Title: Colonials, merchants and alabaster vases: the western Phoenician aristocracy
Author(s): Jose Luis Lopez Castro
Source: Antiquity. 80.307 (Mar. 2006): p74.
Document Type: Article
Abstract:
Long characterised as merchants in pursuit of metals, the Phoenician settlers an the
Iberian peninsula are here given an alternative profile. The author shows that a new
aristocracy visible in the archaeology of bath cemeteries and settlements, was engaged in
winning a social advancement denied it at home in the east. In particular, the Egyptian
alabaster vases found in Spain, far from being the products of pillage or trade, were
appreciated as prestige objects which often ended their days as receptacles far high status
cremations.
Keywords: Iberia, Egypt, Phoenician, alabaster, burial rites
Full Text:
Introduction
The image of the Phoenicians offered in the Odyssey (13,272; 14, 287 ff.; 15,415 ft.) is of
robbers and slave-traders motivated only by profit, and it is an image that has been
embraced over two centuries of western scholarship. The association between
Phoenicians and trade is powerful and well established (Liverani 1998). According to
Greek written sources (Herod. IV, 152; Diod. V, 35, 4-5; Strab. III, 2, 9) the main reason
which led Phoenicians to found new settlements in North Africa, Sicily, Sardinia, Spain
and Portugal was the search for metals (Figure 1). The 'trade paradigm', as this
predominant view could be called, has been sustained by European archaeologists and
historians: the archaeological data relating to Phoenician colonisation are explained in
terms of trade, settlements are interpreted as production sites and their inhabitants as
merchants. Current scholarship assumes that Phoenician and Greek merchants initiated
relationships with Late Bronze societies in Sardinia, Etruria and Tartessos during the
Archaic period, resulting in the creation of 'orientalised' aristocracies (Bernardini 1982;
Bisi 1984; Torelli 1981:69 ft.; Bartoloni 1984; Rathje 1984; Aubet 1984). However, less
attention has been given to the social context of the Phoenician colonisers themselves.
We know that aristocracies existed in eastern Phoenician cities (Tsirkin 1990: 33) and it
seems logical that they should be reproduced in the west. The purpose of this paper is to
see how far this might be reflected in the archaeological evidence; and, in effect, many
different productive activities and stratified social groups are revealed in a society that is
by no means exclusively mercantile.
[FIGURE 1 OMITTED]
Literary evidence for a western Phoenician aristocracy
The existence of a social elite in Phoenician Levant is evidenced by some written
sources. The treaty between the Assyrian king Asarhaddon and Ithobaal king of Tyre in
an inscription dated to the early seventh century BC mentions a Tyrian king, as well as
'the men of the land of Tyre', as representing the city. It is significant that in the text these
'men', like the king, were able to own ships (Pettinato 1975:151 ff.). They could be
interpreted as members of a higher social stratum who occupied the main religious and
administration posts below the royal family (Tsirkin 1990:33 ff.) and directed sea traffic
and long distance trade. Ezekiel's Against Tyre (Ezekiel 26: 16) and Isaiah in his Tyre
Oracle (Isaiah 23: 2-8) mention 'sea princes' referring to the rich men who directed the
economical activity of the town, and could be equated with the 'men of the land of Tyre'.
This Tyrian elite has also been interpreted as consisting of 'private' merchants who
initiated colonial expansion, independent of the royal palace (Bondi 1979, 1988a: 355-7;
Aubet 1987). They can be seen as an 'aristocracy of merchants' with power and wealth
based on trade (Bondi 1988b: 249).
The story of the foundation of Carthage by Queen Elisa (Just. XVIII: 4-6) shows that
Elisa, who belonged to the royal dynasty, did not travel alone: a group of 'the main
citizens' of Tyre accompanied her in the expedition. Classical tradition has transmitted
the name of some of the high ranking companions: Bitias, commander of the Tyrian fleet
(Serv., Ad Aen. I: 738) and Barcas, the ancestor of the famous Carthaginian family of the
Barca (Sil. Ital., Punica I: 72-5). An inscribed gold medallion found in a rich
Carthaginian grave at Douimes and dated to 725 BC has been interpreted as belonging to
a person of aristocratic position, Yada'milk son of Pidiya (Krahmalkov 1981; Gras et al.
1991:174 ft.). These were forerunners of the later Carthaginian aristocracy whose
existence is well attested (Gunther 1993).
A group of 'servants', once dependents of the Tyrian king Pygmalion, were also included
in Elisa's expedition (Just. XVIII, 4, 12 ff.). These may have been slaves, or people with a
dependent position like theger (Heltzer 1987), or free men like the 'sons of Tyre'
mentioned in inscriptions (Tsirkin 1990: 33) or persons equivalent to the Tyrian 'men of
the king', specialised personnel working for the palace (Tsirkin 1990: 34 ff.). Similarly,
the great priest of Ashtart in Cyprus agreed to join the expedition with his family on the
condition that he was permitted to keep the position of great priest of the goddess for his
family (Just. XVIII: 5, 2) that is to say, to keep his privileged situation in the new city.
Members of the local population are also known to have worked in the western colonial
centres (Whittaker 1974: 70; Lopez Castro 1995: 45-6; Martin Ruiz 2000). Clearly, the
foundation of a colony needed artisans and workers--producers to maintain nonproducers and to reproduce in the new colony their privileged social and economic
position.
Archaeological evidence--ranking in cemeteries
Investment in tombs, the development of funerary rituals and the social value of the
elements of the grave goods are the main variables to analyse social differentiation in a
given society, at the same time contrasting it with evidence from settlements (Chapman et
al. 1981; Lull & Picazo 1989). Wealthy graves and grave goods and particular mortuary
practices reflecting ostentation and luxury were prevalent in Archaic Mediterranean
aristocracies (Ampolo 1984: 470-2) and should be useful for defining colonial
aristocracies too. The so-called western Phoenician necropoleis of the eighth and seventh
centuries BC notably contain a relatively small number of graves, in relation to the
populations implied by the settlements, and there are almost no poorly furnished graves
among them. In Almunecar, the ancient Sexs, 22 graves of the eighth and seventh
centuries BC were excavated in the cemetery of Cerro de San Cristobal (Pellicer 1963),
but the Phoenician settlement could occupy some hectares inhabited by several hundreds
of people. Another Sexitan cemetery, at Puente de Noy, contained only two chamber
graves of the seventh century (Molina et al. 1981; Molina & Huertas 1985), followed by
almost two hundred burials dating from the fifth to first centuries BC. Five chamber
tombs at Trayamar (Schubart & Niemeyer 1976) can be associated with the eighthseventh century settlement at Morro de Mezquitilla (Schubart 1986) which extended over
two hectares and was occupied by an estimated 300-500 people. In the neighbouring
settlement of Chorreras (Aubet et al. 1976) of 1.5 hectares, inhabited in the eighth and
seventh centuries BC, there are only a couple of graves excavated at Lagos (Aubet et al.
1991). There seems to be a small number of rich graves serving several generations of
colonists. This may be contrasted with the situation in the east where Phoenician
cemeteries are extensive, with a marked ranking of tombs (Prausnitz 1982; Sader 1995;
Mazar 2000, 2001).
Restricted access to funerary honours and rituals in the western Phoenician cemeteries in
the eighth and seventh centuries should imply social segregation. The known wealthy
graves should belong to an elite of non-producers. The poorer tombs corresponding to the
mass of the population should be localised in other places, as for example the Puig des
Molins cemeteries in Ibiza island, dated to the late seventh century BC (Costa et al. 1991;
Gomez 1990), or the cemetery at Rachgoun in Argelia, dated to the late seventh and early
sixth centuries BC (Vuillemot 1955). Both contained a number of burials without
elaborate funeral rites. More socially representative cemeteries, with hundreds of burials
both rich and poor, appeared in the Iberian peninsula only from the late seventh and sixth
centuries BC to the Roman conquest. These can be attributed to the formation of the
western Phoenician city-state (Schubart & Arteaga 1990; Lopez Castro 2002, 2003). We
could suggest that different cemeteries serving the same settlement, particularly those
featuring collective tombs, could belong to different aristocratic groups or to segmented
families belonging to the original Tyrian aristocratic group.
Tombs, grave goods and burial rite
There are three main types of wealthy western Phoenician graves: chamber tombs built
with stone blocks, with an access corridor or dromos, for example Trayamar, Jardin
(Schubart & Maas 1995) and Puente de Noy; Hypogea, with a corridor or pit leading to a
chamber excavated in the bed-rock, for example in Puente de Noy and Villaricos (Siret
1908; Astruc 1951), and pit graves, with a little cave excavated in the bed rock, as at
Cerro de San Cristobal and Lagos (Figure 2). Funerary monuments like the sculpture of a
lion found in Puente de Noy (Almagro 1983) are other indicators of social rank.
[FIGURE 2 OMITTED]
The principal burial rite is cremation, in contrast with eastern Phoenician rituals that used
mainly inhumation (Martin 1978: 252; Bienkowski 1982: 84-7). Cremation in some
ancient societies has been said to signify heroes and members of royalty (Bonnet 1988:
110) and cremation in Phoenician society has been proposed as a 'heroisation' of the
deceased. Death by fire could attribute a heroic character to Carthaginian individuals
linked to royalty or aristocracy, such as Queen Elisa (Just. XVIII, 6, 6) or Amilcar, the
commander defeated in Himera in 480 BC (Herod. VII, 167; Grotanelli 1983; contra
Bonnet 1988: 173-4). Cremation remembers the rituals of Melqart, the Tyrian god whose
origins derive from royal ancestors. He was resurrected in the egersis, the annual ritual
and feasts in Tyre (Bonnet 1988:107-10) and was considered 'the Lord of fire' (Ribichini
1985: 46-7). Melqart is implied in the theophore name hnmlk, which belongs to the
deceased and is depicted on one of the alabaster jars used as a cinerary urn in Almunecar
(Lipinski 1984: 126-7). An iconographic representation of the destination expected for
the deceased is found on a medallion from burial 4-d of the Trayamar group of chamber
tombs, which shows the divine residence in a mountain flanked by two falcons under the
divinity symbolised by the crescent disc (Culican 1970a: 33-5). Although it is not
possible to demonstrate the direct emulation of Melqart by incineration, there are many
resemblances that can suggest the apotheosis of deceased individuals of high social rank.
Among the grave goods, we find amphorae containing oil and wine, jugs to serve the
wine and dishes to serve the food, imported Greek kotyloi to drink wine and alabaster
vases for scented oil. All these elements can suggest funerary offerings of food and the
celebration of funerary libation and banquets (Rathje 1991) of which we have
iconographical representations in Cyprus (Culican 1982). The deposition of many
fragments of dishes of red slip pottery in the fill of the pit of the hypogeum 1E of Puente
de Noy (Molina 1983) could be interpreted as a ritual of this kind. Other prestige
elements are gold or silver jewels like medallions, rings and objects like Egyptian-style
scarabs mounted in rings.
Alabaster jars and social status
The usual container for cremated human remains was the alabaster jar. Around fifty
alabaster jars and twenty fragments, dated to the seventh century BC, have been recorded
in Phoenician colonial and some Tartessian sites in the Iberian Peninsula (Figures 3 and
4). Other than some fragments of alabaster and other stone vases found in settlement
areas in Toscanos and Morro de Mezquitilla, the alabaster jars in the Iberian Peninsula
are found in burials (Lopez Castro 2001-2002:144 ff.). Many of them are original
Egyptian-made jars, such as the Almunecar group which includes jars with hieroglyphic
inscriptions of Pharaohs of the XXII, XXV and XXVI dynasties (Gamer-Wallert 1978,
Padro 1980-1985, 1984). The discovery of royal Egyptian alabaster jars in Almunecar
(Figure 5) have prompted different explanations, all them so far conforming to the 'trade
paradigm'. Pillaging or trading with stolen objects is explicit or implicit in almost all the
hypotheses, for example pillage of the Egyptian royal tombs of Tinis (Maluquer 1963:
59; Gamer-Wallert 1973: 408, 1978: 224-5) or pillage of the royal storerooms in the
palace of king Abdimilkuti of Sidon, in the Asarhaddon campaign of 677 BC and
subsequent Phoenician trade of the booty (Culican 1970b: 30-1). In another hypothesis,
Phoenician merchants obtained the alabaster jars from Assyrians out of the booty gained
after the second invasion of Egypt in the first third of the seventh century BC (Pernigotti
1988: 275-6). There are several objections to these interpretations, including matters of
chronology (Padro 1984:13; Aubet et al. 1991: 21). The pillaging of the palace of
Abdimilkuti of Sidon by the Assyrians was more recent than some of the tombs of
Almufiecar, now dated to the eighth century (Negueruela 1981; Aubet et al. 1991:21;
Mederos & Ruiz 2002) and the same argument can be applied to the second Assyrian
invasion of Egypt. In any case, there have been too many single alabaster jars found in
the Iberian peninsula for them all to have been stolen.
[FIGURES 3-5 OMITTED]
In ancient Egypt, alabaster objects were one of the main status symbols as presents of the
pharaohs to the gods or to other kings. Alabaster was worked from Old Kingdom times
(Breasted 1903: II, 323) but it was in the New Kingdom that alabaster objects were
widely employed (von Bissing 1939). As well as funerary vessels, the stone was used to
make divine and royal statues (Breasted 1903: II, 906; IV, 302,988 and 988I, n.a) or
employed as a noble material to build the residences, altars or thrones for gods and
pharaohs (Breasted 1903: II, 375; III, 525,529). Alabaster was used as a rich gift to the
gods, like cedar, gold and precious stones (Breasted 1903: II, 544; IV, 390). Gifts to the
gods mentioned in inscriptions of the XXII dynasty included 'all the vessels of gold and
silver and every splendid costly stone' (Breasted 1903: II, 615; IV, 730). In
archaeological contexts, groups of alabaster vessels have been found in the Palace of
Apries (von Bissing 1939: 139), and many of them were recorded in graves in the royal
necropolis of Tanis, Tell Yehudie (see for instance von Bissing 1907, 1939:138 ff.) and
in Nubia in royal cemeteries at El Kurru and Nuri (Dunham 1950, 1955).
Egyptian pharaohs used alabaster jars in their external relations policy as diplomatic gifts
of the highest value. Kings of the XVIII dynasty Akenaton, Horembeb and Ramses II
sent alabaster jars with royal inscriptions as presents to Ugarit, and some centuries later
Osorkon II of the XXII dynasty sent to Byblos a statue with his portrait and alabaster jars
to kings Omri and Akab of Samaria (Kitchen 1973: 324; Reisner et al. 1924: 131-2, 247,
333-7). The alabaster jar found in the royal palace of Assur, which was part of the booty
that king Asarhaddon took of Abdimilkuti's palace in Sidon with other alabaster vessels
(as shown by Assyrian inscriptions on it) originated as a diplomatic gift (Preusser
1955:21 ff.; Padro 1984: 13-37, n. 70; Culican 1970b: 31). The jar was originally sent by
the king Takeloth (von Bissing 1940:157) many years before to a Sidonian king in the
context of the foreign policy of the XXII dynasty of alliances with Levantine kingdoms
(Leclant 1968:11 ff., Kitchen 1973: 324). King Abdimilkuti of Sidon kept alabaster jars
in the treasury of his palace before the Assyrian victory (Preusser 1955: 21-2). Alabaster
jars are recorded in royal residences such as the palace of Nimrud (Mallowan 1966:16970) and the Assur palace of Assurbanipal II.
Alabaster and stone vases were containers for wine and perfume, goods reserved for the
consumption of kings and members of the court. Hieroglyphs on the alabaster jars from
graves 1 and 15 of Almunecar has revealed that the jars had once contained wine
(Gamer-Wallert 1973: 405, 1978: 224-5; Padro 1983: 218-20, 1984: 35-7). The text is
similar to another inscription on an alabaster jar found in Assur (Preusser 1955: 22, e).
But perfumed oil was the most probable content of these vessels. Chemical analyses of
the residues conserved in an Egyptian alabaster jar of the XVIII dynasty have been
identified as the remains of products associated with cosmetics or perfume (Wadsten
1978: 18). One of the Assur vessels has an inscription about the content: 'oil of the
princes' (Preusser 1955:21, 2). Around 525 BC, the Persian king Cambises sent to an
Ethiopian king a gift consisting of gold, purple clothes and an alabaster vase full of
perfumed oil (Herod. III, 20, 1). In some cases the alabaster jars were repaired; for
example, one from the Almunecar cemetery (Molina & Padro 1983: 45), and it is
remarkable that fragments of vases were introduced in Phoenician chamber-tombs and in
Tartessian tumuli (Lopez Castro 2001-2002: 147), probably because alabaster objects
were high status indicators in themselves.
Thus alabaster jars were gifts of the highest value which always appear in our sources of
information associated with divinity or royalty, and on the ground in sacred or royal
spaces such as temples, palaces and royal graves in Egypt. In the palaces of Assyria,
Sidon or Samaria they arrived as royal gifts and containers of prestige products for
exclusive consumption. However, though some scholars maintain that Egyptian alabaster
jars arrived in Phoenicia as royal Egyptian gifts, their presence in the Iberian peninsula
has been generally explained as the result of trade to the West particularly in the seventh
century BC (Leclant 1968:11; Culican 1970b: 30; Padro 1984: 13). Even though a
prestige role has been recognised for alabaster jars, their presence in western Phoenician
graves is attributed to rich artisans and merchants (Aubet 1994; Aubet et al. 1991 : 21;
Frankenstein 1997:192-3).
Social difference in settlements
Drawing on the results of excavation, houses in Phoenician settlements are generally very
simple, with a plan of two or three rooms built using poor architectural materials (Dies
Cusi 2001:80 ff.). But significant exceptions can be found (Figure 6). The first example is
Building C at Toscanos, interpreted as a storeroom (Niemeyer 1986:113) because many
amphora sherds were found there, or alternatively seen as a 'market place' (Aubet 1997).
Building C is 165[m.sup.2] and is connected by stone stairs with a second building placed
at a lower level; Building H has seven rooms disposed around a central courtyard
enclosing an area of 110[m.sup.2]. Some alabaster jar fragments and stone vases have
been recorded in Toscanos, one of them in Building C (Lindemann et al. 1972: 143), and
a palatial function has been proposed for Building H (Prados 2001-2002), which has been
seen as a precedent of the sixth century BC complex of Cancho Roano, interpreted as a
Tartessian palace (Almagro & Dominguez 1988-1989: 368-9). In Morro de Mezquitilla
another singular building of the first Phoenician phase, House K (Schubart 1986), can be
distinguished. It has 16 rooms and covers 190[m.sup.2], although the complete plan of
the house is yet to be excavated. A third example is provided by the complete plan of a
complex colonial building recently excavated at Abul in Portugal. It has two construction
phases that follow a similar pattern to that seen in Toscanos: a dozen rooms and stores
surrounding a central courtyard, and a tower was added to the building. The Abul
complex has been interpreted as a 'commercial residence' in which people of the highest
social rank should be present (Mayet & Tavares 2000: 160 ff., 167).
[FIGURE 6 OMITTED]
Discussion
According to the new radiocarbon dates, chronologies proposed for western Phoenician
colonisation begin around 900/800 BC (Castro et al. 1996:192 ff.; Tortes Ortiz 1998: 5860; Nijboer 2002: 28-9; Docter et al. forthcoming; Mederos forthcoming). The evidence
from cemeteries and from settlements imply the presence of an upper class, which is not
purely mercantile, in the western Phoenician colonies from that time. Among the more
powerful signals of this class are the alabaster vessels, which in my opinion need not
have a very different social function in the western colonial foundations than in the
eastern Mediterranean in the same period. If members of Egyptian royal families and
dignitaries used alabaster canopic vases to contain their viscera, the western Phoenicians
of high social status could use alabaster jars to contain the ashes of their dead.
We have seen that the foundation of Carthage was conducted by members of the royal
dynasty of Tyre and of the Tyrian aristocracy. It is possible that other colonial settlements
could have been founded by aristocrats. Some alabaster vessels could then have arrived
as personal belongings, and Egyptian vases with royal inscriptions could originally have
been royal gifts redistributed by Phoenician kings between secondary members of royal
families and relatives of Phoenician aristocracy, to be inherited by their descendants and
reach farther west some generations after. The 'genealogy' of the object gave more
prestige to the owner (Ampolo 1984: 471-3). Other alabaster jars, even if not properly
royal gifts, should have the same social function as a symbol of high social status to be
used as cinerary urns in colonial cemeteries. Most likely these alabaster vases originally
contained rare imported perfume, re-used for funerary purposes. Only more specific
analyses on the possible internal residues remaining in the alabaster jars found in the
Iberian Peninsula could supply a more secure explanation. If the alabaster vessels initially
define a colonial aristocracy of oriental origins, their social practices were extended to an
emergent indigenous aristocracy as indicated by the Tartessian graves and their gravegoods. In fact, the alabaster jars found in Tartessian graves have been seen as proof of an
originally Phoenician ritual consisting of the use of perfume, which served to define the
features of the Tartessian aristocracy (Tortes Ortiz 1999: 155-6).
Similarly, the few large western Phoenician buildings known until now could be
interpreted as aristocratic houses. They may be associated with aristocratic families
resident in small colonial settlements, and perhaps equate to the 'men of the land of Tyre'
mentioned in written sources (Pettinato 1975; Tsirkin 1990). The colonial aristocracy
may have been composed our of a hereditary eastern aristocracy or by groups emigrated
to the far west seeking a social position similar to that of the eastern aristocracies, or
perhaps by the exercise of both factors.
Conclusion
The presence of aristocratic groups in western colonial settlements throws light on the
causes and origins of the Phoenician colonisation. The exploitation of metals and the
expansion of trade networks have long been thought to provide the main impetus for the
movement westwards. But social incentives can now also be seen at work: the winning or
maintenance of privileged social position in a new world by people that perhaps could not
expect to gain or keep it in the east. We know that royal families in Phoenician towns
were large and extended, including 'poor relations' of limited economic means (Tsirkin
1990). However, we should not altogether disregard the effects of external Assyrian
pressure on the Phoenician kingdoms from the ninth to seventh centuries BC (Liverani
1988: 696-7; 784 ff.) or the consequences of internal political and dynastic
disagreements, which provided the context for Queen Elisa's foundation of Carthage, as
other causative factors. These factors also help to explain the presence in the western
colonies of groups that brought, and diffused into local elites, distinctive eastern
Mediterranean aristocratic social practices of life and death.
Acknowledgements
This paper was developed in the research project MCYT-BHA2000-1348. I am really
grateful to the editor for his comments and general improvement of the final English
version. My thanks to R. Docter and A. Mederos for allowing me to read their
forthcoming papers.
Received: 24 March 2004; Accepted." 9 July 2004: Revised: 28 July 2004
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Jose Luis Lopez Castro, University of Almeria, Almeria, Spain (Email:jllopez@ual.es)
Castro, Jose Luis Lopez
Source Citation
Castro, Jose Luis Lopez. "Colonials, merchants and alabaster vases: the western
Phoenician aristocracy." Antiquity 80.307 (2006): 74+. Academic OneFile. Web. 15 Feb.
2012.
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