mandatory for the party to honour them in letter and spirit. What is more
appalling is the way leaders announce `add-on' to manifesto promises with the election
fever reaching its peak. There is every possibility of the voters falling prey to such
promises.
Define manifesto
The manifesto should be a comprehensive document specifying the commitments as also
the methodology by which the promises would be met. It should also explain the
proposals to mobilise resources for fulfilling the commitments and also the process of
implementation of every promise. It is not enough if it states that finances would be
obtained by way of a Central government grant or through subsidy. It is sad that
manifestos mostly contain assurances such as free distribution of items, waiver of loans
and grant of fresh concessions rather than proposals on social welfare schemes,
education, improving road transport and generating employment that are more relevant in
the long run.
The EC can form a committee of experts to go through the manifesto of every party
before approving the same. Similarly, once the manifesto is released, the parties must be
prohibited from `enlarging' their promises thereafter. If a committee scrutinises the
proposals, there will surely be a high degree of caution by the parties while making the
commitments.
Similarly, there should be periodical review of the manifesto of the ruling party during
the course of its governance. Unless the goals are made time bound and reviewed
regularly, there is little or no meaning in the pre-poll scrutiny of manifestos by the EC.
Otherwise, the party may not make any sincere effort to fulfil the promises.
****End of Story# 100 of 189
****Story#101 of 189
Title: Manmohan’S Germany Visit From Tomorrow
Author: Correspondent or Reporter
Source: Tribune
Date: April 21, 2006
URL: http://www.tribuneindia.com/2006/20060421/nation.htm#7
The issue of energy security and Indo-US accord on civilian nuclear energy cooperation
is going to figure in the discussions that Prime Minister Manmohan Singh would have
with his counterparts in Germany and Uzbekistan during his five-day official visit
commencing from April 22.
While the Prime Minister would try to convince the German leadership that the Indo-US
accord was aimed at meeting India’s crucial energy needs and would not promote
proliferation, he would also discuss ways with the two leaders to move towards the
country’s energy security in a meaningful way.
Germany, a member of the 45-strong NSG, has not opposed the accord on cooperation in
the civilian nuclear energy field, but has expressed reservations about it. Berlin says the
deal could make it difficult to pressure Iran to stop its nuclear programme.
Briefing newspersons today, Secretary (West) in the Ministry of External Affairs Shashi
Tripathi said India and Germany would sign three MoUs. These would be on railways,
medical research and the Bureau of Indian Standards and its German counterpart.
The reason for Dr Singh’s visit to Germany is that India is the partner country at the
Hannover Trade Fair this year which will be inaugurated on Sunday by the Prime
Minister and the German Chancellor.
From Germany, the Prime Minister will leave for Uzbekistan on April 25.
****End of Story# 101 of 189
****Story#102 of 189
Title: Manmohan's Silence On Muslim Quota Ominous: Bjp
Author: Y. Mallikarjun
Source: Hindu
Date: April 20, 2006
URL: http://www.hindu.com/2006/04/20/stories/2006042003531100.htm
Leader of Opposition in the Lok Sabha L.K. Advani has termed Prime Minister
Manmohan Singh's silence on illegal immigrations from Bangladesh and the demand for
reservation for Muslims in Government jobs as "ominous".
At a press conference here on Wednesday before resuming his `Bharat Suraksha Yatra' to
the Telangana districts, he said he was constrained to comment on the "negative signals"
that have emanated from the meeting between Dr. Singh and a delegation led by the
Shahi Imam of the Jama Masjid. As far as harassment of Muslims in Assam was
concerned, he reiterated the party's stand that there should be "100 per cent protection" to
them and "zero per cent tolerance" towards Bangladeshi infiltrators.
Mr. Advani claimed that the biggest achievement of the BJP was that it had smashed the
single party dominance of the polity. Now two stable poles have emerged at the national
level and most other parties have to choose between the two, he said.
He said that the yatra sought to highlight vital issues, including "politics of competitive
minorityism" of the BJP's political adversaries and threats to internal security from
"jehadi" terrorism and naxalism.
The former Deputy Prime Minister appealed to all in the political establishment to
honestly introspect and ask themselves whether their policies and actions squared up with
the imperatives of `Bharat suraksha'. "I feel that all should make earnest efforts to enlarge
the area of common agreement and cooperate with one another on that basis for the larger
good of the nation".
Mr. Advani said that it was in this spirit that he had welcomed the UPA chairperson
Sonia Gandhi's recent criticism of the Communist parties on the communalisation of
foreign policy.
He alleged that national security was being compromised by vote-bank politics. National
security makes good governance imperative and the same was being undermined by the
kind of corruption "bedevilling this Government". The "biggest shock" with regard to the
Volcker report was the mention of the Congress and the absence of an explanation from
the party.
Replying to a question on the nuclear policy, he said the country should not allow itself to
be dictated to. It was for India to decide on minimum nuclear deterrence. To another
query, he said there was a need for a comprehensive law on conversions. In many
countries, including China, conversions were banned.
However, there should be no prohibition on voluntary conversion. On the proposed
amendments relating to disqualification of people's representatives for holding offices of
profit, he said nothing should be done to undermine the rationale of Articles 102 and 103.
****End of Story# 102 of 189
****Story#103 of 189
Title: Medical Students' Stir To Continue
Author: Correspondent or Reporter
Source: Hindustan Times
Date: April 28, 2006
URL: http://www.hindustantimes.com/news/181_1685115,001302220000.htm
Amidst differences, the protesting medical students on Thursday decided to continue their
strike saying they were not satisfied with HRD Minister Arjun Singh's response to their
demand for roll-back of the proposal for reservation of seats for backward castes in elite
and Central educational institutions.
In a flip flop after their meeting with Arjun Singh, the students' delegation announced
suspension of their agitation till May 12 when the Assembly elections will be over.
However, immediately after the announcement, differences cropped up with a major
section of the students insisting that the protest should continue.
"Either Arjun Singh or the Prime Minister should come up with a statement either in print
or electronic media that they had taken back the proposal. Only then we will call off the
strike," said Anirudh Lochan of University College of Medical Sciences (UCMS).
Earlier, the students were invited by Arjun Singh, who apologised for Wednesday's
police action against them.
However, Arjun Singh refused to discuss the reservation issue with the protesting
students on the plea that the Assembly elections were on and he was bound by the
Election Commission directive asking him not to speak on the issue.
Accusing Singh of "hiding behind the Election Commission", the students said they were
not satisfied with his assurances.
While the medical students will continue boycotting their classes, the resident doctors
and interns, who were on a day-long token strike, will resume their duties from Friday.
****End of Story# 103 of 189
****Story#104 of 189
Title: Medicos Continue Stir, See Others Joining In
Author: Correspondent or Reporter
Source: Pioneer
Date: April 28, 2006
URL:
http://www.dailypioneer.com/indexn12.asp?main_variable=front%5Fpage&file_name=st
ory1%2Etxt&counter_img=#1
Despite Arjun Singh's attempt to mislead the agitating medical students by assuring them
his readiness to discuss the reservation issue with them after May 11, the students
decided to continue their strike saying they were not satisfied with the HRD Minister's
response.
Agitating medicos at India Gate on Thursday - S Sabu | Pioneer
The limited advantage that Singh can boast of is that after his announcement, differences
had cropped up among students over whether to carry on the agitation or not. However a
majority of students decided to go ahead with the agitation.
About 500 students who had gathered at India Gate on Thursday said that they would be
satisfied only after Singh took back his reservation proposal and issued a statement in the
media.
Accusing him of "hiding behind the Election Commission", the students said that if Singh
can bring a proposal before election in the Cabinet then he could also take it back.
The students will continue boycotting their classes but the resident doctors and interns,
who were on a daylong token strike, will resume their duties from Friday.
Representatives of five medical colleges had a meeting with Singh at his residence where
they put their demands that he would have to rollback 27 per cent reservation proposal
for OBCs and make a statement before the media.
The students however made the Minister apologise before the students and the media for
Wednesday's police action. But, suddenly conscious of the Election Commission, he told
them, "you do whatever you want. The Election Commission has barred me from issuing
any statements on any issue till the elections are over. After it is over, I will discuss the
matter with the Prime Minister. The Cabinet has to decide the proposal."
Unfortunately the students could not gain any mileage from their meeting with the
Minister as they lacked an impressive leadership and also a consensus.
The students have now decided to boycott classes till May 11 but attend OPDs on a
rotational basis. "We have not decided about the demonstrations but we would protest
within the college premises and not attend classes. Meanwhile we would talk to the
representatives of medical colleges all over India to join us in the protest," said Anirudh
Lochan, representative of University College for Medical Sciences (UCMS).
"If Arjun Singh goes back on his assurances on May 12, then we would not be
responsible for what happens after that," he warned.
The resident doctors also lent their support to the agitation. This affected the services in
all the hospitals on Thursday where these medical students render their services.
No patients were attended to in the OPD and OT of Lok Nayak Jai Prakash Hospital,
Lady Hardinge, Safdarjung Hospital and Guru Tegh Bahadur Hospital, but at AIIMS the
OPD was working normally. "I had come here for a check-up and I did not face any kind
of problem," said Akhilesh Kumar, a patient who had come to the AIIMS OPD.
"The students and resident doctors were on one day token strike so that patients do not
suffer", said Dr Mahesh Verma, Principal of Maulana Azad Dental College and Hospital.
In Lok Nayak and MAMC, professors were attending to the patients but new patients
were not admitted.
The students of medical colleges in cities like Chandigarh, Rohtak and Jaipur also
protested on Thursday after seeing Wednesday's action of Delhi students while
Bangalore, Amritsar and Patiala medical colleges have decided to join them in the strike
from Friday. The students have now decided to mobilise other universities and bring
them along in the protest. Delhi University students and the students of all IITs will join
the agitation once their exams are over.
****End of Story# 104 of 189
****Story#105 of 189
Title: Medicos For Merit Take On Quota Custodians
Author: Correspondent or Reporter
Source: Pioneer
Date: April 27, 2006
URL:
http://www.dailypioneer.com/indexn12.asp?main_variable=front%5Fpage&file_name=st
ory1%2Etxt&counter_img=#1
Medical students put aside their stethoscopes on Wednesday and raised their voice
against the proposed Government move to impose quota for OBC students in centres of
higher learning. In the process, they ran foul of the police who rained lathis, tear gas and
blasts from water cannons to keep them from gheraoing HRD Minister Arjun Singh's
residence.
Reserve Vs Deserve: Medical students shout slogans during a protest against
recommendation of quota in educational institutions and Government jobs, in New Delhi
on Wednesday - Pioneer Photo
The busy streets of the Capital on Wednesday witnessed daylong pitched battles between
police and the medicos from five premier Delhi medical colleges. The proposal to impose
reservations impacts admissions to medical, engineering and management colleges.
The protesters included students of All India Institute of Medical Sciences (AIIMS),
Lady Hardinge Medical College, Maulana Azad Medical College (MAMC), University
College of Medical Sciences (UCMS) and Vardhman Mahavir Medical College.
Protesting under the banner 'Youth for Equality', the students accused political parties of
catering to vote banks under the garb of helping the backward class. "The politicians are
catering to their vote banks. Not a single party is opposing the bill in Parliament. They
are playing divide and rule," said Supriya Gupta of Lady Hardinge College.
Reminiscent of the anti-Mandal agitation, the day saw aproned, stethoscope wielding
young men and women face lathi-charges, teargas shelling and blasts from water canons.
The heavy deployment of cops, however, beat the students back from the Janpath
roundabout.
In the evening, the medicos decided to go on an indefinite strike from Thursday and
asked fellow students to boycott classes till the reservation proposal was rolled back.
"The strike would be on a rotational basis so as not to inconvenience the people who
come for treatment in the hospitals affiliated to our colleges. Those who are giving exams
would join us after that," said Anirudh Lochan, spokesperson of forum of medical
students.
The students held a meeting with the Residents Doctors Associations of the five colleges
at the Indian Medical Association (IMA) building. After an hour long meeting, they
decided to go on an indefinite strike, largely boycotting classes. The students of
undergraduate programme of all the five colleges will join in.
The students warned that while emergency services would continue during this period, no
general services in the OPD and other wards would be provided.
Mohammad Anwar, a student of University College of Medical Sciences said, "We
submitted a petition last week to Union Minister Arjun Singh but received no response.
We want the minister to take back his decision and apologise for the brutal action that
was taken by police today."
The strike may affect first year examinations in the colleges, which is due to begin next
week. When asked if IMA, the parent association of medicos, had a role to play in the
strike, the students said, "The present decision to go on strike by us is in consultation
with IMA and we have full support of the association." The students also warned that a
nationwide protest may begin after IMA national meeting on April 30.
On Wednesday, about 500 medical students, protesting quota for backward classes in
central educational institutions, were prevented from demonstrating outside Arjun Singh's
17 Akbar Road official residence.
In the fracas, a few students were reportedly injured and a few had their stethoscopes and
spectacles broken. Initially 10 students were detained from Safdarjung Tomb but they
were later released when the crowd put pressure on the police. They later demonstrated at
Jantar Mantar, raising slogans against the Minister and the Government. They also burnt
an effigy of Arjun Singh. Security was tightened outside Singh's residence and movement
of vehicles restricted.
Shouting slogans "Aaj ka Arjun Duryodhan hai" and "Gali gali mein shor hai, Arjun
Singh chor hai," students said the protest was to mobilise public opinion about the future
of education in India and asked Arjun Singh to clarify his motive behind bringing
reservation in education.
"The quota will severely compromise the kind of health professionals this country gets. It
is not machines or instruments but human life that is at stake," said Rahul Arora, student
of UCMS.
The students also stated that colleagues from the OBC category are financially,
intellectually and economically equal. The OBC students in the present batches of these
five colleges had also joined the protest calling it a partiality to the students who come on
merit basis. "We have come here on merit basis so let others also work hard. Why
Government wants to give OBCs benefit," asked Nandana Acharjee, an OBC student.
The students said that education should be the motive of any Government, not
reservation.
****End of Story# 105 of 189
****Story#106 of 189
Title: Merit Matters
Author: Editorial, The Pioneer
Source: Pioneer
Date: April 21, 2006
URL:
http://www.dailypioneer.com/indexn12.asp?main_variable=EDITS&file_name=edit1%2
Etxt&counter_img=#1
Prime Minister Manmohan Singh is far too gentle and circumspect than many of his
loudmouth Cabinet colleagues. Hence, while addressing the CII conference on Tuesday,
he did not harangue the chieftains of India Inc to accept job quotas but urged them to
think of broad-basing employment through affirmative action. Union Minister for Steel
and unabashed practitioner of quota politics Ram Vilas Paswan is more forthright: Job
reservation must be extended to private sector and entrepreneurs must pay a stiff price for
daring to succeed.
True, Mr Singh and the more sensible of his colleagues have resisted the demand to bring
in a law to impose job quotas on the private sector. At least, till now. But that does not
minimise the effort of the UPA Government, more so that of elements in the Congress, to
destroy the last bastion of merit in this country. The argument proffered by the likes of
Mr Paswan in support of their untenable demand is both specious and disingenuous. To
claim that private sector must have job quotas because it thrives on shareholder funds and
receives Government incentives is sophistry that deserves nothing but contempt.
If funds and incentives alone could yield profits, create brand equity and generate gainful
employment, then nearly all our public sector units with job quotas for Scheduled Castes,
Scheduled Tribes and Other Backward Classes would not have been deep in the red,
guzzling tax-payers' money to keep indolent workers in comfort. Those PSUs that have
not gone under - and these can be counted on the fingertips - owe their success to
managers who can compete with the best in the private sector. Mr Paswan may find this
hard to swallow, but in today's market-driven economy, quality matters. The enormous
strides made by private sector enterprises in the post-liberalisation years are entirely
because of entrepreneurial talent that was kept shackled for five decades. It is almost
entirely because of our private sector that today's India is one of the fastest growing
economies and rapidly expanding markets. Mr Paswan and his cohorts would like to see
that India mercilessly wrecked for a handful of votes and personal aggrandisement that is
guaranteed so long as they win elections.
Mr Azim Premji, who has led Wipro to astounding heights of success by harnessing
talent irrespective of caste, creed or religion, is understandably scathing in his response to
all suggestions of job quotas in the private sector. By pointing out that "people make you
successful and people make you less successful" depending on how much emphasis is
laid on merit and abilities, he has highlighted the fallacy in which the demand for job
quotas in the private sector is rooted. While everybody has the right to compete for jobs,
employers have the right to select those who are most suited. To subvert this right would
mean to distort the very definition of private sector. Indeed, it would mean denying
Indians jobs for which they are eminently qualified simply because they were born into
the wrong caste. The Government may have got away with this chicanery in the public
sector, but it can't pull it off in the private sector. If it tries to do so, it would be a
perversion of the Constitution and ring the death knell of India Inc.
****End of Story# 106 of 189
****Story#107 of 189
Title: Merit Not Over Privilege
Author: Editorial, The Pioneer
Source: Pioneer
Date: April 24, 2006
URL:
http://www.dailypioneer.com/indexn12.asp?main_variable=EDITS&file_name=edit4%2
Etxt&counter_img=#4
In his article, "Privilege is the issue, not merit" (April 15), D Shyam Babu undermines
merit. According to him, the pathetic condition of the millions of disadvantaged sections
has more to do with discrimination and neglect than their incompetence or lack of effort.
This is not true.
To get selected in any government job has become a privilege. As things stand today,
even getting a chaprasi's job depends on luck because of shrinking job opportunities. As
far as merit is concerned, it emerges through competition alone. From school
examinations to college and university entrance tests, besides those of IITs, IIMs, Civil
Services, etc., are tools to classify the students or candidates. It is the duty of every right
thinking person to consider only the meritorious aspirants. No nation worth the name can
ever progress by suppressing merit.
However, Mr Shyam Babu concedes that affirmative action is not a panacea. It's true that
a sizable Dalit middle-class has over the years climbed up the ladder of success because
of reservation, but no attempt has been made to remove the "creamy layer" among the
SC/ST and adopt "a policy of one generation only".
The writer wonders that when US universities like Harvard and MIT can cope with
affirmative action without losing their competitive edge, why not the Indian universities.
The question is: Is affirmative action in US organisations and academia as mandatory as
we practice in India? What is the maximum percentage of seats reserved in academia or
jobs under affirmative action?
If I remember correctly, the affirmative action was earlier called positive discrimination.
How does the writer want to eliminate discrimination by introducing the same, albeit in
another form? One is pained to read when he says, "But our 'intelligentsia' has outsmarted
politicians in proving themselves to be more bankrupt in ideas and ideals. With a few
honourable exceptions, most commentators, who criticised the reservation policy, never
bother to address the problems of discrimination and absence of opportunities."
India is a liberal democracy where every one has the right to air his/her views. If some
views are not palatable to the writer, how do these become bankrupt? One cannot
introduce equality by introducing inequality, as it goes against the principle of natural
justice.
****End of Story# 107 of 189
****Story#108 of 189
Title: Ministry Of External Affairs X-Rayed
Author: Kedar Nath Pandey
Source: Daily Excelsior
Date: April 25, 2006
URL: http://www.dailyexcelsior.com/web1/06apr25/edit.htm#3
The blame game has started in the ministry of external affairs for the blotched policy
formulation on Nepal and Indo-US nuclear deal. On both the fronts New Delhi is left
with little option to manoeuvre out of the difficult situation as Kathmandu and
Washington have started arms twisting game to score brownie points. King Gyanendra
has ignored India's advice to restore democracy, whereas, the Bush administration is
trying to cap nuclear programme, which doesn't find any mention in the Bush-Manmohan
Singh 18 July nuclear deal.
The blame has to be shared in equal measure by the political leadership and the
mandarins in the South Block. If the leadership has failed to provide political input in
foreign policy formulations, the bureaucracy by its inept handling of the issues has
compounded the folly.
Thus, we land up with a tarnished image as a "fascist country with hegemonistic
ambitions engaged in villainous deeds to suppress its minorities, violating all norms of
human rights and, above all, engaged in killing citizens who voice dissent." Americans
are treating us with contempt as if we depend on their mercy for our well-being and
economic development.
Comparatively, Pakistan and China have been able to win friends and influence people
and mould public opinion in foreign lands which suits their national interests. Pakistan, in
particular, has successfully created an anti-India lobby in the US Congress which has
succeeded in nearly getting scuttled the Indo-US nuclear deal.
The USA Congress is veering round to the idea that India is not a responsible nuclear
state ignoring Pakistan's complicity in promoting nuclear proliferation and organising
terrorism in India. This is so when India has written to all the heads of government,
informing them how Pakistan is engaged in systematically destabilising this country.
For strange reasons, no one is willing to buy the Indian version of what is happening in
Jammu and Kashmir, or, how Pakistan is trying to unite insurgent groups in the Northeast
through its mission in Dhaka.
Since Independence India's foreign policy, was guided more by ideological
considerations than pragmatism. The national interest came second in priority while
Jawaharlal Nehru was at the helm of affairs in the ministry of external affairs. Nehru
projected himself as a world leader. In his enthusiasm to copy the Soviet model, he sided
with the then Soviet Union on major international issues which divided the world.
Appointments of ambassadors to countries considered important to India's political and
economic interest were inordinately delayed. Instead of merit it was seniority that
weighed with the ministry of external affairs. Unfortunately, the number of outstanding
men and women in the foreign service, as probably in all walks of life, is on the decline.
There was a time when only the highest ranking candidates of the competitive
examinations would be selected for the Indian Foreign Service (IFS). Today, many of
them come from far below and even those with high marks do not always seem to be
suitable for diplomatic service. Recently, several experienced diplomats retired and a few
more are due to leave next year.
Whereas there are a few brilliant persons at the next level, there is concern at nonavailability of mature and competent men to fill posts falling vacant in important world
capitals.
Even during Nehru's time, the Indian Civil Service (ICS) officers who had monopolised
the Foreign Service as well were opposed to the appointment of Dr. Sarvepalli
Radhakrishnan to Moscow. Occasional induction of politicians of questionable calibre
has devalued India's image abroad.
The Indian Foreign Service has people of average intelligence, and some are really
brilliant, comparable to the best in the world. Job reservation has played havoc, and in the
process, we have many diplomats who make fools of themselves. One has partly to blame
the training processes to begin with.
Indian Foreign Service officers lack long-term perspective. As the normal tenure is for
three years, the enthusiasm shown in the beginning declines in many cases because one is
concerned only with the outcome of one's work during the posting in a particular country.
After that, it is somebody else's responsibility.
It would have been better if Indian diplomats had identified them earlier and given
recognition when others would not. The case in point is that till the last moment, the
Indian mission in Washington continued to hope that the Democrat Kerry would be
elected president, and ignored the Republican George W. Bush.
The ministry of external affairs has strange ways of working. Much importance is
attached to the incumbent in the office than the would-be incumbent. Indian diplomats
think only about their contacts with the VIPs to impress the mandarins in the South
Block.
For instance, when Nawaz Sharif was elected Pakistan's prime minister, the Indian
Foreign Office didn't know anything about the man, and at the last moment, his bio-data
was obtained from the Pakistan High Commission for sending a congratulatory message
by the prime minister.
In an embassy posting where they are all supposed to be living like a large Indian family,
only very few among the diplomats have the maturity to view the staff in a brotherly
spirit. At best some may show it condescendingly.
Ambassadors like Appa Pant or Radhakrishnan were exceptions. Among the staff are
people who have academically equal qualifications except that they did not take or get
through the competitive examinations. Many who passed the examination and became
diplomats compare miserably with some of the mature and competent assistants or
attaches. The wives of some of the "non-diplomatic staff" are also highly educated and
hail from good middle class families but are socially downgraded because of the
hierarchical positions of their husbands in the embassy.
Most of the Indian diplomats are kind and considerate in dealing with the local recruits of
the host country. But there are many who can be shamelessly undiplomatic in their
handling of the local staff. Two years back, the local staff in the Indian mission in
Kathmandu went on a strike necessitating calling the police which marred the relations.
Relationship between the embassy and the Indian community is an issue which comes up
often for discussion in many capitals as it happened in New Zealand recently, and the
high commissioner was recalled to New Delhi. Though there are always talks about the
importance of the so-called non-resident Indians (NRIs). In reality the main interest
seems to be in getting their money to boost the foreign exchange reserves.
Unlike the members of the IAS who, especially during their postings in the districts and
even state capitals, function under the watchful eyes of the citizens, the IFS officers
operate unconcerned about the attitude of the voteless Indians who go to them
occasionally for routine consular problems. Though the welfare of the Indian community
is top on the agenda of the embassy's responsibilities, it is normally a matter of low
priority.
Indeed, some go out of the way to provide facilities and service without any pretence of
protocol. Such ambassadors are popular with community associations and can get
anything from them in a spirit of cooperation. Kuldip Nayar did a commendable job as
High Commissioner in London during his brief stint at the India house. He fostered a
close tie with Indians living in the UK.
What is needed is the restructuring of the Foreign Service cadre and recruitment
procedures. At times, non-deserving candidates get into the IFS who make a mess of it
bringing disgrace to the country. INAV
****End of Story# 108 of 189
****Story#109 of 189
Title: Minority Complex Amu Case Merits A Defining Verdict
Author: Editorial, The Pioneer
Source: Pioneer
Date: April 26, 2006
URL:
http://www.dailypioneer.com/indexn12.asp?main_variable=EDITS&file_name=edit2%2
Etxt&counter_img=#2
In temporarily restoring the Aligarh Muslim University's "minority" status and yet asking
the institution not to implement its 50 per cent quota for Muslim students in post-graduate
courses, the Supreme Court has been both fair and legally correct. AMU, a central
university, was brought under the rubric of "minority institution" by the Congress
Government in 1981. In February 2005, the Union Human Resource Development
Ministry - AMU's funding agency, as it were - allowed it to reserve for Muslims 50 per
cent of post-graduate medical seats.
The matter was taken to the Allahabad High Court, which struck down the quota as well
as the notion that AMU - paid for by the tax-payer and, as such, no different from any
other Central Government run university - was an exclusively "minority" institution. Now
the issue is before the Supreme Court, which has provided partial interim relief to AMU
as well as the quota's opponents. A final verdict, it has said, will come from a
constitutional bench of the apex court, before which the case now rests. That judgement,
when it does arrive, could potentially be one of the most important in India's
contemporary history.
It will answer a compelling question: Can a secular state, a government that has no
religious affiliation, finance, patronise or set up a "minority institution"? Indeed, can the
state establish or perpetuate - using funds from the public exchequer - any institution that
is officially designated as denominational, whether affiliated to Muslims or Christians or
even Hindus? It is fine for a private trust or body to sponsor community-specific
institutions and seek minority status, but can this become a public sector enterprise?
The constitutional bench needs to go into the larger issue of what constitutes a minority
institution. What are the parameters that merit "minority" status? After the 93rd
Constitution Amendment Act, which brings in reservation in private, unaided educational
institutions, but exempts minority institutions from this clause, the matter has grown only
more complex. That there is ample scope for manipulation here, and that, essentially,
Muslim/Christian and Hindu educational entrepreneurs or trusts are being denied equal
opportunities is not a point that can be wished away.
At some stage, it will return to haunt the polity. Somewhat related though not identical is
the AMU case. The Government's contention is that a university can receive grants from
the State, but can still reserve as many as half its seats for one community and claim a
"minority" label. In a sense, does this amount to state-financed segregation? It is easy for
the rhetoricians who now dominate the HRD Ministry to pretend everything is above
board. The larger social and political costs of such a patently absurd educational regime
can only be guessed. At some stage India will have to pay the price. It is up to the
Supreme Court's wisdom to ensure payment is never required.
****End of Story# 109 of 189
****Story#110 of 189
Title: Misplaced Tokenism Destroys
Author: J.S. Rajput
Source: Indian Express
Date: April 26, 2006
URL: http://www.indianexpress.com/story/3177.html
While delivering the Patel Memorial lecture in 1958 Dr Zakir Hussain asserted that “our
future as people will depend in no small measure on the ideas and principles which
inspire Indian education”. Five decades later, one wonders how many policy makers ever
care to recall these words. Hussain goes on to say,”If education is that important...then
mere tinkering with administrative detail, by adding a year to one stage and subtracting it
from another, by the addition of a subject here and a subject there, by the replacement of
bad textbooks...and so on, the immense challenge of educational reconstruction will not
be met. It will also not be met by an expansion of the educational apparatus without a full
and cooperative consciousness of its real aims and objectives and without a close
correspondence between the ends and the means adopted for heir realization.”
These words acquire importance in 2006. The government now proposes to meet the goal
of educational reconstruction by enhancing reservations by another 27 per cent seats in
schools, colleges and universities. Everyone by now understands the meaning of political
gambits launched with great fanfare by successive governments. The period of nearly two
years of ‘educational reconstruction’ and ‘institutional recovery’ initiated by the UPA
government stands equated with desaffronisation and detoxification. Such political
tokenism neglects glaring inadequacies of the system. The alarming drop-out rates, child
labour, non-functional schools, schools with absentee teachers.. .why are these concerns
— crucial to India’s future — not being voiced? If the commitments to the constitutional
provisions were really sincere, someone would definitely have asked why the Aligarh
Muslim University, fully funded by the government, never cared to provide the statutory
reservations of 22.5 per cent for SCs/STs. Can any interpretation of the Constitution, or
of the secularism, justify this?
There is an interesting aside to this. Part of the opposition to reservations is equally
biased. A small group of elites would not like their institutional fiefdoms to be
encroached upon by the “mother-tongue medium” educated! This attitude too has to be
resisted. But after five decades of reservations in jobs and government institutions, it is
time to measure the outcomes and institute corrections if needed. How can a young
aspirant from a remote town in Bihar be expected to compete with another from Delhi
who has been coached for CAT or JEE? How does it help this young person if the
percentage of seats alone is increased? Is it not relevant that in period between ’99-’04,
the admissions against the reserved seats for SC/ST categories in Delhi University never
exceeded 10 (SC) and 2 (ST) at the undergraduate level as against the provision for 15
and 7.5 per cent?
It is worthwhile to recall what Nehru said on October 17, 1949, at Columbia University:
“I think also that there is always a close and intimate relationship between the end we aim
at and the means adopted to achieve it. Even if the end is right but the means are wrong,
it will vitiate the end or divert us in the wrong direction.”
****End of Story# 110 of 189
****Story#111 of 189
Title: Monday Blues
Author: Editorial, The Pioneer
Source: Pioneer
Date: May 08, 2006
URL:
http://www.dailypioneer.com/indexn12.asp?main_variable=EDITS&file_name=edit1%2
Etxt&counter_img=#1
After days of non-news and tragic news, the political media must look forward to the
week that starts today with unusual excitement. India is poised for one of its most newsy
seven days in a long, long time. On May 11, the day after Parliament meets, election
results from five States will be declared. In Parliament itself, issues ranging from Siachen
to internal security, Nepal to the Maoists, are likely to be raised, setting the tone for an
explosive session.
The end of election season - and the removal of the stipulations of the Election
Commission's model code of conduct - will unleash a tsunami of bad news. For a start, at
least a hefty 10 per cent increase in petrol and diesel prices is imminent. The oil
companies, of course, have been demanding a close to 25 per cent increase, given that
international crude prices are hovering close to the alarming $75 a barrel rate - with the
promise of more if Iran decides to play difficult this summer.
The cascading impact of this oil price increase, unavoidable as it may be, notwithstanding
the Government's irrational import duty structure, can only be guessed. As it is the Indian
economy - one where the bullion, property and stock exchange indices are galloping
simultaneously, in complete contravention of theory and precedence - is at the edge of an
overdue correction. Will the poll-delayed "oil shock" end up being the trigger? A
Government devoted to populism and big spending while trying to balance too many
irreconcilable economic interests, could face a genuine moment of truth.
Other than oil prices, caste is a hardy perennial of everyday life in India. Freed of the
EC's shackles, two of Prime Minister Manmohan Singh's colleagues, Ms Meira Kumar in
the Social Justice Ministry and Mr Arjun Singh in the HRD Ministry, are ready to inflict
their version of social engineering upon the country. Mr Singh is now at liberty to
publicly advocate 50 per cent quota in IIMs, IITs and post-graduate medical institutions.
Those who oppose him, face the fire of political correctness. On her part, Ms Kumar is
ready with a recommendation that accords the mother's caste - as opposed to merely the
father's - to a child.
In one go, this will send the number of Dalits in the country surging, as those who are
born of Dalit mothers but non-Dalit fathers will be able to access reservation. Like so
much else in India, it will reduce a genuine attempt at social redress to a farcical
gimmick. In the nation's capital, bereft of power, the darkness is not merely physical but
a metaphorical statement on the ruling establishment.
For two years now, aided partly by a nonplussed BJP too busy driving itself into
confusion, the UPA Government has attempted to be all things to all people. It has been:
Pro-reform and pro-public spending; entering into grand alliances with America and
expressing solidarity with Islamist radicals; signalling sweetheart deals on Siachen while
pretending to talk tough on terror with Pakistan; using the booming stock markets to hide
its own policy shortcomings. This week, reality could catch up with India.
****End of Story# 111 of 189
****Story#112 of 189
Title: Musharraf In The List
Author: Editorial, Economic Times
Source: The Economic Times
Date: May 08, 2006
URL: http://economictimes.indiatimes.com/articleshow/1519724.cms
Surprise! Surprise! Musharraf has made Time magazine’s 2006 list of the 100 most
influential people on Planet Earth in the section devoted to leaders and revolutionaries.
However, the PM of the world’s most populous democracy does not figure: Manmohan
Singh, Man to news headlines, is missing. Which need not be an indication that
Pakistan’s importance in the geo-political sphere of things is rising at India’s expense.
It could just mean that in the country, which fostered the Taliban, the US needs the
support of the man who calls the shots, literally and otherwise! Whereas, no objective
observer of the current Indian political scene would ever state that Manmohan Singh has
the last word even when it comes to the government of India.
Even HRD minister Arjun Singh does not consult or inform the PM before saying at the
height of an election campaign that the reservation quota in India’s premier institutes will
be hiked from 22.5% to 49.5%.
However, there is a consolation prize of sorts. Making it to the Time’s annual list in the
category of builders and titans are not one but two Indians. If Vikram Akula has been
joined by Nandan Nilekani, it could be because the latter was given a free hand by fellow
Infoscian Narayana Murthy.
Whereas the PM is not the master of his destiny, with even Congress ministers behaving
like coalition ones! Significantly, the Time list includes leaders like Iran’s President
Ahmadinejad who is going ahead with his country’s uranium-enrichment programme
despite pressure from the US.
The Time list excludes Britain’s Tony Blair, whom pop singer George Michael dismissed
in a song as “Bush’s poodle”. Maybe Time is trying to tell Manmohan that it doesn’t
always pay to sign on the dotted line!
****End of Story# 112 of 189
****Story#113 of 189
Title: Muslims Will Vote Against Aiadmk, Says Iuml
Author: Correspondent or Reporter
Source: Statesman
Date: April 25, 2006
URL:
http://www.thestatesman.net/page.news.php?clid=2&theme=&usrsess=1&id=11416#8
The Indian Union Muslim League today claimed that the entire Muslim community in
Tamil Nadu will vote against the AIADMK, for having “failed to give proper
representation to the community” in the outgoing ministry.
“Only one Muslim was made a minister, that too only for a few days, some years back,
which showed total disrespect to the community, whereas all the chief ministers from
Kamaraj to MG Ramachandran had Muslim ministers in their cabinets,” Haji PS Hamsa,
secretary, IUML state trade wing, told reporters here.
But the assurance by the DMK to take up the issue of reservation to Muslim in education
and employment sector, had caught up well with the community, who have decided to
remove the AIADMK from power, he claimed.
Muslims were the deciding factor in 60 out of the 234 constituencies in Tamil Nadu, Haji
Hamsa said.
He also appealed to release on bail the “innocent Muslims” who were languishing in the
jail for the last eight years, in connection with the 1998 serial bomb blasts.
The party also appealed to expedite the cases fast as the special court had finished
examination of nearly 1,300 witnesses in the case and only arguments were left.
****End of Story# 113 of 189
****Story#114 of 189
Title: Nasscom For National Debate On Quota Policy
Author: Correspondent or Reporter
Source: Hindu
Date: April 26, 2006
URL: http://www.hindu.com/2006/04/26/stories/2006042605880700.htm
"Reservation of jobs in the public sector has not achieved much in six decades. There is a
need for a national debate on reservation in the private sector," according to NASSCOM
president Kiran Karnik.
He told presspersons here on Tuesday that the Government should take industry into
confidence and discuss the various issues involved. Some of them included primary
education, environment and many social aspects that needed immediate attention. The
discussions between the Government and industry should facilitate overall development,
he said.
A lot had to be done for underprivileged groups and those who still remained
disadvantaged. The Government should look into possible measures to educated and
employ those who had very little access to IT, he said.
Though the IT industry had done a great deal for the overall development of the nation,
he said there was always room for improvement. However, this should not be done under
any pressure. Although there had been no formal dialogue with the Union Human
Resource Development Ministry, NASSCOM would discuss the issues, and steps would
be taken to improve the conditions of the downtrodden and provide them with more
opportunities, he said.
****End of Story# 114 of 189
****Story#115 of 189
Title: Natwar Picks Holes In March 2 Indo-Us Nuclear Deal
Author: Correspondent or Reporter
Source: Daily Excelsior
Date: April 28, 2006
URL: http://www.dailyexcelsior.com/web1/06apr28/national.htm#4
After attacking the Government over its handling of Nepal situation, former External
Affairs Minister Natwar Singh today picked holes in the March 2 Indo-US civil nuclear
deal, saying it contained elements that were absent from the joint statement issued when
the deal was announced last year.
There was no mention of proliferation and arms control in the July 18, 2005 statement
issued jointly by Prime Minister Manmohan Singh and President George W Bush,
according to Singh who was the External Affairs Minister at that time.
The Prime Minister is required to make a statement in Parliament as the nuclear issue has
been taken to political level and the country was divided over it, he told Karan Thapar in
an interview for CNBC's India Tonight at 10 programme.
"I am fully confident that the Prime Minister will make a statement in Parliament, in both
Houses, to clarify some of the doubts which have been raised because of the hearing (in
the US Congress)," he said.
"He (the Prime Minister) will do and needs to do it (make the statement)," said the former
External Affairs Minister.
He said the final agreement reached on March 2 this year carried elements that were not
present in the July 18, 2005 document and that he got worried as the deal came up for
discussion in the US Congress.
"There are various disquieting aspects to the hearings that took place and the nature of
discussions. Not once was the word reciprocity used in Senate hearings. (Instead) the
term 'unilateral' is used consistently," said Singh, who quit as External Affairs Minister in
November last year.
He resigned in the wake of the Volcker Commitee report which accused him of being a
'non-contractual beneficiary' in the Iraq's oil-for-food scam.
Natwar Singh insisted that the July, 2005 document was about "energy and not about
proliferation and arms control".
Also, he said, the original agreement did not refer to any curbs on nuclear fuel and
missile development.
"The Fissile Materical Cut-off Treaty (FMCT) will imply a nuclear fuel cap and (then
there is) the MTCR (Missile Test Control Regime), which means curbs on missile
development. These didn't figure on 18th of July."
Singh also expressed his reservations to Bush's comments on Iran, Myanmar and Nepal
while in New Delhi.
"Well I was very surprised when President Bush here in the Purana Qila made references
to some of these countries on Indian soil. It shouldn't have been done," he said.
On remarks by some senior Bush Administration officials describing Iran as a "terrorist
country", he said he expected "my Government" to say "we don't share this view" and
"make it clear that we are not going to come under pressure." (
****End of Story# 115 of 189
****Story#116 of 189
Title: N-Deal: Overlapping Areas
Author: N J Nanporia
Source: Deccan Herald
Date: May 07, 2006
URL: http://www.deccanherald.com/deccanherald/may72006/editpage163012200656.asp
Although his motives can be questioned Natwar Singh has made some points that can’t
be brushed aside. As he sees it and, no doubt New Delhi also, India’s position on the
nuclear agreement with America is that it is more about energy and considerably less
about non-proliferation. Yet it can hardly be denied that in the prevailing world context
these two issues merge into one another. They are inseparable and the reaction in
Congress and from the non-proliferationists has underlined this. Then he has spoken of
changing goal posts, a charge which the US Ambassador has denied. Both, in truth, are at
cross purposes. Ambassador Mulford is right in one way and Natwar Singh is wrong in
another.
The nuclear agreement as spelled out, is specific but it has implications that reach far
beyond exclusively nuclear matters. This is what the Americans mean by claiming that it
promises to “transform” relations between the two countries. In Bush’s flamboyant
language India is expected to “stand up for freedom and democracy in the darkest
corners.” This isn’t about changing goal posts. It is about an agreement that vastly
increases India’s dependence on the US, while adding to the latter’s leverage on issues
that have nothing to do with nuclear power.
Bush’s answer to this is that India is a responsible nuclear power with a declared
moratorium on nuclear testing. The connotation here is that America trusts India and can
reasonably expect New Delhi to reciprocate by trusting Bush — for example, not to
exploit the presidential waiver. There is a large investment in trust by the one side and
hardly any by the other. For New Delhi that is or should be the single source of concern.
Nearly everything Bush has said and done on both domestic and international issues fails
to add up to a record that invites trust. Consider, for example, Bush’s flat statement that
he had no objection to the pipeline proposal for the supply of Iran’s natural gas. This was
interpreted as a policy change and a green signal for Pakistan, India and Iran to go ahead.
But the State department is on record as “absolutely opposed” to the project, an opinion
which many in Congress obviously share. Here, then, we have the kind of ambiguity,
deliberate or otherwise, that has enabled the Bush administration to create and exploit the
advantage it gains in this way.
Pakistan, India and Iran are determined on paper to build the pipeline. But the unspoken
reservations lie heavily on their collective mind. Where in this and every other important
issue is there any room for trust or a level playing field? At home Bush’s own store of
trust is rapidly dwindling. However, a qualification is in order.
The Americans are so extravagantly in awe of the Presidency as opposed to the President
as an individual that they see any serious “us and them” confrontation with the outside
world as a clear obligation to endorse the President as a leader.
Intellects, however sharp, are suspended and a nationwide “rah-rah” element intrudes.
And political sanity flies out of the window. So the chances are that the nuclear
agreement with India plus unsettling addenda will come through. The message for New
Delhi is “watch out.”
The power behind Rahul
There are two reason for the apparent misreporting of what Rahul has been saying, one
relatively minor and the other with rather more weight. These days reporters trend to see
Rahul as someone to boost, and this inclination to boost sometimes obscures the line
between reporting and commenting. What explains this inclination, this unquestioning
acceptance of the legend that he is the coming young man in the Congress party?
Obviously it is that he is his mother’s son. Reporters consciously or otherwise reflect any
such bias that is in-built in the political atmosphere.
There is nothing to suggest that Rahul himself favours this. In fact he seems to hate it.
But the reality persists that Sonia Gandhi by the hierarchical positions she held until
recently and those she is expected to hold in the future is an underlined source of power.
Undefined yet potent and therefore an unhealthy factor in the body politic.
L K Advani’s call for disbanding the National Advisory Council is no doubt partly
partisan but also more than partly in the national interest. As chairperson but also more
than partly in the national interest. As chairperson of the NAC what has been the range
and quality of her influence on so many vital matters on which, moreover, her opinions if
any remain undisclosed? Why, asks Natwar Singh, hasn’t she been questioned on the
Volcker issue? Why indeed.
Sonia: the loyalty factor
The only political quality with which she is associated and seems to understand is
”loyalty”. This explains the coterie consisting of supporters who rally round her
protectively whenever she is touched by controversy. So when the party speaks of “party
discipline,” particularly in relation to Kapil Sibal’s comments on OBC quotas, one is
incredulous.
No party in India is of one mind on anything and to pretend otherwise is a waste of time.
Here is the quota issue, widely and fiercely debated nation-wide in a war of words to
which there seems no end. And yet the party objects to what Kapil Sibal has said, a
pointed, concise summing up of the dispute to which no one can reasonably object. He is
said by the political mentors to have “over-stepped his brief” when everyone has his or
her own brief and is merrily overstepping it. Nepal, Volcker, Bofors, the Indo-US nuclear
issue quotas etc are argued about but not really discussed.
For in this wordy battle the target is Manmohan Singh made all the more vulnerable by
the Sonia factor.
****End of Story# 116 of 189
****Story#117 of 189
Title: Nepal Bounces Back
Author: Editorial, Daily Times
Source: Daily Excelsior
Date: May 02, 2006
URL: http://www.dailyexcelsior.com/web1/06may02/edit.htm#6
Whatever be the reservations of Natwar Singhs and their ilk in the diplomatic and media
world on India’s Nepal policy, New Delhi has won warm appreciation from global think
tanks for the ‘roll back of palace coup’ in Nepal.
"India has played a key role in brokering the deal between the political parties and the
king, as well as ensuring that the rebels understand that a constitutional assembly will be
forthcoming", analysts at the Chicago based think tank, PINR say. They also credit New
Delhi for the breakthrough to the 19-day-old impasse because "India knows Nepal's
political situation as well as any party in Nepal".
Observers here as elsewhere do note that the King had not made any mention of new
constitution in his Monday night announcement that revived the dissolved. New
constitution assembly to draft a new statute is a key demand of the political parties at the
helm of the unrest and Maoists alike. The political parties have given the Maoist rebels
assurances that they will announce the forming of a constitutional assembly to address
this concern, PINR analysts aver.
Significantly, the King’s ‘peace’ announcement came on the eve of plans by the political
parties to ramp up the protests to encircle Kathmandu's center. According to Arjun
Narsingh, a senior leader of the Nepali Congress, the largest political party, "It is the
victory of the people's movement".
A view is that the question of a new constitution can almost certainly reopen the disputes
that the king's announcement temporarily contained. If the constitution is not redrafted,
the Maoists, who control at least 50 percent of the country-side, cannot be subdued.
Another view is that the King may not like to allow his powers to be dismissed by the
flick of a pen, and he reduced to a ceremonial head, especially when he still controls the
state's security forces.
This is Nepal's Catch 22, some analysts say but this view is not shared by several others,
who opine that King Gyanendra is not unaware that the power struggle between the three
domestic players (Palace, Maoist rebels and Major mainline parties) has its own flipside
and that it is in not in his own short term interests even. More so since he has been ‘eager
and willing’ more than his predecessor to interject himself into the political process, a
commentator says. China is a factor in Nepal and it unconditionally backs the king in a
costless gamble to gain influence in the country.
Democracy was first established in Nepal by King Birendra after he bowed to political
pressure and instituted a constitutional monarchy in 1989. The parliamentary system was
unstable and fractious from the beginning. In 1994, Prime Minister Koirala quit his post
after defeat in the parliamentary vote, beginning the current period of political instability.
Two years later in 1996, the Maoist Communist Party of Nepal initiated its ‘people's war’
against the monarchy and the rebellion has been plagued by torture and brutality at the
hands of both the rebels and the security forces.
The fractious parliamentary parties have put their differences aside since February 2005,
and have agreed that re-establishing parliamentary control is the most important
objective. In late August 2005, the political parties agreed to abandon the goal of
achieving a constitutional monarchy in favour of complete parliamentary control. This
shift in goals brought the political parties in line with the stated goals of the Maoist
rebels.
India's assessment was that the king would not be able to succeed in suppressing the
Maoist rebellion and that his rule is inherently unstable. That was the reason why New
Delhi had ended all military support to Nepal. Washington and London supported the
decision with similar policies. Since then, New Delhi has been in close contact with the
main Nepalese political parties -- the Nepali Congress Party (N.C.P.) and the Communist
Party of Nepal (U.M.L.) -- in order to coordinate their actions with the goal of reinstating
parliamentary rule. Washington has played an important supporting role in coordinating
the political parties' actions. For example, Indian leaders hosted a meeting in New Delhi
in November 2005 that included U.S. Ambassador to Nepal James Moriarty, Madhav
Kumar Nepal (a leader of the U.M.L.), and the N.C.P.'s Girija Koirala. Shortly thereafter,
the November 22 agreement between the rebels and the Nepalese parliamentary parties
emerged.
Now that things are back to near normal and politicians are getting down to the task
expected of them, India may gift wrap its aid package. (Syndicate Features)
****End of Story# 117 of 189
****Story#118 of 189
Title: Nepal Formula: Maoists In Govt, Titular Role For King
Author: Correspondent or Reporter
Source: Indian Express
Date: April 21, 2006
URL: http://www.indianexpress.com/story/2879.html
As the Prime Minister’s special envoy Karan Singh returned to the Capital, leaders of
India’s all-party Nepal Democracy Solidarity Committee India were working out a
formula to bring the Nepal imbroglio to an end. Based on earlier discussions with
Nepalese leaders in Delhi, this would see the political parties involving the Maoists in
government but leaving King Gyanendra with only a ceremonial role.
The formula involves creation of an interim government by Nepal’s seven-party alliance,
which would negotiate with the Maoists on all issues, including their participation in
government. D P Tripathy, secretary of the solidarity committee who met the Nepalese
leaders, including a Maoist representative, said the interim government would then
organise elections to set up the constituent assembly of Nepal.
The parties involved agree that the success of the formula depended on how quickly the
king would act. They were factoring in the chances of his overthrow and the creation of a
republic in case he did not act over the next two days. The general perception was that
India should negotiate with Gyanendra and impress upon him that for his own survival,
he should accept a ceremonial position and immediately call the seven-party alliance to
form an interim government.
As for the Indian government’s reservations about the Maoists, there seems to be an
understanding that there is now little room for anxiety because the Maoists have agreed to
do what India would like to see them do: lay down arms and accept multi-party
democracy and a constituent assembly. Said Tripathy: ‘‘We can think of going to Nepal
if we are invited by the seven-party alliance. Should that happen the CPI(M)’s Sitaram
Yechury and I will go.’’
****End of Story# 118 of 189
****Story#119 of 189
Title: Nepal Maoists Want "Unconditional" Elections
Author: Siddharth Varadarajan
Source: Hindu
Date: April 26, 2006
URL: http://www.hindu.com/2006/04/26/stories/2006042609911200.htm
Even as jubilant crowds took to the streets here on Tuesday, a day after King Gyanendra's
climbdown in which he agreed to reinstate Parliament, the message to political leaders
was loud and clear: Constitute a constituent assembly and do not deviate from the aims of
the pro-democracy movement.
At an impromptu roadside meeting in Vasundhara, not far from the residence of Nepali
Congress leader Girija Prasad Koirala, one speaker declared: "If Girija babu does
something funny, we will hang him." The crowd around him cheered lustily.
The Seven Party Alliance (SPA), spearheading the anti-monarchy protests, issued a
statement welcoming the King's latest proclamation and declaring that Mr. Koirala would
be their candidate for Prime Minister.
"Restoration of the House of Representatives is only the beginning for us," the SPA
declared, conscious of the mood on the streets. The parties also expressed their
commitment to abide by the 12-point agreement reached with Maoists last November.
For the Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist), which has formed a partnership of sorts with
the SPA since November last, these assurances are clearly not enough. In a toughly
worded statement issued in the name of party leaders Prachanda and Baburam Bhattarai,
the Maoists denounced the King's revival of Parliament and accused the SPA of betraying
the people's movement by walking into the monarchy's trap.
"Continue agitation"
They called on the people to continue their peaceful agitation until "unconditional"
elections to a constituent assembly were announced.
"The SPA's unilateral support for the revival of Parliament, without consulting the
Maoists, in effect tried to break the spirit behind the 12-point agreement. Why should
people believe that Parliament, which has come as a gift from the King, would have the
resolve to hold unconditional elections to the constituent assembly?''
Despite the tough language of the Maoists' statement, independent analysts do not
consider the gap between the Maoists and the parties to be insurmountable.
Devendra Nath Pandey, former Finance Minister and leading civil society campaigner for
democracy who was released on Tuesday after months of incarceration, told The Hindu
that the Maoist rejection appeared tactical. "The 12-point agreement had envisaged the
reinstatement of Parliament. Though the Maoists had some reservations about it, they
endorsed the overall agreement," he said. "I think the Maoist reaction [to the SPA's
acceptance of the restoration of Parliament] may be tactical. They can't be seen as
welcoming anything the King says. And they had never really been in favour of
reinstatement of Parliament. But as long as parties move forward on the constituent
assembly, the Maoists will come on board."
Acknowledging that there were procedural and methodological issues involved in an
election to a constituent assembly which could not be resolved very quickly, Dr. Pandey
stressed that once Parliament convened "it should not get bogged down in business as
usual." Going for a constituent assembly has to be the first agenda item and since the
Maoists have to be with them on this, negotiations with the Maoists have to begin almost
immediately, he said.
Things going well
While it was legitimate for people to be suspicious of the parties, given their record, Dr.
Pandey said they behaved very responsibly these past few weeks.
"The parties stood up to the King, to India and to the donor countries. This is very
refreshing. Even on choosing a prime ministerial candidate, there wasn't the usual
wrangling. Things are going well so far."
Senior diplomats also seemed convinced that the new all-party government's top priority
had to be a dialogue with the Maoists structured around the goal of a constituent
assembly.
"For this to happen, of course, there would need to be a two-way ceasefire, as well as the
removal of the "terrorist" tag from the Maoists and the repeal of certain laws," a diplomat
said.
Realistically speaking, say analysts, given the harvest and monsoon seasons as well as the
festival of Dasein, the earliest that any elections can be held is November.
****End of Story# 119 of 189
****Story#120 of 189
Title: No Differences Between Jd (S) And Bjp, Claims Deve Gowda
Author: Correspondent or Reporter
Source: Deccan Herald
Date: April 30, 2006
URL: http://www.deccanherald.com/deccanherald/apr302006/state1953472006429.asp
It is time for JD (S) leader H D Deve Gowda to defend his past actions. It is time for him
to pat the government led by his son. And, it is also time for him to ignore the
embarrassing questions posed by the media.
The occasion was to release a compendium of letters written by him to the previous
coalition government led by Mr N Dharam Singh.
After releasing the book, he hoped that the book would serve as a guide to the present
coalition government too.
Mr Gowda, who had written twice to Mr Singh demanding that the metro project plan
needed to be reviewed as the cost was on the higher side, on Saturday said that he had
never opposed the project. “People should know that it was neither Rajiv Gandhi nor
Manmohan Singh who cleared the metro project, but myself,” he said.
Is he not against large-scale land allotment to IT sector, especially 850 acres of land to
Infosys, by the present government?
Sharp reaction from him was - “Who told you that the land has been allotted to Infosys?
The government has not allotted land to anybody. This government should not be under
the mercy of anyone”.
When his attention was drawn to Congress leader H K Patil’s allegations regarding the
land allotment, he declined to say anything except that the government would react to it.
Asked if he considered the relationship between JD (S) and BJP cordial, Mr Gowda said,
"Who says that there is a threat to the government? Who told you that it was in crisis?
There no differences among leaders. It is stable".
Mr Gowda said the present government was committed to classification of reservation for
castes falling under Category 2 (A).
He was committed to what he wrote in a letter to Mr Singh seeking classification of
reservation under category 2 (A). The then government had asked the Chief Secretary to
furnish details of people and their castes, facilitated by the reservation under that
category. The present government was committed to classify the reservation, he claimed.
Reacting to Congress’ allegations that he was against development of the state during
previous government, Mr Gowda said that he has published the compendium to make
public aware of his commitment to the state. “They are repeatedly alleging that I harmed
the progress of the state by writing letters regularly. Let the people read my letters and
decide whether I was opposing the progress,” he said.
Mr Gowda said that he was committed to what he advocated in his letters earlier. He
claimed that he would not hesitate to criticise if the coalition takes any decision against
people’s aspirations.
****End of Story# 120 of 189
****Story#121 of 189
Title: No Unity Without Secularists
Author: MICHAEL JANSEN
Source: Deccan Herald
Date: April 28, 2006
URL:
http://www.deccanherald.com/deccanherald/apr282006/panorama1730342006427.asp
There cannot be a national unity government in Iraq because of the exclusion of
secularists.
The surprise visit to Iraq on Wednesday by US Defence Secretary Donald Rumsfeld and
Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice was designed to bolster the credibility of Iraqi
Premier-designate Nuri Kamal Maliki and encourage him to form a “national unity
government.” Neither Iraq nor the Bush administration can afford further delay. Between
the December 15 election and the April 23 appointment of Maliki, the caretaker
government was paralysed, death squads roamed the streets of Iraq’s cities and towns,
and tens of thousands of people were driven from their homes by communal cleansers.
But there can be no national unity government because of the exclusion by the Kurds and
Shia and Sunni Islamists of secularists who account for a very large proportion of Iraq’s
educated, professional middle class. Without secularists there can be no unity or, even, a
national state. The secularists are being marginalised because the Kurds, Shias and US
seek to outlaw the Arab nationalists and Baathists who ruled Iraq from 1948 until 2003.
The Kurds reject Arab nationalism because they are not Arabs. Shias and Kurds shun
nationalists and Baathists because they crushed Shia fundamentalist and Kurdish
secessionist movements. Unfortunately for Iraq, only secular Iraqi nationalists can unite
the country. The Kurds remain secessionist and the Shias are now being led by clerics
and laymen determined to impose Shia fundamentalism on Iraq.
Those belonging to the Supreme Council of the Islamic Revolution in Iraq are also
separatists who seek to create a super-Shia region of the nine southern provinces to match
the Kurdish autonomous area already established in three provinces in the north. The
alliance between Kurds and Shias, now strained, is the worst option for Iraq. Maliki, who
dropped his nom de guerre “Jawad” when he accepted the nomination for premier,
announced he will have a government in place within two weeks, beating the deadline of
one month set by the constitution. To work this miracle Maliki is counting on
negotiations over the past four months between Shias and Kurds – with some
consultations with Sunni fundamentalists. Unfortunately, portfolios are expected to be
awarded on the basis of ethnic and sectarian affiliation rather than qualification.
Adherence to the communal model imposed by the US in July 2003 will further entrench
this divisive system.
Iraqis consulted by this writer express strong reservations about Maliki. They point out
that he is a committed sectarian. He joined Dawa, the Shia revolutionary party, as a
youth, and took his first university degree in theology. In 1980 he fled to Iran but soon
moved to Syria where he was head of Dawa’s drive to overthrow former President
Saddam Hussein. In 2003 he returned to Iraq where he served as Dawa’s spokesman and
was appointed to the body purging former Baath party members, the constitutional
commission, and the national security council.
Maliki has vowed to fight corruption and disband the militias. But he may not have the
political clout to do either. He was selected by a thin majority of members of the United
Iraqi Alliance (UIA), the coalition of Shia religious parties and independents, and elected
by a narrow majority of the 275-member assembly. Even if the UIA, which has 130 seats,
gives him its total support, he will have to secure the backing of six additional deputies to
have the majority required to confirm his cabinet and to pass legislation. Legislators
could very well oppose a campaign against corruption which has become rampant since
the fall of the Baath and resist any effort to dissolve the large militias. They give three
factions – the Kurds, the Supreme Council for the Islamic Revolution in Iraq and the
followers of the rebellious cleric Muqtada Sadr – considerable leverage on the political
scene.
Maliki says he will incorporate militiamen into the army and police but Rumsfeld warned
Maliki against this. The Bush administration is urging the Iraqis to form a government
quickly so it can take control of troops and police deployed to fight insurgents and
impose order on this lawless country. George W Bush is determined to create the illusion
that Iraq’s development and democratisation process is on track so he can withdraw some
US troops ahead of November’s mid-term congressional election.
Once again Bush’s policy in Iraq is dictated by a domestic time-table rather than the
realities of conflict-torn Iraq.
****End of Story# 121 of 189
****Story#122 of 189
Title: Not Quite Kosher
Author: Editorial, Financial Express
Source: The Financial Express
Date: May 01, 2006
URL: http://www.financialexpress.com/fe_full_story.php?content_id=12547#5
A closer reading of the report, and of subsequent events, however, leaves many questions
unanswered.
If, as the report seems to suggest, the genesis of the scam goes back to 2003, what was
Sebi doing till now to nail the culprits? Its report is meticulously documented, but the
question is should Sebi have taken so long to act. It is many months since it got a whiff of
the fraud and close to four months since its first crack down. Given the scale of the
manipulation and the spate of initial public offerings (IPOs) during the period since,
should it not have acted earlier? Its order is an interim one. So the argument that it needed
time to get all its facts and figures right does not hold. Especially since some of its
homework seems to be shoddy as evidenced by the haste with which it stayed its order
banning Indiabulls from participating in the market. Assuming that such steps are not
taken lightly or without giving a detailed hearing to the party concerned, it is hard to
believe Indiabulls could have presented anything so dramatic as for Sebi to promptly
keep its order on hold. It also failed to clarify upfront that the ban related only to
proprietary trading (ie trading done on their own account by the brokerages in question)
and not to trading on behalf of clients, needlessly roiling the market. In any other country,
this might have seen the regulator being hauled to the court.
To hold the quota system of allotment in IPOs responsible for manipulation, as some
commentators have done, is a bit like holding the reservation policy responsible for
people furnishing false caste certificates. The fact that a law or a guideline is foolish
cannot be a defence for breaking it. There is no doubt that the depositories and the
depository participants failed to exercise due diligence, with some like Karvy, outrightly
guilty of fraud. What is peculiar, however, is the way the report soft-peddles the role of
the banks and of the RBI. Centurion Bank of Punjab Ltd, HDFC Bank, IDBI Bank, ING
and Vysya Bank are no less guilty of negligence, if not outright connivance with fraud.
Yet BhOB, for instance, is projected as an innocent taken for a ride by a wily, dishonest
brokerage, Karvy. This is absurd. The banks involved are squarely responsible for their
action. Regulators must not only play fair. They must also be seen to play fair. It would
appear Sebi, too, has some explaining to do.
****End of Story# 122 of 189
****Story#123 of 189
Title: Novel Plan For Old City Development
Author: Correspondent or Reporter
Source: Hindu
Date: May 08, 2006
URL: http://www.hindu.com/2006/05/08/stories/2006050817210300.htm
Despite being a hub of trade for decades, One Town, the old city of Vijayawada, has not
witnessed the kind of development that befits a modern city.
Though the presence of a number of commercial complexes, temples, heritage buildings
and educational institutions has made it an important centre in coastal region, the overall
profile of One Town has not changed in accordance with the general urban scenario.
Comparisons often drawn with new city and its growing infrastructure bring into sharp
focus problems of congestion, narrow roads and traffic snarls in old city. Several interest
groups of old city have put forth their demand for ushering in development on various
occasions, but it served little purpose.
All to be roped in
But now several denizens of One Town have come together and formed `Paathabasthi
Abhivrudhi Porata Samithi' (PAPS), meaning Struggle Committee for Old City
Development. They have hit upon a novel idea to involve all interest groups in the
campaign for greater development of old city.
As part of this, they have decided to mobilise traders, lawyers, doctors, intellectuals and
workers. Greater emphasis will be on involving all big traders and their associations, who
contribute a major share of the tax revenue of the Vijayawada Municipal Corporation
(VMC).
Traders of Kaleswara Rao Market, Vastralatha, Krishnaveni Cloth Market, gold and
jewellery stores and many wholesale markets will be roped in the campaign.
Talks held
The PAPS has formed an advisory committee with 11 members for the purpose. Its
president Naraharisettty Sri Hari, general secretary Konijeti Ramesh, seven legal advisers
and members of advisory committee have held several rounds of discussions on chalking
out future programmes. They have discussed the reasons for lack of expected
development in old city and came out with a list of 20 demands. Only by a united
campaign the demands could be achieved, they felt.
A delegation of PAPS will take up these issues with the Government and the VMC. The
PAPS will mobilise support from different quarters in old city and exert pressure on the
Government to take all necessary steps for its development.
The demands
The demands PAPS is making for development of old city include laying a foolproof
drainage system; developing modern roads; developing Gandhi Hill as a major tourist
attraction; constructing an indoor stadium and a swimming pool to encourage sporting
activities; greater attention on hill areas and provision of civic amenities for residents of
hill slopes; and development of greenery on a large scale without which the old city has
become a concrete jungle.
The PAPS wants attention on supply of drinking water; health; setting up a police station
at Bhavanipuram; separate playground for girls; traffic control; construction of flyovers;
bus terminals; an APSRTC reservation counter and a walker's track at Gandhiji
Municipal High School.
****End of Story# 123 of 189
****Story#124 of 189
Title: Of Cartoon, Quotas And Distress
Author: Rasheeda Bhagat
Source: Business Line
Date: May 03, 2006
URL: http://www.thehindubusinessline.com/2006/05/03/stories/2006050300711100.htm
The complex issue of reservation can have valid for and against arguments
THE MEDICOS' agitation in Delhi is valid, as is the outrage at the proposal to increase
the quota at premier educational institutes.
Whether politically correct or not, Rahul Gandhi was articulating a sensible point of view
when he said that reservation was a very "complex issue" and there could be valid
arguments both for and against it.
Indeed, it is an explosive issue. Last time, it resulted in the Mandalisation of politics,
leading to violence and loss of lives, and the end of the V. P. Singh government.
But when the country's most eminent cartoonist shows a shabbily dressed tribal squatting
on a table, leaving the chair unoccupied, and a flunkey explaining that as the most
prominent member of his tribe he had got that position thanks to reservation, instead of
bringing a smile, the cartoon should make every Indian hang his/her head in shame.
If, 59 years after Independence, this is the sweeping verdict that can be passed on 8.2 per
cent of India's population (84.33 million, according to the 2001 Census), surely, our sense
of humour is becoming somewhat off-colour. Sure, cartoons best convey sarcasm against
corrupt politicians, indifferent bureaucrats, dishonest businessmen, and the like. But not
when directed against a poor, disadvantaged tribal, whose world of natural resources the
rest of the nation is plundering without any sense of shame, on the specious plea of
development.
Yes, the medicos' agitation in Delhi is valid, as is the outrage on the proposal to increase
the quota from the existing 22.5 per cent (for Scheduled Castes/Tribes) to 49.5 per cent
by adding 27 per cent of seats for OBCs (Other Backward Castes), at premier educational
institutions such as the IITs and the IIMs. The Human Resource Development Ministry
also wants reservation of jobs in the private sector.
PRIVATE SECTOR RESERVATION
The CII president, Mr R. Seshasayee, came down heavily on the proposal to reserve jobs
in the private sector for those belonging to the SCs, the STs, and the OBCs and said
mandatory reservation in any form was not conducive to retaining the competitiveness of
Indian industry.
But he did underline the need for industry taking "positive action to empower the
backward classes" and announced that to help enhance their skills, the CII was setting up
a task force which would take "affirmative action" to help them.
The CII chief has displayed a rare combination of both sensitivity and sensibility.
Among those in the know of national politics, there is little doubt why the politically
shrewd Congress veteran and Union HRD Minister, Mr Arjun Singh, once a Prime
minister-aspirant, re-opened the Pandora's Box of reservations that can have serious
repercussions for the UPA Government.
DIVIDED HOUSE
The Congress itself is divided on this issue. The Science and Technology Minister, Mr
Kapil Sibal, at first criticised the proposed quota.
But later, with Mr Arjun Singh literally threatening him and asking the Prime Minister to
take action, Mr Sibal diluted his opposition by "clarifying" that what he had meant was
that in "areas of research and development and in achieving excellence we should not
dilute our ability to globally compete and lead the world," and wondered how this could
be viewed as his being anti-quota.
While the Finance Minister, Mr P. Chidambaram, has endorsed Mr Singh's proposal,
saying that this should be done while increasing the number of seats in educational
institutions, the Knowledge Commission chief, Mr Sam Pitroda, is totally against the
quota.
The Congress spokesman, Mr Abhishek Singhvi, has taken the middle ground and
offered an argument echoing Rahul Gandhi's view of both sides having valid arguments.
This really captures the essence of the issue. This is no high school debate where you can
take a `for' or `against' stance.
It is indeed a complex issue; sure, the socially and educationally backward classes need
handholding, but this has to stop at some point.
And how do you deal with the systematic reduction in the number of seats for the forward
castes; after all, not all members of these castes are economically privileged. And when
you talk about reservations in medical institutions, are you not compromising on the
quality of health-care of a certain section that seeks medical care from government-aided
institutions?
True, quality is not linked with class or caste, but quotas do tend to compromise with
standards and excellence; their very presence proves this.
HEART-RENDING PLIGHT
But reverting to the cartoon of the hapless tribal who does not even know that he is
supposed to sit on a chair, my mind goes back to the Kashipur tribal belt in Orissa that
was then hit by hunger-related deaths in 2001.
Before setting off from Rayagada, the district headquarters, to the cluster of the most
backward villages in the Kashipur block, the local guide, who was supposed to act as
translator, had insisted on packing up some food for lunch, saying: "In those villages we
won't get anything to eat." One also bought a couple of biscuit packets, along with a few
bottles of water.
At the Bilamala and Panasaguda villages, the villagers related heart-rending tales of how
during the rains, when they find no daily wage work, and cannot afford to buy rice or
even coarse foodgrains such as ragi, they have to fall back upon mango kernel stashed
away for leaner seasons.
In villages with no electricity, it is sacrilege even to talk about refrigerators and their
preserving capacity. The mango kernel kept under leaky roofs gets soggy, develops
fungus and has a poisonous effect when consumed in large quantities in lieu of food. That
is how the deaths had occurred.
As the biscuit packets were handed over to the children playing on the streets, totally
oblivious to the distress in their homes, they looked curiously at the packets, pictures of
which are beamed a over the TV screens in millions of homes, turned them around in
their hands curiously and finally asked: "What is this?"
So how should we, the most privileged in a country where millions still live below the
poverty line, handle this information — draw a cartoon to express contempt at such
ignorance? Even the very thought is appalling.
One doubts if the most outraged, the most vociferous of Delhi medicos shouting slogans
against the proposal to hike quotas in higher educational institutions aided by the
government would ridicule a person from such a miserable section for squatting on a
table and not sitting on a chair.
****End of Story# 124 of 189
****Story#125 of 189
Title: On A Low Key ... And Some Gaps
Author: Editorial, The Hindu
Source: Hindu
Date: May 08, 2006
URL: http://www.hindu.com/2006/05/08/stories/2006050805361100.htm
The reverberations of Election 2006 have reached the Readers' Editor's office too.
Grievances and complaints came in a steady stream. What gave me satisfaction was that
the incoming mail was evenly divided: as many felt the coverage was pro-AIADMK as
those who viewed it as pro-DMK. Space allotted to various leaders, the number of photos
published, even the angle of the photos, were noted and commented upon. Discrepancies
in pre-poll survey figures were pounced upon. The evenly split reactions made me
conclude that overall there was balance in the coverage.
In the heat of the campaign, charges and counter-charges, allegations and replies in kind
flow thick and fast. The Hindu's coverage did not devote space to these; provoking the
comment that it was lacklustre. Correspondents mainly paid attention to substantive
issues in the campaign speeches, though that contributed to some repetitive passages.
The sizzling part of the election campaign was the slanging match between Vaiko, the
MDMK leader, and Dayanidhi Maran, DMK leader and Union Minister of
Communications and Information Technology. The exchanges were at a personal level
and The Hindu did not touch upon these, as that has been its policy all along. Allegations
that were unverifiable and did not have evidentiary support were to be avoided — for
professional as well as legal reasons.
But the Vaiko-Dayanidhi spat acquired a new dimension when the
New Indian Express led with a sensational story on April 26, 2006 on how the Union
Minister allegedly tried to browbeat the Tatas into yielding a controlling interest in their
DTH project. I am here not concerned with the details of the charges against Mr.
Dayanidhi Maran, but with how The Hindu dealt with the story.
The first time the paper took note of the development was when it reported on April 27
the BJP's and Mr. Vaiko's demand for action against Mr. Maran. That brought in
immediate reactions from readers. The policy of not reporting in detail or recycling
political allegations made during election campaigns could not be offered as a cover for
the inadequacies in this report. It missed out on basic points, as a reader pointed out, of
what was the issue it termed serious, what was the family business referred to, and who
did what.
There was no need to go into the details of the charges, which did not acquire authenticity
because of publication in a newspaper. But it should have been possible to include those
details that are fundamental to any news report that make it understandable to readers.
The best newspaper practice would have suggested getting Mr. Maran's reaction to the
published report and following up or developing the story in that way.
The gaps were filled to an extent the next day when Chief Minister Jayalalithaa's
statement and Mr. Maran's denial got Page One treatment, which provided some
perspective. But one reader found it matter of fact, only quoting what Ms. Jayalalithaa
alleged. But it was meant to be so, in keeping with the paper's policy. There was yet no
evidence to support the charges. That kind of treatment continued with the publication of
BJP leader L.K. Advani's statement. There was thus no blackout of the news, as some
readers complained. Another charge was underplaying the controversy. Cautious
reporting in a case where documentary evidence is not in hand was in keeping with the
newspaper's longstanding practice. Where the paper erred was on the first day. Should it
have pursued the story on its own?
Two days later, a reader said, apart from the reports, he was looking forward to seeing
The Hindu's views on the subject. It was nothing unusual for the paper to take time to
come out with its considered editorial views on an issue like this.
Readers from the deep south working in far-flung areas in the north have been asking the
media to pay some attention to the burden imposed on them by the railways. In a quiet
move (because of elections?) that went unnoticed in the media, the railways have
removed the telescopic passenger fare structure and made journey by a connecting train
subject to another reservation, entailing additional charges. A charge of Rs. 10 was levied
on return tickets purchased from the station of origin. Readers have pointed out that these
mean additional imposts on those who have to travel by more than one train. In some
cases, the increase is as much as 50 per cent, one reader said. Pointing out that their plight
had received little attention, the readers made a plea for highlighting the issue. Their
appeal, which I forwarded to those concerned, has not received the attention it deserves.
While the reduction in air-conditioned class and Shatabdi train fares was announced with
fanfare, the effective increases were not. Does the railways' action amount to raising
revenue by administrative action?
Another issue that did not, in my view, receive the treatment it called for was the sting
operation conducted on the Madras University campus by TV news channel Times Now.
That led to the arrest of two employees engaged in chasing answer papers for
manipulating marks. Investigations have revealed a complex web operating for quite
some time. A similar expose in Delhi would have received space on national pages; here
it was relegated to the regional pages ("Madras varsity officials suspended", Chennai city,
April 27, 2006, page 4).
Railway fares; examination rackets — these have a major impact on people and society.
Such issues for me are real news.
****End of Story# 125 of 189
****Story#126 of 189
Title: On The Road To The Fourth World
Author: V ANANTHA NAGESWARAN
Source: The Financial Express
Date: May 06, 2006
URL: http://www.financialexpress.com/fe_full_story.php?content_id=12607#8
The Indian Express reported recently that the Indian media enjoyed greater freedom than
the US media. It might well be true. Indeed, in many respects, Indians enjoy far greater
freedom than most other nations. There is perhaps too much freedom for Indians, in
general.
One of the indicators of development is the behaviour of road users. In developing
countries, it is usually ‘free for all’ and ‘might is right.’ In the developed world, driving is
relatively hassle-free. Pedestrians would not have to cross roads with a prayer on their
lips. Indeed, vehicles would stop for them. Based on this measure, some of the East Asian
nations should still be considered developing nations.
In recent months, there has been a lot of euphoria about India. The stock market is
booming and so is Indian real estate. Jobs for skilled Indians are plentiful and salaries are
on the rise. India has been the toast of international investors. Foreign direct investment
into India is picking up and Indian companies are confidently acquiring units abroad.
Many international companies have announced that India would figure prominently in
their global growth plans. Credit rating agencies have upgraded their assessment of
India’s rating and/or outlook. It would appear that India has arrived.
Alas, this writer notices a fairly disquieting development. Every visit to major Indian
cities reveals alarming det-erioration in road discipline and basic norms of behaviour on
the road. Drivers skip red lights with impunity and, worse, those who obey the red light
are shouted at and ridiculed. This is in contrast to international experience, where
discipline on the road improves proportionately with economic prosperity.
In India, roads are being mended and improved and there is greater choice in vehicles for
users. Yet, road behaviour is deteriorating. This scant regard for the rule of law percolates
down and permeates other layers of the society. In one sense, the contempt that naxalites
have for the Indian state is no different from the contempt shown by the ordinary Indian
for the rules of the state that have been drawn up for his benefit and safety.
• A contempt for law can be seen parallely in our road behaviour and the IPO scam
• It is a sign of the ‘get rich quick’ mentality engendered by the asset price boom
• We need to regard the rules of the road and make a sombre assessment of risks
Indeed, one could even safely make a predict-ion, based on this behaviour pattern alone,
that the country would never make the transition to the first world. Further, this behaviour
is at odds with both the country’s spiritual heritage and with its aspiration to be an
economic power. It is a sign of the ‘get rich quick’ mentality that the recent run-up in
stock prices and real estate prices has engendered. We simply have to be ahead of others
at any cost.
The IPO scam, where allocations were illegally garnered, is yet another manifestation of
the short-term instincts that have polluted our thinking and attitude to life, particularly
among the urban rich. Whether they are educated or not is irrelevant here.
Indeed, the Indian citizen had revealed both his insecurity and his impatience in a survey
conducted by India Today, the English periodical. The youth of India, the survey
revealed, preferred the job security of the Indian government, reservations in educational
institutions and jobs and only an incremental approach to economic reforms. In other
words, they were not prepared to earn their prosperity, but were keen to have the state
shower it upon them. At the same time, our behaviour in every-day situations suggests we
would not behave as responsible members of a society that allows every member to
pursue her legitimate dreams. Might and privilege matter more in modern India than
merit. Alter-natively, it is about rights without responsibilities in the world’s most
boisterous and noisy democracy.
Does the Indian state have either the moral right or the administrative capability to
enforce the rule of law? Recent revelations of ministerial high-handedness with reputed
industrial houses and the overall conduct of the present ‘minority’ government have
robbed the state of any right to expect its citizens to respect the rule of law. Such a
situation has opened the field for people of all hues to break whatever laws they can:
terrorists mock at the Indian state, naxalites, communists and pseudo-secularists seek to
undermine it from within and ordinary citizens disobey, among other things, even the
rules of the road. This is not a pleasant recollection as one contemplates the future of this
nation over the long term, even as the current level of the stock market index lulls many
into thinking the country has arrived.
As the results of elections to five important states are announced later this month, some
of the inherent and glaring contradictions in the current ruling coalition at the Centre
would begin to emerge. Its foundations could be undermined, leading to political
uncertainty. Internationally, Iranian nuclear plans threaten to snowball into a wider
conflagration and global investors are ignoring this, rising interest rates, tightening
liquidity and rising oil price, etc. Complacency and hubris overwhelm realistic and
rational assessment of risks and return.
However, history is replete with in-stances of such a mindless and seemingly endless
frenzy of rising asset prices giving way to a more sombre assessment of risks and an
eventual correction in stratospheric valuations. When that occurs in international
financial and commodities markets in due course, Indian assets would not remain an
exception.
No nation has prospered by not working for it and no driver has reached his destination
by disregarding the rules of the road. In both cases, by the time realisation dawns, it is
usually too late. We would do well to pause, reflect and revise. Otherwise, when the tide
goes out, practically the whole country would be seen to have been swimming naked.
—The writer is the founder-director of Libran Asset Management (Pte) Ltd, Singapore.
These are his personal views
****End of Story# 126 of 189
****Story#127 of 189
Title: Only Form Of Affirmative Action?
Author: Editorial, Economic Times
Source: The Economic Times
Date: May 03, 2006
URL: http://economictimes.indiatimes.com/articleshow/1513205.cms
According to the Office of Federal Contract Compliance Programs (OFCCP), an agency
of the US department of labor, affirmative is “not preferential treatment. Nor does it
mean that unqualified persons should be hired or promoted over other people.
What affirmative action does mean is that positive steps must be taken to provide equal
employment opportunity.” The emphasis is on employment opportunity and not
compulsory employment. Viewed in this light, quota system in India is not even a form
of affirmative action, leave alone the only form.
It widens the social divide as agitations against the reservation policy of the government
demonstrate. However, if its meaning is broadened to include both employment and
employability and if it allows options and flexibility in execution, it opens a number of
alternatives.
Taking a cue from the prevalent Apprentices Act, 1961, every company (including
software company) could provide stipend-based training to youngsters from the
disadvantaged class in trades or skills in its field of operation without any obligation for
employment.
The duration of training would depend on skill and number to be trained every year
would be proportionate to the total manpower in that field.
Secondly, all organisations could spend a specified fraction of their revenue on opening
and continuing, directly or through contract, coaching centres for this category in
preparing them for a career such as acquiring proficiency in handling premier institutes’
entrance tests, developing computer skills for IT/ITES jobs or vocational training or
providing good education facility.
Thirdly, they could organise corporate-funded training programmes for development of
personality and soft skills. For example, Ashok Leyland imparts skills training to tribal
people. Fourthly, they could earmark annually a percentage of revenue for establishing
scholarships and committing to fund full education of promising boys and girls.
Further, they could declare that other parameters being equal, preference would be given
to candidates from this class in employment.
Manmohan Bhatia
Finance Controller,
Uttam Air Products
Quotas are based on votebank politics
The quota policy of the government seems to be based on a political agenda and has
nothing to do with the upliftment of poor and backward sections of the country. It is
certainly a negative form of action and the government must not make quotas mandatory
on the basis of caste.
It has a debilitating effect on the unity and integrity among various sections of the Indian
society. The quota policy should have an economic basis and should be framed in such a
manner so that the poor of the nation irrespective of any caste or religion derive benefit
from it.
The government, presently, is unable to provide quality education in rural and remote
areas, where people are backward.
The central government has levied a 2% education cess for the purpose of providing
better educational facilities to the poor and needy in the rural areas so as to empower
them, allow them to enjoy a better and fulfilling life and compete with the affluent
sections in pursuing higher education subsequently.
The urgent need of the hour is upgradation of primary education, reduction of teacher
absenteeism and optimum student participation in rural schools. There is no justification
for extending quotas to the private sector. This will only serve to undermine the merit
criteria in this highly competitive sector. But there is a possible solution.
At present private sector jobs are concentrated in the big cities, thus depriving people
living in the backward rural areas the chance to earn a livelihood from jobs in the private
sector.
We could adopt a policy of decentralising a part of government offices and jobs to rural
areas and provide incentives to the private sector to set up new offices and units in rural
and remote areas.
When jobs reach the backward areas, local people belonging to backward communities
would get employment. With the spread of primary education and employment
opportunities, quotas as a form of affirmative action, would lose its shine, purpose and
importance.
Thus, in the final analysis, the quota policy does not serve any purpose and should be
scrapped.
****End of Story# 127 of 189
****Story#128 of 189
Title: Our Past For Our Future
Author: Jagmohan
Source: Indian Express
Date: April 21, 2006
URL: http://www.indianexpress.com/story/2825.html
Fellow citizens, do not touch even one stone...the old buildings, articles, documents; all
this is your history, your pride...These words are not those of a sentimental
conservationist but of one of the world’s great revolutionaries — V.I. Lenin. Preservation
of past assets ensures that heritage is passed down the generations. World Monument Day
was celebrated on April 18, and it gives us a chance to grasp the significance of our
architectural legacy. In essence, our monuments are the “voices of silence” from our past.
Not to hear them is to deprive us of invaluable treasures of creative thoughts and deeds
which our great ancestors have bequeathed us.
India’s cultural space extends from Mahabalipuram and Hampi in the south to the
Amarnath Cave and the Ladakh monasteries in the north; and from Ajanta and Modhera
in the west to Konark and Bodh Gaya in the east. It has as many as 3,606 monuments
which have been declared as “protected” under the Ancient Monuments and
Archaeological Sites and Remains Act. For years these monuments had remained in a
state of neglect. It was Lord Curzon who rescued them. He wrote: “As a pilgrim at the
shrine of beauty I have visited them, but as a priest in the temple of duty have I charged
myself with their reverent custody and their studious repairs...” Curzon enacted the
Ancient Monument Act of 1904 and laid the foundation of a scientific policy of
preserving India’s archaeological assets. The country owes a deep debt to him.
The creative and constructive impulse which the Archaeological Survey of India
provided continued for quite some time. But by the mid-1970s, the culture of current
governance began to assert itself and things started falling apart. Quite a few monuments
were vandalised and encroachments became the order of the day. An idea about the
pathetic state of affairs prevailing at that time could be formed from the way India dealt
with the case of securing recognition of Indian monuments and sites as world heritage
sites. In ’72, the UNESCO adopted a convention “concerning the protection of the world
cultural and natural heritage”. In accordance with this convention, it started the practice
of calling for nominations for inclusion in the World Heritage List. By virtue of its vast
cultural and natural wealth, India should have succeeded in securing inclusion of a very
large number of monuments in the world heritage list. But its approach was casual.
Compared to India other countries much smaller in size and with less architectural wealth
have got many more sites included. For example, the UK, France, Spain, Italy, the
Vatican, Germany, Austria and Belgium which together have an area equivalent to India,
account for as many as 153 out of 812 total sites. At present, India has only 26 on the list.
When I took over as minister for tourism and culture, I launched a programme called
‘New Initiative’, which sought to clean, restore, conserve and upgrade environmentally
almost all the famous monuments of India. Take what was done with regard to the World
Heritage site of the Humayun Tomb complex in New Delhi. The conditions prevailing
there were, to say the least, depressing. At the main entry of Humayun’s Tomb, shabby
stalls had been put up under a notoriously corrupt system of municipal patronage known
as tehbazari, and all sorts of heavy vehicles were allowed to be parked illegally in these
open spaces. On the Nila Gumbad side was a huge citadel of India’s vote bank politics —
thousands of ‘slum dwellers’ were kept by an influential section of the political
leadership to serve as ‘bonded voters’ during elections. The environment of the dargah of
Hazrat Nizamuddin Auliya had also been savagely degraded and the holy tank had
become a huge cesspool.
After the implementation of various projects under the New Initiative Programme, the
conditions in and around this complex underwent a sea-change. All the stalls and other
intrusions were removed and the monuments and green spaces restored. Elegant gardens
now surround the monuments, adding to their dignity and grace. When illuminated at
night, the monument looks truly magnificent.
Many other monuments, including Ajanta, Ellora, Bodhgaya, Red Fort, Quila Rai
Pithora, Mahabalipuram, Hampi, Chittaurgarh, Kumbhalgarh, Modhera, Pushkar and
Bhimbetka, were simultaneously dealt with along similar lines. But my mission could not
be completed because of the verdict of May 2004. “As Faith wills, Fate fulfils,” wrote Sir
Edwin Lutyens, Delhi’s builder. In my case, this was not to be.
****End of Story# 128 of 189
****Story#129 of 189
Title: Planning At A Premium In The Government
Author: SUMANT SINHA
Source: The Financial Express
Date: April 21, 2006
URL: http://www.financialexpress.com/fe_full_story.php?content_id=12440#0
At some point, it gets totally beyond one’s comprehension. The municipal body
resurfaces the roads in your neighbourhood just before the monsoons and just as you
begin to applaud their effort, they dig them up again. There is this constant activity on the
same roads. Workers busily lay tar, and then sometime the very next day, new teams of
workers, just as busily, dig up the roads again!
The lane behind our office is a great example of this. It gets dug up almost every week,
almost as if somebody somewhere cannot tolerate smooth, functioning roads. It makes
you wonder whether there is any method to this madness.
Next time you are stuck in a traffic jam in Mumbai, glance at the city around you. On the
horizon, you will see new buildings coming up—tall buildings, as befits a city of the
stature of Mumbai, our country’s commercial capital, soon to be a regional financial hub
and a competitor for bragging rights with Shanghai. One feels like saluting the
industriousness of the workers, architects and engineers as they labour to build these
glass towers—these beacons to a modern India. But where are the roads, power, water
supply and other civic amenities to service these buildings?
It has almost become an article of faith with us Indians that any project our
government—whether central, state or local—undertakes will overshoot its initial budget
estimates in terms of both time and money. If a project overshoots by less than 25%, we
consider it to be great execution and applaud the effort. If a private sector company
performed in the same way, it would go bankrupt in a hurry.
The point is that planning in the government is at a premium. Basic commonsense
coordination between different ministries and departments does not seem to happen. Any
sort of forward planning appears to be lacking among our politicians and bureaucrats.
This might seem harsh, but you have only to look at the level of civic amenities and the
infrastructure around us and you would have to be physically restrained from not coming
to this conclusion. Some might say it is easy to pontificate and criticise, but please come
and sit in our chair, understand the limitations we work under and then tell us what to do.
And one does have to be sympathetic, because the system has developed the way it has
over many decades of incremental decay.
Here is my 300 word recommendation.
• We need to change our mindsets; new India needs things done in a hurry
• Political parties need to rid themselves of the idea of redistributive politics
• They should have a stronger economic platform and go beyond platitudes
First, we need to change our mindset. We don’t have time. The world around us is
changing. The needs and aspirations of our people are increasing by leaps and bounds.
We have both a duty and an obligation to fulfil the desires of our billion-plus young
population. The old solutions and ways of doing things do not work any longer. This is a
new, assertive India that needs things to happen in a hurry.
Second, political parties need to junk the old reflexes of redistributive politics. As Mr
Chidambaram rightly said, ‘‘growth is the best antidote to poverty.” Truer words never
were spoken. Quotas and reservations, which diminish the quality of our prime
institutions, will never be as effective as letting pure merit count. As somebody who has
studied at both an IIT and an IIM, I can assure you that 50% reservations would really
mean two different classes taking place in the same room. In that case, you might as well
build a whole new campus for those sought to be benefited by the reservations.
Third, there somehow needs to be more accountability within the system. The old clanger
about people being the best judge for a variety of ills, from criminal misdeeds to
corruption, to sheer lack of performance, etc is not tenable. The poor farmer in
Badkagaon, Jharkhand, is hardly in a position to read project reports or opine on the
efficacy of the judicial system or read political manifestoes and compare performance
against promises. Our existing systems within the bureaucracy of accountability
determination have become so fossilised that they end up killing action, rather than
improving it.
Last but not least, political parties need to have a stronger economic platform and stand
for something beyond “We want to be another China” or “10% growth.” The vision for
India needs to be more detailed, more tiered and move beyond platitudes and homilies.
We are moving towards becoming a mature and assertive nation and we do not need
sermons. We need our planners and policymakers to take more accountability and to
move with the times.
****End of Story# 129 of 189
****Story#130 of 189
Title: Pm Favours Increase In Number Of Seats In Itis, Iits
Author: Correspondent or Reporter
Source: Press Trust of India
Date: May 06, 2006
URL:
http://www.ptinews.com/pti/ptisite.nsf/$All/21CC5A42E8C7A90865257165005A0C4B?
OpenDocument
Apparently keeping in mind the ongoing controversy over reservation, Prime Minister
Manmohan Singh today favoured increase in the number of seats at all levels of technical
education from ITIs to IITs.
"We have to increase the number of seats at all levels of technical education from ITIs to
IITs and also improve the quality of training at all levels", he said inaugurating the
campus of the Birla Institute of Science and Technology (BITS) here.
The Prime Minister made no mention of the reservation controversy but the suggestion to
increase the number of seats in elite educational institutions has been made from various
quarters to find a way out of the quota problem.
"Graduates from some of our best institutions are increasingly being sought by employers
worldwide. This accentuates the supply demand gap at home. What is worrying is that we
have this gap even at the bottom of the pyramid", Singh said.
The government has taken up a project to upgrade 500 ITIs and the Confederation of
Indian Industries has come forward to help them, he said adding if required, government
should be ready to set up more of such institutions.
Lauding the role of corporate and industrial houses in the education field, Singh said the
overwhelming initiative of the private sector would act as a propelling force in this
direction.
Complimenting BITS, Pilani, he said the country was proud of institutions in the private
sector.
"In Manipal, in Vellore, in Bangalore, in Pune and in many other places, our corporate
sector has created institutions that have acquired a global standing. I sincerely hope that
more and more business houses will come forward to invest in our knowledge economy".
****End of Story# 130 of 189
****Story#131 of 189
Title: Pm For Excellence, Equity In Education
Author: Correspondent or Reporter
Source: Deccan Herald
Date: May 07, 2006
URL: http://www.deccanherald.com/deccanherald/may72006/index204529200656.asp
Stating that educational and welfare institutions must strike a “fair balance between
ensuring equity and pursuing excellence”, Prime Minister Manmohan Singh on Saturday
subtly endorsed the Union Human Resources Development Minister’s proposal for
reservations in educational institutions.
“I sincerely believe that we must strike a fair balance between doing good and doing
well, between ensuring equity and pursuing excellence....to focus on one and lose sight of
the other cannot serve the interests of either the organisation for which you work or
society at large,” he said at the 66th convocation of the Tata Institute of Social Sciences
(TISS) here.
To make his point clear, Dr Singh added, “Our Government would like to see that each of
our educational and welfare institutions function within these parameters — be they
schools and colleges, hospitals or municipal and panchayat organisations.”
On Friday, Dr Singh had favoured an increase in the number of seats at all levels of
technical educations, from the ITIs to the IITs.
Policy framework
The Prime Minister said that the Government strived to create a comprehensive policy
framework for social security and social welfare. “But creating the right policy
framework and finding funds are only small steps. The truly important step is the third
one, which is to find people who can implement these programmes with, above all, a
deep and abiding commitment to the people.”
‘Vibrant democracy’
“India is a vibrant democracy that has the largest number of NGOs in the world. These
groups add meaning to our democracy and energise civil society. However, as their size
and scope increase, they also need professional managers having a long-term and holistic
view of development,” he added.
The Prime Minister appealed for a “constant rejuvenation, constant revitalisation,
constant modernisation, constant humanisation” of democratic institutions, which, despite
all their faults, have maintained the people in good stead. He said he was not referring
only to Parliament and the legislatures, the courts and the ministries, but also to the
educational system, the healthcare system, and public services and spaces.
“Their management and good governance is vital for the re-affirmation of the people’s
faith in democracy,” he added.
On Saturday, Dr Singh conferred honorary Doctor of Literature degrees to noted social
activist Baba Amte and industrialist and chairman of Tata Sons, Ratan Tata.
He also laid the foundation stone of the Jamshetji Tata Centre for Disaster Management,
which aims to develop skilled and committed human resources to support research,
training, networking and policy advocacy in the country.
****End of Story# 131 of 189
****Story#132 of 189
Title: Political Consensus
Author: V. VENKATESAN
Source: Frontline
Date: April 29, 2006
URL: http://www.hinduonnet.com/fline/stories/20060505004101200.htm
The history of reservation for OBCs underscores a strong political commitment to the
policy of positive discrimination in their favour.
SUBIR ROY
Janata Dal leaders V .P. Singh and Ram Vilas Paswan at a reception for the Mandal Yatra
at Pokhrayana near Kanpur in September 1992.
HUMAN Resource Development Minister Arjun Singh's revelation that the Centre is
considering a proposal to extend reservations for Other Backward Classes (OBCs) in
Central educational institutions has stirred a huge debate, as if it is for the first time that
the Union government is considering reservation for OBCs in educational institutions.
The first Backward Classes Commission, constituted on January 29, 1953, and headed by
Kaka Saheb Kalelkar, then a Member of Parliament, recommended 70 per cent seats in
all technical and professional institutions for qualified students from the Backward
Classes, besides a minimum reservation of vacancies in all government services and local
bodies for OBCs on a three-fold scale, namely 25 per cent for Class I posts; 33.5 per cent
for Class II posts; and 40 per cent for Class III and IV posts.
The Commission, comprising 11 Members, had submitted its report to the Central
government on March 30, 1955, with five of them voicing dissent on various grounds.
The then government said it was disappointed with the Commission's criteria and
conclusions. The government expressed the fear that the recognition of specified castes as
backward might serve to maintain and perpetuate the existing distinction on the basis of
caste. In 1962, the Centre advised the States that in its view it was better to apply
economic tests than to go by caste.
The Union Home Ministry had two objections to the Kaka Kalelkar Commission Report.
First, if the bulk of the country's millions were to be regarded as coming within the
category of Backward Classes, no useful purpose could be served by separate
enumeration of such classes. Second, the caste criterion was seen as a remedy worse than
the evil of backwardness itself - even though the Commission itself had suggested, citing
the proverb `use the thorn to remove a thorn', that the evils of caste could be removed by
measures considered in terms of caste. Therefore, the Centre did not find any merit in
drawing a national list of OBCs and said that it would be left to the State governments to
draw up their own OBC lists.
It was left to the Second Backward Classes Commission, constituted on December 20,
1978, during the Janata Party rule at the Centre, to examine the desirability or otherwise
of making a provision for the reservation of posts in favour of such backward classes of
citizens that are not adequately represented in public services and posts in connection
with the affairs of the Union or of any State, and to make such recommendations as they
think proper. The Commission, headed by Bindeshwari Prasad Mandal, estimated the
population of OBCs in the country to be around 52 per cent of the total population.
However, in view of the ceiling imposed by the Supreme Court that the total quantum of
reservations should be below 50 per cent, the Commission recommended a reservation of
27 per cent only for OBCs, considering the 22.5 per cent reservation for Scheduled
Castes and Scheduled Tribes already existing in all services and public sector
undertakings (PSUs).
The Commission recommended that all universities and affiliated colleges be covered by
this scheme of reservation. Besides, it sought 27 per cent reservation for OBC students in
all scientific, technical and professional institutions run by the Central as well as State
governments, as in its view, they would not be able to compete on an equal footing with
others in securing admission to these institutions.
On August 7, 1990, the then Prime Minister V.P. Singh announced the government's
acceptance of the Mandal Report in Parliament, reminding the nation that the
Constitution envisaged that socially and educationally backward classes (SEBCs) be
identified, their difficulties removed and their conditions improved in terms of Article
340 (1) read with Article 14(4) as well as Article 16(4) of the Constitution. The
government decided to adopt, in the first phase, the castes common to both the Mandal
list and lists prepared by a number of States, and introduced 27 per cent reservation for
the SEBCs (the constitutional term for OBCs) in services under the Government of India
and PSUs.
The reservation policy of 27 per cent for OBCs, V.P. Singh announced, would not be
extended to educational institutions, and that it would continue for 10 years at the end of
which it would be reviewed, even though the Mandal Commission had recommended
reservation in educational institutions and a 20-year duration for the policy.
Why did V.P. Singh depart from the Mandal report? Was it aimed to stop the snowballing
of the popular agitation against his announcement? Or did he think it was more important
to consolidate the gains of reservation in public services than introduce reservation in
educational institutions, which were likely to fuel students' protests?
An answer to this may perhaps be found in the Mandal report itself: "An essential part of
the battle against social backwardness is to be fought in the minds of the backward
people. In India, government service has always been looked upon as a symbol of
prestige and power. By increasing the representation of OBCs in government services, we
give them an immediate feeling of participation in the governance of this country."
With the onset of the era of liberalisation and minimal governance, the erstwhile symbol
of prestige and power might have lost its sheen; hence the increased stakes in the seats in
professional educational institutions which offer opportunities for a successful career in
the private sector.
The complete absence of street protests - replaced mainly by critical reports and articles
in the media and on the Internet - in the wake of Arjun Singh's announcement has raised
interesting questions about the nature of the widespread opposition to V.P. Singh's
announcement in 1990. There is reason to believe that the students' protests in 1990
would not have been so ferocious if it were not for the covert support extended to them
by certain political parties, such as the Congress and the Bharatiya Janata Party.
This became obvious in 1992 when the Supreme Court gave its seal of approval to the
legitimacy of the Mandal announcement, and vacated its stay on the operation of the
Office Memorandum issued by the V.P. Singh government to implement the Mandal
report, subject to the exclusion of the "creamy layer" or the socially advanced sections
from the notified Backward Classes. The spontaneous agitation against the judgment
fizzled out owing to a lack of political support, effective direction, and mobilisation of
students. The student wings of the Congress and the BJP backed out from the agitation in
the wake of the 1992 ruling.
Studies of the 1990 agitation have revealed that the agitators were neither troubled by any
fear of dwindling job opportunities nor had any overriding concern for merit or
egalitarianism. Indeed, Rajiv Goswami, the hero of the 1990 movement, who survived an
attempt at self-immolation, threatened to burn himself when in 1991 the then Prime
Minister, P.V. Narasimha Rao, announced an improved Mandal package (with
reservation for economically weaker sections). But nothing of that sort happened, and
Goswami went into oblivion subsequently. (He died unsung last year, owing partly to the
injuries he suffered upon his self-immolation attempt in 1990.) Reservation for OBCs in
Central services took effect from September 8, 1993, after an Expert Committee
appointed by the Centre evolved criteria to identify the "creamy layer" among the OBCs
insofar as the Government of India was concerned.
There is no credible explanation on why successive governments have avoided steps to
extend the reservation for OBCs to Central educational institutions, as recommended by
the Mandal Commission, even though they faced no political, administrative or legal
constraints.
Whatever the governments' compulsions, the experience in implementing reservation for
OBCs in Central services since 1993 should be an eye-opener. The Parliamentary
Standing Committee on Personnel, Public Grievances, Law and Justice, in its eighth
report on the Scheduled Castes, Scheduled Tribes, and Other Backward Classes
(Reservation in posts and services) Bill, 2004, found that many of the castes, races and
tribes among the S.C.s, S.T.s, and OBCs had been deprived of the benefits of reservation
in services/jobs as these were restricted to certain `upper' castes among the weaker
sections. "Exclusion of some castes from the benefit of reservation has pushed them far
behind, which is violation of the principles of social harmony and social equality as
embodied in the constitutional provisions," it said.
For instance, the committee report revealed that the Valmiki Majhabi caste, despite its
large population in Punjab, had received scant representation in government jobs; the
community also feared that it might be merged with other categories, which would only
make its lot worse. The committee felt that a particular sub-caste or group of a
homogeneous class may enjoy the benefit of reservation while other, more backward and
less aware groups may have been passed by.
The Committee also pointed out that the induction of more categories, castes, groups,
tribes and classes in the lists of S.C.s, S.T.s and OBCs might make it difficult to
implement reservation because fresh entrants reduce opportunities for benefiting from
reservation. It impressed upon the government the need to identify sub-castes or
categories of a homogeneous class which were unable to reap the benefit of reservation.
More important, the Committee opposed the inclusion of the creamy layer concept, based
on the economic status of OBCs, in the Bill. It felt that the concept came in the way of
ensuring adequate representation of backward classes in the services of the state.
The Bill, introduced in the Rajya Sabha on December 22, 2004, with the objective of
codifying the executive orders and instructions issued from time to time by the
government and providing statutory backing to the policy of reservation, is yet to see the
light of day after that. It has been referred for further scrutiny to a Group of Ministers,
headed by Arjun Singh.
The evolution of reservation for OBCs in Central services implies an inherent
commitment by the entire political class to the policy of positive discrimination in favour
of the SEBCs, irrespective of the aberrations that have come to the fore.
****End of Story# 132 of 189
****Story#133 of 189
Title: Pramod Was A Caring, Generous Friend
Author: Kanchan Gupta
Source: Pioneer
Date: May 04, 2006
URL:
http://www.dailypioneer.com/indexn12.asp?main_variable=NATION&file_name=nt2%2
Etxt&counter_img=#2
When the mission in Cairo was informed that a parliamentary delegation would be
visiting Egypt, a collective groan went up. It's not easy to handle MPs, especially when
there are more than a score of them demanding attention and hospitality.
The only saving grace, I pointed out to my colleagues, is that Pramod Mahajan is leading
the group, so relax. That only helped raise hackles. He is haughty and has a terrible
temper, said one. He is the Parliamentary Affairs Minister and will want all of us at his
beck and call, said another. He will demand extravagant hospitality, a third slyly pointed
out.
None of this, of course, was proved correct. Pramod Mahajan was at his laid back best.
All that he wanted was a day off from the grind of an official visit. We went off to
Alexandria where he spent the better part of the day at Bibliotheca Alexandrina, stumping
its redoubtable librarian Ismail Serageldin with his knowledge of Indic numerals, Arab
trade and Greco-Roman philosophy.
I had to literally drag him away, partly because Serageldin's secretary kept on whispering
to me that he was running behind schedule for other appointments and largely because
Pramod Mahajan needed to have his lunch. Later, over a leisurely seafood meal, he
wistfully said, "I wish we could build a library like this in India. But by the time I would
be able to get all clearances, probably our Government would be gone." His words were
to prove prophetic.
Back in Cairo, we visited the Giza pyramids where Pramod Mahajan asked a one-minutephotographer to take a picture of us standing in front of Cheops' tomb. "You see, people
confuse all the three pyramids as part of the seven wonders of the world, but it's only
Cheops' pyramid that is a wonder," he explained. When the photo came, he inscribed on
it, "My dear Kanchan, Do you know what's older than the pyramids? Friendship!
Pramod."
Our friendship began on an afternoon in 1995 when I knocked on the door of his modest,
sparsely furnished MP's apartment in which he then lived in Delhi. The Pioneer was
planning a special issue on how young leaders perceive India's future. Would he please
agree to contribute an article? Pramod Mahajan first demurred, saying he was off to
London the next evening, and then agreed. He turned in his piece - not ghost-written
because it needed some editing! - the following day before leaving for London.
After he returned a fortnight later, I met him with a copy of the paper since he had not
seen the printed version. "I had the article read out to me by Vivek (his secretary)," he
said, and then gifted me a Parker. He cared in the most touching way. Years later, before
coming to Cairo, he asked my wife what could he get her from Delhi. Asafoetida, she
said. And it came.
There was something extremely endearing about Pramod Mahajan; irrespective of the
stress and strain of politics, he would not forget the smallest human gesture of kindness
and warmth. Soon after I gave up my job to work for the BJP, the 1996 general election
was announced and Pramod Mahajan was made chairman of the national campaign
committee of which he made me a member.
We would meet in his apartment early morning for strategy sessions. I doubt if he had a
working kitchen those days (his wife would be in Mumbai most of the time) because he
would order breakfast - idli and ipma followed by milky sweet tea - from downstairs.
Those were tense days but Pramod Mahajan would not forget to ensure we were well fed
for the rest of the day.
At one meeting, I casually picked up his Erickson cell phone, one of the early models,
and asked him if I could make a call. "No, you must use your own phone... Here, take
this." And he reached into his other kurta pocket and gave me my first cell phone.
Pramod Mahajan was generous to a fault. Once I casually mentioned to him that I wanted
to take my wife and child to Kolkata for a vacation. It was during Durga Puja and there
was a huge waiting list on every train; could I use his office to get train reservations?
"Leave the travel details with Vivek." I did. The next day when I reached my office at 11,
Ashoka Road, there was a packet waiting for me with return air tickets. No, Pramod
Mahajan was not a Minister those days.
Contrary to popular notion, he led a Spartan life and lavished gifts on friends who were
always welcome at any time of the day or night. He was caring and thoughtful,
remembering each detail of every conversation. If he lost his cool, which he did - and
how! - he would remember to give you a hug, slap your back and send you off on an
assignment.
That's how we worked during three elections - 1996, 1998 and 1999. We would make
mistakes and there would be serious errors of judgement. But Pramod Mahajan would
always be there to fix them, quietly, silently, without ever taking recourse to rebuke or
criticism.
I have had the unique opportunity to know Pramod Mahajan as a ruthless politician and a
sensitive human being. I shall cherish those moments which will remind me of a friend
who was also a politician.
****End of Story# 133 of 189
****Story#134 of 189
Title: Press Freedom
Author: Editorial, The Nation
Source: The Nation
Date: May 05, 2006
URL: http://nation.com.pk/daily/may-2006/5/editorials2.php
ADDRESSING the Press Institute of Pakistan seminar on World Press Freedom Day,
new Federal Information Minister Mohammad Ali Durrani could not have been more
right in saying that any manner of freedom secured by journalists has "not been gifted by
dispensation" but brought about by their "struggle, vision and attitude". It is important to
note that the media has undergone a tremendous change over the last century, especially
in the latter-half, and emerged as one of the strongest pillars of state, though with
reservations. There is an obvious connect between press-freedom and democratic strength
right across the world. Therefore, in places where democracy is still experiencing
teething pains, the necessity of both establishing a free and fair press and subsequently
ensuring its proper and responsible functioning is that much greater.
Unfortunately, Senator Durrani's remarks later in during the same address, that the
present government has done more to ensure freedom of the press than its predecessors
cannot be agreed with entirely. Contrary to the official claim, the Pakistani press is still
confronted by numerous hurdles. The Information Ministry hangs over the press like a
dark cloud, there is pressure applied with reference to publishing of government-sensitive
material and the government continues to resort to the notorious ad weapon to penalize
dissident papers. Furthermore, the press is also used as a tool to spread disinformation by
the state. Therefore, press freedom comes at a price, which is sometimes too high for
most newspapers to afford, hence the unwarranted slackness. Also, the promulgated
Freedom of Information Act is inadequate and the Press Council is still hanging due to
needless bureaucratic wrangling.
Seen in the larger perspective, that Pakistan's twin weaknesses, press and democratic
infrastructure, coincide is no surprise. The larger part of our history has been under
military dictatorship, with massive censuring and coercion of the press. However, the
problem is not restricted to official media bashing, which is unfortunate. Even during our
occasional bursts of democracy, journalism failed to reflect an element of responsibility
that is required of it, partly because it was not entirely free even then. If left free, the
press ends up doing good because of its inherent nature. A fine example comes from
India, where both press freedom and democratic strength have become the talk of the
world, and rightly so. There is an urgent need to improve the state of affairs in Pakistan.
For that both the state machinery and the press would have to adopt more rational
stances. There can be no substitute for a free press, especially if democracy is prized.
Pakistan stands at a crucial crossroads with regard to both things and one will
complement the other. So far, both have left a lot to be desired.
****End of Story# 134 of 189
****Story#135 of 189
Title: Privatize Iims And Iits
Author: Bharat Jhunjhunwala
Source: Daily Excelsior
Date: April 25, 2006
URL: http://www.dailyexcelsior.com/web1/06apr25/edit.htm#4
Professors of IIMs and IITs are opposing the extension of reservation from present 27%
to 49% as proposed by HRD Minister Arjun Singh. The basic question is of
accountability. These institutions were established by the government for the expansion
of higher education in the country. The government has the right, nay a responsibility, to
modify the objectives in the light of changing conditions. Just as a car bought for
personal work can yet be used as a taxi if the owner so decides, likewise IIMs and IITs
can now be asked to expand higher education among the weaker sections. Just as the
driver appointed for driving the personal car should have the option to resign when asked
to drive a taxi, likewise Professors who do not find the new objective satisfying should be
allowed to resign and seek jobs elsewhere. But Professors do not have an occasion to
oppose the move of the government. They are accountable to the government and the
government is accountable to the people. The people will judge whether the
Government's move is in their interests or not, not the professors who are beneficiaries of
the present arrangement. The demand of autonomy also does not cut much ice.
Autonomy to these institutions means they are free to use people's money without any
accountability. Who will set the objectives for which people's money should be used and
ensure that the institutions are fulfilling them?
Director of IIM Ahmedabad Professor Bakul Dholakia has said that the institutes spend
much time 'managing the government' and that distracts from their main work of
imparting quality education. In that case, Professor Dholakia should resign and join or set
up a private institution where he can provide quality education unfettered by government
interference. But he cannot draw his salary from Government money and refuse to be
accountable.
Similarly former Professor of IIT Delhi Prof Indiresan has suggested that these
institutions have repaid the investments made by the government and they should now be
let free to grow like one lets a child grow after attaining maturity. But the analogy does
not apply. They can never fully repay the debt of the government just as a child never
fully repays debt of the parents. Pitra Rina is repaid continually throughout one's life by
nurturing children of the next generation. IIMs and IITs cannot ever repay the debt of the
government and they have to ever strive to secure welfare of the people.
The second argument against expansion of reservation is that it will lower the quality of
students. I can speak from personal experience such will not happen. Notwithstanding the
success, it is debatable whether the 'best' students are getting admitted into these
institutions. Actually the cultural background of the students influences their chances of
getting admission. The issue was agitated in the United States in reference to allegedly
lower IQ of black students. Academicians showed, however, that the questions were
framed in a way that was friendlier towards white students. For example, in order to
assess mathematical ability, a student may be asked: "Number of free channels in TV are
20. Total channels are 78. How many paid channels are there?" Alternatively they may be
asked "Number of orange trees in the orchard is 20. Total trees are 78. How many other
trees are there?" Both questions are identical from the standpoint of mathematics. But the
cultural context of the first question is 'white' while that of the second question is 'black'.
White students were found to do well if the first question is administered and black
students if the second question is. Thus, the best white students were ranked as having
higher IQ though they were not the 'best' students. The same logic applies to IIMs and
IITs. Those admitted are not necessarily the best students. There is a good chance that
they are admitted because they belong to a particular background. Reservations will
provide forced entry to the best students from among the backward castes who may truly
be the best.
Expanded reservations are not likely to affect the quality for another reason. It is indeed
difficult, if not impossible, to determine the 'best' among the top five percent of
candidates sitting in an entrance exam. One of the procedures adopted during interviews
for admission to IIM is that of group discussion. Ten students are asked to discuss a
particular subject while two or three faculty members look on. It is easy for the faculty
members to agree on the best two or three candidates among the ten; but virtually
impossible to determine who is the best among the top two or three. The differences
among the top students are so subtle that they defy quantification or easy assessment. It
would not make any difference to the quality whether 'A' or 'B' was selected from among
the top two. The implication is that good students from among the backward castes are
likely to be as brilliant as the best students among the upper castes.
The government is, therefore, justified in expanding the scope of reservations. That said,
better alternatives are available which should be considered. One alternative is to
privatize the IIMs and IITs. These institutions were established by the government when
there was a lack of technical and managerial education in the country. That objective has
been now fulfilled. These institutes should be sold to the highest bidder just as public
sector undertakings in the manufacturing and services sectors. These instituted provide
the service of education much like the State Bank of India provides the services of bank
transfers. The money obtained should be reinvested in setting up new premier institutes in
sunrise areas such as internet, architecture, WTO negotiations, online service provision,
international law, medical transcription, translation, etc. The government should move on
to fulfill the newer needs of the country.
Second alternative is to replace the reservations system with point system. Additional
points can be given to students from Scheduled Castes, rural areas, backward states, etc.
in the admission process. The United States Supreme Court recently upheld such a policy
of the University of Michigan. Such arrangement will provide encouragement to students
from diverse backgrounds without much compromising the quality of students. A third
alternative is to impose a heavy tax on the students and professors of these institutions.
Let the students pay one-half of their post-graduation incomes and professors ninety
percent of their consultancy incomes to the government. This money can be used to
establish new institutes or to provide education vouchers to the poor or low-caste
households.
The Professors of the institutions are promoting their self-interests in opposing expansion
of reservations. They should know that taking salary for imparting knowledge is
prohibited in our tradition. The Manu Smriti says that to serve another, i.e. to make a
living as a dog serving his master, is prohibited for a Brahmin. In fact, it says that the
Brahmin should stay away even from honours given by the government. The Professors
have not only violated this ancient dictum, they seek to use people's investment for
personal gain.
****End of Story# 135 of 189
****Story#136 of 189
Title: Projects Under Jnnurm Await Centre's Nod
Author: Rajeev Ranjan Roy
Source: Pioneer
Date: May 08, 2006
URL:
http://www.dailypioneer.com/indexn12.asp?main_variable=NATION&file_name=nt6%2
Etxt&counter_img=#6
As many as 130 projects from various States under Jawaharlal Nehru National Renewal
Mission (JNNURM) are awaiting the clearance of Union Urban Development Ministry.
Most of the projects are related to infrastructural upgradation in various million plus
cities of the States. JNNUMR is an ambitious programme of United Progressive Alliance
Government to initiate urban infrastructural development across the country.
Andhra Pradesh has submitted around 50 detailed project reports to carry out
infrastructure upgradation in Vijayawada, Vishakapatnam, and Hyderabad alone worth
several hundred crores. The other projects are from Chhattisgarh, Chandigarh, Gujarat,
Madhya Pradesh, Maharashtra, Rajasthan, and West Bengal.
Ministry sources said the projects were under consideration at different levels and would
taken up for final approval shortly. As many as 20 projects have been returned to the
State Governments concerned for certain modifications and would be taken up appraisal
once they are sent back to the Ministry.
"It is a technical delay and nothing else. A project has to be assessed at different levels
before it is cleared. We have released the first installment of funds for as many as 12
projects about the remodeling of storm water drainage, construction of flyover, and
providing underground drainage facilities to the unserved areas in Hyderabad and
Vijaywada," a senior Ministry official said.
Ministry has received four projects from Chhattisgarh for Raipur, and is under
consideration for approval. The projects are about shifting of dairies from inner
residential area to the outer area, preservation and regeneration of lakes and water bodies
and storm water drainage worth Rs 675 crore. Chandigarh has asked for around Rs 50
crore for upgradation of water supply infrastructure for proper monitoring and
automation with remote computerised system for round the clock water supply in the city.
An overwhelming 53 infrastructural projects have been received from Gujarat for
Ahmedabad, Surat, Rajkot, and Vadodara. The prominent among the projects are
Sabarmati River Front Development at an estimated cost of Rs 1,407 crore, bus rapid
transit system at Rs 460 crore, and providing storm water drains in Ahmedabad. Gujarat
has sought Rs 113.88 crore from the State under JNNURM to improve the water supply
distribution system in Vadodara.
Ministry has 11 projects from Madhya Pradesh worth over Rs 650 crore. Officials said 18
projects from Maharashtra were under consideration at different stages. "We have already
released funds for five projects in Nagpur."
****End of Story# 136 of 189
****Story#137 of 189
Title: Protecting Privilege
Author: RAJA SEKHAR VUNDRU
Source: Times of India
Date: May 01, 2006
URL: http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/articleshow/1510759.cms
On January 2, 1981, The Times of India, Ahmedabad, reported that medical students of B
J Medical College, Ahmedabad, launched an agitation against reserved seats for
scheduled caste candidates.
On January 12, medical college students in Vadodara, Jamnagar and Ahmedabad in
Gujarat demanded abolition of reservations for scheduled caste (SC) and scheduled tribe
(ST) candidates in postgraduate studies.
This agitation was followed by caste riots against SCs in central Gujarat in Ahmedabad,
Mehsana, Kaira and Baroda districts. In 1985, anti-reservation forces rose in Gujarat to
oppose quotas for socially and economically backward castes.
However, in southern states backward castes had acquired access to otherwise-proscribed
knowledge of medicine even before Independence. Twenty five years later, as a sequel to
the 1981 agitation, Delhi's medical students braved water cannons to prevent the entry of
backward classes into the medical profession.
The Associated Press picture of Arpita Majumdar will now become the standard fare of
anti-reservation placards. One can appreciate her defiance, but not the reason behind it.
This country would have been a great place if 'equality-conscious' medical students like
her had come to the streets and braved water cannons — when Dalits in Bihar were
massacred by marauding senas; when Dalit women were stripped and paraded naked a
million times in village streets and when Dalit farm labourer Bant Singh's hands and legs
were amputated after upper caste rapists of his daughter broke them in Punjab this year
and when inequalities in the country raise their million faces every morning.
Delhi's medical students are no different from the caste-rioting Gujarat medical students
of 1981. This future generation of doctors resorted to sweeping roads in protest, implying
the traditional profession of tens of lakhs of Dalit safai karamcharis is a lowly,
ignominious one.
Who says these students are not casteist? The other favourite protest is to resort to shoeshining as it is the job of a lowly untouchable mochi/chamar. Urban English education
and their so-called merit has not taught medicine graduates that their form of protest
violates human dignity of labour and insults those sweep for a living.
****End of Story# 137 of 189
****Story#138 of 189
Title: Quota Quarrel: Sharad Demands Manmohan Sack Sibal
Author: Correspondent or Reporter
Source: Pioneer
Date: April 29, 2006
URL:
http://www.dailypioneer.com/indexn12.asp?main_variable=NATION&file_name=nt4%2
Etxt&counter_img=#4
While supporting UPA government's move to provide reservation for weaker sections in
private jobs and in institutes of higher learning, the newly elected Janata D (U) President
Sharad Yadav on Friday demanded dismissal of Science and Technology Minister Kapil
Sibal from the Cabinet for his criticism of the Government stand on this issue.
"I condemn the statement of Sibal against the proposed reservation. Prime Minister
should dismiss him from his Cabinet as he has violated the principle collective
responsibility," Yadav said
The former Union Minister who was in the forefront of implementation of the Mandal
commission recommendations during the National Front regime in 1990, said that Sibal
was present in the Cabinet meeting presided over by the Prime Minister which had
approved the Constitution amendment Bill on reservations.
Yadav also mentioned that when the Constitution Amendment Bill was being discussed
in Parliament, Sibal did not utter a word and now he was opposing the government's
move.
"Now that the Constitution is amended, by talking against reservations for OBCs, he has
talked against the same Constitution," Yadav said, while adding that when the Bill was
placed in Parliament it was passed by consensus.
Contending the logic of merit, Yadav resorted to challenge Sibal, "How much
meritorious people have done to invent thing like mobiles, computers and even basic
research in science and technology?"
But in the same tune, Sharad Yadav sympathised with the agitating students against
reservation, and said, "I understand the heartburns among students belonging to
unreserved category. It is restricting their opportunity for admission.
"In fact government is to be blamed for this. For last many years why no new IITs or
IIMs or central medical institutes have been established so that the seats could be
increased."
****End of Story# 138 of 189
****Story#139 of 189
Title: Quota Raj
Author: Editorial, The Times of India
Source: Times of India
Date: April 20, 2006
URL: http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/articleshow/1496538.cms
By bringing up the issue of job quotas in the private sector, prime minister Manmohan
Singh has taken both his admirers and his detractors by surprise.
That the issue has nothing to do with social justice is indicated by the timing of Singh's
statement, with key states like Kerala, West Bengal and Tamil Nadu going to the polls.
This comes soon after human resources minister Arjun Singh earned the wrath of the
Election Commission by moving to introduce reservation for OBCs in India's premier
educational institutions.
Industry has promised to consider voluntary affirmative action and doing all it can to help
the socially underprivileged.
But once the issue has been politicised and private sector quotas bequeathed public
respectability by no less than the prime minister himself, nothing less than governmentmandated quotas is going to satisfy the political class.
This is socially divisive and opens a Pandora's box. Instead of expending its energies on
taking on global competition, industry will have to work on mollifying politicians who
contend that this or that group hasn't been given adequate representation in the
workforce, and who have an interest in not being so mollified as they are convinced it
will gain them votes somewhere.
It's an old trick of India's political elite to cover up failures of governance, including the
failure to institute meaningful social justice, by shaking its fist at the private sector - the
"foreign hand" becoming passe in these days of globalisation.
Yet it's the private sector that put India on the global map, and made it an outsourcing
power to contend with.
It's disappointing that a prime minister who earned his reformist credentials by
dismantling the licence raj is now advocating a form of government intervention that
even the licence raj didn't contemplate - reservations in the private sector.
Rahul Bajaj has threatened to take the issue to the courts, and government-mandated
compulsory quotas may not withstand legal scrutiny.
In case they do, government must keep in mind that outsourcing works both ways. If
India loses its competitive edge everyone, including Indian companies, are free to move
to China, the Philippines, Vietnam or anywhere that governments are working to
facilitate industry - this is something the UPA government can't check.
Do we go back then to bashing the foreign hand, or would we rather spare the goose that
lays the golden egg?
****End of Story# 139 of 189
****Story#140 of 189
Title: Quotas And Social Justice
Author: Alok Ray
Source: Deccan Herald
Date: May 04, 2006
URL: http://www.deccanherald.com/deccanherald/may42006/editpage162251200653.asp
The justification for quotas should be economic backwardness and not any subjective
criterion
The government is toying with the idea of introducing job quotas for the SCs and the STs
in the private sector. Stopping short of that, the Prime Minister, in his recent address to
the CII, has called for voluntary “affirmative action” on the part of the private sector to
make their employee profiles more broadbased and representative of society at large.
Recall also, in this connection, that the Education Ministry has already made clear its
intention to introduce OBC quota for admission to the IITs and IIMs. This would take the
combined SC/ST/OBC quota to 49.5 per cent of total seats of these institutes.
How justified is this policy of caste-based reservations in premier educational
institutions, public sector and now in private sector jobs?
The reservation of seats in educational institutions and of jobs in the public sector for the
historically subjugated castes was meant to offset the handicaps suffered by these
sections of society over centuries. The original constitutional provision was for a limited
period.
It was believed by the makers of the Constitution that basically one generation needs
reservation. Once this generation acquires some assets (skills through education and
financial wealth through salary income), their offsprings would be able to compete with
children from other backgrounds.
But, unfortunately, the caste-based reservation system is not only continuing generation
after generation, it is being extended by politicians to additional sections of society. The
exercise is becoming more and more divisive.
The biggest drawback of the present system is that successive generations of the same
family are reaping the benefits of reserved seats and jobs. For instance, a person gets
admitted to a medical college using SC quota and becomes a doctor. Then, his son again
takes advantage of SC status to become a doctor and gets an assured job in a government
hospital through job quota. The second part is clearly unjust, even if the first part could
be justified on the ground of correcting a historical wrong.
The issue gets further complicated once it is extended to OBCs. At least for SCs and STs,
the definition and identification are not ambiguous. Not so for OBCs. Different states
have adopted different definitions for OBCs. It is defined in terms of some parameters of
social backwardness. In fact, after the abolition of the zamindari system, in many villages
people from OBC communities are the major landowners and money lenders.
They dominate the rural economy and in many cases exploit the SCs and dalits more than
the so-called upper castes. There are some fairly rich OBC families just as there are some
poor Brahmin families. According to sociologists, there does not exist any century old
discrimination against the OBCs, unlike the SCs and STs. What blanket justification
could then be for reserving seats in colleges and later jobs for such economically
privileged OBC families and deprive the poor Brahmins, for example?
The same question may now be asked by the minorities like Muslims or Sikhs or Jains,
some of whom also feel (rightly or wrongly) marginalized in Indian societies. In other
words, the justification for reservation should be primarily economic backwardness and
deprivation, not social backwardness by some subjective criteria.
Then we have the issue of merits and efficiency. The critics of the reservation system
argue that it is leading to dilution of standards and inefficiency. This is particularly
harmful for the nation when India is trying very hard to be globally competitive. Indian
industry no longer enjoys the protection from foreign competition as it used to do earlier.
Even otherwise, given the choice, who would want to go to a surgeon for a major
operation after knowing that he is a “quota” doctor? Some of these efficiency losses, one
may argue, may have to be accepted to the extent the reservation system is restricted to
only the first generation.
Basically, the solution to the problem of the underprivileged people would have to come
through their empowerment. One major way is to provide quality education, health
services, sanitation, power, transportation and communication facilities to these people,
mostly living in far-flung rural areas. Also provide many more scholarships to poor
meritorious students, irrespective of the social classes they happen to belong.
As a result, more students from rural and small town backgrounds would be able to
compete successfully with students from cities for higher education and subsequently for
jobs in both public and private sectors. It would uplift the underprivileged without
diluting the standards.
But that is a long-drawn and more difficult process whose political dividends may not
directly accrue to the currently ruling political party. A far simpler and more directly
rewarding political short cut is to extend education and job quotas to an ever-increasing
circle of people.
The politics of vote bank has overtaken all other considerations like nation-building. The
political classes would love to talk of a “new resurgent India” but by their actions they
will not hesitate to strike at the roots of this dream.
****End of Story# 140 of 189
****Story#141 of 189
Title: Quotas In Private Sector
Author: Paranjoy Guha Thakurta
Source: Tribune
Date: April 28, 2006
URL: http://www.tribuneindia.com/2006/20060428/edit.htm#4
NO sensible Indian would disagree with the view that a lot needs to be done to improve
the conditions of those belonging to the Scheduled Castes and the Scheduled Tribes. The
real issue is whether this section can be empowered through legally mandated reservation
of jobs in corporate entities owned and controlled by private individuals. It is on this
particular issue that a heated debate is currently on.
Those opposed to mandatory reservation argue that this would erode competitiveness by
sacrificing merit in favour of others belonging to a certain social segment. The
proponents of reservations point out that profit-making private companies merely pay lip
service to affirmative action without actually empowering the socially underprivileged.
Thus, they argue, the only way forward is to enforce job quotas by legal fiat, not gentle
persuasion.
The current debate acquired a fillip after Prime Minister Manmohan Singh told corporate
captains at the annual conference of the Confederation of Indian Industry in New Delhi
on April 18: “I urge you to give more attention to questions of social and economic
discrimination and deprivation, to the educational and health status of our people, to
employment generation, to social security and to the employment of women and the
minorities.”
Significantly, the Prime Minister’s statement did not even once mention legislation to
reserve jobs. His reticence was probably not merely on account of the ongoing assembly
elections but also because the government’s move to reserve seats in educational
institutions for Other Backward Classes (OBCs) had generated considerable controversy.
The reactions of industry were along predictable lines. Mr R. Seshasayee, the newlyelected president of CII, said mandatory job reservation would not be acceptable to
industry while announcing the establishment of a task force on affirmative action that
would assist individuals belonging to the SCs/STs/OBCs in developing their abilities to
compete effectively in the marketplace. Mr Amit Mitra, Secretary-General, Federation of
Indian Chambers of Commerce and Industry, wondered if the government was making a
social statement or a political statement.
The fact is that the May 2004 National Common Minimum Programme of the United
Progressive Alliance government had stated: “The UPA government is very sensitive to
the issue of affirmative action, including reservation, in the private sector. It will
immediately initiate a national dialogue with all political parties, industry and other
organisations to see how best the private sector can fulfil the aspirations of SC and ST
youth.”
The Ministry of Social Justice and Empowerment, headed by Ms Meira Kumar, has been
discussing this issue for nearly two years now. The group of ministers headed by Mr
Sharad Pawar sent questionnaires to more than 250 industry and trade associations on the
topic but not even 10 per cent responded. Very few private organisations have furnished
details about the social composition of their employees. A notable exception is Hindustan
Lever Limited that employs 33,000 people, of which more than half (55 per cent) belong
to SCs/STs/OBCs. Interestingly, HLL recruited most of these employees from
employment exchanges and merit was the only criterion for selection.
The example of the largest multinational corporation operating in India clearly indicates
that merit can coexist with affirmative action. The current debate reminds one of the big
hue and cry with which certain vocal sections greeted the announcement made by Mr
V.P. Singh 15 years ago that he would be accepting the recommendations of the Mandal
Commission. Despite all the outrage that was publicly expressed at that time, the entire
political class cutting across ideological lines eventually fell in line and did not oppose
Mandal. The same story is certain to be repeated since no political party in India is likely
to argue against job reservation in the private sector, even if politicians (including surely
some in the Congress as well) espouse contrary views in private.
Yet, not everyone is convinced that reservation in the workplace or in the classroom
necessarily discriminates against the meritorious. One is certainly not arguing that
eligibility standards should be drastically lowered for the benefit of the SCs, STs or
OBCs. The purpose of reservation is clearly meant to assist the disadvantaged and not
penalise those with merit. It is also no one’s case that job reservation in the private sector
would solve all the problems of the underprivileged but becoming a substitute for
schemes to provide elementary education and basic health care.
In recent years, job opportunities in the public sector have been steadily shrinking while
employment in the non-governmental sector, including in private firms, has gone up.
Behind this fact lies the genesis of the demand for job reservation in the private sector.
The Union Ministry of Labour states that employment in the private sector stood at 8.7
million in 2004. Even if the private sector were to fully implement job reservation, an
additional 2.5 million new job opportunities would be created that would alleviate — not
solve — the problem of unemployment. In other words, quotas can be part of the solution
of social empowerment, not the entire solution itself.
Those opposed to job reservation in the private sector claim that such a step cannot and
will not reduce economic inequality in Indian society, which is not only deeply divided
along class lines but is also highly hierarchical because of the caste system. It is argued
that reservation of jobs for the SCs and the STs in education and public employment has
not helped these sections very much and is, in any case, improperly implemented with
many vacancies not filled. The counter-argument is that the SCs and the STs would have
been much worse off had there been no reservation for them over the last 50 years.
Many liberals contend that reservation is fine so long as it is on the basis of economic,
not social, backwardness. Following the “creamy layer” judgement of the Supreme Court,
there are no doubts that a wealthy Harijan should not be granted special favours when it
comes to obtaining a government job or admission to an educational institution. On the
issue of merit versus social background, there is no consensus on how to measure the
competence or capability of an individual. Even in the bastion of free enterprise
capitalism, the US government has possibly done more in terms of affirmative action than
we have in this country. One example would suffice: a minimum of 5 per cent of all
purchases made by the American government has to come from the suppliers belonging
to minority communities.
In most parts of India, caste and class overlap. Yet what makes this country unique is
precisely the fact that there are exceptions to the general proposition — in other words,
there are poor Brahmins and rich Dalits. Still, this uniqueness should not cloud the
contention that a nuanced and properly implemented quota structure in private companies
with fiscal incentives added on could become a programme of affirmative action, not
negative discrimination. And that such a programme could make India a better place for
our children and their children.
****End of Story# 141 of 189
****Story#142 of 189
Title: Railways In Talks With Banks For Issuing Tickets
Author: Correspondent or Reporter
Source: Hindu
Date: April 20, 2006
URL: http://www.hindu.com/2006/04/20/stories/2006042017090100.htm
The Indian Railways authorities are talking to different banks for utilisation of their 1.5
lakh counters across the country for issuance of rail tickets.
"We are planning to allow installation of 5,000 ATMs and an equal number of vending
machines at various stations across the country. We are negotiating with different banks
for a tie-up to utilise their one lakh to 1.5 lakh counters across the country for the
distribution of rail tickets," Sudhir Kumar, OSD to Railway Minister Lalu Prasad,
informed reporters.
He said efforts were also on to have standard tea, coffee, cold drink counters at railway
stations to provide adequate facilities to passengers keeping in view the announcement
made by the Railway Minister dedicating the year as "Passenger Amenities Year".
"We are talking to ICICI, SBI, BOI, RailTel and many other Banks and institutions in
this regard and are quite hopeful that we will be implementing our scheme before the
next budget," Mr. Kumar said.
However, he said it was for these banks to decide on the `public-private-partnership'
scheme and asserted that if they could issue air tickets through ATMs, they could do so
for Railways. Elaborating on innovative moves to enhance revenue and level of
passenger comforts through better interface with customers, he said the Railways were
also negotiating with telephone companies, including BSNL, to introduce SMS services
to alert its passengers with regard to their journey, reservations, and arrival/departure of
trains or any other relevant information they seek with regard to their journey/train
operations.
Pilot project on
A pilot project is already in operation at Bangalore station equipped with all the facilities
and, if found successful, it would be extended across the country in phases.
An understanding between the Railways and BSNL was being firmed up for the
distribution of platform tickets at its different counters, he said.
Under the proposed scheme, he said ATM would be connected with ticket counters,
called `Electronic Dispensing Counter' from where tickets could be issued.
Mr. Kumar said the Bangalore system was being extended to 20 other stations to
facilitate purchase of tickets by an eager passenger using his/her smart cards and credit
cards.
He also explained how 20 telephones are linked to 139 for accessing information
regarding arrival and departure of trains at Bangalore station.
According to him, IT applications are used for providing passenger facilities -- Control
Office Counter, National Train Enquiry System and Passenger Reservation System for
reservation and other train-related information. He said the Railways were planning to
provide train reservation facilities to passengers, like mobile users who can simply go to
any outlet and get their cell phone activated.
****End of Story# 142 of 189
****Story#143 of 189
Title: Regulation Must Target Market Cynicism
Author: C. R. L. Narasimhan
Source: Hindu
Date: May 01, 2006
URL: http://www.hindu.com/2006/05/01/stories/2006050100911600.htm
THE ORDER of the capital market regulator, the Securities and Exchange Board of
India, penalising market intermediaries which participated in the so called demat (IPO)
scam is notable for its sweep and, by existing standards, its stringency. By an order dated
April 27, about 24 firms and individuals including some high profile brokerages such as
Indiabulls and the Karvy group have been barred from participating in the securities
market, including the primary market (new issues). (The order against Indiabulls has been
stayed.)
As many as 85 financiers have also been similarly barred. Twelve depository participants
have been told not to open new accounts. The indicted intermediaries can appeal against
the order within two weeks.
The order has serious implications as even genuine investors dealing with these
intermediaries are bound to be affected. Most of those indicted are major players in one
or all activities that go under the broad banner of merchant banking/investment banking.
Therefore, the SEBI did well to clarify the next day (April 28) that the ban (on dealings in
the securities market) would apply only in respect of transactions in the proprietary
account of brokers and that transactions on behalf of clients would remain unaffected.
The SEBI investigated some 105 IPOs between 2003 and 2005. But the order of April 27
is focussed as it recapitulates the key ingredients of the irregular practices in two initial
public offers — those of Yes Bank (YBL) and the Infrastructure Development Finance
Company (IDFC).
The demat scam
As already reported, in these two IPOs, certain entities had cornered shares reserved for
retail investors by opening thousands of fictitious/benami demat accounts, with active
collusion of the depository participants. The idea was to increase their chances of
allotment.
After allotment these fictitious holders transferred their shares to their financiers. Most of
these shares were sold immediately and as some recent IPOs including the two under
review listed at a premium, the manipulators must have realised quick and sizable profits.
Inevitably it is the category of genuine investors who have suffered as their chances of
getting allotments were considerably reduced because of the manipulation.
Beyond doubt, such unscrupulous practices, even if not so well documented as now,
would have dampened new investor interest in IPOs. Regulatory rules providing for
reservation for retail investors are meant to encourage their participation. But if market
malfeasance still keeps them out (or gets them a smaller allotment), it is a matter of
serious concern.
Multiple applications are expressly forbidden. In fact, in an earlier period, prospectus and
other issue literature carried an appropriate warning that was displayed prominently.
No one says that in the past such practices did not prevail. Whenever a new public issue
was perceived to succeed, there was bound to be rampant abuse by way of multiple
applications. However, such practices went undetected or possibly ignored.
The difference now is this: since the early 1990s there is a regulator increasingly willing
to take on such manipulators. Investigating these practices is a complex process, calling
for painstaking efforts but, as this case shows, well worth it. Protecting market integrity is
one of the basic objectives of market regulation.
The IPO scam raises questions over technology vis-a-vis the capital market.
No one doubts that technology application has been beneficial, even indispensable.
Electronic holding of shares (through dematting) and online trading are today routine.
Technology should help
None of these as also the complex regulatory tasks connected with surveillance would be
possible without technology. But a technology— based environment should also be able
to prevent frauds — at least frauds that look elementary.
To give one specific instance, the SEBI has found that demat accounts running into
thousands have been opened with the same postal address.
Surely, even a more basic technology than what the capital market has now would have
spotted it. Perhaps at the branch level (one or two offices of the indicted institutions have
opened a very large number of these demat accounts) there was collusion. But surely at
the higher level, these could have been easily detected. Both NSDL and CSDL have
plenty of explaining to do.
Banks and other depository participants flouted the most elementary rules. Most of them
are well known names with a reputation to protect.
It is incomprehensible how they allowed such practices as encouraging opening of
multiple accounts, often benami /fictitious accounts. Surely it will be naïve to categorise
these branch level acts as arising from individual weaknesses.
Unfortunately, the demat scam is one more instance proving the point that for capital
market intermediaries defying regulation is a way to profit, a kind of arbitrage
opportunity that their more rule abiding competitor foregoes.
Wrong perception
Certainly that would seem to be the perception of clients, who value "flexibility" above
all, including professional and ethical behaviour on the part of their chosen intermediary.
Earlier, when regulation was either non-existent or weak, such practices would escape
even the basic opprobrium that they deserved. But the demat scam has occurred in a
different era .It is wholly appropriate that the regulator has come down hard on these.
The unprecedented volatility that greeted the SEBI order on Friday — a sharp intra day
movement in the Sensex of some 500 points only to close above Thursday's levels — is
perhaps indicative of the shape of things to come this week. Stock markets have already
been unpredictable for some time.
However, it is unclear as to how far the SEBI order has been responsible for the market
swings.
One only hopes the market participants and investors — even the most hardened cynics
among them — see the true meaning of the regulatory action.
****End of Story# 143 of 189
****Story#144 of 189
Title: Reservation Debate
Author: Venkitesh Ramakrishnan
Source: Frontline
Date: April 27, 2006
URL: http://www.hinduonnet.com/fline/stories/20060505004600400.htm
The disclosure of a move to reserve seats for Other Backward Classes in the IITs and the
IIMs sets off a controversy.
V. SUDERSHAN
HRD Minister Arjun Singh.
" Today, we have performed the ritualistic immersion (visarjan) of a historic document."
This was one of the first comments of B.P. Mandal, the architect of the Mandal
Commission Report, after he and other members of the Commission submitted the epoch-
making report to Union Home Minister Giani Zail Singh. That was in December 1980,
and Mandal's choice of metaphor must have sounded incongruous at that moment. But
the manner in which the recommendations have been treated has indeed imparted a
prophetic value to it. The report and its recommendations have gone through a cycle of
sorts, characterised by long periods of government apathy and episodic revivals
accompanied by raucous protests and political twists.
The Mandal Commission report remained forgotten for 10 years, until the National Front
government under the leadership of Vishwanath Pratap Singh implemented a portion of it
in 1990. The political demonstrations that followed that action were so strident and
dramatic that they altered radically the style and content of political discourse in the
country.
Sixteen years from then, the report is back in the public eye through the intense debate in
the media and at other forums on the intent of Human Resource Development Minister
Arjun Singh to implement its other portion. As was the case in 1990, the debate is multidimensional and its qualitative aspects range from the constructive to the ludicrous to the
sinister. As to which of these aspects would ultimately assert itself and emerge on top
does not evoke a definitive reply.
What Arjun Singh said
V. SUDERSHAN
Students of Delhi University, IIT-Delhi and Indraprastha University marching to
Rashtrapati Bhavan from India Gate to submit a memorandum against the proposed
reservation for OBCs, on April 13.
It all started on April 5, when the media approached Arjun Singh after a function in New
Delhi seeking clarifications whether his Ministry proposed to implement reservation for
Other Backward Classes (OBCs) in educational institutions, including Central
professional institutes such as the Indian Institutes of Technology (IITs) and the Indian
Institutes of Management (IIMs). The Minister replied in the affirmative and explained
that Article 15(5) of the Constitution had come into force on January 20, 2006, after
having received Presidential assent, thus facilitating the advancement of the socially and
educationally backward classes in matters of admission to educational institutions
through reservation of seats and other means.
The reactions to this piece of news emerged at various levels. To start with, Arjun Singh's
statement was perceived as a political exercise aimed at bolstering the chances of the
Congress and its allies in the United Progressive Alliance (UPA) government in the
Assembly elections to be held in April-May in West Bengal, Kerala, Tamil Nadu,
Pondicherry and Assam. Counter-arguments such as the OBC communities were
significant only to the elections in Tamil Nadu and that Arjun Singh's proposal was
inconsequential there because already the extent of reservation there was 69 per cent
were not acceptable to the critics of this line. The Election Commission (E.C.) promptly
took note of it and sent notices to the Minister, treating his statement prima facie as
violation of the model code of conduct.
Secondly, it was argued that Arjun Singh was initiating something unprecedented in the
country's history and that it would work against merit in the education sector and cause
great damage to centres of excellence such as the IITs and the IIMs. A realpolitik twist
was added to the debate with suggestions that Arjun Singh had not consulted Prime
Minister Manmohan Singh or the Union Cabinet before making the reservation plan
public. It was also indicated that the Prime Minister was not in complete agreement with
the proposal and that Arjun Singh had jumped the gun in order to upstage Manmohan
Singh and score political points.
The Prime Minister made his own contribution by suggesting that corporate leaders
should take steps to blend commitment to excellence with commitment to social equity.
The near-negative reactions of corporate leaders, including those from organisations such
as the Confederation of Indian Industries (CII) and the Federation of Indian Chambers of
Commerce and Industry (FICCI), mark another feature of the current debate.
In the Mandal report
MOHAMMED ILYAS
RAJIV GOSWAMI ENGULFED in flames after he set himself alight during a
demonstration on September 19, 1990, after Prime Minister V.P. Singh announced the
implementation of the Mandal report. He died on February 24, 2004, of causes related to
the injuries sustained then.
Interestingly, almost all participants in the debate seem to have taken the premise that
Arjun Singh unravelled a new proposal to help OBC communities. Not many
commentators have cared to highlight the fact that the Mandal Commission
recommendations refer to the need for reservation in educational institutions. There are
about a dozen recommendations in the report, which propose, apart from reservation in
government jobs and educational institutions, separate coaching facilities for students
aspiring to enter technical and professional institutions and special vocation-oriented
education facilities to upgrade the academic and cultural environment of OBC students.
The report also states that fundamental structural changes in the land-tenurial system and
production relations through progressive land reforms are required if steady and longlasting results are to accrue from the recommendations.
The Commission has also pointed to the need for the creation of a chain of financial and
technical bodies to assist OBC entrepreneurs and upgrade the skills of village artisans and
provide them with subsidised loans to set up small-scale industries.
If anything, Arjun Singh was only following the basic recommendations of the Mandal
Commission, albeit incompletely and after a gap of two and a half decades, but the
Minister too chose to present reservation in educational institutions as something that was
a consequence of the December 2005 constitutional amendment. In his reply to the E.C.,
he pointed out that the Central government had taken several steps to implement the
mandate of this constitutional amendment. He also recalled his own reply to the debate
on the 93rd Constitution Amendment Bill in the Lok Sabha on December 21 last year.
V. RAMAMURTHI
V.P. Singh
In this speech he assured the House, particularly members who belong to the backward
classes, that every single advantage that had accrued to the country after the Mandal
report, would accrue to the country after this Bill was passed, in terms of admission and
in terms of other advantages that the backward classes should get. He had also said that
the government would not leave things halfway.
Whatever the merits of the 93rd Constitution Amendment Bill referred to by Arjun Singh,
there is little doubt that a lot many participants in the "Mandal II" debate are not happy
with the Minister's cocksureness about "not leaving things halfway". In fact, the majority
of the anti-reservationists would be happy if the Minister chose to leave things halfway.
Ironically, a number of Arjun Singh's own colleagues in the Congress and the allies in the
UPA government take this position in spite of the fact that the UPA's Common Minimum
Programme (CMP) for governance has made a firm commitment about implementing
reservation for OBCs in educational institutions.
Not surprisingly, formal statements of support to the CMP promise have not come from
most of the UPA partners. The Communist Party of India (Marxist), the leader of the Left
parties on whose support the government is dependent for survival, however, strongly
backed Arjun Singh's proposed move through an editorial in the party's newspaper
People's Democracy. Uttar Pradesh Chief Minister and Samajwadi Party (S.P.) president
Mulayam Singh Yadav, too, has welcomed the reservation plan despite the many
differences he, his party and his government have with the Congress and the UPA.
Pointing out that the system of capitation fee in a large number of private institutions
worked as reservation for the rich, People's Democracy said that merit became an issue
only when it came to providing access to those who for centuries had been denied
education. It also argued that until education for all was achieved, it was necessary to
understand that education in the country had, for long, particularly since Independence,
been afflicted with the perennial quest for a proper balance in its eternal triangle quantity, quality, equity. "Reservation definitely addressed the issue of equity, the issue
of both quality and quantity also needs to be addressed through measures to expand staterun educational facilities and increasing expenditures for providing high-class
educational infrastructure to tackle quality. However, equity cannot be kept in abeyance
until this balance is brought about in this eternal triangle. Quantity, quality and equity
complement each other and were not in conflict, as vested interests seek to deliberately
project," the editorial said.
Ploy against reservation
Proponents of the politics of affirmative action, such as Dr. Udit Raj, chairman of the All
India Confederation of Scheduled Caste (SC) and Scheduled Tribe (ST) Organisations
and president of the Indian Justice Party, view the current debate as a ploy to defeat the
objectives of reservation in educational institutions. "The whole debate, including the
suggestions about the conflict between Prime Minister Manmohan Singh and Arjun
Singh on the issue, has been engineered in such a manner as to dilute the very concept of
reservation for the oppressed classes," he said and added that sections of the media had
become active participants in the advancement of this game plan.
Political analyst Hariraj Singh Tyagi perceived a filibustering tactic in the constant
inclusion of newer issues in the debate. "First it was the election code of conduct issue,
later an inner-party tussle was suggested, and now there seems to be an effort to debate
the proposal jointly with reservation in the private sector. Clearly, somebody is trying to
stave off immediate implementation of reservation in educational institutions," he said.
Whatever the merits of the contention put forward by Udit Raj and Hariraj Singh Tyagi,
there is little doubt that Arjun Singh's statement about "not leaving things halfway" has
taken a beating of sorts. What should have been an open and shut case for reservation in
educational institutions has got embroiled in a controversy that could go on for a
considerable period of time.
MANISH SWARUP/AP
At a press conference in New Delhi on April 20, the new president of the Confederation
of Indian Industry, R. Seshasayee, (right) and the new vice-president, Sunil Bharati
Mittal. CII objected to any mandatory reservation for the socially underprivileged in the
private sector.
The debate with reservations in the private sector revolves basically around a note
prepared by a Group of Ministers (GoM) led by Agriculture Minister Sharad Pawar on
the proposal. The GoM pointed out that it was not possible to initiate reservation in the
private sector without amending the Constitution, and that the "political desirability,
political feasibility and legality of amending the Constitution need to be carefully
considered in consultation with UPA constituents". The GoM interacted with
representatives of the CII, FICCI and other organisations. According to the GoM, these
trade and industry organisations accepted the "desirability of affirmative action" but
opposed the "concept of reservation as prevailing in the government" because they saw
reservation as a factor that limits initiatives in global business competition.
The CII is apparently working on a formal proposal to the government highlighting what
it perceives as affirmative action. Apparently, the CII's focus is on rural industrialisation,
scholarships, a financing system to promote entrepreneurship, job creation and skill
development for the underprivileged. The plan apparently asserts that reservation would
be detrimental for industry's health.
By all indications, there are efforts, supported by sections of the UPA and the
bureaucracy, to evolve similar parameters for reservation in Central educational
institutions. Ten days before the current controversy erupted, on March 25, the Prime
Minister had waxed eloquent on his government's commitment to promote modernity and
social equity at the same time. Addressing the Harvard Alumni Association, he said: "Our
government is committed to promoting excellence and improving access to education for
our citizens. To some, this goal may appear contradictory, since the pursuit of excellence
is sometimes seen as being at the cost of access. We in India have had an interesting
debate on the need for academic institutions to strike a balance between the pursuit of
excellence and the objective of providing access."
The current controversy has emerged as if on cue. But as the debate continues there is no
clarity how the balancing act will finally unfold.
****End of Story# 144 of 189
****Story#145 of 189
Title: Reservations On A Policy
Author: Editorial, Business Line
Source: Business Line
Date: April 24, 2006
URL: http://www.thehindubusinessline.com/2006/04/24/stories/2006042400180800.htm
Private sector reservation may be a shortcut to economic disaster rather than an effective
tool to promote inclusive growth.
Last week the Prime Minister said at a Confederation of Indian Industry meeting that the
private sector would do well to make sure that no group in society felt "excluded from
enjoying the fruits of rapid economic growth," suggesting in particular that it "seriously
consider enhancing educational and employment opportunities for weaker sections in an
affirmative manner." As to how companies could do this, Dr Manmohan Singh said that
they could assess, at the firm level, the diversity in the "employment profile and commit
(themselves) voluntarily to making it more broad-based and representative."
Clearly, the Prime Minister cannot be faulted for pursuing the line of "inclusive social
and economic growth," but the question is whether his suggestion is wise and workable.
The issue boils down to the kind of "social responsibility" industry must bear and to what
extent this concern will impinge on the business of producing goods and services in a
manner that is globally competitive. In other words, the crux of the issue is how industry
can benefit society at large without hurting its own competitiveness.
There can be no question that those (individuals and companies alike) who create wealth
in diverse spheres have a responsibility to enhance social welfare in whatever way they
can — as by setting up sports stadiums, medical facilities, libraries, and educational and
vocational training centres, among a host of other projects which would be used more by
society at large than by themselves (read, employees in case of companies). But the
Prime Minister has specifically talked about job reservation for certain sections, which is
an entirely different matter on two grounds. First, the "social responsibility" aspect has
been sectorised (which carries within it the germs of exclusivity) and, second, the
implementation of the proposal cannot be neutral in the generation of wealth, which alone
can enable industry discharge effectively the suggested "social responsibility" functions.
Since a job-reservation policy may lead to unemployable people being recruited with
adverse effects on the private sector's ability to contribute efficiently to the creation of
national wealth, it is clear that the Prime Minister's suggestion is flawed. This apart, job
reservation in the private sector will not make any appreciable dent in the larger problem
of social and economic backwardness because of the small numbers involved. Such a
policy would, therefore, be more of a shortcut to economic disaster than being an
effective tool to promote more inclusive growth, which certainly is not one of the
objectives of Dr Singh's Government.
****End of Story# 145 of 189
****Story#146 of 189
Title: Review Quota Policy: Pitroda
Author: Correspondent or Reporter
Source: Deccan Herald
Date: May 08, 2006
URL: http://www.deccanherald.com/deccanherald/may82006/index204649200657.asp
The second day of the three-day meeting of the National Knowledge Commission in
Bangalore on Sunday turned out to be a long-drawn one, thanks to the differences within
the high-profile Commission about extending reservations to OBCs.
The second day of the three-day meeting of the National Knowledge Commission in
Bangalore on Sunday turned out to be a long-drawn one, thanks to the differences within
the high-profile Commission about extending reservations to OBCs.
Even as the meeting was on, Commission Chairperson Sam Pitroda told a news channel
in an interview that the Central government should review its reservation policy taking
into account the needs of the present century.
He also expressed his displeasure over not being consulted on the key issue. “I think we
need to review all of these issues in totality when we are looking at knowledge base for
the 21st century. We can’t go back to what it was. We have to think about what it ought
to be tomorrow,” Mr Pitroda said.
“I think reservation also has to be thought in terms of where we are headed in the 21st
century,” said Mr Pitroda, the telecom whiz-kid credited with the PCO revolution during
Rajiv Gandhi’s tenure over the late eighties.
Meanwhile, the second day of the Knowledge Commission meeting touched upon various
levels of education including professional, school, vocational and higher education.
‘A complex issue’
“The issue of reservation came up for discussion, under the category of access to
knowledge. It is but a small part of a very wide mandate given to the Commission,”
sources said.
“While nobody was against the principle of affirmative action, the issue of reservation is
complex as it deals with the demands of social justice on the one hand and the question of
excellence and extension of education on the other,” the sources said and added that
discussions were still on to resolve the differences.
The other important aspect which came up for discussion during the Sunday meeting
related to privatisation and commercialisation of education, the sources said.
Meanwhile, the Commission will release the report on e-governance which was
submitted by Mr Nandan Nilekani, CEO of Infosys Technologies and a member of the
Commission on Saturday, officially on Monday.
“The report has been finalised and it will be released along with the recommendations on
Monday,” the sources said, and added that Mr Pitroda and other members will share the
salient features of the report on the occasion.
At Saturday’s session, the need for more co-ordination among the different agencies,
transparent, prompt, and efficient transactions between the government and citizens and
the presence of appropriate administrative procedures for introduction of e-governance
were discussed.
Mr Pitroda, Vice-Chairman Dr P M Bhargava, Dr Ashok Ganguly, Dr Jayati Ghosh, Mr
Deepak Nayyar, Mr Nilekani and Dr Pratap Bhanu Mehta were present.
****End of Story# 146 of 189
****Story#147 of 189
Title: Review Spectrum Policy, Says Ratan Tata
Author: Correspondent or Reporter
Source: Hindu
Date: May 03, 2006
URL: http://www.hindu.com/2006/05/03/stories/2006050301231500.htm
The Tatas, one of the leading players in the telecommunications sector, have expressed
major reservations on the spectrum allocation policy announced by the government on
March 29 and have called for consultations by the government with all constituents of the
industry before finalising the allocation of any additional spectrum.
In a recent communication to J. S. Sarma, Secretary to the Department of
Telecommunications (DoT), Ratan Tata, Chairman of Tata Sons, has expressed the view
that the policy on spectrum allocations as it stands at present is not conducive to
"sustainable and equitable growth in the telecom sector for all users'' also would not
allow for the full play of technological advances.
Mr. Tata said the DoT's prescription of stand-alone subscriber base levels of GSM and
CDMA operators and technology-based spectrum allocations "do not appear to be part of
a publicly-defined spectrum policy.'' "I would have thought that the allocation of such a
scarce and important resource would have been evolved from a well-documented and
detailed Government of India Spectrum Policy, which would provide the road map for
spectrum allocation to enable sustainable and equitable growth in the telecom sector for
all users,'' he said.
The communication pointed out that the DoT's order sought to allocate spectrum on the
basis of individual providers' "self-proclaimed subscriber base, without an established
mechanism for verification.'' The order, it said, specified a cut-off level of subscriber size
for eligibility for additional spectrum without any recognition being given to the relative
years of operation of the respective providers.
"By design or coincidence, the cut-off level singles out one pan-India provider which
would be deemed to be ineligible for additional spectrum in the existing frequency band
in which it provides services. The order does not address [the issue of] or guarantee
additional spectrum when this singled-out provider or any other similarly placed provider
crosses the subscriber base threshold, and it would therefore be reasonable to assume that
at such time no additional spectrum might be available to these providers, therefore
condemning them to a cap on their growth and market share. Surely, this would be
discriminatory and would not be in the public interest,'' Mr. Tata observed.
The order, he pointed out, differentiated between GSM and CDMA technologies by
allocating only up to 7.5 MHz to CDMA operators against 15 MHZ to GSM operators,
"apparently on the ground that this newer technology [CDMA] is more spectrum efficient
than the older GSM technology.''
Such an approach of equalizing or protecting a weaker technology, Mr. Tata said, was
"irreconcilable" with the needs particularly of a technology-driven industry.
"Let us reflect for a moment as to what would happen in the Information Technology
sector if newer computers and operating systems were barred or restricted in usage to
`protect` users of older systems. The same analogy would apply to the semiconductor
industry if new high capability devices were banned to `protect' equipment users
employing older, less capable circuitry. Think of what would happen if airlines flying jet
aircraft were forced to fly at reduced speeds and at lower, fuel-guzzling cruising altitudes
to `equalise' performance to protect airlines flying slower, turboprop aircraft,'' the Tata
communication said.
Mr. Tata pointed out that he had written to the Telecommunications Minister in May
2005 suggesting that spectrum should be available on an all-India basis to providers for a
fee and had suggested Rs 1,500 crore for this purpose as this was the proxy price of
spectrum paid by operators opting for the UASL regime.
"There need never be a fear that the cost would be passed on to the customer. Customer
prices are set by the competitive market and not by costs! If spectrum was charged, the
exchequer would also gain substantial additional revenue,'' he said.
Emphasising the need for "stable, long-term policies'' to enable the important sector to
grow to its full potential with state-of-the art technologies, Mr. Tata said the TRAI
(Telecom Regulatory Authority of India) had also made recommendations to this effect
"but these have also not been reflected in the DoT's recent order,'' Mr. Tata added.
****End of Story# 147 of 189
****Story#148 of 189
Title: Riots Are So 2002
Author: Darshan Desai
Source: Indian Express
Date: May 05, 2006
URL: http://www.indianexpress.com/story/3763.html
Gujarat Chief Minister Narendra Modi tending to a Muslim riot victim. Narendra Modi
seeking an army flag march in the beleaguered town of Vadodara. Narendra Modi
announcing that no rioter, irrespective of his community, will be spared. All this may
sound spectacularly unusual to those who refuse to see the man beyond the realm of
communal bigotry. He is actually a smart politician who hates any riot he does not have a
hand in, for it doesn’t suit his timing. This riot in Vadodara, unlike those in 2002, has
come at absolutely the wrong time for him. Not only because Modi does not need a riot
anymore in Gujarat, but also because it will revive all the horrors and fears of 2002 that
would have been swept away with the Narmada waters released from a height of 121
metres at the Sardar Sarovar dam.
What Modi is also bound to despise is the fact that a purely local riot has acquired the
size and shape of a national event, something akin to his tendency and ability to create a
mountain out of a molehill. After his re-election in the 2002 assembly elections, he took
pains to fashion himself as a practitioner of modern governance and he astutely crafted
propaganda to project this larger than it actually is. The returns from all this have
suddenly slipped to the backburner, as Vadodara burns — though, ironically, for different
reasons than it did in 2002, and with a different intensity.
Had this riot taken place before 2002, news would hardly have spread farther than the
Sayaji palace. Had it occurred then, it would be cub reporters on the job, unlike now,
when some of the biggest names in television journalism are on the prowl. Right from the
1985 anti-reservation riots which turned communal to the post-Babri Masjid demolition
riots, bringing the BJP into reckoning for the first time, communal riots have been an
annual phenomenon in Gujarat. This round of violence in Vadodara is somewhat similar.
However, earlier, a riot would break out on peculiarly local issues, would last a few days
and then be forgotten. But, post-2002, every riot in Gujarat, irrespective of its intensity,
will recall those post-Godhra days. And Modi will remain a fixture in this thought
association. The Vadodara riot has happened at such a time when many who hated him
for 2002 had begun saying, “Minus 2002, Modi is all-positive in governance.” There are
many things he claims credit for, which really are in large part only a continuation of
works initiated either by his predecessor, Keshubhai Patel, or even earlier regimes.
But Modi, with his rousing oratory steeped in Sanskritised symbols, as well as by the
high pitch of his propaganda, makes everything look new. So much so that even if a local
municipal corporation made a simple mohalla road, you would hear on Gujarat’s streets:
Modi has transformed everything. If he says he has halved the state’s revenue deficit
from Rs 6,000 crore to Rs 3,000 crore in one year, not many ask him how this has been
achieved. If he gets an ambitious plan allocation approved from the Planning
Commission, it becomes an event for celebration. It is another matter that few understand
the difference between budget size and plan size. Few would tell him that Gujarat has in
any case traditionally got a considerable jump in its annual plan.
He has earned plaudits for PSU disinvestment, which was conceptualised in Gujarat way
back in the late eighties by the then finance minister, Sanat Mehta, whose report on PSUs
was till recently a blueprint for the Gujarat government. The process was put on the rails
by Keshubhai Patel and simply furthered by Narendra Modi. The Ahmedabad-Vadodara
expressway, which helps you cruise 110 km in 60 minutes, began during the tenure of
former roads and building minister Dinsha Patel. It was continued to near-completion in
Keshubhai Patel’s time and was ready for use in Modi’s tenure. Actually, it is a National
Highways Authority of India road.
Modi is getting all the credit for the Narmada dam reaching the present height of 110
metres, though it was the Narmada development minister, Jay Narayan Vyas, in the
Keshubhai Patel government who did important groundwork. It is another matter that the
canal network which would satiate the thirst of Saurashtra and Kutch is yet to be
completed.
However, with Modi it’s the image that matters and his has been larger than life,
dwarfing critique to cynicism, grouse to anti-Gujaratism. He has achieved this with such
finesse that his good governance has now become a national belief.
****End of Story# 148 of 189
****Story#149 of 189
Title: Ripper The Tiger
Author: Brig (retd) Ranjit Talwar
Source: Tribune
Date: April 26, 2006
URL: http://www.tribuneindia.com/2006/20060426/edit.htm#6
The recent killings of four tigresses, three in the buffer zone of the Corbett National Park
and one in the neighbouring Ramnagar Division, were initially explained as the work of a
male tiger with the tendencies of a serial killer. Someone like “Jack the Ripper” who had
terrorized the East End of London in 1888 by murdering a number of young women.
As in the case of the ‘Ripper’ where the actual culprit was never caught or even
identified, the tiger ‘Ripper’ of Corbett will also never be identified — but in this case it
is simply because the tiger-murderer just does not exist! The government machinery is
working overtime in Delhi and Uttaranchal to throw people off the scent.
The explanations being given out for the killings have changed several times. Initially,
media reports quoting the Deputy Director of Corbett; an upright young forest officer,
stated that preliminary investigations by the Park staff had revealed that the pugmarks of
a male tiger had been found near the sites of the killings.
In addition, some ‘marks’ found at the site of the killings matched the injury marks on the
bodies of the dead tigresses. Although the types of marks referred to in the statement
were not clarified, the reference cannot be to anything other than claw marks because
nothing else will make marks on the ground as well as on the body of the dead tigresses.
This is absolutely astounding jungle detective work! Will some ‘expert’ kindly educate
me as to how a claw mark left on the ground can be reliably compared with an injury
mark made by the same claw on the body of a victim, under field conditions? One is
aware of so called ‘signatures’ left by gun barrel on a bullet fired through it, but the
ability to compare claw marks on two different medias i.e. ground as well as flesh, that
too under field conditions during preliminary investigations, is absolutely phenomenal!
This is field level detective work at its very best and in my over fifty years of fairly close
association with Indian jungles, I have NOT come across a single individual; tribal or
otherwise, with such a phenomenal expertise!
The explanation of the deaths changed in subsequent reports and the Director, Project
Tiger, has been quoted in the press saying that two of the tigresses, which were cubs,
could have been poisoned. But he hastens to add that the deaths however are not due to
poaching! Has the law undergone a change? Since when does the killing of tigers through
poisoning not fall under the ambit of poaching?
Another point worth noting is that in the initial information released by the Park
authorities after postmortem examinations had been carried out in each case, each of the
three tigresses killed in the buffer zone of Corbett was stated to be about four years old.
Now two of these have become cubs! Was the investigating staff of Corbett and the vets
who carried out the postmortem incapable of differentiating between cubs and adult
tigresses? Since this is too far fetched to accept, one is left wondering about the truth.
What is the catch behind this deliberate misreporting of the age of these animals? To cap
it all, the initial theory that these may have been killed by a male tiger has also been
thrown overboard without offering any explanation for this major contradiction.
There is a very strong rumor that the tigress killed in the Ramnagar Division had four one
year old cubs. If true, they would have also perished within a few days of their mother’s
death, as cubs of that age cannot survive without maternal care. The magnitude of the
tragedy may therefore be far more devastating than what has been reported. We may have
actually lost eight tigers instead of the
reported four!
I sometimes wonder why most of us displaying more than just a casual interest in the
conservation of our beleaguered wildlife are held in such contempt by the government
and are repeatedly subjected to such slipshod explanations?
While the common man’s knowledge and access to ground realities may not permit him
to see through half truths, those of us who claim to be in the profession of conservation
must be able to question such weird, impossible tales. And if we don’t, there have to be
good reasons for such cowardly behaviour, both by individuals as well as conservation
NGOs, including ‘giants’ in both categories.
Is our instinct for self preservation so strong that we are determined to accept even
blatant lies, lest we invoke the wrath of the government and lose out on lucrative
contracts and the possibility of being appointed on various committees?
And while doing so, we find it entirely acceptable to sacrifice the interest of wild animals
we profess to be conserving? Are we so incompetent that we do not even understand
what is possible and what is not and accept any statement by a government functionary as
the only truth? Is conservation of our rapidly dwindling wildlife only a topic of Bar
Room gossip? Worse — are we entirely gutless!? The truth may lie in a combination of
some of these factors.
****End of Story# 149 of 189
****Story#150 of 189
Title: Sc Lifts Order On Pre-Medical Admission Quota
Author: Correspondent or Reporter
Source: Indian Express
Date: May 06, 2006
URL: http://www.indianexpress.com/story/3876.html
Clearing the air over admission to this year’s All-India Pre-Medical courses, the Supeme
Court today vacated its earlier order asking the government to set apart 10 per cent of the
seats for SC/ST candidates.
A bench of Justices K G Balakrishnan and D K Jain gave the order, but not before the
Centre assured that it would fulfil the quota promise in the coming academic year. ‘‘We
will provide reservation for SCs/STs under all-India quota from the next year,’’
Additional Solicitor-General Gopal Subramanian told the bench. Today’s order makes
things easy for admission to AIPMGEE this year as an earlier order of the court had
asked the Government to set aside 10 per cent seats for SC and ST candidates though the
stipulation did not exist at the time of conducting the exam.
However, the Government had expressed helplessness to implement the order in the
present academic year saying it would open a plethora of litigation from other successful
candidates. The Government also promised to come up with a cogent and uniform policy
by the next session.
Implementing the 10 per cent quota order may also have run counter to a 2005 decision
of a larger bench of the SC which said that 50 per cent of PG Medical seats in
government colleges should be filled purely on merit. The Centre had favoured continuance of the existing procedure followed in the previous academic year, that
is, to fill 50 per cent all India quota solely on merit. It had said the pro-rata reservation
could be applied to the states, which will fill the rest 50 per cent after carving out the allIndia quota.
****End of Story# 150 of 189
****Story#151 of 189
Title: Seeds Of Unrest
Author: Editorial, The Pioneer
Source: Pioneer
Date: April 27, 2006
URL:
http://www.dailypioneer.com/indexn12.asp?main_variable=EDITS&file_name=edit4%2
Etxt&counter_img=#4
India has been a target of terrorism, proxy war, insurgency and violence of all kinds since
independence. The Maoist problem that traces its origin to Naxalbari in the 1960s, which
was deemed to have been crushed by the security forces then, has raised its head to
frightening proportions today. It has joined hands with anti-national forces including the
Maoists in Nepal, to destabilise the country.
Whenever such movements begin, they are attributed to "foreign hand". The agency most
blamed is Pakistan's ISI. While it is true that ISI has permeated large parts of India, it is
equally correct that our security agencies are doing well to crush its activities.
Indeed, in spite of such problems, India has emerged as a global power, and its economy
has carved a place for itself internationally. Much of the contribution comes from our
technologists, scientists, economists and professionals who are considered the engines of
growth in the most advanced economies. If one were to thwart India's progress and dent
its economy, one has to just induct mediocrity amongst the professionals to impede its
growth.
Therefore, it is intriguing to know who are the brains behind pushing undeserving
students into centres of excellence like IITs, IIMs, medical colleges, etc. As if castebased system was not enough, an additional 27 per cent reservation would sound the
death knell of merit and efficiency. Nobody seems to be bothered about the effects on the
system by this strange admixture of the deserving and undeserving.
Whereas disappointment and depression will affect the talented who will find their path
to progress impeded at every level, by those whose presence in the hierarchy is not
entirely on the basis of merit, inferiority complex, inefficiency, fall in growth in every
field will be ushered in by the undeserving.
As if the dangerous repercussion of Mandal-I was not enough, Mandal-II has marked a
division in the student community, their parents and future of the country. One may not
be sure about the presence of some 'foreign hand' in the former but definitely there is a
malevolent motive behind this move. Besides impeding progress, this will sow seeds of
social unrest that will have far-reaching consequences for the nation. It is still not too late
to nip the pernicious move in the bud.
****End of Story# 151 of 189
****Story#152 of 189
Title: Several Targets For Arjun’S Broken Arrow
Author: Neerja Chowdhury
Source: Indian Express
Date: May 05, 2006
URL: http://www.indianexpress.com/story/3757.html
HRD minister’s quota card was less a joker than a calculated ploy to improve his own lot
and, via Assembly elections two years hence in Madhya Pradesh, that of his son
One of the mysteries the political circles are trying to unravel is why Arjun Singh floated
the balloon of OBC reservation in premier educational institutions when he did. Singh, a
politically savvy minister of the old school like Pranab Mukherjee, does not do things just
like that.
Yet his salvo has created a problem for the Manmohan Singh government. The
Constitution Amendment passed by Parliament to provide reservations for OBCS in
educational institutions was seen as an enabling provision to restore to the executive
powers eroded by the Supreme Court. It did not follow that the Government had decided
to bring in such a provision at this juncture.
There are several possible explanations for the timing of Singh’s action. One, that he
wants to embarrass Manmohan Singh, whom he has not accepted as PM. As he had
teamed up with Natwar Singh, M L Fotedar, and N D Tiwari against P V Narasimha Rao,
he is again joining hands with the same team.
While Manmohan Singh cannot go against a promise made in the CMP, a forwardbackward conflict is something he could do without. Kamal Nath’s statement and Kapil
Sibal’s criticism of Arjun Singh’s move — from Hannover, where he’d accompanied the
PM — made the simple point that the Cabinet was divided on the issue. Though Sibal
later issued a clarification of sorts, few believe that Sibal could have made such a
statement without a nod from the PM or his men, the idea being to stop Arjun Singh in
his tracks. After all, OBC reservations are alienating the middle class, which constitutes
the PM’s core constituency.
Some subscribe to the view that the PM wanted to move out Arjun Singh; the latter’s
retaliation has made it difficult for the PM to act.
There is another theory: Arjun Singh is positioning himself for APJ Abdul Kalam’s job
next year, when presidential elections are due. Theoretically speaking an escalation of the
OBC row could win him support across parties; already the JD(U), led by Sharad Yadav
and Nitish Kumar, has welcomed his action. When K R Narayanan was elected President
nine years ago, the SC-ST factor had become such an emotive issue that parties found it
difficult to counter it.
But this is easier said than done for it may be an OBC or a SC leader who hits a sixer off
Arjun Singh’s googly. Singh could find the same reasons blocking his entry to
Rashtrapati Bhavan as kept him out of 7, Race Course Road.
Then there is Madhya Pradesh politics. With elections due in 2008, and the possibility of
the Congress coming back to power, OBC politics could help Arjun Singh’s son Ajay
Singh in state politics. Madhya Pradesh, with more than 80 per cent of its population
comprising OBC, SC and ST, is a state where “Mandal” has yet to be fully played out.
Singh knows that backward politics is on the rise again — a new wave is coming to the
fore in the form of an assertion by non-Yadavs and the Most Backwards. They have had a
role in Nitish Kumar’s victory in Bihar, Uma Bharati’s rise in Madhya Pradesh, Kalyan
Singh’s renewed importance and even in the large crowds that V P Singh is drawing in
UP, conceded both by the Congress and the BJP.
Though the former Prime Minister is not in electoral politics and has been raising
farmers’ and weavers’ issues, those attending his meetings are largely MBWs — the
groups which had formed the backbone of the Ayodhya movement. But the smaller
groups espousing the cause are too fragmented today. Depending on how they play the
game, it may be the mainstream parties or players who may encash these stirrings.
Meanwhile, the medical students in Delhi have already hit the streets and the proreservationists are planning their counter agitation. While on the face of it, the conflict
has the makings of another ‘1990’, Mandal II is different from Mandal I in many ways.
The essential difference lies not in the fact that Mandal II deals with reservation in
educational institutions instead of the jobs V P Singh went in for. The difference is this:
While mainstream parties, including the BJP and the Congress, had strongly opposed
Mandal I, no one is opposing Mandal II. It is a political reality no political group is
prepared to confront.
Even as the ground is fertile again, the fact is that Mandal II needs a new agenda, new
strategies and new alliances to be politically effective. Instead, what is seen is a
mechanical response from parties of repeating Mandal I. On the other side, those
opposing the move do not have the support of big parties like last time. Therefore it is
doubtful that it will catch on the way it did last time, even though a powerful media may
give that impression and try and play the role that mainstream parties played last time.
****End of Story# 152 of 189
****Story#153 of 189
Title: Sharad Quota Jab At Bjp
Author: Correspondent or Reporter
Source: Telegraph
Date: April 29, 2006
URL: http://www.telegraphindia.com/1060429/asp/nation/story_6160537.asp
The Janata Dal (United) today sought to distance itself from the BJP, charging its NDA
ally with “doublespeak” on reservation for OBC students in central educational
institutions.
Throwing his lot behind HRD minister Arjun Singh, Dal (United) president Sharad
Yadav said: “The BJP is indulging in double-speak. While it supported the 93rd
Amendment Act (that provided for reservation in central educational institutions), it is
now demanding a fresh debate on the issue.”
Yadav not only lashed out at the shilly-shallying attitude of the BJP, but also at Singh’s
detractor in the UPA government — science and technology minister Kapil Sibal — for
speaking against the proposed reservation.
“The Prime Minister should dismiss him from his cabinet because Sibal has violated the
principle of collective responsibility. Sibal was present in the cabinet meeting which
approved the draft constitutional amendment bill. By talking against the reservation to
OBCs in central government educational institutions, he has talked against the same
Constitution,” Yadav said.
While Sibal had recently expressed apprehension that the proposed reservation could
have a negative impact on India’s ability to compete in the world, the BJP had attacked
the central government for taking a hasty decision without having adequate debate.
****End of Story# 153 of 189
****Story#154 of 189
Title: Shift Gears
Author: Editorial, Daily Excelsior
Source: Daily Excelsior
Date: April 25, 2006
URL: http://www.dailyexcelsior.com/web1/06apr25/edit.htm#1
Recent exchanges between New Delhi and Islamabad about the Kishanganga hydro
power project in Baramulla district are for the first time laced with optimism. India has
recognised the sensitivity of Pakistan vis-à-vis the 1960 Indus Water Treaty (IWT) and
offered to modify the original storage and electricity generation project by converting it
into a run-of-the-river scheme. In turn the neighbouring country has indicated that it
would not hesitate to accept a changed design. All that it wants (informed sources in
Islamabad have been quoted in the media as having said that) is that its share of waters
should not be reduced in any way. Of course, this is an initial and informal reaction. For
the sake of record Pakistan has stated that it would be in a better position to comment
after "we receive a formal proposal (from India) and our experts examine it." This is
perhaps understandable. Sentiments howsoever pious and intense these may be are hardly
ever allowed to come in the way of international commitments. After all the Kishanganga
plant has been a matter of serious discussion between the two countries over the years.
The last round was held in November last year. Ever since India had conceived the 330megawatt plan in the mid-1990s Pakistan has been having certain reservations: intertributary transfer of Jhelum waters by bringing the Wullar Lake into the map, height of
the dam and construction of a tunnel as well as reservoir. It needs to be noted that
Pakistan is planning a huge power venture in the occupied territory on the same river. It
calls Kishanganga by the name of Neelum in the earthquake-ravaged part of the State
under its control. One is hopeful that it would react positively after it receives the latest
proposals from this country. Its stance should be in tune with the new promising
framework in which the two countries have of late been operating.
Everybody concerned must understand that water and energy requirements in both the
countries have dramatically grown up. Therefore, it will be futile to keep expecting India
to helplessly watch the rivers flowing through Jammu and Kashmir without being
considerably exploited for the benefit of people at large. The Centre has been under
tremendous pressure from State-based political parties which have demanded scrapping
of the IWT or financial compensation in lieu thereof. At the same time it will be
unreasonable to ignore Pakistan's vital interests. In fact, it may give rise to needless
provocation. It is a matter of satisfaction that barring an aberration --- Baglihar --- the
IWT has functioned remarkably smoothly surviving wars and tensions in the subcontinent. One should look forward in the same spirit of collective welfare and
accommodation. It should be possible for the two neighbours to have a second look at
their present needs and revise the Indus Treaty or replace it with an entirely new
arrangement accordingly. There will be no harm at all if pending the resolution of other
disputes they consider setting up joint projects with shared investment in at least power
generation. In this context it is quite relevant to recall a serious incident that explains the
inter-dependence of the two countries on natural sources. Not very long ago there were
floods in the Chinab. Not only its furious waters had overwhelmed the Salal Dam and
washed away the historic Akhnoor Bridge these had played havoc in Pakistan too. A joint
mechanism would have certainly helped contain the unexpected damage.
Any game of one-upmanship would not facilitate the creation of a mutually beneficial
environment. One is constrained to say this in view of the fact that a few officials in
Pakistan are quick to interpret New Delhi's altered stand on Kishanganga as a sort of
victory for them. One unnamed Pakistani official has claimed it as a "success of our
proactive strategy towards protecting our water rights." Some others have described
India's posture "as a gimmick to convey the impression that it is giving a concession to
Pakistan." Yet another opinion is that India may be buying time given that Pakistan has
been considering seeking the World Bank intervention. Such thinking is utterly irrational
after New Delhi's categorical clarification in this behalf. It is best avoided. Actually it is
absolutely necessary to put cold water over these chest-thumping emotions. That will be
done easily if the two countries come into grips with exacting demands of present times.
****End of Story# 154 of 189
****Story#155 of 189
Title: Siddu Forthcoming, Others Reserved
Author: B S Satish Kumar
Source: Deccan Herald
Date: April 29, 2006
URL:
http://www.deccanherald.com/deccanherald/apr292006/panorama171442006428.asp
Siddaramaiah’s AIPJD has scored a point over other parties by demanding reservation in
the private sector
The reservation issue has generated heat in Karnataka. Even as the country is witnessing
a heated debate on whether reservation should be provided to the backward classes and
the Dalits in higher educational institutions, the All- India Progressive Janata Dal of
former deputy chief minister Siddaramaiah has launched a struggle in Karnataka seeking
reservation for the above categories not only in higher educational institutions but also in
the private sector.
Siddaramaiah, who has been suspended from the Janata Dal (S) of former prime minister
H D Deve Gowda, has threatened to take to agitation if 27 per cent reservation in higher
educational institutions is not provided from this academic year.
National leaders like former prime minister V P Singh as well as Lok Dal leader Ajit
Singh and Jan Morcha leader Raj Babbar attended the convention of the AIPJD in
Bangalore where the reservation struggle was launched. The AIPJD has decided to hold
such conventions in different parts of the state as part of a movement. However, some
political circles in the state view this as an effort by the AIPJD leader to strengthen his
political outfit and consolidate his position as an important leader of the backward classes
in the state. It is also seen as an effort to counter the moves of his bete noir Deve Gowda
who has demanded internal reservation among the backward classes to lure the minor
communities among these sections. Gowda had stirred up a hornets’ nest by demanding
internal reservation as well as reclassification of the 2-A category of OBCs, which
comprise 101 communities, including the Kuruba and Idiga communities.
The AIPJD hopes that its reservation movement would provide a new dimension to the
state’s political scenario as it is expecting the backward classes to rally round its leader
Siddaramaiah over the issue of reservation in the private sector. Interestingly,
Siddaramaiah’s earlier apolitical conventions held under the banner of Ahinda (Kannada
acronym for a forum of minorities, backward classes and dalits) too had witnessed a good
turnout. But then, some political leaders downplayed the role of Mr Siddaramaiah by
linking the turnout to the participation of leaders from various political parties.
In this background, it appears that Siddaramaiah is trying to counter his critics by
attempting to put up a show of strength on his own in the ongoing struggle for
reservation. Hence, the reservation struggle is being held under the party banner. The
timing of the struggle is also interesting as the issue has been taken up at a time when Mr
Gowda is forced to keep a low profile, at least for the time being after being attacked by
his detractors for allowing his party to join hands with the BJP.
It is not a secret that the political parties in Karnataka are vying with one another to
garner the votes of the backward classes.
The JD (S) has already shot back by underlining its pioneer role in demanding reservation
in the private sector way back in 2003. JD (S) leaders say that they will not allow
Siddaramaiah to monopolise the issue of reservation as their party is also supporting it,
including reservation in higher educational institutions. The party is said to be planning a
counter -move to Siddaramaiah’s moves by organising a convention of dominant
communities where they will resolve to provide reservation to the OBCs and Dalits in
higher educational institutions as well as the private sector. The idea is to bring about a
change in the mindset of the dominant communities instead of treading the path of
confrontation. On the other hand, the Opposition Congress, which had joined hands with
the AIPJD in the recent zilla and taluk panchayat elections, is still in a fix on what should
be done with Siddaramaiah. Though it is the Congress high command which has mooted
reservation in higher educational institutions, the party is yet to take a clear stand on its
relationship with the former deputy chief minister. Hence the party has adopted a waitand- watch approach.
The ruling coalition constituent BJP too is keenly watching the reservation struggle. Not
wanting to lag behind in the race, the party is thinking of organising a large-scale
convention of backward classes and Dalits. Though the party planned to hold such a
convention last year, it was put off for various reasons.
Party leaders are now thinking of organising the convention.
It is evident that in the coming days in Karnataka we will see political parties adopting
different strategies to score political points over their opponents with regard to the
reservation issue. But it will be quite interesting to see how people will respond to the
controversy. Also, it remains to be seen if this will lead to any political gains to any
particular political party.
****End of Story# 155 of 189
****Story#156 of 189
Title: Signs Of Sunrise
Author: P. Sunderarajan
Source: Frontline
Date: April 30, 2006
URL: http://www.hinduonnet.com/fline/stories/20060505003210800.htm
Fresh incentives and a series of policy initiatives from the Ministry of Textiles have
brightened the growth prospects of the textile industry.
ARUNANGSU ROY CHOWDHURY
Handloom fabrics on display at the Fabindia showroom in Hyderabad. The handloom
sector accounts for a quarter of the country's total textiles exports.
THE textile industry plays an important role in the economy of the country. It accounts
for about 14 per cent of the industrial production, 4 per cent of the gross domestic
product (GDP) and 16 per cent of the country's export earnings.
The industry is extremely varied, with the hand-spun and hand-woven textile sector at
one end of the spectrum and the capital-intensive, sophisticated mill sector at the other. In
the middle are the decentralised powerloom and hosiery and knitting sectors, which form
the largest segment of the industry.
The close linkage of the industry with agriculture and the ancient culture and traditions of
the country also makes it unique when compared to the textile industries of other
countries. It has the capacity to produce products for different market segments, within
and outside the country.
IN A GARMENT FACTORY at Neelambur near Coimbatore.
Further, it has great social relevance as it provides direct employment to 35 million
people, including a substantial number of women and Scheduled Castes and Tribes. After
agriculture, it is the second largest provider of jobs in the country. Thus, the all-round
development of the industry has a direct, positive bearing on the nation's economy.
It may sound clichéd but the truth is that the Indian textiles industry is now at a
crossroads. In spite of the abolition of export quotas in January 1, 200, and the various
incentives offered by the Union government, it has not been able to make headway to the
extent anticipated.
Studies undertaken during the run-up to the removal of the quota regime had suggested
that India and China would be the major beneficiaries of quota elimination. But China,
with a share of about one-sixth of the total world exports of textiles and clothing, has
performed far better than India. For instance, trade data from the United States shows that
India's exports to that country grew by only 25.17 per cent from January to September
last year, as against the whopping growth rate of exports of 58.60 per cent for the same
period.
The outlook, however, appears bright, given the fresh set of incentives that have been
offered in the General Budget for 2006-07. A highlight of the package is a reduction in
the excise duty on manmade fibre and filament yarn from 16 per cent to 8 per cent and
import duty from 15 per cent to 10 per cent. This should give a major boost to the
synthetic segment, which has a high global demand, but India's output, both in terms of
fibres and fabrics, leaves much to be desired.
The package is also noteworthy for the increased assistance it offers for technology
upgradation. The allocation for the Technology Upgradation Fund Scheme (TUFS) has
gone up from Rs.435 crores last year to Rs. 535 crores this year. The Scheme has also
been extended to the handloom sector.
Launched in 1999, TUFS already covers spinning, cotton ginning and pressing, silk
reeling and twisting, wool scouring and combing, texturising, crimping and twisting of
synthetic filament yarn, manufacture of viscose filament yarn, viscose staple fibre,
weaving/ knitting including non-wovens and technical textiles, garments, processing of
fibres, yarns, fabrics, garments and made-ups and the jute sector.
K. ANANTHAN
THE WEAVING UNIT of a textile mill in Sethumadai near Pollachi in Coimbatore
district.
TUFS, which is the flagship scheme of the Union Ministry of Textiles, aims at making
funds available to the industry for updating the technology of existing units and to ensure
that new units are set up with state-of-the-art technologies. It was originally launched for
a period of five years and has since been extended till March 31, 2007.
The package also provides for an allocation of Rs.189 crores for the Scheme for
Integrated Textiles Park, which was formulated recently by merging the Scheme for
Apparel Parks for Exports and the Textile Centre Infrastructure Development Scheme in
a bid to have a more focussed approach to the process of setting up world-class
infrastructure for textile units.
The scheme, which welcomes public-private partnership, targets industrial clusters and
locations with high growth potential. It envisages engaging a professional agency for
project execution. So far, nine projects have been sanctioned under the scheme - at
Cuddalore, Perundurai and Palladam in Tamil Nadu, the Surat and Mundra Special
Economic Zones in Gujarat, Kohlapur, Ichalkaranji and Thane in Maharashtra and
Kishangarh in Rajasthan.
jute technology
In addition, Budget 2006-07 provides for the launch of a jute technology mission and the
establishment of a jute board to "harness the potential of the golden fibre". The mission
would aim to improve the quality and yield of jute fibre, strengthen the infrastructure for
development and supply of quality seeds, and develop and commercialise innovative
technology for diversified use of jute and allied fibres.
The initiative in the jute sector is timely, considering that even though jute was
increasingly becoming a favoured material the world over because of its eco-friendly and
bio-degradable characteristics, the performance of the sector has not been satisfactory.
The main hurdles had been instability in the production of raw jute and obsolescence of
machinery.
The Budget package for the textile industry also includes a programme for setting up yarn
depots in different parts of the country to ensure uninterrupted supply of yarn to weavers,
and introduction of a `handloom mark' on the lines of `wool mark' to promote quality.
Finance Minister P. Chidambaram also announced that the cluster development approach
for the handloom sector would be continued and that 100 additional clusters would be set
up at a cost of Rs.50 crores. The handloom sector accounts for a quarter of the country's
total textiles exports.
Apart from the announcements made in the Budget, the Ministry of Textiles has also
been taking a series of initiatives to pave the way for the growth of the textile industry.
Among other things, it has prepared a road map for the modernisation of 22 mills under
the National Textiles Corporation (NTC), largely with the help of resources generated
from the sale of surplus land of unviable NTC mills in Mumbai; 30 other mills will be
modernised in collaboration with private partners.
K. PICHUMANI
Union Minister for Textiles Shankersinh Vaghela.
More steps are on the anvil. These include a move to grant the status of `centre of
excellence' to the National Institute of Fashion Technology. This would enable the
institute to confer degrees in place of diplomas on its students. It is expected to give a
major boost to value addition in the readymade garment sector, which accounts for about
45 per cent of the country's total textile exports. A legislative Bill to upgrade the institute
has already been approved by a Parliamentary Standing Committee and it now remains to
be cleared by Parliament.
The National Textile Policy, announced in 2000, had set an export target of $50 billion
by 2010. It may seem to be a tall order. It is not so. The figure was arrived at following
detailed discussions with all the stakeholders and also a perspective analysis by an expert
committee group of the various issues and problems facing the industry. In other words,
there is a large potential, which still remains to be tapped.
The Economic Survey presented to Parliament on the eve of the Budget in February has
identified several bottlenecks that are hampering the growth of the industry. It has drawn
particular attention to the absence of labour market flexibility and an effective exit policy,
apart from infrastructure and administrative bottlenecks, including delays at the customs.
It has recommended that more measures be taken to facilitate inflow of foreign direct
investment into the industry from major textile importers such as the United States and
the European Union and for greater use of modern tools of information technology in the
industry.
The Survey notes: "A number of steps were taken to prepare the T&C (textile and
clothing) sector in India for the post-quota period. But, the opportunities unleashed have
not materialised in full because of reservation of certain items for small scale sector until
recently, absence of labour market flexibility and an effective exit policy, which has
prevented development of scale economies, longer lead time and infrastructural and
administrative bottlenecks, including delays at customs.
"Greater FDI in the T&C sector from major textile importers like the E.U. and U.S. can
catalyse the sector. There is also need to increase productivity, to apply the prowess
gained in the new economy sectors like IT to this old economy sector and to redress the
problem of lacklustre growth in the synthetic segment, where world demand is high. But
India's output of fibres and fabrics have fallen in the current year".
****End of Story# 156 of 189
****Story#157 of 189
Title: Some Thoughts, Some Reservations
Author: Fali S. Nariman
Source: Indian Express
Date: May 01, 2006
URL: http://www.indianexpress.com/story/3497.html
A case of great constitutional significance is being argued before a bench of five justices
of the Supreme Court, presided over by the chief justice of India. A few years ago both
houses of Parliament added sub-clauses (4A) and (4B) to Article 16 of our Constitution
by a rare unanimous vote, but with hardly any discussion. The question presently
engaging the court’s attention is: do these sub-clauses violate the “basic structure” of the
Constitution?
I had always thought they did. But after reading a perceptive newspaper article by a
sociology professor of JNU recently, I have some doubt. The professor goes for the
jugular: “Dalits can ask Brahmins that if they were so meritorious, why is half of our
country’s population still illiterate?” If meritorious economists and administrators
manage the affairs of our country without any reservation how and why are we still so
economically backward?”
In the realm of super-speciality education where (at present) there are no ‘reservations’,
only three Indian institutes of higher learning figure in the top 500 of world universities
— Indian Institute of Science (at No 260), and the Indian Institutes of Technology at
Kharagpur and Delhi (at No 459 and 460, respectively). The IITs in Madras, Kanpur,
Mumbai and Roorkee don’t figure at all, despite the fact that there are no reservations for
OBCs in these centres of learning. And, the professor goes on to say, why do we have
hundreds of thousands of cases pending at all levels despite our ‘meritorious’ judiciary?
The professor is quite indignant and he won’t wait for answers, but what he says must be
put in the ultimate reckoning — without rant or recrimination.
I believe that the truth is that we have not yet resolved the complexities that lie buried in
the doctrine of equality. How long are we to atone for the oppression of the centuries?
For how long should the claim based on merit and on the fundamental right of equality be
ignored? How long should we go on equalising downwards? There are no easy answers.
Much of the backwardness in the so-called backward classes continues because small
sections of its more progressive members corner all the privileges for themselves. Our
judges have characterised these sections as the “creamy layer”. But neither bureaucrats
nor politicians are willing or able to remove the creamy layer.
The problem of inequality in India continues to haunt us — more now than before. There
is an increasing resistance to the view that the sins of generations of our forefathers in the
higher castes have to be expiated here and now — in a couple of generations. And yet the
stark fact of continuous under-representation of the underprivileged in the higher
echelons of public employment cannot be just wished away. Many years ago, UN Under
Secretary-General Ralph Bunche explained why: “Because inalienable rights cannot be
enjoyed posthumously.”
Of course, the final word in all constitutional matters is with the judges. But the courts
have not been very helpful. They have interpreted the compensatory discrimination
clauses (Articles 15 and 16) differently at different times. True, they have prodded and
energised governments to live up to the constitutional commitment to alleviate the lot of
the downtrodden, but the ground rules have kept fluctuating depending upon the
background of individual justices. Not surprisingly. After all, courts are a mirror of the
larger society in which we all live, and judges reflect — in their deliberations and
pronouncements — the ambiguity and vacillation that shrouds the elusive concept of
equality.
But one thing is certain: as long as poverty continues to stalk the land and gross
disparities between the rich and poor remain a fact of life, the ideal of an egalitarian
society envisaged by the founding fathers in our basic document of governance will
remain a bad dream. Whatever the nation’s karma, the founding fathers cannot be faulted
for a lack of idealism, nor can providence. It is not in our stars but in ourselves that we
are thus. It is not because of our Constitution but despite its provisions that we have
failed to achieve what were naively assumed to be achievable goals in 1950.
A former Union law minister told me some years ago about a “casteless” Parsi judge (we
Parsis do have prejudices, but they are not caste-based!). He was Justice Jal Vimadalal
who was compulsorily transferred during the Emergency of June 1975, as a judge of the
high court of Andhra Pradesh (from Bombay); the entire bar took to him instantly, simply
because he ignored the caste to which the lawyers appearing before him belonged:
“When he left,” Shiv Shankar told me, “the entire bar wept.”
****End of Story# 157 of 189
****Story#158 of 189
Title: Sops For Jobs
Author: Editorial, Business Line
Source: Business Line
Date: May 08, 2006
URL: http://www.thehindubusinessline.com/2006/05/08/stories/2006050801020800.htm
Incentives for creating employment in backward areas are a better bet than quotas that
may not succeed at all.
As the contentious issue of job reservations in private industry waxes and wanes in the
public eye with trade and industry associations ranged in varying degrees against the
government that favours such a move, some sections of officialdom at least appear to be
cutting a way out of the thicket. Though hoist by its own petard, the Government is
looking for an economic compromise mercifully, instead of ramming the job quotas for
Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes and Other Backward Castes down industry's
throat. Apparently what it has in mind is a package of sweeteners that eventually leaves
the initiative for reservations where it ought to rest — with industry itself.
That is how one can interpret the few statements that came out of the Hannover Fair
recently. The Commerce Ministry is working on fiscal incentives to get industry
interested in employing larger numbers of Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes. There
is also the possibility of it including other economic incentives to get industry to set up
base in areas with a predominantly ST/SC and backward caste population. Obviously,
many of these will be backward areas in every sense of the word and tax holidays to lure
industrial activity with low-skill employment potential would be the best way of ensuring
incomes for the poverty-stricken and as a measure of social justice. While pursuing this
conceptual plan is an eminently more productive option than imposing quotas for the
socially deprived, it may be worth the policymaker's while to cast a glance at the sops
offered to Special Economic Zones. If the idea is to quick-start employment for the
SC/STs then it may be necessary to offer incentives similar to those in the SEZs. Thus, a
promise to introduce efficient communications, good infrastructure and simplified
procedures would certainly attract industries to backward regions given the low cost of
labour and despite its low efficiencies.
Policymakers should understand that in an age of competition incentives are the best bet
to get industry adopt social causes. If legislation is not the ideal way of ensuring the jobs
for the backward sections, then the best way is to motivate industry to create jobs for
them; American cities reactivated inner-city ghettoes by offering sops for companies and
employment generating units to relocate. Hitherto-backward countries such as
Bangladesh have become readymade garment hubs through a mix of fiscal incentives,
low labour costs and an energetic bureaucracy. If affirmative action works at all, it works
best by maximising the returns for its participants. The package of incentives that the
Commerce Ministry is working on may hark back to the old industrial location policy that
succeeded only partially in bringing industries to the backward areas. But it is still a
better bet than job quotas that may not succeed at all.
****End of Story# 158 of 189
****Story#159 of 189
Title: South Indian Red Herring
Author: Pratap Bhanu Mehta
Source: Telegraph
Date: May 05, 2006
URL: http://www.telegraphindia.com/1060505/asp/opinion/story_6177300.asp
The author is president, Centre for Policy Research
In his defence of further extending reservations to the other backward classes, P.
Chidamabaram, a late and curious convert to the new reservation mania sweeping the
government, predictably invoked the example of South India as providing evidence for
the fact that reservations might not be incompatible with merit. Indeed, the South Indian
example is often invoked as evidence of the fact that reservations work: South India’s
developmental success, so the argument goes, can be attributed to reservations.
It is not easy to respond to such arguments for a variety of reasons. First, developmental
success is the product of a number of factors, and it would be stretching the logic of
simplicity to attribute success or failure to reservations alone. Countries as diverse as
Nigeria and Malaysia have both relied on reservations, with very different results. Any
fair-minded, rather than merely rhetorical, assessment of South India’s success would
probably place greater weight on other factors: better land distribution, enforcement of
property rights, the mobilization for education, the structure of part competition, perhaps
even the private college revolution that swept through many states in the region. So the
overall development experience of South India has little bearing on the current argument.
Second, it is a pity that the argument about reservations should be reduced to, as
Chidambaram did, the argument over merit. Invoking merit needlessly obfuscates the
debate for a number of reasons. First, there is a whole range of questions at stake in
reservation. Are they more effective than alternative ways of providing access? Do they
displace the responsibility of the state onto institutions that are not equipped to carry
them out? Have they become a substitute for the state discharging its real duties? Do the
beneficiaries deserve reservation? How do we reconcile reservation with the autonomy of
institutions? Do OBCs have the same historical claims as scheduled castes and scheduled
tribes? Reservations are not about the single issue of merit alone.
Second, the argument over merit in our society is often very simple-minded. Indeed, the
paradox of our society is that we have very stringent, unidimensional criteria of merit,
often reduced to one test-score. There is very little room for developing innovative and
broad-based conceptions of merit which include performance on a range of indicators that
have to be ascertained by a variety of means. But the real issue in the debate over merit is
this: who has the right to define what counts as the relevant form of merit? The trouble is
that both reservationists and anti-reservationists share the same presumption: that
institutions should not be left to devise their own criteria of merit. Some authorities might
want to reward objective test scores, some might think there is merit in eccentricity and
innovation, some might reward effort more than outcome. The trouble is that as a society
we have reduced the argument over merit to “merit versus no merit”, rather than creating
space for experimenting with multifarious conceptions of merit. Our assumptions about
merit are so warped that its invocation can often also be rhetorical.
This is not the occasion to go into the merits or demerits of the proposed increase in
reservations for OBCs. The real worry about Chidamabaram’s statement is this. It is
completely impervious to the institutional realities on the ground, even in the muchpraised South India. Ask yourself this: Which institutions of higher learning in South
India would you rate as world-class? The Indian Institute of Science? The Centre for
Cellular and Molecular Biology, Hyderabad? If you were to stretch the definition of a
world-class institution: Indian Institute of Management, Bangalore? In universities,
perhaps Hyderabad Central would rate high. But none of these institutions had the kind of
reservations that local state universities have. Indeed, barring these “Central” institutions
and an occasional undergraduate college, you would be hard-pressed to think of great
universities or institutions in South India.
So the short answer to Chidambaram is this: please look at the state of educational
institutions in South India. Are they not performing way below potential? Have not
potentially world-class institutions like Osmania and Madras University become reduced
to parochial non-entities, unable to compete even with Jawaharlal Nehru University or
Delhi University, let alone world-class institutions? It would, of course, be simplistic to
attribute their decline to reservations alone, but the idea that South Indian public
universities are a paradise of excellence is deeply misplaced.
If the success and quality of institutions are measured by the way talent votes with its
feet, South India fares no better. Getting rid of Brahmanism as an ideology was a good
thing, but South India also lost immense amounts of talent in the way it went about this.
Arguably, universities in North India were a great beneficiary of this exodus. But its
principal beneficiaries were institutions abroad. A society that cannot retain some of its
best talent will be impoverished in many ways, and there is a good reason South Indian
institutions are not dominating intellectual and scientific debate to the extent they should.
Again, the causes behind this phenomenon are complex, but the massive migration of
talent that might otherwise have been in South Indian universities should warn us against
being too complacent about the quality of institutions in South India.
Moreover, the issues of identification and capture of benefits that are at the heart of our
reservation politics have deepened in South India over the years: just think of how intense
the conflict between the Malas and the Madigas is in Andhra Pradesh. There is some
evidence that reservations for OBCs is also heightening rather than diminishing existing
forms of dominance; and there is certainly very little evidence that reservation is an
effective anti-poverty measure. It is absolute common sense that opportunities are far
more co-related with income and parents’ education than with almost any other variable.
It is a bit odd to pretend that reservation is the key to the empowerment of the South.
Chidambaram also displayed what has become a ubiquitous feature of the political class:
the foisting of its own pedagogical predilections on educational institutions. Perhaps even
more appalling than the suggestion of extending reservations for OBCs is the claim that
the state should simply increase the number of seats available in existing institutions. In
principle this may not be a bad idea. But under prevailing conditions, it is yet another
example of the way in which we subordinate the pedagogical goals of institutions to the
logic of political calculus.
Institutions like the IITs and Delhi School of Economics are facing severe faculty
shortages. Should the government unilaterally decide to increase the intake in a hurry?
What will be the effect of transforming intake on quality? The central point that
Chidambaram missed is that reservation reflects a mindset that expresses statism more
than social justice, and this statism has destroyed institution after institution.
No one in his right mind would deny that access to our best institutions should be as
widely distributed across social classes as possible; there was even a consensus that the
historical deprivation of SC/STs entailed extraordinary measures. But Chidambaram’s
statement is a reminder that the debate about reservations for the OBCs is not about
social justice any more. It is about a finance minister who, instead of finding means to
adequately fund the true source of empowerment, education, is, like his colleagues,
engaging in a politics that will neither deliver justice nor alleviate poverty. There are
many good things to learn from South India, but its rhetorical invocation in the
reservations debate is neither here nor there.
****End of Story# 159 of 189
****Story#160 of 189
Title: Southern Record
Author: T.S. Subramanian
Source: Frontline
Date: April 29, 2006
URL: http://www.hinduonnet.com/fline/stories/20060505006400800.htm
SHAJU JOHN
On the Anna University campus. "Reservation exists in many well-known universities in
India, including those in Tamil Nadu such as Anna, Bharathidasan and Tiruchi
universities, yet the quality or prestige of these universities has not been vitiated," says
former Anna University Vice-Chancellor M. Anandakrishnan.
THE controversy over the proposed Bill to introduce reservation for Other Backward
Classes (OBC) in educational institutions has been characterised by a number of
arguments against the proposal. Broadly, they have been that "reservation militates
against merit and excellence" and that it harms "the interests of other communities,
especially the economically weaker sections among the upper castes". There is also the
fervent contention that the system of reservations does not actually help the weaker
sections among the OBCs and the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes (S.C. and S.T.)
since the benefits are cornered by the affluent among them. The sum total of the
arguments is that reservations in institutions of higher, professional education such as the
Indian Institutes of Technology (IITs) and the Indian Institutes of Management (IIMs)
would be nothing short of a sociological disaster.
Ironically, this line of reasoning has been most vehemently advanced from regions that
have no real or concrete exposure to reservation in the education sector. This includes the
majority of North Indian States. In contrast, in the four South Indian States as well as in
Maharashtra and Gujarat, which have had varying degrees of experience in this regard,
the opposition is marginal or absolutely nil. The overwhelming opinion among people in
these States, and even in "excellence-pursuing" academic circles, supports the principle
and practice of reservation. More important, the system seems to have got so embedded
in the education sector in almost all these States that the reaction is notably balanced.
All these States have had to go through periods of turbulence on this question before
acquiring the balance. Social activists and vast sections of the academia in these States,
therefore, refute the arguments put forward to oppose reservation. A quick appraisal
conducted by Frontline correspondents in these States, in the wake of the recent
controversy, reiterated this.
The concept of reservation in education for historically oppressed sections of society took
roots in South India over a century ago, along with the freedom movement. That a
number of initiatives associated with the freedom struggle in this region had their lineage
in the social reform movement against caste discrimination. According to B.R.P.
Bhaskar, a veteran journalist and social analyst, this social reform lineage is a significant
factor that differentiates between regions and societies that understand and support the
concept of reservation for social justice and oppose it.
Anna University Vice-Chancellor M. Anandakrishnan.
This concept was first advanced by Tamil Nadu, where the social and political assertion
of OBCs and other deprived sections led to the creation of the powerful Dravidian
movement. Reservation in education and public service began in the Madras Presidency
(much of it is now in Tamil Nadu) as early as 1831. The British Raj initiated this in
response to petitions from various public groups. Over the next few decades the
provisions of reservation were progressively redefined and modified, correcting
anomalies and rationalising affirmative action.
The process continued after Independence too and successive governments under the
leadership of Dravidian parties such as the Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (DMK) and the
All India Anna Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (AIADMK) introduced "rationalising"
classifications like "economic scale" and Most Backward Castes (MBCs). The sum total
of these measures was that reservation in the educational institutions in Tamil Nadu rose
to 69 per cent, a figure commensurate with the total population of S.C.s, S.T.s, OBCs and
MBCs in the State.
Tamil Nadu had 69 per cent reservation even before the Mandal Commission
recommendations, promoting 27 per cent reservation for OBCs, were introduced at the
national level. In this context, the Supreme Court came up with a stipulation seeking to
limit reservation in educational institutions to 50 per cent. This order was a result of
efforts by a number of anti-reservation organisations and individuals trying to bring down
the reservation quota in Tamil Nadu. But the cumulative initiatives taken by various
governments led by the Dravidian parties successfully resisted these counter-moves. The
net result of all this is that since 1994, Tamil Nadu's 69 per cent reservation has the
sanction of being part of the Ninth Schedule of the Constitution and hence is beyond
judicial scrutiny. Equally important, the reservation system has the near-total support of
the entire political spectrum of the State, barring a few fundamentalist Hindutva
organisations.
The Tamil Nadu experience is reflected in the quota system in Karnataka and Kerala.
Both these States had initiated reservations in the education sector for OBCs in the late
19th century or early 20th century, with periodic revisions and modifications.
Reservation in education was initiated by the princely states of Travancore, Kochi and
Mysore under the British Raj with widespread popular support. The tradition, naturally,
helped imbibe schemes such as Mandal Commission recommendations as positive
measures to advance social justice. According to Professor Ravivarma Kumar, former
Chairman of the Karnataka State Commission for Backward Classes (KSCBC), "children
in Karnataka are taught from the very beginning that reservation is very much part of the
social justice system, so they learn to live with it".
In Andhra Pradesh as also in Maharashtra and Gujarat, the process started relatively late.
In Andhra Pradesh, it was initiated in the 1970s while in Gujarat and Maharashtra, the
schemes were formalised in the 1980s and 1990s.
At present, Karnataka has 50 per cent reservation - 32 per cent for OBCs and 18 per cent
for S.C.s and S.T.s - in all institutes of higher learning. According to Ravivarma Kumar,
from 1992 to 2002, over 25,000 OBC students were able to gain admission to
professional colleges in Karnataka thanks to this. Kerala has approximately 50 per cent
reservation for its OBC, S.C. and S.T. populations, while Andhra Pradesh has 49.5 per
cent reservation.
A number of "well-known experiences" over the past few decades in these States
challenge the contentions against reservation. The life and career of former Karnataka
Chief Minister and Congress leader M. Veerappa Moily is evidence of how reservation
helped a family from a socially marginalised community come up the ladder of society.
Moily maintains that but for reservation he would not have come up in life. He recounted
to Frontline how, during the first two years of his undergraduate course, he lagged behind
and after that became the class topper. "We have to have an inclusive society. The IIMs
can't become islands for the privileged. If this quota system is crude, let educationalists
re-engineer and restructure it," he commented.
Former Karnataka Chief Minister M. Veerappa Moily.
Well-known writer and social analyst Professor Kancha Ilaiah, who is a faculty member
of the Political Science Department of Osmania University, and T. Devender Goud,
former Andhra Pradesh Home Minister and a senior leader of the Telugu Desam Party,
support Moily's views. Prof. Ilaiah said that but for reservation, OBC members would
have been living in the medieval age. Goud pointed out: "It is because of reservation
people like me could make a mark." The TDP leader added that in all the four south
Indian States, various OBC communities have registered a steady rise in education and
social status.
Commenting on the merit versus reservation debate, Dr. M. Anandakrishnan, Chairman,
Madras Institute of Development Studies (MIDS), pointed out that the assumption that
reservation per se would lead to an erosion of excellence and quality was based on
insufficient evidence. Anandakrishnan, who is a former Vice-Chancellor of Anna
University, Chennai, said it was erroneous to argue that those who came under
reservation were generally incompetent and could not cope with the level of performance
expected in the IITs and the IIMs. He added that the reservation issue had been dealt with
as an emotional one and was being unnecessarily politicised. "Reservation existed in
many well-known universities in India, including those in Tamil Nadu such as Anna,
Bharathidasan and Tiruchi universities and Osmania and Andhra universities in Andhra
Pradesh. Yet the quality or prestige of these universities has not been vitiated," he said.
Anandakrishnan argued that it would be a fallacy to imagine that OBC communities
cannot throw up sufficient number of bright students to fill up their quotas in institutions
of higher education. He said: "Assuming that 5,000 students were to be admitted to the
IITs every year and 27 per cent reservation was made for students belonging to OBCs, it
would work out to 1,350 seats for the OBCs. The number of IIT aspirants from the OBC
communities is about one lakh. You cannot say that out of this 1,00,000, there will not be
1,350 candidates competent enough to get into the IITs." The academician also pointed
out that there is not much difference in the failure rates between the open category and
the reserved category of students. "In fact, my experience as the Vice-Chancellor of Anna
University showed that those who come under the reserved category tend to put an extra
effort to perform better because they think that this is a rare opportunity for their upward
social mobility and economic security," Anandakrishnan emphasised.
The MIDS Chairman is of the view that the urge to preserve brand-named educational
institutions as ivory towers on the argument that their quality would be diluted by
reservation is similar to the historical social anomaly that sought to ban temple entry for
lower castes on the argument that temples would be desecrated if they were thrown open
to them. No temple was desecrated after it was thrown open to them, he remarked.
Professor Anil K. Gupta, Chair Professor of Entrepreneurship, IIM-Ahmedabad, is of the
view that the construct of merit in many of the merit versus intellect debates is in terms of
proficiency in the English language. "This is an absolutely gratuitous term of reference,
which fails to understand real merit," he said. Gupta added that in the context of this
debate, one needs to take into consideration the fact that 60 to 70 per cent of those who
win National Innovation Foundation Awards are school dropouts.
Prof. Ilaiah perceived the Merit versus Reservation argument as a kind of conspiracy by
certain sections of the upper castes to make institutions such as the IITs and the IIMs the
exclusive preserve of the English-knowing social elites. He also pointed out that, at the
socio-political level, the South Indian States are credited with democracy that is more
functional and economies that are better performing, despite the high level of reservation.
"In a way, it is all because of reservation. After all, if the economy does well, whom do
you sell your products to? It has to be to Dalits, OBCs and minorities. Only after the
blacks were given equal opportunities did the American economy witness a boom. You
have to make the deprived sections share power and become partners in progress," Prof.
Illaiah said.
There is also nuanced criticism of some aspects of the system. According to Prof. G.K.
Karanth, head of the Bangalore-based Centre for Study of Social Change and
Development of the Institute for Social and Economic Change, there is no point in
making available higher education without creating the path to get there: "The State
governments by insisting that the medium of instruction should be in the mother tongue,
confines the students to a local world. Later they are not able to communicate. They
might have a degree but no employment." Karanth is of the view that reservation is
benefiting only a few OBCs, especially the urban rich, the urban-educated and secondgeneration beneficiaries: "With people devising so many ways to earn money, the sense
of social deprivation is not proportionate to the economic deprivation. We have been able
to deny Public Distribution System benefits to those above the poverty line, but we have
not been able to devise a foolproof method to remove creamy layer OBCs from the
reservation list."
Professor Gupta emphasised the need to have compulsory universal primary education if
measures such as reservation in institutions of higher education have to go beyond
window-dressing. According to Achyut Yagnik, social activist and writer, there are many
nomadic tribes, denotified tribes and even religious minorities in Gujarat who have
problems in gaining access to even primary education. "There are 20 Muslim
communities on the OBC list in Gujarat but they find it difficult to get even certificates
from the bureaucracy," he pointed out.
Dr. P. Radhakrishnan, a Professor at the MIDS, is apprehensive that the relevance of the
constitutional provisions on vital public issues such as reservation is in danger because of
judicial delays and the tendency of politicians to manipulate constitutional provisions in
some way or the other.
In spite of these concerns, the overall social atmosphere in States exposed to reservation
is one of support. As B.R.P. Bhaskar points out, a number of historical, social and
political factors have contributed to the general support in these States and the frenzied
opposition in some other parts of the country.
"The social reform movement and the demands for reservation in these areas, especially
in the southern States, had come up along with a general reform movement and the
national liberation movement in the late 19th century and the early 20th century. It was a
period of democratic aspirations and social churning, and one could see reform
movements of all communities helping one another. The leaders of the Brahmin reform
movement supported those who advocated reforms among OBCs, and both joined hands
to lend a voice of solidarity to those who led a reform movement in the Muslim
community," Bhaskar said. Unfortunately, that climate no longer exists, particularly in
those areas where movements against caste discrimination and oppression did not
develop along with the general reform movement, he lamented. In fact, he added, at
present we do not seem to have the socio-economic conditions to discuss the reservation
issue objectively owing to widespread unemployment. He noted: "The competition for
jobs is intense and many think that reservation divests their opportunities, little realising
the negative impact of historical social subjugation and oppression of the disadvantaged
sections and the need to rectify such negative impact."
****End of Story# 160 of 189
****Story#161 of 189
Title: Speak In One Voice
Author: Pankaj Vohra
Source: Hindustan Times
Date: May 01, 2006
URL: http://www.hindustantimes.com/news/181_1687384,00120002.htm
The debate over reservation of seats in institutes of excellence has brought into the open
differences within the Union cabinet on this controversial subject. While it is
understandable that in a large and vibrant democracy like ours, different points of view
are bound to be articulated, when one cabinet minister takes on the other publicly, it does
not speak well of the government. It is obvious that senior ministers are waiting to take
convenient positions, keeping in mind the constituencies they represent. But in the
expression of their views, what has also come into focus is the Prime Minister’s
loosening grip over his colleagues.
Most political parties fell in line, supporting a constitutional amendment to facilitate
reservations for OBCs. Everyone feared that opposing the move could cost them crucial
votes. In fact, it was also the PM’s idea to have reservations through an enabling decision
subsequently, an idea from which some of his advisors are trying to distance him now,
given that the urban middle-classes are against such a move. But it is one commitment
that the PM may find it difficult to distance himself from.
Knowing that the cabinet of a coalition government had no choice but to introduce
reservations, HRD Minister Arjun Singh decided to take credit for it by making the
intention public. In the process, he positioned himself as a leader who empathises with
OBCs. His move was politically motivated, since it will help him rebuild his base in
Madhya Pradesh, his home state, as also extend his influence to other areas. But many in
his own party have questioned the wisdom of making the matter known when the cabinet
is yet to put its official seal on the subject.
Ever since the impending decision became known, students have come out on the streets
to lodge their protest. They strongly feel that the move would push merit to the
background. In their perception, justice would be denied to the meritorious if the
government seeks to introduce reservations in the name of social justice.
There are such strong arguments for both sides of the debate that it may be difficult to
resolve the matter peacefully. If Science and Technology Minister Kapil Sibal came out
openly in favour of those opposing reservations in institutes of excellence, he, too, had
his constituency in mind — the urban middle-classes, which, even in 1991, had opposed
the implementation of the Mandal commission. Sibal is not the only one with this view
— there seems to be a clear division in the Union cabinet on the subject, though most
ministers may accept the Arjun Singh formulation due to political considerations.
If Arjun Singh can be perceived to be guilty of making the intention known prematurely,
Sibal can only be faulted for airing his views publicly when the matter has already
generated a heated debate. But since it is not a cabinet decision yet, Sibal is free to
express his views. But the sharp focus the issue has given to the differences within the
cabinet should worry Manmohan Singh and Sonia Gandhi. This is not the first time that
ministers in this government have spoken out of turn and without informing the PM, but
it is a serious matter all the same.
In a parliamentary democracy, decisions are taken collectively by the government, and if
there are disagreements on the subject with the Prime Minister, it is the minister
concerned who usually gives way. This has happened in Britain and is equally applicable
here. But it also depends on how assertive the Prime Minister is in ensuring that ministers
do not wash their dirty linen in public. And in order to do so, he has to keep them on a
tight leash.
The government’s major failure has been that ministers who have spoken or taken a view
without consulting the PM have got away in the past. But this does not mean that
everyone should start taking such a view. What will then happen to the thumb rule of
running a government on the principle of collective responsibility. Already, instances of
judicial activism getting the better of executive authority — as had happened in P.V.
Narasimha Rao’s time — are becoming more pronounced. This happens only when
executive assertiveness takes a back seat and a lot of such acts are allowed to slip by
without taking proper action against defaulters.
The instances are not confined to Arjun Singh and Sibal alone. Sibal is a part of the
government he is criticising on the reservation issue or on the demolitions in the capital.
Singh, too, knows that till the cabinet gives its seal, his proposal will continue to remain a
proposal. The views for and against should be expressed whenever a cabinet meeting
takes place and once a final view is taken, then everyone must accept it. If differences
still persist, the only option is to quit and wait for a better time.
Otherwise, what would be the difference between the present government and the one
before it. What L.K. Advani had recently sought to do by raking up his opposition to the
shameful Kandahar episode should not be repeated. Advani was as much a part of the
decision as anyone else and if he had differences, he should have aired them publicly then
and withdrawn himself from the government. But then, power is the greatest adhesive
and he not only continued to hold on to his position but also became the deputy PM
subsequently. But he has changed his position following the vehement opposition and
annoyance expressed by Atal Bihari Vajpayee.
In the present case, it is possible that the cabinet may be divided. If Arjun Singh had not
taken a position on the issue, many Congress ministers may have had one view as against
the other held by some of the allies whose OBC constituency will be strengthened once
the cabinet nod is obtained. The Congress has little to gain from the subject since its
greatest strength has been its ability to carry with it members of all communities. It is this
that made it a party with the biggest mass support in this country. The OBC leadership
has already evolved and unfortunately it is not in the Congress. So even while indulging
in real politik, the Congress will emerge the loser on the issue. But maybe the party is
prepared to make a sacrifice for its coalition partners in pursuance of observing the
coalition dharma.
The issue has created unnecessary divisions in society and the coming days will witness
scenes pitting excellence and merit on one side against affirmative action on the other.
This is the biggest challenge before the Prime Minister, who should ensure that his
ministers do not speak out of turn, at least publicly. Whatever the government decides
must be communicated in one voice. Between us.
****End of Story# 161 of 189
****Story#162 of 189
Title: Students Seek President's Intervention Over Quota
Author: Correspondent or Reporter
Source: Hindu
Date: May 05, 2006
URL: http://www.hindu.com/2006/05/05/stories/2006050515590100.htm
A five-member delegation of students opposing reservations met President A. P. J. Abdul
Kalam at Rashtrapati Bhavan here on Thursday and sought his intervention to check the
Government's move to enhance the Other Backward Classes' quota in institutions of
higher education.
During the 20-minute meeting, the delegation under the banner of "United Students''
expressed concern over the issue and submitted a petition to the President signed by over
1.7 lakh students from across the country.
"The President asked us to give our personal opinion on the matter and agreed with us on
the need to improve the quality of primary education in the country. Although he did not
read the petition then, he assured us that he would go through all the 21 points mentioned
by us and consider them,'' said Aditya Raj Kaul, one of the delegates, after the meeting.
Contending that the students were concerned at use of quotas by political parties as a
political tool, the petition said the decision to extend reservations was a serious assault on
millions of struggling Indians who might be economically impoverished but are profiled
on the basis of a congenital system that is repudiated by every sensible person in the
country.
Demanding that the Mandal Commission report be summarily rejected, the petition said:
"The report is vastly out of date and at the minimum requires a serious review by a nonpartisan committee that explores the real potency of the report in the context of better
mechanisms to achieve its objective of social and socio-economic parity.'' The students
argued that reservations were dividing the country on a caste basis."We are deeply
concerned that the issue at hand holds the potential of tearing our communities into
polarised halves and we wish this not to happen. Incidents of protests by groups on both
sides of the divide point to similar flashpoints,'' said the petition.
****End of Story# 162 of 189
****Story#163 of 189
Title: The Indus Opportunity
Author: B G Verghese
Source: Deccan Herald
Date: April 29, 2006
URL:
http://www.deccanherald.com/deccanherald/apr292006/editpage1642352006428.asp
By co-operating with India on water projects on the basis of the 1960 Indus Treaty,
Pakistan stands to gain much
Pakistan’s water worries should concern India. Both sides share the Indus and it is only if
they join hands that its potential can be optimised with sustainability to combat the
common peril of climate change. Three separate reports by parliamentary, technical and
international expert committees set out Pakistan’s water future. Sharp inter-provincial
differences, largely revolving around Punjab’s dominance, and the need to accommodate
Afghanistan's demands on the Kabul River have shaped the discourse.
Pakistan currently diverts 117.35 MAF from the Indus, two thirds of this during the
kharif season. Another 8 MAF is used for drinking, sanitation and industrial purposes. A
further average daily flow of 5000 cusecs (10 MAF) is required to escape to the sea
below the Kotri barrage for the purpose of fisheries, coastal and delta management,
preservation of mangroves and to prevent saltwater intrusion. The entire 33 MAF flow of
the three eastern rivers has been allocated to India under the Indus Treaty, but apart from
regenerated supplies, about 3 MAF still flows into Pakistan. Additionally, while India is
entitled to irrigate 1.34 m acres of land in J&K from the three western rivers, it has still to
irrigate some 0.52 m acres and Pakistan estimates it will never use more than 2 MAF
under this entitlement.
Currently Pakistan uses almost 90-95 percent of Kabul waters. However, Afghanistan has
started on the road to development and has arid areas to irrigate. A UNESCO-Iran study
on possible Afghan uses is under way; but Pakistan believes that this requirement will not
exceed 0.50 MAF.
Pakistan has no storage sites on the Chenab and only one site on the Jhelum, at Mangla
just within POK. It has lost 30 per cent of overall storage capacity at Mangla, Tarbela and
Chasma (the latter two on the Indus) on account of sedimentation. It is raising Mangla by
30 feet to store an additional 2.9 MAF and is desperately looking for other sites on the
Indus. Kalabagh, below Tarbela, marks the lowest possible storage site (6.1 MAF, 3600
MW). But this dam is strongly opposed by NWFP and Sind. The Federal Government has
recently approved the Basha-Diamer dam, near Chilas in the Northern Areas, 200 km
upstream of Tarbela (7.34 MAF, 4500 MW, $6.7 bn as of 2002). NWFP supports Basha
but Pakistan feels that Basha and Kalabagh should go together and can be completed by
2011-2014.
The Basha-Diamer project entails widening and upgrading the Karakoram highway from
Manshera to Chilas, itself a considerable undertaking. A 905-foot high dam appears
problematic to some who advocate phased construction, going up to 600 feet in the first
instance. Basha lies beyond the arc of the monsoon and will therefore be entirely snowfed like the proposed mega Katzarah dam (35,000 MAF, 15,000 MW), near Skardu, or
the more modest Skardu dam alternative (8000-15,000 MAF, 4000 MW). The two latter
dams would require even more elaborate highway improvements over a longer lead and
entail high transmission costs over a bleak landscape to distant load centres.
All three dams, and even the Kalabagh dam, would only fill in years of high flood, being
essentially carryover dams to hold such “surplus storage”. The Katzarah dam would
submerge much of the Skardu bowl, the best of Balti civilisation and Pakistan’s strategic
communications. It has accordingly attracted considerable opposition even at the
conceptual stage. Nevertheless, A N G Abbas, Chairman of the Technical Committee on
Water Resources, continues to champion it, along with Sind, as Pakistan’s carryover
solution to wide annual flow variations, capturing 84 per cent of the available “storable
surplus” in the system. He believes that a detailed project will be ready by 2009; work
can commence by 2015 and be completed in eight years.
However, a consultancy study for the World Bank by Wallingford of the UK, suggests
that climate change and glacier melt could reduce Indus flows at Skardu by as much as 30
per cent within the next 30-40 years.
Cooperation with India in developing an Indus-II on the foundations of the 1960 Indus
Treaty would probably yield Pakistan better and surer dividends, at less cost and sooner.
India too would stand to benefit as it could then jointly survey sites with Pakistan for
potential storages on the upper Indus in Ladakh and investigate the possibility of building
or augmenting storages on the Chenab and Jhelum that are currently barred by the Indus
Treaty beyond stipulated limits. The surplus waters of the Ravi and the other two Eastern
Rivers that India cannot utilise could perhaps also be harnessed through joint
cooperation, which could extend to developing the potential of the Indus system in the
Northern Areas and POK, on Pakistan’s side of the LOC.
Exploration of this idea, whose time has come, could add a most useful and creative
dimension to the current Indo-Pakistan peace process in J&K, covering land use,
sediment control, agriculture, forestry, hydro energy, transmission and eco-tourism on
both sides. This would make the J&K border “irrelevant”, help build transborder
institutions across it and yield a huge peace dividend with manifold benefits to all the
people of J&K.
****End of Story# 163 of 189
****Story#164 of 189
Title: The Lost Reformer
Author: Pratap Bhanu Mehta
Source: Indian Express
Date: April 21, 2006
URL: http://www.indianexpress.com/story/2827.html
Dr Manmohan Singh’s mettle as prime minister is being severely tested. Recent events
have considerably dented his image. The Supreme Court gestured at the government’s
abdication of responsibility in the Narmada crisis. Arjun Singh set the cat amongst the
pigeons by invoking the spectre of reservations for OBCs, and the fallout of this
intervention is a cause of great anxiety. The Indo-US nuclear deal, the one issue apart
from the India-Pakistan peace process that the prime minister has made his own, has run
into predictable roadblocks. While he can still turn this around by reiterating India’s
independence, critics of the original deal certainly have a lot more ammunition. Even if
the deal goes through, it has lost some of its sheen.
Coming on the heels of a series of despicable constitutional shenanigans, almost
everyone is asking: where is the prime minister? What does it portend when the Prime
Minister’s Office, instead of setting the agenda, seems to spend inordinate amounts of
energy distancing itself from the actions of its own government? What does it suggest
about the PM’s ability to advise Sonia Gandhi, when he remains saddled with a large
number of ministers who are not only a political and intellectual liability, but at every
step compromise constitutional morality? It is a cliche, but one that bears repeating: it is
time for Singh to be counted.
Although in some respects, they are as different as chalk and cheese there is an uncanny
parallel between Vajpayee and Manmohan Singh. Looking back, one is struck by how
often in times of crisis, Vajpayee’s response was an emotional but evasive poem. Singh’s
response is a reflective but ultimately, a deeply ambiguous speech. In response to the
reservations crisis, for instance, the PMO put out two speeches, to Harvard alumni and
CII. The former thoughtfully articulates the aspirations for higher education; the latter
was an unclear exhortation to industry to live up to its social responsibilities. On their
own terms, both speeches had some merit. But they are what one associates with itinerant
academics, not a prime minister in the midst of a political crisis. Instead of setting an
agenda or changing the terms of the debate, they merely fuelled more speculation and
uncertainty. But they give a clue to where the PM’s vision has got lost.
His message when he took office was two-fold. The first was a reform of government
itself. The second was a new social contract where the gains of growth would be
translated into gains for the poor and dispossessed. The constitutional improprieties of the
government, the sheer dissipation of energy internal Congress squabbling entails, and the
manifest statism of so many ministers have made serious reform of the state a pipedream.
The second message has been re-interpreted in Congress parlance as compassion.
Compassion may be a good private virtue, but it is not a substitute for sound government
policy. A politics of compassion is demeaning to citizens, it converts them into objects of
pity rather than bearers of rights. But the ideology of helping the poor through
compassion is the ideology of the state as a source of noblesse oblige, keep giving the
poor a whole range of sops under the guise of compassion. But they do not do much to
alter the basic architecture of society that impoverishes them in the first place.
This is where Singh’s CII speech disappointed. Industry certainly has a great deal of
responsibility to discharge. But the entire debate over empowering marginalised
communities is shifting from a reform of the state, to displacing responsibility onto
institutions outside the state: educational institutions or industry. It is a way of cloaking
the state’s own failures, a position least expected of Manmohan Singh.
There are many ways to link reform to the betterment of the poor. There is rank
hypocrisy in our approach to empowering marginalised communities. Think of two
alternatives: the Centre continues to spend Rs 6000-8000 crore on higher education and
then pretends to give access through reservation. Or it has an extra fund, created through
disinvestment of more than Rs 100,000 crore (an easy proposition) which it dedicates to
intelligently empowering the poor through all kinds of education and support systems.
What will create more access? There is a direct link between economic reform, reform of
the state, and the genuine well being of the poor. This is a link Singh can, above all,
articulate. Yes, there are constraints posed by the Left. But art of leadership consists of
three things: setting the agenda, shaping prevailing opinion rather than merely second
guessing it, and mobilising new constituencies. Promise Dalits a share of the wealth the
state has hoarded up and see political equations change. It is patent nonsense to suggest
that there is no space for social justice amidst our contemporary intoxication with growth.
Even amongst the much maligned upper and middle class, there is more willingness to
invest in long-term foundations of genuine empowerment, just think of the enthusiasm
for cesses.
But the argument is over the instruments you use, and this is where the prime minister
needs to set a bold new paradigm. The disappointing aspect of the last week is not that
the PM was absent; it is that the core of his original vision is now being reduced to
reactive musings.
The prime minister does not have an independent power base. But power is something
that is created through bold ideas. The real danger is not just that the prime minister’s
weakness is being exposed; his ideological and intellectual identity is being dissipated.
He is not giving a vast un-mobilised constituency enough reason to go along with him.
Citizens respond to leaders who carry the imprimatur that their thoughts are their own,
and who can occupy the agenda space. Just see the remarkable way in which Laloo has
reinvented himself as an effective reformer, on the assumption that if you build an
edifice, support will follow. Perhaps it is graceless and presumptuous to second guess the
prime minister’s difficulties, but too much is at stake. How we use the good times will
define us as a nation as much as moments of crisis do. Vajpayee made the mistake of
thinking that being himself was enough: given the alternatives he would remain the
repository of hope. But Dr Singh has to also realise that being Dr Singh, admirable as it
is, is not enough. He has to be Prime Minister Singh.
****End of Story# 164 of 189
****Story#165 of 189
Title: The Pml Troubles And Musharraf —Dr Hasan-Askari Rizvi
Author: Dr Hasan-Askari Rizvi
Source: Daily Times
Date: May 07, 2006
URL: http://www.dailytimes.com.pk/default.asp?page=2006\05\07\story_7-52006_pg3_#2
The civil and military establishment may find it difficult to manage the elections because
the international community intends to carefully monitor the elections and the opposition
political forces are more determined to take on the Musharraf government in the 2007
general elections, if not earlier
Pakistan’s current political scene reflects the typical dilemma of military-dominated
political systems that rely heavily on rewards and punishments or denials to divide and
weaken the opposition political parties, especially those viewed as the major adversaries.
However, experience suggests that such policies also divide the co-opted political forces.
As political patronage and material rewards are the key to creating a pro-military political
conglomerate of diverse elements, the latter are unable to cultivate a long term shared
political ideology and a framework for internal harmony. The “in-house” politics, based
on mutual jealousies and competition for power and patronage, strains the military
dominated political order.
President General Pervez Musharraf faces the uphill task of pacifying a number of senior
leaders of the ruling Pakistan Muslim League (PML) who have reservations about those
managing party affairs — the current party chief, Chaudhry Shujaat Hussain, and his
cousin and Punjab chief minister, Chaudhry Pervaiz Elahi. Some of these leaders called
on President Musharraf on May 4. The PML leadership from Sindh held a meeting with
him on May 5. Other PML leaders may call on him later. Zafarullah Khan Jamali, the
first PML prime minister in the post-2002 election period, has criticised the management
of party affairs in his recent statements.
The roots of the ruling PML can be traced to the PML-Quaid-i-Azam (Q) that emerged
on the political scene in 2001 as a pro-Musharraf group. Prior to the military take-over in
October 1999, PML-Q leaders were members of PML-Nawaz (N). They rejected the
PML-N policy of confrontation with the military government and organised themselves
as a faction within the PML-N. Later, they established themselves as a separate political
entity — PML-Q.
The PML-Q contested the 2002 elections with the blessings of General Pervez
Musharraf. It formed a coalition government at the federal level and assumed power in
three provinces, the Punjab (a PML-Q government exclusively), Sindh (a coalition
government with MQM and PML-F) and Balochistan (a coalition government with the
MMA). In September 2003, the PML-Q and four other PML factions agreed in principle
to merge. It was not until May 2004 that the legal and political obstacles were removed
for establishing a unified PML. It included all PML factions with the exception of the
PML-N, and two other parties (Sindh Democratic Alliance and the National Alliance)
that were included in the ruling coalition.
The PML-Q leadership took over the unified PML but it faced internal problems from the
beginning. The Pir of Pagara who led the PML-Functional decided to retain his separate
party and left the unified PML within days. Since then the Pir of Pagara has opposed the
leadership of Chaudhry Shujaat Hussain from the outside.
The second problem pertained to the efforts of Prime Minister Zafarullah Khan Jamali to
assume the office of secretary-general of the unified PML. Jamali did not pursue the
matter in view of opposition by Chaudhry Shujaat Hussain and other party leaders. The
consultations between Chaudhry Shujaat Hussain and President Musharraf on the
appointment of office bearers resulted in Mushahid Hussain Syed becoming the
secretary-general.
Another problem emerged while trying to accommodate the chiefs of the merged
factions/parties and other prominent leaders in the PML hierarchy. They wanted to take
advantage of state patronage without compromising on their political salience. The chiefs
of the factions were appointed senior vice-presidents. Several other leaders were also
given posts of senior or regular vice-presidents. By early 2006 the PML had about 29
vice-presidents. However, the two Chaudhries and their close associates dominate party
management.
PML’s problems are also linked with the rapid prime ministerial changes in June 2004
(Zafarullah Jamali, who resigned, Chaudhry Shujaat Hussain, who was appointed prime
minister while Shaukat Aziz fulfilled the constitutional requirement to become prime
minister) and September 2005 (when Shaukat Aziz replaced Chaudhry Shujaat Hussain).
Though the party endorsed these changes, it was neither informed about the reasons for
them nor consulted on the changes. The presidency rather than the party or the parliament
was the repository of power in the political system.
Access to power and state patronage without a shared political ideology does not ensure
harmonious interaction among diverse political interests. They often compete with each
other which causes internal rifts in the political dispensation. It was not surprising that
intra-party dissension surfaced in the PML in 2005-06. The Sindh PML faced a serious
rift in 2005 when Imtiaz Sheikh fell out with Chief Minister Arbab Ghulam Rahim. But
for the presidency’s intervention, the PML Sindh would have splintered.
The management of local government elections by the chief ministers of Sindh and the
Punjab alienated PML leaders who did not have the blessings of their respective chief
ministers. The determined effort by the Punjab chief minister to get his favourites elected
as district and tehsil nazims in the 2005 local government elections alienated many senior
PML leaders, including federal ministers and parliamentarians. The emergence of the
forward bloc in the PML reflects dissatisfaction with the management of party affairs.
The president and prime minister have discouraged the forward bloc, temporarily
defusing the situation.
President Pervez Musharraf met PML leaders in September and November 2005 to
defuse internal wrangling. During his visit to Lahore in November 2005, President
Musharraf remarked that factionalism was an undesirable development.
This week, the president has again spent time on PML affairs. He went to his chamber in
the parliament house after a long time to meet several political leaders. This was coupled
with the meetings with PML leaders in the presidency.
The principal cause of PML factionalism is the personalised management by PML
President Chaudhry Shujaat Hussain and the Punjab party chief, Chaudhry Pervaiz Elahi
who ignore the sensitivities of other senior party leaders. As long as they enjoy the
blessings of President Musharraf they are likely to cope with internal challenges.
However, if the president withholds his support the two PML leaders are likely to face a
massive revolt.
If PML’s internal coherence depends on President Musharraf, the party is not likely to
function as an effective political machine in the next general elections without relying on
the state apparatus. If this is how the PML is to perform, President Musharraf will have to
think again before relying on the party for dealing with complex issues like fair and free
elections and the uniform issue.
President Musharraf needs a genuine political base to cope with the emerging situation —
greater activity by the opposition, the possible return of Benazir Bhutto and Nawaz Sharif
to Pakistan, and holding fair and free elections. The existing political dispensation in
Islamabad will not be able to mobilise enough popular support to address these issues.
The civil and military establishment may find it difficult to manage the elections because
the international community intends to carefully monitor the elections and the opposition
political forces are more determined to take on the Musharraf government in the 2007
general elections, if not earlier.
****End of Story# 165 of 189
****Story#166 of 189
Title: The Politics Of Language
Author: A Surya Prakash
Source: Pioneer
Date: April 25, 2006
URL:
http://www.dailypioneer.com/indexn12.asp?main_variable=EDITS&file_name=edit3%2
Etxt&counter_img=#3
The orgy of violence unleashed by his fans in Bangalore following news of the sudden
demise of Kannada superstar Raj Kumar earlier this month, once again drew attention to
that southern alchemy of cinema and politics and revived the debate on why followers of
southern film stars go berserk when something happens to their heroes. Many
commentators in Delhi wondered why fans of southern film stars are ready to kill
themselves to show their loyalty to their heroes - a tendency that you would never see
among the followers of Hindi film stars including those who swear by the biggest of them
all - Amitabh Bachchan.
The answer lies in the politics of language that dominated national politics in the second
half of the 20th century. The reverence with which Raj Kumar's fans treated their hero
was similar to the adulation enjoyed by MG Ramachandran among the Tamils and NT
Rama Rao among the Telugus. All of them were superstars in their respective States and
what they did was to instill pride in these language groups, arouse their consciousness
and arm them with "atmagauravam".
In other words, MG Ramachandran, NT Rama Rao and Raj Kumar aroused the subnationalist sentiments crucial to the development of the language and culture of people in
their states. Except students of history, the present generation of Indians would be
unaware of the bloody battles fought during the 1950s and 1960s on this issue. Potti
Sriramulu set the ball rolling with his fast unto death for creation of a separate Telugu
speaking state. Andhra Pradesh emerged from the smouldering embers of the agitation
that followed Sriramulu's death and triggered the formation of States on linguistic lines.
But the creation of these States only partly met the aspirations of these linguistic groups
because politicians like Ram Manohar Lohia and political parties like the Jan Sangh and
the Samyukta Socialist Party, wanted Hindi to be the official language. This was resisted
by people in the southern region. Eventually, the three-language formula was evolved to
end the conflict and to allow non-Hindi states to promote their languages as official
languages within their territories.
This brought an end to the bitterness over language policy in the country. Now, with the
passage of time, several things have happened to bring about the linguistic integration of
the country. Indian politics entered the coalition age a decade ago and enabled regional
political parties like the Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam and the Telugu Desam to come to
power at the Centre.
Power sharing at the federal level has lowered political insecurities among different
linguistic groups. This has also reduced insecurity in the non-Hindi States in regard to
preservation of their respective languages and consequently brought down anti-Hindi
feelings in these regions. The end of Government's monopoly in television in the early
1990s has spawned dozens of satellite television channels offering entertainment and
news in all the major languages in the country. However, since Hindi is the dominant
market commanding close to 400 million viewers, market forces have taken over and
Hindi is gaining acceptability across the country in a silent, peaceful way.
Finally, the IT revolution has opened the eyes of people in the Hindi belt to the futility of
their anti-English politics. They are chanting the mantra of bilingualism and encouraging
their wards to learn English. The Hinglish content that you hear on radio and television
these days is also an acknowledgement of this emerging trend.
In other words, the discord over language in multi-lingual India has more or less come to
an end. Raj Kumar's death coincides with the end of the era of strife and the dawn of the
era of linguistic harmony. This now brings us to the issue of the violence that followed
Raj Kumar's death. As news of Raj Kumar's death spread across Karnataka, his fans
turned out in large numbers not only to express their grief but to acknowledge their
gratitude for a man who had done so much for their language and culture.
The disturbances were largely brought about by administrative failure. Having failed to
make proper arrangements to regulate the movement of his fans and to enable them to
pay their respects to departed hero, the police rained lathi blows on mourners, who
responded by attacking Government and private property.
Kannadigas owe a lot to Raj Kumar because they had to contend not only with Hindi
dominance but Tamil hegemony as well. This was because of the huge influx of Tamils
to Bangalore and several other towns to take up low-end jobs in factories and farms. The
Kannadigas, who were much more laid back, thumbed their noses at blue collared jobs.
Four decades ago, the dream of an average Kannadiga was to become a Second Division
Clerk in Vidhana Soudha. Then something happened to shake him out of his slumber.
The locals realised that they would soon be swamped by the Tamils. Kannadigas stood up
to this attitude leading to bloody anti-Tamil riots on a couple of occasions. The problem
is not over because the Tamils do not easily merge into their adopted States. It appears as
if creating a Karol Bagh wherever they go comes naturally to them. This promotes
separateness.
Another set of people who moved into Karnataka were the Sindhis, Marwaris and
Punjabis. They set up private businesses and were into money lending. However, the
Kapurs and Gills made no secret of their disdain for the Kannada language and culture.
But for a popular icon like Raj Kumar, the Tamils and the businessmen from the North
would have overrun the place. Raj Kumar was the firewall which protected Kannada. The
outpouring of grief that one witnessed on his death was the Kannadiga salute to the man
who had enabled them to preserve a language and culture that is over 1,000 years go.
Finally a word about the attack on private cars and new economy businesses in the wake
of Raj Kumar's death. The nouveau rich techies who have made Karnataka their home
should adopt the language and culture of their adopted State. As the well known
litterateur, Dr UR Anantha-murthy, said the other day in a television programme - if you
are working in Paris, it would be in your interest to learn French.
****End of Story# 166 of 189
****Story#167 of 189
Title: The Role Of Arcadia
Author: AMIT CHAUDHURI
Source: Telegraph
Date: April 30, 2006
URL: http://www.telegraphindia.com/1060430/asp/opinion/story_6148072.asp
The Oxford Tagore Translations, whose general editor is Sukanta Chaudhuri, gives us
pause, and a renewed opportunity to take stock of the achievement and its historical
moment. The series gives us not only an overview of the vast range of the work — there
are separate volumes of poetry, critical essays, writings for children, short stories, and
one novel (that leaves the paintings and plays) — but is a fresh attempt to assuage the
anxiety that Tagore has seldom been well-translated, least of all by himself, and to allay
the fear that he cannot be. But the nature of the ‘bad’ Tagore translation has not only to
do with insufficient fidelity to the original, or inadequate mastery of the target language;
it’s to do with a naïve and specious spirituality or Easternness in the English version
that’s present in the original in complex and oblique ways. The ‘bad’ translations,
including Tagore’s own, insert Tagore into ‘Orientalia’. The Oxford Tagore Translations,
then, is itself a late instance of the sort of humanist project that Tagore, in large measure,
began in Bengal in the late 19th century; his emphatic rejection of Orientalia in Bengali,
despite his slipping dangerously close to it in English; his situating of the Oriental in the
human and universal, and vice versa. The Oxford Tagore series is an attempt to capture
and be true to this process; of the way in which Easternness, in Tagore’s oeuvre (and,
implicitly, in those of us — his editors, translators, readers — for whom Tagore is a
formative inheritance), becomes so integrally a part of the narrative of the human: till
then largely the domain of the West.
How, in creating his oeuvre and opening up the possibilities of a new tradition — a
modern literature in India — did Tagore position himself as a modern? His view of
himself, expressed in and across his essays, is that he is an Oriental, bringing to bear
upon the modern world the special insight of the Oriental; that he is a Bengali, having
recourse to the emotional terrain of Bengal; and that, as a poet, he is a ‘universal’ human
being, with access to a humanity that is deeper than civilizational borders, or conflicts, or
even the fact of colonization. Each one of these personae (for the want of a better word)
is assumed by Tagore at different points of time, and developed and pursued according to
the appropriateness of the moment or the argument, without any sense of selfcontradiction or confusion or embarrassment. By European modernism itself, represented
to him mainly by the early T.S. Eliot and his urban despair in poems such as ‘Preludes’,
he was deeply distressed, but nevertheless studied it dutifully, if balefully. Here he
positioned himself as an Oriental who, implicitly, brought a far more profound response
to life than Eliot’s shallow (as Tagore saw it) urban angst. Tagore’s rejection of Eliot and
the decaying industrialized city of modernism led younger poets and admirers like
Buddhadev Bose (who had a long, eloquent debate with him on the subject not long
before his death in 1941) to classify Tagore as probably something of a late romantic —
as someone not quite modern. It’s an impression that persists even today; as if a rejection
of modernity as subject-matter — tenement housing, electric lights, offices, scenes of
urban dereliction — were itself an infallible sign of a distance from modernism; as if the
fact that Tagore claimed Indian antiquity as a great part of his intellectual inheritance,
and invoked nature repeatedly in songs and poems, marked him simply and
uncomplicatedly as a romantic.
In listening to these criticisms, Tagore was exceptionally patient; and yet, while officially
stating his reservations about the modernists and about Eliot (with the exception of
‘Journey of the Magi’, which he was greatly moved by), and his disagreements with
Bose, he was also studying and taking cues from them. Tagore was an astonishingly
shrewd and gifted learner, and the topoi and characteristics of much of his work of his
middle and late periods — the experiments in fragmentary and free verse, the appearance
of the lower-middle-class city in a poem like ‘Banshi’ or ‘Flute’ (translated in this series
by the novelist Sunetra Gupta, who also gives us some very striking renditions of some of
the prose poems), the unfinished and provisional quality of much of the late poems and
especially the paintings — are partly the irresolvable marks of what Edward Said called
‘late style’, and partly a working out of Tagore’s problematic relationship with stimuli he
felt compelled to reject, and yet couldn’t ignore. Very few modern poets, except Yeats,
have aged as intriguingly as Tagore; very few, in age, continued to be such gifted, if often
recalcitrant students, while appearing to the world as a master.
Yet it would be a mistake to impose a dichotomy on Tagore’s work, between the modern,
the political, the ‘critical’, on the one hand, and the romantic, the ahistorical, the organic
on the other, as two of the most intelligent critics of Bengali culture, Buddhadev Bose in
the Forties, and, more recently, Dipesh Chakrabarty have done. It’s a dichotomy that
Tagore seems to invite and to confirm in his own pronouncements, but which his work
dismantles profoundly. For Bose, and others after him, Tagore’s turning away from the
crises of modernity — urban squalor, man’s alienation from the industrialized landscape
— distinguishes him decisively from the modernists. Bose’s idea of the modern, as of
Bengali critics after him who’ve written about Tagore and modernity, seems to have its
source in Eliot’s essay on Baudelaire. Tagore’s late poem ‘Banshi’, about a clerk
(modernism’s ‘little man’) who lives in a squalid tenement in Calcutta, is seen, then, to be
an attempt by the poet to come to terms with the Baudelarian inheritance and milieu of
modernism. But this is to identify modernism by theme alone, and ignore the radical
revisions in forms of perception that it constitutes. Two of the fundamental
preoccupations of the modernist imagination, the moment in time as a means of accessing
the transformed present, and the image, which can’t be entirely broken down or reduced,
are both integral to Tagorean poetics and his view of the world — the moment, in his
work, is ‘kshan’, and the image ‘chhabi’, or ‘picture’, and they recur in his poems,
especially in his songs, in an infinity of contexts. ‘Banshi’, as it happens, is a romantic
poem about modernity; but the so-called romantic songs about the weather, the beloved,
and nature, are replete with the modernist’s fragmentary apprehension of the real, and of
the irreducible image.
Chakrabarty, in an essay on Tagore, distinguishes the poet’s ‘critical eye’, which he finds
in his stories, and which, for Chakrabarty, negotiates history and society, from the
sensibility, or gaze, found in the poetry, which he describes as the ‘adoring eye’:
romantic, transcendent, bucolic. A ‘division of labour’ is at work here, and this is how
Chakrabarty puts it: ‘At the same time…as he employed his prosaic writings to document
social problems, Tagore put his poetic compositions (not always in verse), and songs to a
completely different use... These created and deployed images of the same category —
the Bengali village — but this time as a land of arcadian and pastoral beauty overflowing
with the sentiments that defined what Tagore would increasingly — from the 1880s on —
call “the Bengali heart”.’
This is true; and yet, to get a fuller sense of the impact nature had on Tagore, and the one
it has on us through his writing, we have to take into account the long and intriguing
itinerary it had in his intellectual development. In fact, Tagore’s natural world, in the
songs and poems, has little of the finished repose of arcadia, but is beset by continual
physical agitation, either subtle — tremors, tricks of light — or violent and Shelleyan, as
in the famous poem about the flight of the wild geese in the collection Balaka. But the
conception of nature Tagore theorized in his essays all his mature life is arcadian, and
that arcadian conception is not incompatible with Tagore’s politics, but is actually
indispensable to it. That arcadia is India, or ancient India, and its source and mediator is
Kalidasa. That notional arcadia has a deceptive tranquillity; for Tagore, nature is a
political metaphor, an instrument for national contestation.
****End of Story# 167 of 189
****Story#168 of 189
Title: The Ultimate Privatisation
Author: JUG SURAIYA
Source: Times of India
Date: April 22, 2006
URL: http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/articleshow/1499239.cms
Coming on the heels of Arjun Singh's proposal to impose reservations in educational
institutions, Manmohan Singh's veiled caveat to the Confederation of Indian Industry that
if the private sector doesn't accept caste-based job reservations it might have them thrust
down its throat by executive fiat, is sending seismic shocks through the Indian polity.
With talk of Parliament using the Ninth Schedule of the Constitution to make private
sector reservations non-justiciable, the debate has intensified.
In the clamour of 'merit' versus 'affirmative action', a fundamental aspect of the issue has
been ignored: What are — or ought to be — the core competencies of the private sector
and of government, respectively?
The core competence of a purely commercial private enterprise (as distinct, say, from a
school or hospital or other public service institution) is the making of legitimate profit,
with the emphasis on the word 'legitimate'.
If it cheats — by fudging its accounts, or manipulating its stock, or selling sub-standard
goods, or despoiling the environment — it should be brought to book by the government.
For that is — or ought to be — the core competence of the government, to govern justly
and fairly and protect the interests of citizens against fraudulent practice and exploitation.
Today, some would say that the apparent determination of the government to force the
private sector to become a vehicle for supposed social justice is itself tantamount to
fraudulent practice and exploitation.
The delivery of social justice is the proper job of the government, which many would say
it has singularly failed at. When Dalit women are raped for the crime of drawing water
from a well reserved for upper-caste use; when over 160 districts spread over several
states are in the grip of armed insurgency; when hunger stalks the tribals of Maharashtra
and other parts of the country, sarkari social justice remains a cruel mirage.
So what does the government do? With adroit sleight of hand it passes the buck on to the
private sector. You make profits from society, don't you?
So you must have social responsibility as well — quite apart and on top of the social
responsibility of paying corporate taxes, which the government supposedly spends on
providing citizens with basic civic amenities, including the basic amenity of social
justice.
****End of Story# 168 of 189
****Story#169 of 189
Title: The Widening Net Of Quota
Author: Kalyani Shankar
Source: Pioneer
Date: May 05, 2006
URL:
http://www.dailypioneer.com/indexn12.asp?main_variable=OPED&file_name=opd1%2E
txt&counter_img=#1
Will the supporters and detractors of quota for students fight pitched battles, or will the
movement subside? Will we see another Mandal-like agitation, as was witnessed in 1990,
with self-immolations over the Government's decision to introduce quotas for other
backward castes in elite IITs and IIMs?
Despite the tacit political support for both groups, it looks unlikely that the demonstration
will escalate and take an ugly turn. This is because this times the quotas in the Centrally
administered IITs and IIMs do not really threaten the vast number of people that the
Mandal reservations did.
Also, there is an all-party consensus on the issue of quota after the Supreme Court order
now. Even in the UPA Cabinet, no party would like to oppose the reservation for the sake
of vote-bank politics.
In 1990, when the Mandal agitation took place, the BJP clandestinely backed the violent
anti-Mandal protests, while the Congress gave its tacit support. The result was the fall of
the VP Singh Government in 1990. Things have changed in these past 16 years. There is
a new generation of students who have been influenced by globalisation. The middle
class has grown in size and there is more disposable income now. The vocal middle class
students are seen in the streets today talking against reservations.
While the Congress is supporting the reservation for OBCs, the BJP is keeping its options
open. The BJP has not come out in the open on the quota issue. In fact, it is merely saying
that let the implementation part come first, then the party will make a statement. The BJP
probably wants to add quotas for the economically backward classes, so that the other
sections are pacified as well.
It will be interesting to see how the Congress handles the sensitive issue that is assuming
alarming proportions in the last few days. Going by the indications, Congress president
Sonia Gandhi, Prime Minister Manmohan Singh and the UPA allies have decided on the
issue of quotas. Besides, the Left allies of the UPA Government are firm supporters of
the quota system.
Why is there such an intense debate on the quota issue? The anti-reservation lobby thinks
that the proposal to provide 27 per cent quota for OBCs in educational institutions,
including the IITs and the IIMS, is not necessary. This lobby thinks that such a
reservation will be unfair to the meritorious students. After all, the latter may be deprived
of seats on account of quotas.
Already these institutions have a 22.5 per cent reservations for Scheduled Castes and
Scheduled Tribes. The proposed 27 per cent for OBCs would mean a 49.5 per cent quota
for these sections. These students are upset because here caste is given precedence over
merit. No wonder they oppose the idea vehemently. They argue that while they are not
against OBCs being given a push, this should begin at the bottom.
The disadvantaged OBC students should be given special coaching in the early stages of
their lives, so that they can compete with privileged and rich ones. The proreservationists feel that they, too, should get a chance to improve themselves in life. Most
OBCs belong to lower middle class families. They are a deprive lot and it is only the
creamy layer from these classes that have been enjoying the benefits provided by the
state.
Going by the Mandal experience, the quota issue is going to be very ticklish. There is no
doubt that no political party will openly oppose reservations for OBCs today. However,
the future of the OBC quota will depend on how the Congress handles the issue.
The Congress is possibly thinking of vote-bank politics, with an eye on OBC votes. The
Assembly election in Uttar Pradesh may take place next year and the Congress needs to
tone up its organisation. Earlier, the party used to depend on Muslims, the so-called
forward and Dalit votes, but things are quite different now. The so-called forward castes
have moved to the BJP, while Muslims have deserted the Congress in favour of Mr
Mulayam Singh and Ms Mayawati after the Babri Masjid demolition on December 6,
1992. The Dalits are looking towards the BSP to give them political power. So under the
circumstances, the Congress may be eyeing OBC votes
The BJP is on a firm ground on the issue of OBCs because it can boast of OBC Chief
Ministers in Rajasthan, Gujarat, Madhya Pradesh and a Deputy Chief Minister in Bihar.
In Jharkhand, it has a ST Chief Minister; while in Uttar Pradesh, the BJP had BC votes
from sections like the Lodhs and kurmis. Mr Raman Singh of Chhattis-garh is the only
Rajput Chief Minister in the country.
Other parties like the DMK, the ADMK, the TDP, the RJD, the NCP, the Trinamool
Congress and the Left parties also support the backward classes quota.
If everyone is for it, the anti-reservationists do not stand much of a chance to scuttle
quota. However, one must see how its widening net will be cast.
****End of Story# 169 of 189
****Story#170 of 189
Title: The Young & The Old Boys’ Network
Author: Correspondent or Reporter
Source: Indian Express
Date: May 03, 2006
URL: http://www.indianexpress.com/story/3630.html
The highly emotive debate on reservations raises an interesting question. Has there ever
really been a level playing field for the youth of India? The obvious villain, the well
entrenched caste system, is not the only impediment in ensuring that all of us are treated
at par, though it is no doubt the most pernicious.
Some of those who are today so vocal about the selfishness of the anti-reservation lobby
have themselves benefited from a more subtle and insidious class system. It was our
colonial masters who demonstrated to us how well connected people have doors
automatically opened for them through ‘‘the old boy network’’. The Brits set up elite
institutions, which prided themselves on being the Oxfords and Cambridges of the East,
where admissions were based not on marks alone but highly subjective interviews where
a person’s pedigree, accent, social standing and connections were all taken into account.
Many a bright student with the requisite marks has been unfairly denied a seat on the
basis of sham interviews at these prestigious educational institutions and many an
undeserving candidate has been admitted for the same reasons. Experience has shown
that that those of our elite who affect holy horror about the use of influence are most
likely to subtly slip in a word in the right quarters about their offspring when it comes to
the crunch. It is no coincidence that for decades the children of India’s power elite — in
the days when power was associated with the upper echelons of the bureaucracy and Left
intelligentsia and not the Laloos and Mayawatis — always managed to get into such
institutions and generally ended up winning most of the scholarships to study abroad.
One’s daddy’s friends usually happened to be on the interview board. Interestingly even
our Communist parties in the early days had a soft corner for those with the right blood
lines and the Oxbridge culture.
If the old boy network is on the decline today, it is partly because the best and brightest
students now have their sights fixed on America rather than England, and economics and
cutting edge technology rather than the
classics and history. And the egalitarian Americans are more concerned with grades and
performances or simply the ability to pay the high fees, than interviews and references.
Mahatma Gandhi is generally regarded as a dysfunctional father for bending over
backwards in ensuring that his sons got no benefit from his pre-eminent position. In this
aspect, Pandit Nehru is the preferred model. Though he personally abhorred nepotism,
somehow a disproportionate number of his qualified family members occupied eminent
positions. Today, there is actually a section of society which feels some sympathy for
Pravin Mahajan’s grouse that his influential brother could have given him more of a leg
up.
Some months back, a leading newsmagazine carried a cover story on the best and
brightest of the younger generation. Practically, every one of the outstanding youth
selected in the fields of politics, music, cinema and business happened to be the child of
someone important in the same sphere. Nepotism, caste links, communal or regional
loyalties surface at every strata of the job market. Guptas and Sharmas have an
overwhelming presence in some departments of the Delhi Municipal Corporation. The
New Delhi Municipal Committee for many years recruited its lower staff only from the
Amethi belt. The CPWD’s gardeners in the Capital are largely Yadavs.
The odds are additionally stacked against our aspiring youth because of other peculiarly
Indian factors, such as the vagaries of marking systems in mass examinations,
institutionalised cheating, disparate grading systems in different state level school board
examinations, corruption, and political clout. (Some years back the daughter of a former
OBC chief minister was admitted into a prestigious medical college even though she had
nowhere near the cut-off marks required. She topped her class even though she rarely
attended classes. Mercifully she has never put her medical knowledge to practical use.)
Many of us who are opposed to extending reservations to all spheres are not opposed to
affirmative action per se, merely pointing out that to ensure a level playing field for our
future generations requires not brute legislation which divides society but more
meaningful reform.
****End of Story# 170 of 189
****Story#171 of 189
Title: There Is No Need For A Cbi Probe, Says Yediyurappa
Author: Correspondent or Reporter
Source: Hindu
Date: April 21, 2006
URL: http://www.hindu.com/2006/04/21/stories/2006042114690400.htm
Deputy Chief Minister B.S. Yediyurappa has rejected the demand by the Congress for an
inquiry by the Central Bureau of Investigation (CBI) into the violence in Bangalore
during the funeral procession of Kannada thespian Rajkumar. The State police will
continue its investigation and find out who was responsible for the violence.
Addressing a press conference here on Thursday, Mr. Yediyurappa termed the violence a
conspiracy hatched by vested interests to defame the Janata Dal (S)-Bharatiya Janata
Party Government. The Government was not interested in any witch hunting as alleged
by Karnataka Pradesh Congress Committee president M. Mallikarjun Kharge, he said and
made it clear that the culprits involved in the violence would not go unpunished.
Referring to the demand for an amendment to Article 371 of the Constitution to provide
special reservation in jobs and educational opportunities for people from the backward
regions of the State, he said the BJP was in favour of the move. The Government would
continue to mount pressure on the Centre to amend the Constitution at the earliest and
help the State Government in its attempt to remove regional imbalances.
Mr. Yediyurappa said the Government had initiated measures to implement the
recommendations of the committee on the redressal of regional imbalances headed by the
late D.M. Nanjundappa. A sum of Rs. 1,500 crore had been provided in the budget this
year for taking up developmental activities in the taluks identified by the committee.
He clarified that the State Government had done its best to expedite work on the
Gulbarga-Bidar railway line. It was now up to the Railway Ministry to give priority to
completing this project at the earliest.
Referring to the demand for the establishment of a civil aviation terminal at the Bidar Air
Force Station, Mr. Yediyurappa said the issue was already under the consideration of the
Government. He would discuss the issue with Chief Minister H.D. Kumaraswamy and
submit a detailed proposal to the Union Government.
Referring to the Basavakalyan Development Authority, he said the Government would
give priority to the development of Basavakalyan on the lines of Kudalasangama in
Bagalkot district.
This year the Government had provided Rs. 20 crore to the Basavakalyan Development
Authority, he said.
On the outbreak of chikungunya in Bidar district, Mr. Yediyurappa said the Government
was taking all measures to contain the disease. More funds would be provided if required
for medicines and treatment, he said.
Medical college
The Deputy Chief Minister expressed dissatisfaction with the slow progress of work on
the building for a new medical college in Bidar and directed officials to complete the
work before a Medical Council of India team visits the place for inspection.
Mr. Yediyurappa, who visited the site of the medical college, pulled up officials for the
slow progress of work. The government had released funds for the construction of the
building and it was the responsibility of the officials to meet the deadline, he said.
Mr. Yediyurappa also participated in the 9th All-India Sharana Sahitya Sammelan at
Bhalki.
****End of Story# 171 of 189
****Story#172 of 189
Title: Time To Privatise Iims And Iits
Author: Editorial, The Pioneer
Source: Pioneer
Date: April 25, 2006
URL:
http://www.dailypioneer.com/indexn12.asp?main_variable=OPED&file_name=opd5%2E
txt&counter_img=#5
Bharat Jhunjhunwala looks into some better alternatives available to the Government
than the extension of reservation in educational institutions
Professors of the IIMs and IITs are opposing the extension of reservation from 27 per
cent to 49 per cent, as proposed by HRD Minister Arjun Singh.
The basic question is of accountability. These institutions were established by the
Government for the expansion of higher education in the country. The Government has
the right, nay a responsibility, to modify the objectives in the light of changing
conditions. A car bought for personal work can yet be used as a taxi if the owner so
decides; likewise, the IIMs and IITs can be asked by the Government to expand higher
education among the weaker sections of society.
The demand of autonomy, too, does not cut much ice. Autonomy to these institutions
means they are free to use people's money without any accountability.
The director of IIM Ahmedabad, Professor Bakul Dholakia, has said that the institutions
spend much time "managing the Government" and that distracts from their main work of
imparting quality education. In that case, Prof Dholakia should resign and join or set up a
private institution where he can provide quality education unfettered by Government
interference. But he cannot draw the Government salary and refuse to be accountable.
The second argument against expansion of reservation is that it will lower the quality of
students. I don't think such things will happen. Notwithstanding the success, it is
debatable whether the "best" students are getting admitted into these institutions. In fact,
the cultural background of the students influences their chances of getting admission.
The issue was agitated in the US in reference to alleged lower IQ of Black students.
However, academicians showed that the questions were framed in a way that was
friendlier to white students. For example, in order to assess mathematical ability, a
student may be asked: "Number of free channels in TV are 20. Total channels are 78.
How many paid channels are there?" Alternatively they may be asked "Number of orange
trees in the orchard is 20. Total trees are 78. How many other trees are there?"
Both questions are identical from the standpoint of mathematics. But the cultural context
of the first question is "white" while that of the second question is "Black". The same
logic applies to the IIMs and IITs. Those admitted are not necessarily the "best".
Though the Government is justified in expanding reservation, better alternatives are
available. One, privatise IIMs and IITs. These institutions were established by the
Government when there was a lack of technical and managerial education in the country.
That objective has been now fulfilled. These institutes should be sold to the highest
bidder and the money obtained should be reinvested in setting up new premier
institutions in sunrise areas like internet, architecture, online services, international law,
medical transcription, etc.
The second alternative is to replace the reservation system with point system. Additional
points can be given to students from Scheduled Castes, rural areas, backward states, etc.,
in the admission process. The US Supreme Court recently upheld such a policy of the
University of Michigan. Such arrangement will provide encouragement to students from
diverse backgrounds without any compromise on quality.
Last, impose a heavy tax on students and professors of these institutions. Let the students
pay one-half of their post-graduation incomes and professors 90 per cent of their
consultancy incomes to the Government. This money can be used to establish new
institutes or provide education vouchers to the poors.
****End of Story# 172 of 189
****Story#173 of 189
Title: Troubled Neighbourhood
Author: G Parthasarathy
Source: Deccan Herald
Date: April 27, 2006
URL:
http://www.deccanherald.com/deccanherald/apr272006/editpage1416102006426.asp
A volatile neighbourhood will have serious implications for India’s quest for stability and
economic progress
Policy-makers in New Delhi are getting increasingly concerned over developments in
India’s South Asian neighbourhood. They feel that troubled times lie ahead as virtually
every one of India's South Asian neighbours appears to be in the throes of domestic crises
that have the potential to spill over across India’s borders. The most urgent concern at the
present moment is on what can be done to ensure a smooth transition to democracy in
Nepal, in a manner that ensures that the Maoists there relinquish armed struggle and join
the democratic process.
Alarmed at the prospect that the BJP, which makes no bones about its affection for
Nepal’s embattled and reviled monarch would send Mr Jaswant Singh to try and sort out
matters, the UPA Government hurriedly dispatched Dr Karan Singh, who has familial ties
with Nepal’s aristocracy, to Kathmandu. The visit ended in a fiasco, with Dr Karan Singh
hurriedly expressing support for a proposal put forward by King Gyanendra for
establishing a new Government. This proposal was predictably rejected by the sevenparty alliance, the Maoists and by large sections of people in Nepal. In the process, India
is now viewed with suspicion by the politicians and public alike in Nepal, even though
Foreign Secretary Shyam Saran belatedly attempted some damage control.
Though some progress appears to have been made in easing tensions with Pakistan,
General Musharraf seems unable or unwilling to stop the Taliban from operating from
Pakistani soil, even as the ISI-supported United Jihad Council continues to mobilise its
supporters for forays across the Line of Control in Jammu and Kashmir. While ShiaSunni bloodletting has been a regular occurrence in Pakistan there are ominous signs of
the more radical Sunni Islamic groups preparing to target members who belong to the
Sufi Baraeilvi sect. A bomb explosion in Karachi on the Prophet's birthday killed over 50
Baraeilvi leaders.
At the same time over 100,000 soldiers of the Pakistan army are using helicopters and
fighter aircraft in an effort to quell an uprising in Baluchistan and deal with pro-Taliban
tribesmen in Waziristan region of the NWFP. In Bangladesh, now rated by Transparency
International as the most corrupt country in the world, political violence between the
ruling Bangladesh Nationalist Party and the Awami league is virtually a daily occurrence,
even as Islamic fundamentalist outfits gain strength, thanks to governmental indulgence.
While relations with Sri Lanka remain very friendly, New Delhi is hamstrung and unable
to play a more pro-active role in the peace process, because the LTTE remains a banned
terrorist organisation and parties like the DMK oppose any military assistance to the
embattled Sri Lankan Government. This inability to act has only encouraged LTTE
terrorism as evidenced by the attempt to assasinate the Sri Lankan army chief in Colombo
on Tuesday.
Yet another neighbour, Myanmar, faces widespread isolation because of the denial of
democratic rights by its military regime. But paradoxically, apart from Bhutan, Myanmar
is the only neighbour with whom we share land borders that cooperates actively with
India in dealing firmly with anti-Indian terrorists and separatist groups.
The Myanmar army has at least on three occasions carried out military operations against
Indian separatist groups operating in states like Manipur, Assam and Nagaland. Myanmar
is also emerging as an important source of energy with India now working on hydroelectric and off shore gas exploration projects with its eastern neighbour. It is for this
reason that President Kalam went ahead with a State visit to Myanmar ignoring American
reservations within days of the visit of President Bush to India.
A growingly unstable and volatile neighbourhood in South Asia will have very adverse
implications for India’s quest for stability and economic progress in coming years.
Dealing imaginatively but firmly with our South Asian neighbours will require much
more attention and thought than in the past.
In the immediate future, our main challenge in Nepal will be to persuade the Maoists to
renounce violence and join the democratic process. In Bangladesh we will have to see
how we can mould public and political opinion to give up support for separatist groups in
our northeastern states and join us in efforts for greater economic cooperation and
integration.
Our protectionist trade policies that lead to complaints from South Asian neighbours like
Bangladesh, Pakistan and Sri Lanka are a major impediment to building trust and
cooperation in our neighbourhood. Our problems with Pakistan will not disappear in the
foreseeable future. But we can and must encourage people to people contacts and mutual
understanding. One also hopes that as in the past our political parties will develop a
national consensus and not make relations with our neighbours a vehicle for vote bank
politics. Only then can we have a policy of dealing successfully with challenges in our
troubled neighbourhood.
****End of Story# 173 of 189
****Story#174 of 189
Title: Turmoil In Balochistan
Author: Ghayoor Ahmed
Source: Dawn
Date: May 05, 2006
URL: http://www.dawn.com/2006/05/05/ed.htm#4
THE Quaid-i-Azam Mohammad Ali Jinnah wanted Pakistan to be a federation, with
autonomous units in which fundamental human rights, equality of status and opportunity,
social, economic and political justice would be guaranteed. Accordingly, all the three
constitutions of Pakistan — of 1956, 1962 and 1973 — unequivocally reaffirmed the
federal character of the state.
It is, however, a different matter that the hallowed principle of federalism lost its meaning
and validity when successive military rulers of the country, devoid of political sagacity
and historical insight, failed to follow it up in letter and spirit. As a result, Pakistan could
not emerge as a single political entity that was an essential prerequisite for bringing
together its ethno-linguistic groups and create among them an unfaultered sense of
belonging to the new state.
The existence of different ethnic cultures in a country does not necessarily pose a threat
to its national unity provided a code of rights and obligations, based on justice and fair
play, is evolved and adhered to scrupulously by the rulers. Regrettably, however, the
successive regimes in Pakistan, both civilian and military, disregarded this cardinal
principle and followed their expedient own rules in governing the country.
Their centralist tendencies and discriminatory attitude, particularly towards the smaller
units of the federation, triggered fissiparous tendencies among their inhabitants, and in
the absence of a meaningful and result-oriented approach a constant conflict ensued
between them and the power at the centre.
The on-going turmoil in Balochistan is profoundly disturbing for the people of Pakistan
and not without a touch of irony. Regrettably, in our short life, as a free nation, we have
already lost half of the country in 1971. Yet, we have learnt no lesson from that
catastrophe and our rulers continue to commit the same mistakes and show a similar lack
of prudence and wisdom in dealing with the worsening situation in Balochistan as was
evident during the East Pakistan crisis.
Let us accept the stark reality that Balochistan, which is territorially the largest province
of Pakistan with the smallest number of people, is the most impoverished province,
despite its vast mineral resources, including gas, coal, iron ore, sulphur, marble etc.
Regrettably, successive governments, instead of ameliorating the socio-economic
conditions of the poor masses in that province, mollified the tribal chiefs (sardars) who,
while pretending to fight for the rights of the people there, actually exploited their sense
of deprivation to advance their own political, economic and other interests.
The present turmoil in Balochistan needs to be seen in its historical perspective. British
interest in Balochistan was purely strategic, wanting to keep it under their control through
the tribal chiefs who worked under the tutelage of their political agent. These tribal chiefs
were adequately compensated by the British for their services. When the British
withdrawal from the subcontinent became a certainty, most of these tribal chiefs, fearing
that they would lose their power and privileges in a democratic Pakistan, decided to raise
the demand for an independent Balochistan.
It is believed that the Indian National Congress capitalised on this and encouraged these
tribal chiefs to stand for it. It may be mentioned that the Congress leadership, which had
accepted the establishment of Pakistan with a strong reservations, wanted it to be a
truncated entity and not a viable independent state that its founding fathers wanted it to
be.
The people of Balochistan, however, overwhelmingly voted to join Pakistan in a
referendum that was held on June 30, 1947, to ascertain their wishes on this issue. This
belies the propaganda that has recently been unleashed by certain unscrupulous elements
that Balochistan had not joined Pakistan willingly. In this connection, it is also worth
mentioning that despite the virulent campaign spearheaded by the tribal chiefs and the
Congress cohorts against the concept of Pakistan, a fairly large number of delegates from
Balochistan had attended the annual session of the Muslim League in Lahore in 1940.
These delegates wholeheartedly supported the resolution that envisaged the
geographically contiguous areas in the north western and eastern zones of India where the
Muslims are numerically in a majority, to constitute an independent Muslim state.
The tribal chiefs still continue to enjoy the power and privileges they were entitled to
under the British rule and those in whose territories gas was found are also paid a hefty
royalty. This has resulted in building a kind of society in Balochistan that does not quite
conform to democratic norms and is certainly different from anything that the people of
that province wanted for themselves after independence. This is the century of awakening
in all parts of the world and the sooner the Baloch tribal chiefs accept the social, political
and economic realities of today’s world the better it will be for them and their people.
The people of Balochistan, for obvious reasons, do not want to be relegated forever to the
unalterable position of a political non-entity and are keen to overturn the existing tribal
system in their province which has not only survived but also flourished with the support
and blessings of the federal government. This is evident from the fact that in the last
general elections, held in October 2002, most tribal leaders and their supporters, who had
dominated the political scene in the province for decades, failed to get elected. One only
hopes that the tribal chiefs in Balochistan will read the writing on the wall and bow to the
will of the people.
The law and order situation in Balochistan is worsening day by day. The use of
sophisticated arms by the insurgents against the government forces is evidence of the
complicity of external elements in our internal affairs which is indeed a very serious
matter and has given a new dimension to the ongoing trouble in Balochistan. No
government worth the name can allow the miscreants to strike at places of vital
importance to such as gas installations or continue to derail trains and plant bombs in
public transport which not only cause loss of life and destruction of property but also
create chaos and uncertainty in the country.
There is absolutely no justification for such criminal acts even if it is a struggle for a just
and legitimate cause. It is, however, a matter of satisfaction that only a handful of radical
elements are involved in these crimes and the majority of the people of Balochistan
continue to remain peaceful and law abiding citizens of the country.
The present turmoil in Balochistan that has been simmering for a considerable period
must come to an end as early as possible to avoid undesirable consequences. Islamabad
would blunder profoundly if it does not act immediately to find a durable political
solution to resolve the Balochistan problem once and for all. At the same time, all
segments of society, regardless of their political affiliations, must also join hands to make
an earnest effort to achieve the objective of national integration.
****End of Story# 174 of 189
****Story#175 of 189
Title: Tv For Your Vote
Author: J. Sri Raman
Source: Tribune
Date: May 06, 2006
URL: http://www.tribuneindia.com/2006/20060506/edit.htm#4
MR Muthuvel Karunanidhi, patriarch of ‘Dravidian’ politics, of course, does not bear the
palest resemblance to Marie Antoinette. But he has come out with a message to the
electorate that his critics can make sound remarkably like the reported observation of the
French queen, addressed to a people in revolt.
In its election manifesto, Mr Karunanidhi’s Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (DMK) does
not, of course, say: “If the people of Tamil Nadu can’t have the Cauvery, let them have
colour television sets.” Even J. Jayalalithaa and her AIADMK, taunting him about the
absence of the riparian dispute from the manifesto, have not trashed the promise in these
terms. The DMK has offered the TV sets only as a poll gift to women voters more used to
more modest presents like saris.
Mr Karunanidhi does not even seem aware that he has made electoral history of sorts.
His, perhaps, is the most extravagant electoral promise made ever since India’s
democratic exercise began half a century ago. Electoral populism has thus far meant
promises to provide for the needs of the poor. This, perhaps, is the first time that the
entertainment needs of the people have earned the pride of place in a party’s manifesto.
The true significance of the promise does not lie in the place of entertainment, especially
the cinematic kind, in Tamil Nadu politics. Nor is the significance the same as its cynical
interpretation by the DMK’s opponents. Mr V. Gopalasamy alias Vaiko of the
Marumalarchi DMK (MDMK), who has turned the staunchest supporter of his erstwhile
jailor Jayalalithaa, is projecting the promise as a ploy to help the “family business” (cable
television channels and a cable network) of Union Minister Dayanidhi Maran. The
insinuation has even provoked Karunanidhi to offer cable connections too, “if necessary”,
along with the idiot box. Much more than mere nepotism, however, should be read into
the most expensive electoral pledge ever made.
Nor is the main question about it one of economics. Mr Karunanidhi, who made the
additional promise of an explanation about how the promise will be kept, may not have
satisfied many. According to his calculations, it will cost about Rs 1,060 crore to redeem
the pledge on the assumption of a price of Rs 2, 000 for a colour TV set each for the
state’s ration-card holders alone. No one has so far challenged him to produce so cheap a
telly and his critics compute that the cost of the project will exceed Rs. 17,000 crore.
Figures, however, are not the main political flaw that the promise points to.
Mr Karunanidhi has not ignored the issue of “bread” for the people, as Marie is said to
have done in her remark (now considered apocryphal by kindly chroniclers). He has also
promised ration rice at Rs 2 per kilogram and two acres of land for every landless farmer.
Spoilsports have scoffed at these baits for ballots as well. They recall that the DMK came
to power for the first time in 1967 on promises including three (local) measures of rice at
Re 1 per kilo and could not keep the pledge. They also suggest that much of the 55 lakh
acres of land the DMK proposes to distribute thus is uncultivably fallow.
It is not, however, as if the DMK is the only party to have made such populist promises
— or its main foe in the State had a far more serious manifesto. The “achievements” the
ruling AIADMK is advertising are also mostly doles of different categories for the
underprivileged masses. The significance of the DMK’s strikingly different promise lies
precisely in the fact that it cannot be described as populism aimed at the poor.
For, populism of such description, too, indicates an ideology or at least a pretension to it.
It signals recognition of a socio-economic issue, even if no real intention to resolve it.
The promise of colour TV sets points to an end-of-ideology politics, at least in elections.
All the more so for the obvious fact that Mr Karunanidhi expects better ballot-box returns
from this than from the traditionally populist promises of his manifesto. It can even mark
the beginning of the end of ideology in India’s elections.
Anti-populism is an ideology, too. It is an ideology that contraposes “development” to
“doles”. Now, colour TV sets may appear very much a symbol and product of
“development”, but the ones promised by Mr Karunanidhi fall clearly and
incontrovertibly into the category of ‘doles’. They represent neither a ‘poverty
alleviation’ measure nor a policy aimed at rooting out poverty. The initiative, simply,
ignores the issue of poverty.
A manifesto with the primary place for this promise, in effect, ignores all major political
issues. Such a manifesto is the logical culmination of a certain political-ideological
movement in Tamil Nadu. And similar may be the ultimate sequel to the political courses
of parties and forces elsewhere.
Issues in general have become irrelevant to Dravidian politics, because the two that
sustained it before have proved much more transient than expected. The main issue,
which gave birth to Dravidianism and boosted its growth in the late sixties and seventies,
was anti-Centre regionalism. It is not only Mr Karunanidhi, with 40 members of his
Democratic Progressive Alliance (DPA) in the Lok Sabha and 13 ministers from it in the
Manmohan Singh government, who has a problem on this count. Dravidian parties have
lost their original plank increasingly ever since the dawn of the coalition age in New
Delhi.
Anti-Centre-ism became an untenable part of the ‘Dravidian’ platform, once the two
major Tamil Nadu parties started teaming up with the Congress by turns. It has become
an absurdly redundant part of the ideological baggage, after the DMK and the AIADMK
began to vie with each other for an alliance with the BJP during its years of power at the
Centre.
The second issue that Dravidian politics has been utterly unable to sustain is that of social
justice. The social reform movement, which is supposed to be the source of Dravidian
politics, has revealed its severe limits and limitations. There is a point beyond which a
merely caste-based movement cannot progress, especially in electoral politics. The
AIADMK, which has always insisted upon 69 per cent caste-based reservations, has
taken up cudgels against Mr Arjun Singh’s move for quotas in Indian Institutes of
Technology (IITs) as an infringement of the code of electoral conduct. Dalit parties,
meanwhile, are up in arms against the DMK and its banner of anti-upper-caste unity has
not prevented serious cracks in its constituency of Other Backward Classes (OBCs).
It is a withering away of issues which has led eventually to the DMK’s promise of colour
TV sets. Rapid socio-political changes are reducing issues of erstwhile importance to
irrelevance elsewhere as well. We should not be surprised, therefore, if free mobile
phones are on offer in a Bihar manifesto tomorrow or if voters are sold iPods for a song
by a party trying to win Lok Sabha elections.
In other words, the day may not be far off when the people consider entertainment not so
false a promise as empowerment.
****End of Story# 175 of 189
****Story#176 of 189
Title: Two Sides Of The Reservation Divide
Author: Correspondent or Reporter
Source: Telegraph
Date: May 03, 2006
URL: http://www.telegraphindia.com/1060503/asp/nation/story_6175843.asp
Mirroring the divisiveness of Arjun Singh’s reservation policy, protesters hit Parliament
Street in the capital today both in support of and against quotas.
“Anti-reservation is anti-national,” read placards held up by the All India Minorities’
Front. One even read: “Arrest and hang all anti-reservation elements.”
Medical and engineering students, who are against quotas, took the opposite line. “Mr.
Arjun u r sick but how can I treat u wen dis is how u treat” (sic) read a poster.
To avert a possible showdown, the police dispersed the quota supporters, staging a
dharna in front of Jantar Mantar, before the rival group reached.
The Minorities’ Front and the Panthers Party supporters comprised the elderly with their
families. They were demanding that reservations should be extended to Muslims and
Sikhs just as they would cover Hindu other backward classes.
They said the current policy is not uniform and does not provide for enough quotas in
higher educational institutions to accommodate all backward communities.
The anti-quota students from the All India Institute of Medical Sciences, Lady Hardinge
Medical College and Indraprastha and Delhi Universities joined the march against the
reservation policy from the Maulana Azad Medical College to Parliament Street.
The anti-quota group described the government’s reservation policy as an outcome of
vote-bank politics that would help those in power divide and rule. “No to extended
reservation” and “Reservation no solution” were among the slogans the students shouted.
A student alleged that even politicians who were in favour of reservation did not
sincerely believe in the policy. “No politician will agree to get treated by a reserved quota
doctor. Look at Pramod Mahajan. They had to fly in a doctor from abroad to treat him
even when there are plenty of qualified doctors in this country,” he said. The students
were preparing an eight-point memorandum against reservations that would be submitted
to the President.
Protest against reservation spread to various parts of the country.
In Calcutta, agitating medical students and interns said they planned to intensify the
ongoing stir. Junior doctors at Chittaranjan National Medical College said they were in
talks with students of all state-run medical colleges to join the agitation. “There has to be
a rational explanation for reservations. You have to respect merit,” said Nishanta Deb
Ghatak, house staff in the opthalmology department of CNMC.
In Mumbai, medical students of various colleges organised a demonstration at Azad
Maidan, shouting slogans like “Arjun Singh hai hai”. Medical students of Banaras Hindu
University also held a protest.
Students of several medical colleges in Ahmedabad decided to boycott classes for an
indefinite period from today. In Patna, the protesters burnt effigies of Arjun Singh.
Undergraduate students of Bangalore Medical College staged a dharna in the Victoria
hospital campus.
Students of two medical colleges in Assam wore black badges.
****End of Story# 176 of 189
****Story#177 of 189
Title: Upa Core Panel Meets Today On Quota Issue
Author: Anita Katyal
Source: Tribune
Date: May 06, 2006
URL: http://www.tribuneindia.com/2006/20060506/nation.htm1#1
Now that Science and Technology Minister Kapil Sibal is back from his foreign visit, the
next meeting of the Union Cabinet may well witness some sparks when he comes face to
face with Human Resource Development Minister Arjun Singh on the latter’s
controversial proposal to extend reservations for Other Backward Classes (OBCs) in
Centrally-funded institutions of higher learning.
Mr. Sibal had incurred the wrath of the HRD Minister when he told presspersons during
his trip abroad that no policy should be taken that dilutes standards in centres of
excellence. This was seen by the HRD Minister as opposition to his proposal on OBC
quotas. An irked Arjun Singh even complained to Prime Minister Manmohan Singh
against ministers “speaking out of turn” on issues which do not pertain to their respective
ministries.
While the Union Cabinet is scheduled to meet next Thursday, the UPA’s core committee
is meeting tomorrow to specifically formulate a position on the reservation issue. The
committee comprises Congress president Sonia Gandhi, Prime Minister Manmohan
Singh, Mr. Arjun Singh, Defence Minister Pranab Mukherjee and Mr. Ahmed Patel,
political secretary to the Congress president.
The PM, it is learnt, is yet to seek any explanation from Mr. Sibal who again reiterated
here today that his statement in Germany had been wrongly misinterpreted and that he
had not referred to quotas but had only spoken of preserving standards in centres of
excellence. As far as the Science and Technology Minister is concerned , this is a closed
chapter since he has publicly clarified matters. He also said that he will further clarify his
position in Parliament.
However, the quota controversy is far from over. Once the ongoing Assembly elections
are over, the UPA government will be called upon to take a decision on the HRD
Minister’s proposal, which has become a hot politcal potato. Given the increasing
political clout of backward classes ---- there are 11 OBC chief ministers today ---- no
political party can afford to oppose this move. On the other hand, the Congress also
realises that by going ahead with this decison, it will end up alienating the middle classes,
which have only recently started veering towards it.
Consequently, the government may not rush through with the quota legislation and could
instead seek more time to discuss and debate the issue thoroughly and also find a middle
path to satisfy all sides. One suggestion, publicly articulated by Finance Minister
P.Chidambaram recently, is to go ahead with reservations and,at the same time, increase
the number of seats in Centrally-funded institutions.
Another view is that the pending legislation on providing free and compulsory
elementary education be passed at the earliest as it provides for 25 per reservation in
schools. This Bill, which was drawn up by a panel set up by the HRD Ministry, was
ironically headed by Mr. Kapil Sibal, who is today being accused of being antireservations. It is argued that once implemented, this Bill will empower students from the
scheduled castes and backward classes at the school level and enable them to compete
with the best on equal terms in higher education institutes.
****End of Story# 177 of 189
****Story#178 of 189
Title: Vanvasis’ & Conversions
Author: Editorial, Indian Express
Source: Indian Express
Date: April 20, 2006
URL: http://www.indianexpress.com/story/2767.html
In keeping with the RSS’s long-standing campaign against the so-called “forcible
conversions” of tribals to Christianity, the latest issue of Organiser devotes its entire front
page to a report on a “mammoth Vanvasi rally” in interior Orissa held this month as part
of the ongoing birth centenary celebrations of M S Golwalkar. Those who addressed the
rally included RSS chief K S Sudarshan, VHP president Ashok Singhal and the
Shankaracharya of Goverdhan Peeth, Puri, Swami Nishchalananda Saraswati. Singhal
demanded a total ban on religious conversions in India, Sudarshan extolled Golwalkar’s
role in strengthening “the country’s backbone—the Hindu society” and the
Shankaracharya accused the Pope of being “the most extensive violator of human rights”
by advocating conversions.
The report, however, makes it clear that efforts to convert India’s tribals to Hindutva is
being carried out with fervour. For instance, it mentions how the Orissa-based Swami
Lakshmananda Saraswati “has successfully awakened the spirit of Hindutva among the
Vanvasis and drawn them away from the clutches of missionaries”. As part of the RSS’s
consistent effort to introduce Hindu rituals in tribal religous practice, “eight raths”
dedicated to local goddesses carrying soil and water from eight different areas of the
state, converged at the site to culminate in a yagna and the installation of a Shiva temple.
The RSS, incidentally, always describes the tribals as “vanvasis” rather than
“advisasis”—to underline their claim that all Hindus are indigenous and did not enter the
subcontinent over millennia.
Marxists and market
The editorial under the above headline fulminates against the CPI(M) leadership for
allegedly turning their backs on Marxism. The run-up to the assembly elections in Kerala
and West Bengal “have exposed the ideological bankruptcy of the Marxists as never
before”. Referring to the Bengal Chief Minister Buddhadeb Bhattacharjee’s “interesting
confession” that his government was practising policies of capitalism and not socialism,
the editorial wonders whether Bhattacharjee is “out of sync” with his politburo. And its
equivocal answer: “Difficult to say”. But it has a lot to say on the CPI(M)’s “somersault”
in Kerala, where the party is allegedly hobnobbing with “jehadi terrorist outfits” and
“cheering Manmohan Singh”. Lamenting “the replacement of the radical jholawalas by
the market-savvy mobile brigade”, it rephrases that tired cliche: “Power corrupts and
power without responsibility corrupts absolutely”.
Quota(ble) quotes
Given the political compulsions, neither the BJP, nor RSS can openly attack the idea of
extending reservations for OBCs to educational institutions. But Organiser columnists
face no such constraints. Sandhya Jain insists that “quota students” seldom make the
grade and suffer as a consequence (no data is offered to back this claim). Arjun Singh’s
“ill-thought out scheme” will thus be “detrimental to all”. Shyam Khosla goes further.
Since no party will take a stand against reservations, civil society “should take the lead to
call the politicians’ bluff and bluntly tell the bitter truth. Let it be stated unambiguously
that the quota regime is insidious and reflects a negative approach. Quotas rarely lead to
empowerment, but certainly undermine excellence and encourage mediocrity”.
Tailpiece
With astrologers having let them down repeatedly, the BJP leadership— which once
expected the UPA government to fall within six months—is no longer willing to wager
on its longevity. When an Organiser correspondent trailing his yatra asked LK Advani
whether the BJP is getting ready for a mid-term poll, the Leader of the Opposition said:
“I don’t see a mid-term poll. Although I don’t rule out the possibility. (This government)
may last full tenure; it may collapse any time.” Not much insight there, or foresight.
****End of Story# 178 of 189
****Story#179 of 189
Title: View From The Left
Author: Editorial, Indian Express
Source: Indian Express
Date: May 03, 2006
URL: http://www.indianexpress.com/story/3633.html
Buoyant after the success of Sitaram Yechury’s Nepal initiative, the CPI(M) has set its
target high — the abolition of monarchy. The editorial in the latest issue of People’s
Democracy — Nepal: A People’s victory — does not state it in so many words, but the
the implication is clear. ‘‘The UPA Government should not make the mistake of
alienating the peole of Nepal by trying to pursue the old two-pillar concept of the
monarchy and the multi-party system.’’ Describing the Government’s response to the
King’s earlier announcement of his preparedness to hand over executive power to
political parties as ‘‘misguided and premature,’’ the key ally of the Government has this
advice to offer: ‘‘The UPA Government should boldly stand for a democratic
transformation which is in tune with the aspirations of the Nepalese people. It should not
seek to co-ordinate its policy towards Nepal with the Unted States, which is solely
concerned with isolating the Maoists by using the King and the armed forces.’’
WB polls sees CPM sacrifice CMP for greater common good
Thanks to the heat and dust generated by assembly polls, the CPI(M), which swears by
the CMP, has invented a new phrase to condemn it. According to an article ‘‘Election
Campaign of The Left Front leaves the opposition far behind,’’ party general secretary
Prakash Karat has described the document as ‘‘a common minimum programme of US
President Bush.’’ The provocation: ‘‘The Congress-led regime appeared to be keen to
emerge as the junior partner of the US imperialists. It was dedicated to sacrificing the
independent foreign policy stance of nation.’’
The article underlines the point that Karat addressed public meetings in Hindi. Creditable
indeed. After all, Karat is not totally way off the mark even when he uses the expression
‘‘Congress adhyakshani,’’ instead of ‘‘adhyaksha.’’
Sonia has always asserted monopoly rights for having introduced the rural employment
gurantee scheme. But politburo member Sitaram Yechury stakes the CPI(M)’s claim over
the path-breaking measure. ‘‘The Left suceeded in incorporating in the CMP such
provisions and settings as rural development, rural employment, and guarantee for 100
days of work.’’
Backing the move for quotas, with a few reservations
Backing reservations for scheduled castes and scheduled tribes ‘‘without any
qualification’’ — ‘‘Reservations are not against merit’’ — the weekly bats for
‘‘reservations for the OBCs on the basis of an agreed upon economic criterion.’’ The
reason: in certain areas, they belong to the land-owning classes, even though they may
remain educationally and culturally backward. The journal argues that the ‘‘economic
criterion is a must to judiciously administer a policy of reservations.’’ But, one can
decipher an attempt to reach out to the upper castes as well as the article argues
alongside: ‘‘Some reservations to the economically backward people not covered by any
reservations also should be provided.’’
****End of Story# 179 of 189
****Story#180 of 189
Title: Voices Of Silence
Author: Jagmohan
Source: Statesman
Date: April 30, 2006
URL:
http://www.thestatesman.net/page.news.php?clid=3&theme=&usrsess=1&id=11473#0
“Fellow citizens, do not touch even one stone... the old buildings, articles, documents; all
this is your history, your pride”. These are the words not of a sentimental conservationist
but of one of the greatest revolutionaries known to history, VI Lenin. Preservation of past
assets ensures that heritage is passed on intact to children and grandchildren. Culture,
history and tradition always go hand in hand, and every creative work of the age reflects
its inner urges, its vitality and its special characteristics.
World Monument Day (18 April) gave us an opportunity to grasp the significance of our
architectural legacy. In essence, our monuments are the “voices of silence” from our past.
Not to hear them is to deprive us of invaluable treasures of creative thoughts and deeds
which our great ancestors have bequeathed us. Even otherwise, not to view of things.
Cicero has rightly observed: “Not to know what took place before you were born is to
remain for ever a child”.
India is one of the most ancient civilisations. Its cultural space extending from
Mahabalipuram and Hampi in the south to the Amarnath cave and the Ladakh
Monasteries in the north, and from Ajanta and Modhera in the west to Konark and Bodh
Gaya in the east is virtually immeasurable. It has as many as 3,606 ancient monuments of
unique character which have been declared centrally protected under the Ancient
Monuments and Archaeological Sites and Remains Act, besides thousands others which
are under the charge of state governments.
For years together, particularly during the 18th and 19th centuries, the monuments of
India remained in a state of neglect. It was Lord Curzon who rescued these monuments.
He wrote: “As a pilgrim at the shrine of beauty I have visited them, but as a priest in the
temple of duty have I charged myself with their reverent custody and their studious
repairs.. All know that there is beauty in India in abundance, I like to think there is
reverence also, and that amid our struggles the present could join hands in pious respect
of the past”.
Curzon enacted the Ancient Monument Act of 1904 and laid the foundation of a scientific
policy of protecting and preserving the archaeological assets of India. The country owes a
deep debt to him. Jawaharlal Nehru, who was otherwise a stringent critic of Lord Curzon,
said: “After every other Viceroy has been forgotten, Curzon will be remembered because
he restored all that was beautiful in India”.
The creative and constructive impulse which the Archaeological Survey provided
continued for quite some time. But by the mid-seventies of the last century, the culture of
governance of the current times began to assert itself and things started falling apart.
Quite a few monuments were vandalised, and encroachments became the order of the
day. An idea about the pathetic state of affairs prevailing at that time could be formed
from the way India dealt with the case of securing recognition of Indian monuments and
sites as world heritage sites.
In 1972, Unesco adopted a convention “concerning the protection of the world cultural
and natural heritage”. In accordance with this convention, it started the practice of calling
for nominations for inscriptions of monuments and sites for inclusion in the World
Heritage List. By virtue of its vast cultural and natural wealth, India should have
succeeded in securing inclusion of a very large ~ perhaps the maximum ~ number of
monuments and sites in the World Heritage List. But its approach was casual. Compared
to India, other countries, much smaller in size and with less architectural wealth, have got
many more sites included. For example, the West European countries ~ the United
Kingdom, France, Spain, Italy, the Vatican, Germany, Austria and Belgium ~ which, put
together, have an area equivalent to India, have been able to secure inclusion of as many
as 153 sites in the list. At present, out of 812 sites on the World Heritage list, only 26 are
Indian.
When I took over as minister for tourism and culture, I tried to salvage the position. I
launched a programme, called New Initiative, which sought to clean, restore, conserve
and upgrade environmentally almost all the famous monuments of India.
As an illustration, I would give an account of what was done with regard to the world
heritage site of Humayun Tomb complex which has a number of monuments. The
conditions prevailing therein were, to say the least, depressing. At the main entry of the
Humayun’s tomb itself, shabby stalls had been put up under a notoriously corrupt system
of municipal patronage, known as Tehbazari, and all sorts of heavy vehicles, which had
no concern with the monuments, were allowed, albeit illegally, to occupy the open
spaces. On the Nila Gumbad side was a huge citadel of India’s vote bank politics. Here,
thousands of slum dwellers were kept by an influential section of political leadership to
serve as bonded voters during the elections to the municipal corporation, state legislature
and Parliament. The environment of the Dargah of Hazrat Nizammudin Auliya had also
been savagely degraded. The holy tank had become a huge cesspool of stinking slush.
After implementation of various projects under the New Initiative programme, the
conditions in and around this complex have undergone sea change. All the stalls and
other intrusions were removed and monuments and green spaces restored. Elegant parks
and gardens now surround the monuments, adding to their dignity and grace, besides
providing long, enchanting and graceful avenues to morning and evening walkers in the
heart of Delhi. On the extremities of the complex, two new boulevards were laid out, one
leading to the historic Gurudwara, Dum-Duma Sahib, and other to Nizam-ud-Din
Railway Station along the Barapullah Nallah, thereby making the whole area of
monuments noise and air-pollution free.
All in all, in a short span of time, a number of historic monuments in this complex have
been given a fresh lease of life and green belts created around them, which nurse not only
architectural legacy of the country but also its eclectic dispositions. When illuminated at
night, the monuments look truly magnificent.
Many other monuments, including Ajanta, Ellora, Bodhgaya, Red Fort, Quila Rai
Pithora, Mahabalipuram, Hampi, Chittaurgarh, Kumbhalgarh, Modhera, Pushkar and
Bhimbetka were simultaneously dealt with on similar lines. Now, “the voices of silence”
from these monuments speak to us clearly and warm our hearts. But my mission could
not be completed. The circumstances underwent an abrupt change in May 2004, when I
had to relinquish charge, leaving the future course of action in the hands of my
successors. “As Faith wills, Fate fulfils”, wrote Sir Edwin Lutyen, builder of New Delhi.
In my case, this was not to be.
****End of Story# 180 of 189
****Story#181 of 189
Title: Vote Dpa To Power For Welfare Of Tn: Sonia
Author: Correspondent or Reporter
Source: Deccan Herald
Date: April 26, 2006
URL:
http://www.deccanherald.com/deccanherald/apr262006/national2226562006425.asp
Congress President Sonia Gandhi on Wednesday appealed to the people of Tamil Nadu to
vote the DMK-led Democratic Progressive Alliance to power in the May 8 Assembly
elections so that it could work in tandem with the UPA government at the Centre for the
welfare of the State.
Launching the DPA’s campaign in Tamil Nadu at a public meeting here, Ms Gandhi said
“you are aware of the manifesto of the DMK” in which it had promised to provide ration
rice at Rs 2 a kg to the poor, colour television, etc.
Ms Gandhi, who flew in here after launching the Congress-DMK alliance’s campaign in
the Union territory of Pondicherry, said in an all-too-brief address that “we have
programmes for our fishermen, handloom weavers, for unorganised workers, for each and
every section of the society”.
Listing the achievements of the Manmohan Singh government in the last two years in the
field of education, health, highways, irrigation,etc, she mentioned in particular the
National Rural Employment Guarantee scheme started in 200 districts across the country.
She also referred to the passage of the Right to Information Act, law to prevent domestic
violence against women and the amendment of the Constitution to provide for reservation
for Scheduled Castes, Tribes and Other Backward Classes in the private educational
institutions.
She pointed out that the Centre had declared Tamil as a classical language and launched
the mega Sethusamudram project.
Indirectly referring to Chief Minister and AIADMK General Secretary J Jayalalitha’s
accusation that the 13 Central ministers from Tamil Nadu had not done anything for the
State and that they had only put spokes in the wheel to scuttle her schemes, Ms Gandhi
said these ministers “have worked hard for their people”. Pointing out that it was the
massive mandate given by the people of Tamil Nadu (and the consequent victory of the
DPA in all the 39 seats in the State and in the lone seat in Pondicherry) which helped the
UPA come to power, she said it was this vote which “saved the country from forces
which sought to divide the country and which did not care for the poor”.
She said: “We have shown to you how much we have done at the Central level and we
want to prove to you how much will be done at the State level if you elect a DPA
government.” Together, the UPA and DPA would work for the welfare of Tamil Nadu.
Ms Gandhi hailed DMK president and DPA’s chief ministerial candidate M Karunanidhi
as one of the architects of the UPA and said he commanded great respect at the Centre
because of his vast experience in public life and wisdom. “We all look up to him for his
counsel,” she said.
She concluded her address by proclaiming in Tamil “Vettri namadhe” (victory is ours).
Ms Gandhi’s lack-lustre address left the crowds, which waited in the hot sun for over
three hours, cold.
****End of Story# 181 of 189
****Story#182 of 189
Title: We Need More Education
Author: JS Rajput
Source: Pioneer
Date: May 04, 2006
URL:
http://www.dailypioneer.com/indexn12.asp?main_variable=OPED&file_name=opd1%2E
txt&counter_img=#1
The primacy of the HRD Ministry in attracting media attention remains unchallenged.
Moving ahead from 27.5 per cent reservation for OBCs, it has embarked upon 100 per
cent teacher recruitment in the institutions of higher learning. It is a welcome step. But
one needs to remember that every scheme announced is not intended for implementation.
Some serve only the political purpose.
The State governments are reeling under severe resource crunch. They are in no position
to shoulder the financial burden that may accrue on this count. No wonder "generate your
own resources" have become the key-word in the universities. Several State governments
even did not allow plan posts approved by the University Grants Commission to be filled
because the financial liability was to be passed on to the State at the end of the plan
period.
Bureaucratic solutions of the academic issue invariably result in saving a few crores of
rupees at the cost of quality. Even if the Centre comes forward to assist the States, it
would only be for a limited period. Besides, one wonders how far the States would go
ahead to follow the Central instructions?
I have visited several universities that made not a single appointment against the posts of
lecturers for over 10-12 years. Recently, there were reports of the shortages of specialists
at the AIIMS, Delhi. Practically, most prestigious professional institutions suffer on this
count, though the reasons for the same may be different.
According to one estimate, over 50,000 posts (for teachers) in higher education meant for
reserved category are lying vacant at the national level. In Jammu & Kashmir, out of the
54 Government colleges, 70 per cent posts are vacant in rural areas and 40 per cent in
urban areas. In Jharkhand, there are 1,045 vacant posts, as per the data of 2005, in the
three universities of Ranchi, Vinoba Bhave (Hazaribagh) and Sidhu Kanhu (Dumka). In
Chennai, 40 per cent posts of lecturers in Government colleges are vacant. The eligibility
criterion prescribed by the UGC for university and college-level recruitment - passing the
NET - is considered "tough".
The State governments opted for an easier option. The aspirants were given the liberty of
clearing the State allotrope of the NET, State Eligibility Test (SET). It was evolved as a
friendlier alternative, but that couldn't solve the problem of the non-availability of
suitable candidates.
It is no longer easy to estimate the numbers of lecture-based-teachers, guest lecturers,
fixed-honourarium teachers and any other nomenclature that differentiates them from
regular teachers. The number of "para-teacher" in full-time and part-time primary schools
in the country crosses 500,000 mark. They are monthly paid a pittance ranging from Rs
1000 to Rs 3000.
Madhya Pradesh has announced its resolve to fill in 53,000 vacant posts of teachers in
schools. Uttar Pradesh has made a similar intention to fill in 50,000 posts of primary
teachers. In Punjab, the Estimates Committee of the legislature has found 1,154 primary
schools in which no teacher has been posted. A research study has indicated the absence
of 25 per cent teachers in schools, and among those present, only 50 per cent are actually
performing the job assigned to them.
There are, however, encouraging signs that, if taken seriously, can change the picture.
Several judicial interventions can be recalled that emphasise the need to ensure the
presence of suitable number of teachers in educational institutions. The Madras High
Court, in its judgement delivered on July 18, 2005, had barred the State Government
from appointing or continuing with the serving guest lecturers and ad hoc lecturers
beyond March 31.
There are instances in which guest lecturers and ad hoc lecturers, after serving for several
years, have successfully pressed for regularisation. The overall quality in such cases goes
down and those who "somehow" get into the system in the name of urgency elbow out
the more deserving and qualified ones. The school systems in several States are under
pressure to regularise the "para-teachers" who may not even be suitably qualified.
As early as June 15, 1993, the Supreme Court had delivered the following judgement:
"The teachers training institutions are meant to teach children of impressionable age. We
cannot let loose on the innocent and unwary children teachers who have not received
proper and adequate training. True, they will be required to pass the examination but that
may not be enough. Training for a certain minimum period in a properly organised and
equipped training institute is probably essential before a teacher may be duly launched."
There is a significant message contained in the Centre's directions to the State
governments: Re-empl-oy teachers below 65 years of age. This will give rise to another
set of politics of pulls and pressures. What will happen to the thousands of qualified
young persons? There is no need to oblige those who have spend long years in the
profession. They must make way for the younger lot.
****End of Story# 182 of 189
****Story#183 of 189
Title: What Affirmative Action Can Be All About
Author: YRK REDDY
Source: The Financial Express
Date: April 29, 2006
URL: http://www.financialexpress.com/fe_full_story.php?content_id=12529#7
Recent statements from corporate leaders and industry associations in the context of
Prime Minister Manmohan Singh’s speech go to show how easily excitable they are. To
be sure, the PM did not mention anything about reservations or quotas, but reminded the
industry, inter alia, of the need for affirmative action, which is a voluntary commitment.
He talked of the less privileged and marginalised groups—and of investment in skills and
capabilities as important supply side initiatives. He did not commend a particular caste,
or gender, to be the beneficiary of affirmative action. Yet, there were two streaks of
response from the industry, possibly worried over political posturing by some ministers
regarding reservations not only in institutes of higher learning but the private sector as
well.
One was the offensive, talking of how bad reservations are for merit-based private
enterprise that needs to meet global competition and how it may make employees casteconscious and divisive. Some even stated that good companies do not even have records
of the caste or religion of their employees. The second was indeed defensive, saying how
they already employ a good number of SCs/STs and OBCs. Ashok Leyland reportedly
has 55% backward class employees; Bajaj Auto says 30% of its employees are from
SC/ST and the backward classes. Hindustan Lever says that 55% of its employees are
from SC/ST and OBC. The numbers are even higher, some claim, if outsourced and
contract labour is reckoned.
Instead of advancing time-worn arguments against political ploys, it would be more
sensible for corporate leaders to read the spirit of the PM’s statement and see how an
affirmative policy can be mainstreamed into the recruitment and outsourcing strategies of
a company. They can draw lessons from some accomplishing the social agenda, even as
they improve the supply side of skills in a hyper competitive environment. They have
used innovative thinking, a broader strategy and deliberate action for a decided outcome.
In Andhra Pradesh, the director of collegiate education informed me of the unique
initiatives of the government and corporates in enhancing the skills and capabilities in
government colleges with a dominant presence of SCs, STs and the backward classes.
This initiative has the potential to become an exemplary public-private partnership in
proactive development of human capital for the growing needs of the sponsoring
industry, their contract/outsourced activities, as well as for high-growth sectors in the
economy.
• Manmohan Singh, in his recent speech, had not mentioned reservations
• He’d merely reminded corporate India about the need for affirmative action
• Corporates can learn from those who have been fulfilling the social agenda
HSBC has just signed an MoU with Andhra University to launch a special B.Com course
with focus on customer service management, chipping in with half the tuition fee for the
students. The aim is to generate a good supply for itself, as also increase the opportunities
for these youngsters on an international scale—a majority of such students are expected
from the under-privileged segments.
A Chennai company gave its canteen contract to a cooperative of hearing and speech
impaired women after appropriate training. While a short-sighted IT company rejects a
polio-affected software engineer, another is eager to employ such persons affirmatively,
as their training and retention is easier. Some wise companies have spread their
affirmative action to their supply chains and distribution networks. Take the case of
elimination of child labour and employing adults in their place—several companies and
industry associations have taken important strides, expanding opportunities for the underprivileged and the marginalised. Some ITC group companies have ensured elimination of
child labour in their downstream and upstream linkages as well, thus providing scope for
more appropriate employment.
Dr Reddy’s Laboratories, the pharma giant, has led a livelihood project that builds skills
and capacities, especially in rural areas and among the under-privileged. There are
trainees from these initiatives who can be employed in the service sector as also in the
downstream and upstream linkages of the company.
Corporates need not be paranoid about reservations or job quotas by constitutional
amendments—not only because of its low probability, but also because they are already
employing such good numbers. If necessary, they may wage a battle through
parliamentary lobbies and other means. Right now, they must debate how they can
integrate affirmative action with the human resource supply chain strategy more
fruitfully.
****End of Story# 183 of 189
****Story#184 of 189
Title: What’S Really Missing In Our Infrastructure
Author: Janmejaya Sinha
Source: The Financial Express
Date: April 26, 2006
URL: http://www.financialexpress.com/fe_full_story.php?content_id=12493#3
As the queues for security check grow in Mumbai airport, discussing India’s poor
infrastructure is the rage now. Recently, I read an expert discussion in one of the
important Indian magazines on improving India’s infrastructure. The numerous global
CEOs visiting India have that one piece of advice to offer the Indian government—fix
infrastructure to achieve full potential. The infrastructure being talked about refers to the
poor quality of our airports, roadways, power supply, ports and railways. Very rarely
does it mean much else.
But when I see India’s infrastructure, I believe what is truly missing are the most
important parts. Parts which do not get mentioned and are rarely deliberated with any of
the interest that our airports and poor power supply receive. These missing pieces, if left
unresolved, will lead to greater inequality, social dissension, poor law and order and
ultimately cripple our growth momentum.
What am I talking about? I had lunch last Sunday afternoon at a friend’s house. There
was a couple among the guests who were returning to India from London. The lady could
not stop talking about the problem of getting her son admitted into a decent school in
Mumbai. The principals don’t even meet us, she said. Is there any chance? This was an
affluent NRI couple. There was another conversation where a banker wanted to buy some
farm land. His only problem was checking the veracity of the title deeds and maintaining
possession of the land thereafter. Property transactions in India, he said, are risky and
time consuming—be it renting or acquiring. If things go wrong, God forbid, because
there is no redress in your lifetime. Our courts just cannot provide any justice because
your case will be heard after you are dead.
After lunch, we dropped in to visit a friend who just had a baby. He was so happy that he
could get a room in a Mumbai hospital for his wife—he proudly mentioned that there
were only seven single rooms for delivering mothers—and he got one of these. Yes, you
get the drift—education, property rights, contract enforcement and health care are the
critical pieces of infrastructure that India lacks right now.
• Offer vouchers to citizens that cover govt spending on primary schools
• Why can’t the govt have computerised land records, including title deeds?
• In health care, substitute govt spending by buying people health insurance
Social infrastructure does not attract parliamentary debate or seminar circuit interest.
Before elections, political parties will raise the reservation bogey but no party ever talks
of raising supply. I am no expert in these areas, but I believe we need to think much more
radically than in the past. We need to involve the citizenry and private entrepreneurs, and
effectively use technology to find solutions.
Here are some random reflections: could schools be taken out of the NGO sector and
made a commercial opportunity but be regulated? Can we not consider offering citizens
vouchers which are worth the government expenditure on primary schools? They may
then use these vouchers to pay for schools that they consider good. All state schools
could be auctioned out to the school companies which could be paid for in vouchers.
Schools could be regulated by an inspector of schools to ensure national priorities and
access.
Similarly, why can the government not use technology to have all land drawings and
titles on computers so that one can get a 24-hour turnaround of title deeds? Why can we
not double the number of high courts—have two per state and triple the number of
judges? Likewise, all jail records could be put on computer and Parliament should
demand and monitor performance each year by asking the names of undertrials in jail, the
crime for which they are being tried, the period of confinement as an undertrial, the
maximum possible sentence for the crime.
In respect of healthcare, can we not substitute government expenditure by buying people
health insurance and pushing healthcare out of government hands and into private hands,
but monitored by a regulator? Insurance companies would manage doctors and hospitals
and a regulator would oversee the insurance company to ensure that these companies
behave and supply as per the greed contracts. I am sure it is more complicated than this,
but our current apathy, frankly, is abysmal. Let the experts confer, but act quickly.
Remember, as we delay fixing the social infrastructure of India, the Maoists take control
of more districts.
****End of Story# 184 of 189
****Story#185 of 189
Title: What’S Up, Docs?
Author: Editorial, HindustanTimes
Source: Hindustan Times
Date: May 01, 2006
URL: http://www.hindustantimes.com/news/181_1687373,0012.htm
If HRD Minister Arjun Singh has it his way, the number of seats available to general
category students at the post-graduate level in the All India Institute of Medical Sciences
will shrink from 33 of the total 50 seats to 19. The scenario is replicated in other medical
colleges. Nothing wrong with that if one maintains that worthy candidates will fill up the
remaining seats. The point is, however, whether that will be the case after more quotas.
If one goes by the doctors whom Mr Singh and other enthusiasts of Mandalisation like
VP Singh and the late Sitaram Kesri have gone to for treatment, one finds that these
‘reservationists’ didn’t refer to ‘backward’ socially empowered Indian medical
practitioners. In fact, they did not go to Indian medical practitioners at all. Mr Singh has
undertaken treatment in Germany, while VP Singh and Kesri had also been treated
abroad. Do we suspect them -- and a retinue of VIPs whose travel bills are picked up by
the government -- of thinking that they might not be as safe with Indian doctors as with
foreign ones? And if that is indeed the case, will reserving seats in medical colleges
according to caste improve their faith in the Indian medical system?
For many politicians, policy and private choice don’t match. Remember the Left Front
government under Jyoti Basu deciding to forego the teaching of English in government
schools? That was a policy propagated by a chief minister who had no qualms sending
members of his family to study abroad. Similarly, Mr Singh and other quota-believers
seem perilously close to being hypocritical when they talk of reservations in medical
colleges while they themselves prefer scalpels and pills from hands that are bothered
about merit and merit alone.
****End of Story# 185 of 189
****Story#186 of 189
Title: Where Force Is Not A Solution
Author: Tariq Fatemi
Source: Dawn
Date: May 06, 2006
URL: http://www.dawn.com/2006/05/06/ed.htm#4
WITH its huge territory, sparse population and proven reserves of oil, gas and minerals,
managing Balochistan would require great skill and acumen, even in the best of times.
However, in a situation where the local population has long suffered from an
overwhelming sense of neglect, bordering on contempt, the issue becomes more
complicated and highly explosive.
The discovery of massive gas reserves in Balochistan in the mid-50s, should have
brought about a perceptible change in the economic life of the region. Sadly, the revenues
accruing from these discoveries hardly had any impact on the lives of the people. Most
remained dirt-poor and the few that ventured out learned that while gas from their
province was bringing prosperity and comfort to millions of people in the other three
provinces, the Baloch continued to shiver during the long winter months.
When confronted with evidence of growing unhappiness in Balochistan, especially
amongst the youth, Mr Bhutto’s initial reaction was to seek a political resolution. But
soon thereafter, he abandoned the path of negotiations and opted for military
confrontation. The mainstream Baloch leaders were accused of treason and jailed, while
the army was let loose to hunt down the nationalists.
Not surprisingly, one of the first things that the army did after seizing power in 1977 was
to declare an end to all operations and to release unconditionally the leaders of the socalled insurgency. The nation heaved a sigh of relief, but more importantly, the
government was able to ensure that the Baloch would not succumb to the inducements
that came their way from Kabul and Moscow during the Soviet occupation of
Afghanistan.
Regrettably, the current military regime appears not to have learnt any lesson from the
past. It may be right when it claims that many sardars are opposed to education and
development for it would dilute their hold over the poor peasants and farmers. But it is
the refusal of the Baloch urban youth to acquiesce in the unaccounted exploitation of
their natural resources, without any benefits coming their way, that has provided real
ammunition to the nationalists.
Ministers and government officials repeatedly allege that “a foreign hand” is trying to
take advantage of the current turmoil in the province, but to those of us who have lived
through the shame and ignominy of the East Pakistan crisis, there is a frightening sense of
deja vu. Political dialogue appears to have met a premature death. Whatever happened to
the reports submitted by the committees headed by Wasim Sajjad and Mushahid
Hussain? Even a partial implementation of the recommendations contained in these
would have reduced tensions and permitted dialogue to resume. Nothing has come of this
exercise and the bloody confrontation is likely to continue for long.
It would be a monumental folly for our rulers if they were to forget that in this time and
age, military action against one’s own civilian population, is no longer condoned by the
international community, as evidenced by reaction to similar developments elsewhere.
Moreover, the hilly terrain in Balochistan and its sparse population, used to living in
small, inaccessible, self-contained hamlets, make it an ideal ground for guerilla
operations. No force, even a foreign occupation army, could survive in the hostile
environment where the locals would not hesitate to disrupt the lines of communication
and interdict supplies of fuel, food and ammunition. In any case, no national political,
social or economic goal can be achieved through a brutal and oppressive policy.
Given its strategic location and the tremendous natural resources that the province
possesses, it is no surprise that the current situation there should be a matter of interest to
neighbouring countries, as well as to the major powers. Even as far back as the 1960s, the
Soviets had tasked the Institute of Oriental Studies in Moscow to devote special attention
to the province and to examine how its ethnic composition could be exploited. It was at
this time that Professor Yuri Gankovsky, who I got to know well during my many years
in Moscow, came to be recognised as a leading scholar on the nationalities’ issue in
Pakistan.
I recall that when President Bhutto travelled to Moscow in March 1972, he took along
Sardar Akbar Bugti with him. But when the Pakistani leader was returning home, he was
surprised to learn that the Soviets had arranged an elaborate programme for Bugti during
the course of which they tried to convince him of their interest in the wellbeing of the
Baloch people and what they could do for his province.
The Americans, too, have always maintained a strong interest in Balochistan. This is
likely to have increased greatly since the Bush administration has put renewed emphasis
on securing control over all energy-rich areas. American scholars have not shied away
from writing extensively on this subject, with writer and political analyst Selig Harrison,
credited with championing the nationalities issue in Pakistan, with a focus on the Baloch
demand for independence.
As if the domestic situation were not complicated enough, the foreign powers, both in our
immediate vicinity, as well as in more distant lands, have started to take a much closer
interest in the current turmoil. The comments of the Indian foreign office spokesman
Sharma, expressing concern over the situation and counselling Islamabad to “address the
grievances of the people of Balochistan” should not have surprised us.
Anti-Pakistan lobbies in Delhi have not hesitated to characterise disturbances in
Balochistan as “the struggle for an independent Balochistan” calling it “part of the
unfinished agenda of the partition”. In fact, the South Asian Analysts Group has called
upon Delhi “to draw attention of the international community to the ruthless massacre of
Baloch nationalists by the Pakistan army”. Major newspapers, journals and prestigious
think-tanks in Europe and the United States, too, have been drawing attention to what is
being increasingly described as a nationalist movement.
Apart from the advantage of keeping its neighbour and rival off balance, Delhi is
convinced that continued disturbances in Balochistan would contribute to India’s
strategic advantage by delaying, if not denying, the natural resources of the province to
Pakistan, and discouraging growing Chinese investment in its economic development. As
is well-known, the Indians have been favouring the development of the north-south
economic and energy corridor. It is in this context that the Indians have been supporting
the proposal for the Uzbekistan-Afghanistan-Iran highway that could become a strategic
road project linking Tajikistan with the port of Shahbahar in Iran, via Afghanistan.
New Delhi has always aspired to be a major player in Central Asia and to have a stake in
the region’s tremendous energy resources. To this end, the Indians have been expanding
their military presence in, and defence cooperation with, the Central Asian republics.
Only recently, India succeeded in establishing its first overseas military base in
Tajikistan. It has always followed developments in Balochistan with keen interest, as
evidenced by the then Indian foreign minister Natwar Singh’s loaded remark, questioning
how Pakistan could ensure the safety of the proposed IPI gas pipeline when it was unable
to protect its gas installations in Balochistan.
Pakistan’s economic development is greatly dependent on the manner in which it is able
to take advantage of the tremendous economic and trade potential of energy-rich Central
Asia. Balochistan is a vital link in this chain as well as in China’s desire to move into the
Gulf and the Middle East, as evidenced by Beijing’s strategic decision to involve itself in
the construction of the Gwadar port. But all this would be dependent on ensuring peace
and order in the province.
For this to take place, the government must immediately end all military operations,
declare a general amnesty and initiate a dialogue to address the genuine grievances of the
people of Balochistan. If the locals have reservations to some of the mega projects
proposed for their province, the government must take concrete and visible steps to
remove the sense of alienation by bringing Baloch nationalists into mainstream politics.
They must have a stake that is equal to, if not bigger, than those of the non-Baloch.
Most independent observers are of the view that the problem of Balochistan is primarily
political. The Baloch nationalists want power to make decisions in their province and a
fair share in what the centre obtains from there. This is only legitimate and fair.
Lest the rulers in Islamabad forget, Pakistan is a federation, with many ethnic and
linguistic groups. Unlike a unitary state, with one single or dominant ethnic community
(Bangladesh or China), a federation is a far more delicate entity, that needs careful and
cautious nurturing by genuinely elected representatives, so that all federating units
develop a belief in and commitment to the federation.
It can only become politically stable and economically progressive when the federating
units have a genuine sense of participation in the affairs of the state and are convinced
that their well-being and progress is synonymous with that of the federation. If that were
to be the case, Islamabad would not have to worry about the machinations of any foreign
power. This, sadly, is not the case where Balochistan is concerned.
****End of Story# 186 of 189
****Story#187 of 189
Title: Where’S The Data, Sc Asks Govt
Author: Correspondent or Reporter
Source: Telegraph
Date: April 28, 2006
URL: http://www.telegraphindia.com/1060428/asp/nation/story_6155274.asp
Does the government know how many quota candidates manage to secure jobs under the
general category, the Supreme Court asked today.
The court’s point was that only such data could show whether job quotas have succeeded
— and therefore whether any group should be taken out of the reservation list.
“Tell us, which government is keeping any data on how many are getting representation
(jobs) without reservation. I don’t think the Centre or the state governments are keeping
any such data so that any group can be taken out of reservation,” Chief Justice of India
Y.K. Sabharwal said.
A five-judge Constitution bench headed by him was hearing a batch of petitions
challenging the validity of the 77th, 82nd, 83rd and the 85th amendments to the
Constitution expanding the scope of job reservations.
The court’s observation came after senior counsel P.P. Rao, appearing for a group
supporting reservation in promotions, argued that quotas had to continue till the weaker
sections got “adequate representation” in government jobs.
“No government is doing any charity to these people. They are only carrying out the
constitutional mandate,” Rao said.
The 77th amendment was brought to do away with the Supreme Court ruling in the
Mandal Commission case restricting quotas to appointments as opposed to promotions.
Article 16 (4A) was inserted to provide for reservation in promotion for the Scheduled
Castes and Scheduled Tribes.
The 85th amendment widened this to provide for reservation in promotions even for the
Other Backward Classes.
The 82nd amendment did away with the provision in Article 335 that allowed reservation
subject to “efficiency of administration”. The government brought the amendment in the
year 2000 to allow reservation by lowering the standards of evaluation.
The 83rd amendment has to do with job reservation in certain states.
A petition challenging the extension of the reservation period from 50 to 60 years (that is,
till the year 2010) is pending before the apex court.
Another Constitution bench is likely to hear the matter, which relates to the amendment
of Article 334 of the Constitution.
Article 334 initially provided for reservation only for 10 years. It was extended to 30
years by an amendment in 1959, to 40 years in 1980 and to 50 years in 1989.
****End of Story# 187 of 189
****Story#188 of 189
Title: Whose Quota Is It Anyway?
Author: Abhay Kumar
Source: Deccan Herald
Date: May 07, 2006
URL: http://www.deccanherald.com/deccanherald/may72006/national175718200656.asp
Has the government’s reservation policy really benefited those for whom it was primarily
introduced?
Even as the controversy over quota remains unabated amid reports that the Centre will
rake up the issue once Parliament reconvenes on May 10, here are some bare facts from
the home turf of social justice leaders like Laloo Prasad Yadav, Ram Vilas Paswan, and
above all, B P Mandal, the man whose recommendations triggered epochal happenings in
1990.
Sultanpur, a village in Hajipur, the parliamentary constituency of self-styled ‘Dalit
messiah’ Paswan, has seen only three of its inhabitants bag a government job in the last
six decades. “Almost 59 years have passed since we achieved Independence, but this
nondescript village has produced only three government servants so far, that too in the
Class IV category,” says Parasnath, a local.
However, all the three have now retired.
In a village, dominated by Paswans, very few out of its thousand-odd people have been
able to attain proper education. “One reason why no one is in government service these
days,” says Suraj.
While the villagers rued their fate for being born in Dalit community and stressed on the
need for “historical correction”, they appeared sore over the fact that the adjoining
industrial township of Hajipur had failed to bail them out.
“Most of the factories prefer locals to the outsiders. Of course, some of our youths work
there as daily wage workers. Par isse jyada kuch fayda nahin hai hamein,” points out
Paras, adding that “even the government’s reservation policy is of little use, if one does
not get a proper job.”
He, however, admitted that lack of education was the main hindrance in their upward
mobility, socially as well as financially.
But then, he has his own logic for the state of backwardness. He goes on to cite the lack
of basic amenities in this VVIP constituency. “You won’t find even a single hand-pump
working in this village. We all depend on wells for the potable water.”
And what about the roads?
“Sometime back we were told that a concrete road would come up from Paswanji’s MP
development fund. But all we have got is a kachcha sadak, which will be washed away as
the monsoon sets in,” explains Paras, who is a farmer.
“I have heard about Abhyanandji, the IPS officer, who helps poor children in preparing
for IITs. Someday, I will take my son to him for proper coaching,” he says with a ray of
hope.
“If not, then I will take loan to send my son to Kota (in Rajasthan), which is a sure ticket
to any engineering college, if not the IIT.”
Still talking about quota? Okay, Kota!
****End of Story# 188 of 189
****