COUNTER ARGUMENTS
As the world draws deeper into the 21st century, global environmental issues such as, pollution,
overpopulation, resource management and deforestation will continue to draw worldwide attention as
environmentally hot topics through political, social, and economic lenses. Despite growth in interest, technology
and research methods, causes and effects associated with these global concerns are not fully understood,
especially those of deforestation within tropical regions. Although deforestation is one of the earliest
environmental issues recorded and understood as an ecological threat, scientists and geographers alike have not
been fully able to comprehend the rationale and consequences connected with the issue. However, recent studies
and a better understanding of the driving mechanisms within tropical forests have the potential to bring further
clarity to the issue.
It has been widely known that the island nation of Madagascar has been dealing heavily with the
deforestation of its tropical forests for centuries. The island is a hot spot for this environmental controversy due to
the extraordinary amount of endemic species that reside within the tropical area and the desire to preserve such a
unique piece of the world’s environmental history. From the moment that deforestation was considered an
unsustainable environmental threat, Madagascar has been singled out as an area being victimized by the threats
associated with the problem due to its apparent obvious loss of forest compared to pre-settlement forest extent,
increase in dry grasslands, and amount of red soil erosion gullies (Kull, 423 and Klien, 191). For decades, civil
society, environmentalist groups, international corporations and the media have assumed that these observations
are valid and are continuing to be a major problem for the island. Blame for the destruction of the unique, fragile,
and biologically diverse island of Madagascar has been placed on anthropogenic causes such as unsustainable use
of fire, shifting cultivation, and logging (Kull). However, there is extreme uncertainty as to the validity of these
arguments and accusations placed on the deforestation issue in Madagascar. Deforestation is certainly an
exceptionally real issue on the island nation, but inaccurate assumptions and over exaggeration of the magnitude
or legitimacy of the issue may have been unfortunately accepted over the years. In this section we will dive deeper
into potential counter arguments within the issue of deforestation on Madagascar and will discover where the
potential inaccuracies and over exaggerations may have been established.
The vast majority of environmental problems that occur in developing countries are not directly observed
or detected by the average person. Typically, the issue is portrayed and reported through a secondary source and
is then passed to the media who displays the information to the world through various means such as television,
newspapers, internet and journal articles. Recently, with the rise of globalization, knowledge about environmental
issues can become global almost instantaneously. The rapid, global movement of ideas has become increasingly
quick and unchallenged allowing for a weak or non-existent checks and balance system to establish itself. The
media has taken advantage of this freely flowing system by producing compelling and often inadequate storylines
about environmental issues that grab public and governmental support (Kull, 424). In turn, the development of
narratives, discourses, and myths ensue and become institutionalized as facts and ultimately assemble an
improper view of reality (Klien, 191). The new institutionalized truths, which are often created through biased
observers looking to achieve a specific agenda, become widely accepted and often block one’s ability to think in
other ways (Klien, 191). In the case of deforestation on the island of Madagascar, this unmerited movement of
knowledge, enhanced by methods of globalization, has potentially shaped great misunderstanding of the situation.
In the early 1900s, French naturalists Henri Humbert and Henri Perrier de le Bathie developed a narrative
and hypothesis concerning the deforestation trend in Madagascar (Kull, 426 and Klien 193). During the height of
the French colonial rule, the French naturalists were thought to be superior in knowledge and understanding of
the environment and placed blame on the indigenous Malagasy and the poverty stricken, ignorant famers for the
destruction of forests. Humbert and de le Bathie claimed that the introduction of shifting cultivation, improper and
overuse of fire, logging and excessive agriculture destroyed the once heavily forested island. The French naturalists
assumed the island was, at one point, wholly consumed in thick, lush tropical forest that had recently been
destroyed. Through basic observations, the narrative claimed that, at the time of the field work, the island was
only 10% forested and has therefore been 90% deforested (Kull, 432). Despite seemingly outrages and accusations
and statistics, de la Bathe and Humbert became regarded as the most respected on the subject and where often
cited for their work (Klien, 193). To better understand Madagascar’s current situation it is essential to understand
that much of the original narrative was developed from a Western bias towards more permanent agriculture, and
foreign expertise, as seen through the French Naturalists, was valued over local experience (Kull, 440).
To formulate a complete understanding of the deforestation on Madagascar, it is essential to dive deeper
into the geological and climatic history of the island and discover potential root causes to the issue. Avoiding
simple surface level thinking, basic observations, and outdated narratives will aid in the process. Authors, John
Vandermeer and Ivette Perfecto, claim, in their work Breakfast of Biodiversity, the importance of understanding
the root causes and complexity of the web that creates the deforestation problem instead of simply placing blame
on others and becoming complacent with previous thought.
The topography and climate on Madagascar varies greatly despite the island’s relatively minute land area.
The region is characterized by rolling hills, large plains, volcanic cones, and narrow valleys, all of which are
associated with different biomes and vegetation types including tropical forest, savanna, dry grasslands, woody
shrubs, heath and riparian forest (Klien, 191 and Kull, 431). The island’s climate is modified by both altitude and its
proximity to the ocean waters. Extremely distinct seasonal rainfall occurs on the island during hot and humid
summers followed by cool, dry winters. Much of the area can effortlessly be perceived as deforested due to large
quantities of grasses and little other vegetation. Erosion is often severe due to a large number of gullies, labeled
lavaka, which have unusually high erosion rates (Klien 191). Arguably, the current grasslands that inhabit the
island are more heavily influenced by climatic changes rather than anthropogenic deforestation patterns. In the
early 1980s, a team of researchers, led by a scientist labeled Burney, attempted to discover whether current
grasslands in the Madagascar region reflected climate change patterns, and also sought to determine the historical
role of fire on the island. Through methods such as radio carbon dating and pollen stratigraphy, Burney’s findings
represented mixed vegetation prior to human intervention (Klien, 193). In addition, Burney investigated charcoal
sedimentation from sediment cores and discovered concentrations of charcoal greater in late Holocene and
Pleistocene samples than in more modern periods indicating the natural role of fire prior to human existence on
the island (Klien, 193). The role of fire is often misunderstood, within the ecosystems of Madagascar, as
destructive to the land rather than a vital, sustaining piece of the area’s ecology. Clearly, the research and
evidence portrayed the island as a natural and consistently changing ecosystem. This more modern and accurate
thought was not taken into account during initial creation of the hypothesis and proves the potential for over
exaggeration and inaccuracies.
Additionally, other areas of uncertainties, regarding the effects on the Madagascar tropical forests, have
become better understood including roles of poverty, population densities, logging and fire. Poverty and rural
peasantry are difficult to blame for deforestation because it is the unjust world system that forces them into their
position (Vandermeer and Perfecto, 131). The local populations on Madagascar are strained by population growth
and poverty leaving them no choice but to make short term resource use decisions and ignore long term
sustainable practices in order to better survive (Kull, 428) From a local perspective, the indigenous populations are
transforming the land to survive because that is all that they have been provided with (Kull, 432). Deforestation is
often attributed to the cutting of forests for fuel wood and construction. However, recent studies have shown that
this remains true only within areas of high population density and Madagascar’s population density has been
extremely low until recently in its history (Klien, 195). The basic concept of Malthusian thought is not applicable to
the Madagascar scenario because population is simply a small piece of the problem and is not the driving force to
the issue. Commercial logging is also not seen as a major issue because of the rapid forest recovery rate. Instead,
more focus needs to be placed on allowing the land to recover and avoiding land uses that will inhibit its recovery
process (Vandermeer and Perfecto, 91).
The purpose of this section is to offer opposing viewpoints to a situation that can become effortlessly
misinterpreted and inaccurate, in the hopes of increasing awareness and developing a better understanding of the
critical deforestation issue. If the issue of deforestation on the island nation of Madagascar is to be solved,
competing viewpoints, root causes, and the complex web of global environmental problems on both spatial and
temporal scales must be better understood.
COLONIALISM
Madagascar, a large island off the coast of East Africa, can credit its isolation from the rest of the world for its
tremendous biodiversity. Of the more than 200,000 known species native to Madagascar, more than 150,000 are
found nowhere else. However, Madagascar is rapidly falling victim to mass deforestation with consequences that
would be felt worldwide. Many of the causes for deforestation can be traced back to Madagascar’s colonial
history.
Ironically, Madagascar is one of the top three biologically rich areas on earth and the 11th poorest
country. Unfortunately, Madagascar has lost a third of their native vegetation over the past century. Numerous
factors have, and continue to, contribute to this problem. Deforestation began as early as 1896, when Madagascar
was annexed as a French colony. “An uncertain political climate and famine followed this annexation, and many of
the Malagasy fled to the woods for survival” (Deforestation: Madagascar). Prior to the colonization the “extent of
the eastern rain forest was 11.2 million [hectares] of which 7.6 million [hectares] remained in 1950” (Deforestation
in Madagascar). Economics have played a large part in the deforestation of this island jewel.
From the beginning of Madagascar’s contact with the Europeans, the domestic economy has been geared toward
the export production of naturally growing products for firearms. The Europeans that arrived “encountered an
environment home to diseases for which they had no resistance, natives too hostile to exploit as slaves and a
country with limited natural resources of interest for exportation”(Pearson 393). At the onset of the colonial
period, “the colony’s agricultural production was geared primarily for exportation” (Deforestation in Madagascar).
Though rice and beef were exported, coffee, introduced by the French, was the most profitable crop and remains
the island’s major export. Coffee plantations, originally located on the east coast, expanded throughout the
island. This prosperity offered high paying wages to laborers. This lured the Malagasy to leave the rice fields,
creating a shortage in rice supplies. The lack of workers, less profitability, and the vulnerability of the rice to
weather changes created a situation that encouraged the expansion of coffee plantations. These conversions lead
to rice shortages and the erosion of the country’s food security. Because of the uneven economic development
created by the coffee boom and the growth of export crop production into all fertile areas, the Malagasy had little
choice but to clear additional land in order to raise enough food for their survival. This shifting cultivation or “’tavy’
is a continuous system of cultivation in which temporary fields are cleared, usually burned, and subsequently
cropped for fewer years than they are fallowed” (Jarosz 368). While shifting cultivation is a “traditional response to
abundant land, scarce capital, and limited technology,” it has failed to adapt to markedly accelerated population
growth and, “depletes soil and forests and is a contributing factor to agricultural stagnation” (Jarosz 368, 369).
In 1909, the Governor General prohibited the practice of “tavy.” The law was put in place to protect the nation’s
forest from further deforestation as well as “impose rational forest resource management” (Deforestation:
Madagascar). This ban would also force the Malagasy to remain in one place, making it easier for the government
to locate and tax citizens. The Malagasy protested against the ban, burning acres of forest in protest; “the ban
elevated the practice of ‘tavy’ to a symbol of independence and liberty from colonial rule” (Deforestation:
Madagascar). Malagasy peasants embraced “tavy” as not just a means of survival, but as sacred teachings by their
ancestors. In 1921, with the ban on shifting cultivation in place the state opened the island’s forest to
concessionary practices. Due to shortages in labor and a lack of political will, the Forest Service was unable to
regulate the cutting. The combination of these detrimental government policies meant that “roughly 70% of the
primary forest was destroyed in the 30 years between 1895 to 1925” (Deforestation: Madagascar). Illegal logging is
perpetuated by poverty and corruption within the government. Malagasy hardwoods, such as ebony and
rosewood, are in high demand, making illegal logging financial attractive and a significant problem in protected
areas. Timber exporters stockpile illegally secured woods and release them to the market when the bans are
periodically lifted and prices are high. Beautiful hardwoods used for furniture making are not the only trees facing
exploitation, Alluaudia trees are being cut at an alarming rate for charcoal production. The Malagasy try to earn a
living by selling little piles of charcoal along the roads in southwest Madagascar, this practice jeopardizes the
stability of the endemic spring forests.
Overpopulation did not factor into deforestation until 1940 when the colonial government started vaccinating the
Malagasy people. Over the next 40 years, the population “went from 4.2 million to 9.2 million” (Deforestation:
Madagascar). The sudden growth in the population strained the natural resources on the island. In that 40 year
period, “4 million hectares of forests were cleared” (Deforestation: Madagascar). While this is alarming,
overpopulation can only be cited as a factor and not the sole cause of deforestation. During the prior 40 years
(1900-1940) 3-7 million hectares of forest were cleared through illegal logging alone. The logging practices
occurred during the population boom in the 1940s as well, making it difficult to determine what factor had the
greatest effect.
Many factors contribute to the deforestation of Madagascar: logging, burning, shifting cultivation, export crop
production, and overpopulation; these activities, while in effect prior to the colonial period “expanded after 1890
due to increasing external and internal demands” (Deforestation in Madagascar). The historical root of
deforestation is “clearly linked to the exportation and exploitation of natural resources for the benefit of the
colonial powers” (Madagascar: Colonialism). While Madagascar is now independent, “not much seems to have
changed in the unstable economic model inherited from colonial rule” (Madagascar: Colonialism).
LAND USE
As with any other country, the land in Madagascar has for many different uses, with the major sectors including
agriculture, forests, pastoral land/grasslands and oil production. Madagascar is known for is vast amount of land
with very few land uses. Examining the land uses in Madagascar can help to understand social dynamics,
economics and the environmental problems that the country is facing.
Before going into detail about the various land uses on the fourth largest island in the world, it is
important to discuss some key demographic and geographical features of the island. Knowing these basic facts will
allow a better understanding of how and why the land is used the way it is. Because of the diverse topography of
the island, the climate varies slightly but can best be described as tropical maritime. Because of its tropical climate
and long rainy season, the island is home to 5% of the world’s biodiversity and half of the species on the island can
only be found in Madagascar. About 78% of the population is found in rural areas and about two-thirds of the
population lives below the poverty line.
The highest percentage of land, 63%, in Madagascar is considered to be grassland and is used for grazing
and pastures. Most of this area was forest in the past, but has been extensively deforested. Each region of the
country has grasslands but each is used for different reasons. In the north, the grasslands are used to raise cattle
while the south is home to sheep, goats and zebus. The overwhelming presence of grasslands has caused erosion
and habitat loss where lush forests used to exist. Because deforestation continues to occur, the forests continue to
decrease in size while grasslands continue to grow and dominate the landscape.
The second percentage of land is forest. There is only 21% of the forest left that used to cover the island.
Deforestation is currently the leading cause of species extinction on the island and soil erosion linked to
deforestation is known to be one of Madagascar’s largest environmental issues. Forest fragmentation is also
putting many more species in danger, such as the lemur, an animal only found in Madagascar. Because the
geographical range is so low, it is becoming increasingly difficult for species to adapt to the shrinking forest. The
real impact of deforestation began when Madagascar was still a French colony. Shifting cultivation and a push
towards an export heavy economy were the first step in the process towards extensive deforestation on the island.
Now that many years have passed, much of the soil is so low quality that it cannot even produce high agricultural
yields. This is how much of the deforested land became grasslands over time.
Even though the economy of Madagascar is based on its potential to export goods produced domestically,
a very low percentage of the island is actually dedicated to agriculture. In fact, only 5.2 percent of the island’s land
is ideal for agricultural potential, with only 58.2 million ha being actively cultivated. However, out of the land that
is currently being cultivated, only 2 million ha are permanent crops. About 13 percent of the island is considered to
be cropland/natural vegetation mosaic. Despite the small percentage of land designated for agriculture, the
industry still provides 80% of Malagasy jobs and accounts for 80% of exports to other countries around the world.
Agriculture is clearly a very important industry to the people living in Madagascar. It is the basis of their
economy as well as provides food for the entire population. Although cassava, sweet potato, banana and corn are
grown on the island, the main crop grown in Malagasy fields is rice. Over two-thirds of cultivated land is dedicated
to rice production and the crop alone accounts for 40% of all agricultural exports. Rice is still produced in two very
distinctively different ways, which each way representing the difference that still exists within the Malagasy
population still today between traditional and modern methods. In areas with high population densities and large
numbers of workers, permanent rice cultivation is most prevalent. This is the kind of rice farming that we
recognize today. It involves complex irrigation, terracing and slopes to produce high amounts of the crop. In places
with lower relative population densities, a more traditional form of rice farming is used. Known as Tavy, practiced
still in the rainforests, is a type of slash and burn agriculture. Though it is now illegal in Madagascar due to its
destruction of forest and erosion potential, it is still widely practiced because the crop cycles are shorted, irrigation
is still relatively rare, and short crop cycles help alleviate most potential for problems during droughts.
Another major industry in Madagascar that is relatively new and undeveloped is onshore extraction and
refining of oil and natural gas. As of 2004, five “blocks” of land in western Madagascar were designated for oil
exploration to determine the potential for oil production on the island.
In a country as lush and diverse as Madagascar, the split between only four major types of land use shows
that there is inequality on the landscape. Grasslands are replacing the most diverse forests more and more each
year and the agricultural sector that supports the country continues grow only at a very small rate. Having an
unbalanced land use plan will continue to change the landscape until it is completely unrecognizable from the 93
percent forest cover that once existed.
BIODIVERSITY/CONSERVATION
Madagascar is a hot spot for biodiversity. Located off the southeastern tip of the continent of Africa it has
different plant and animal species than the mainland rainforests. Madagascar, “boasts 8,000 unique plant species,
2/3 of the world’s chameleon’s, 30 endemic species of lemur, an army of reptiles and amphibians, as well as
swarms of insects,” (Roberts 54). One recognizable animal that is endemic to Madagascar are lemurs. There are 30
different species of this primate that live only in Madagascar. In the country itself there has been devastating
deforestation that threatens the habitat for these rare species and rare plant types. Approximately 84% of the
eastern forest region has been deforested. (Webber, White, Vedder, and Naughton -Treves 283). In the
1980’s conservation efforts started to help protect the high biodiversity and protect the forest from further
deforestation. Much of the help came from outside sources and has not been enforced on a local level thus the
conservation efforts often have not aligned with the conservation outcomes.
International institutions such as the World Bank have helped start the environmental efforts helping to
support and form Madagascar’s first National Environmental Action Plan (NEAP) in 1988. This plan created many
new institutions in the country to set up protection for soil, national parks and also created a new Ministry of the
Environment. Efforts were made to include local people in the conservation efforts though most of the money
came from foreign donations. By accepting foreign donations the conservation efforts are directed and led by
these foreign investors. This can lead to problems due to lack of local knowledge of the forested areas as well as
opposing opinions about where conservation areas should be located. This can also lead to corrupt forest
management in favor of multinational corporations.
In many cases the national government looks the other way and permits multinational corporations to
come in and cut down valuable ebony and rosewood trees. In many African countries as well as in Madagascar
when these countries gained independence and opened their doors to the free market they have been exploited
by the developed world. In order to promote development these countries have taken unfair loans from the World
Bank or International Monetary Fund with numerous restrictions attached. In order to repay the interest on the
loans Madagascar’s government has allowed the World Bank and other multinationals to come in and destroy the
forest land. The World Bank created an exotic tree plantation to fuel a pulp mill in Maramanga. The trees planted
were non-indigenous pine trees and the creation of this plantation and mill threatened the habitats of many of the
endemic wildlife. Unsustainable logging has also increased population pressures in certain areas and has created a
road system that further leads to deforesting by migrants. This also produces numerous problems of illegal mining
as well as poaching of endangered animals.
One cannot place the blame of deforestation on a single cause there are numerous factors which
contribute to the deforestation in Madagascar. Population increases the pressure to find land, thus slash and burn
agriculture occurs and forests are cut down. State sanctioned logging and mining also devastate the forest area.
With numerous causes the solutions must be expansive and cover a vast amount of things from legislation at the
state level to local level personal responsibility. The state essentially owns all the forests in Madagascar. The belief
of the state is that the conservation powers rely in legislation and have thus tripled the protection area. This
method fails due to a lack of enforcement. “Deforestation was most severe in and around Zombitse National Park,
which is governed by the most restrictive form of conservation. By contrast, the community-managed sacred
forest of Analavelona was remarkably well preserved.” (German, Karsenty, and Tiani 240). On the other hand
the local level can be just as destructive. They in essence control some of the local resources and can collectively
decide to exploit them. There must be a balance between the two efforts in order for the land to truly be
protected. The state works with numerous outside agencies such as NGO’s and other donors as well as with the
local people.
“Biodiversity is a global common: potentially all humanity can benefit from conserving it. Given the
island’s high number of endemic plant and animal species, its higher levels of genetic information per unit area
(possibly the highest on Earth), the number of discoveries still being made and the severity of environmental
degradation, conservation organizations consider Madagascar to be a tip priority conservation site or a biodiversity
hotspot.” (German, Karsenty, and Tiani 244).
In order to promote a working conservation plan the state government must work on educating the
population about the importance of the forests as well as providing areas for the population to grow food for
sustenance. “The past few years have seen a growing consensus that the protection of parks and reserves is most
effectively pursued with the participation of people living around the protected areas, and that protection must go
hand in hand with improvements in the quality of people’s lives,” (Webber, White, Vedder, and Naughton Treves 535). In Ranomafana the protected land is surrounded by a buffer zone which local people can use for
agriculture as long as their methods do not further destroy the land. They can use alternative methods such as
intercropping and fallow periods in order to improve soil structure.
Madagascar is a biodiversity hotspot and must be protected. The state government must work with
foreign investors and the local population in order to ensure its protection. One way in which to protect the forest
on the local level is to decrease poverty and promote sustainable agriculture in non-forest areas. The national
government must also avoid taking bad loans and not allow for further exploitation of their workers and the forest.
A comprehensive approach to rainforest conservation is necessary by including all levels of participation.
German, Laura, Alain Karsenty, and Anne-Marie Tiani.Governing Africa's Forests in a
Globalized World. Sterling, Va: Earthscan / James & James, 2009.
Roberts, Jonathan. mythic woods: the world's most remarkable forests. London, England:
Weidenfeld & Nicolson, 2004.
Webber, William, Lee, J.T. White, Amy Vedder, and Lisa Naughton-Treves. African
Rain Forest Ecology and Conservation: An Interdisciplinary Perspective. New
Haven, Massachusetts: Yale University, 2001.