Translocations: Migration and Social Change
An Inter-Disciplinary Open Access E-Journal
ISSN Number: 2009-0420
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Transcending cultural differences: the role of language in migrants’ integration
Ruth McAreavey
School of Planning, Architecture & Civil Engineering, Queen’s University Belfast, Email:
r.mcareavey@qub.ac.uk
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Abstract
This research seeks to contribute to current debates on migration by examining the role of
language in the process of migrants’ integration. It will consider how migrants living in an area
with little history of international immigration navigate their way within a new destination to
cope with language difference. The paper is based on empirical research conducted in Northern
Ireland, an English speaking region with a small proportion of Irish-English bilinguals (10.3
percent of population had some knowledge of Irish in the 2001 Census). Much of the research to
date, while acknowledging the importance of culture and language for migrants’ positive
integration, has only begun to unpack the way in which cultural difference such as language is
dealt with at an individual, family or societal level. Several themes emerge including the
significance of social and civil structures and the role of individuals as new culture is created
through the celebration of difference.
Keywords: migration; language; culture; integration; transnationalism
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Introduction
Global migratory patterns in the twenty-first century have meant that rural and urban areas alike
have been recipients of foreign nationals and countries with little past experience of immigration
have become destination areas for migrants (Grillo 2001; de Lima et al. 2005; CRC 2007;
Donato et al. 2007; Parra and Pfeffer 2008; Penninx et al. 2008; Pollard et al. 2008; Pfeffer and
Parra 2009; Martin 2009). It is a certainty that in the future global economics will continue to
ensure the arrival of individuals seeking economic and cultural opportunities in new places.
Back in the early twentieth century, Parks rightly pointed out that migration is about more than
‘mere movement’ (1928:886). While he was less than optimistic about the status of the migrant,
believing ‘him to live in two worlds, in neither of which he ever quite belonged’ (1928:893), he
did indicate how the migrant is afforded new possibilities through new associations and new
ventures. Economic opportunities are a central aspect of the European Commission’s migration
policy as it needs 20 million economically active migrants between 2010 and 2030 to
compensate for its ageing population (European Commission 2005). If such change through
increased mobility is to continue, albeit most likely at a slower pace than that which was evident
in 2004, then it is crucial that receiving countries are better equipped to deal with accompanying
social and cultural transitions. The lack of planning following the recent expansion of Europe
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during 2004 and 2007 highlighted an underestimation of resources required to accommodate the
social needs of migrants (Ryan et al. 2008).
Important questions have been raised around processes of integration 1 in relation to family,
community and society (Perreira et al. 2006; Broadway 2007; Van Oudenhoven et al. 2006).
There is a lack of understanding relating to how migrants navigate between two, and sometimes
more, cultural realities in relation to the various domains of their lives including family roles and
responsibilities, parenting, work and work ethic; and relationships with authority (Chirkov 2009).
It is recognised that lack of proficiency in the new language can result in family tensions,
downward assimilation, failure to naturalise and restriction to co-ethnic enclaves (Duncan and
Waldorf 2009; Portes et al. 2009; Tardif-Williams and Fisher 2009); although it must be
acknowledged that monolingual migrants can manage through strong social networks (Iosifides
et al. 2007; Ryan et al. 2008). It is also worth noting that many migrants who do not speak the
state language are multilingual in other languages (see for example Valentine et al. 2008).
Language proficiency is considered a vital component of any migrant’s integration repertoire,
facilitating mobility and helping to develop social networks and social capital (Pfeffer and Parra
2009; Ryan et al. 2009).
This research considers the role of language in everyday encounters. The research is set within
the context of a new destination area for migrants, that of Northern Ireland. Historically an
essentialist interpretation of culture prevailed with a view of society and of a culture that was
premised on a shared history and on one of joint experiences. This evidently created problems
for predominant religious groups depending on their cultural heritage of Protestantism or
Catholicism. Identities within Northern Ireland are thus typically described in binary terms:
‘otherisation’ is well rehearsed.
Several themes are important to this investigation: firstly issues associated with language
learning are examined including the circumstances for learning the new language and the
potential value of that new language acquisition. Processes for the accommodation of new
languages are analysed before raising questions in relation to individual strategies for dealing
Problems with the terminology used to describe migrants’ experiences in destination countries have been noted
within the literature (see for instance the special issue of Ethnic and Racial Studies 2010). Typically prevailing
within European and Northern American discourse, integration and assimilation are used respectively to refer to
processes whereby migrants adapt to, and are adopted by, their new society. Assimilation is often conceived in
negative terms following its historic application and by applying the fairly rigid linguistic interpretation of
‘becoming similar’. But as Alba (1999) points out, American society has long been affected by immigrant ethnicity
as much as immigrant ethnicity has been affected by society and that is one of its distinctive features. A more
sophisticated understanding of assimilation is to examine how ‘an immigrant minority group can achieve parity of
life chances with their peers in the ethnic majority’ (Alba 2005: 21). In this way assimilation can be considered as a
two way process thus resembling integration. Further similarities between assimilation and integration are noted in
the literature, such as the common connections to culture (Schneider and Crul 2010). This debate is likely to
continue as theory advances and scholars strive to attain common understanding of migration terminology (Crul and
Schneider 2010). In this analysis, the label ‘integration’ has been applied and it refers to a process whereby an
immigrant may fully and equally participate in the recipient society without potential inequalities and disadvantages.
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with cultural and language differences: what is the significance of retaining the language of
origin and what are the circumstances where cultural boundaries are actively maintained or
indeed transformed? How does language affect migrants’ ability to negotiate multiple identities
and form ‘hybrid’ or transnational identities?
Transnational Communities
The dynamic paradigm that is transnationalism recognises migration as ‘a proliferation of
patterns of recurring, circulatory and onward migration’ (Castles 2007:353). It recognises
continuing social, economic and cultural linkages between migrants and the sending state while
living abroad (Basch et al. 1994; Portes et al. 1999; and Vertovec 1999). It is much more
intricate and rich than the way in which migratory connections were considered in the past,
where they were often perceived as a one-off physical movement and often defined in terms of
loss and gain. ‘Common people...have created communities that sit astride political borders and
that, in a very real sense, are “neither here nor there” but in both places simultaneously’ (Portes
1997:3). In this way ‘there is no zero sum game where detachment from the sending country
means an attachment to the receiving country’ (Gowricharn 2009:16). Instead, there is constant
interplay between the two; connections are active, concerning the concrete and the virtual. Thus,
culture is ‘alive’ and so transformation can occur depending on the context and as a result
cultural identity ‘belongs to the future as much to the past’ (Hall 1990:225). Cultural knowledge
relates to aspects of the social world that facilitate social interaction such as knowing how to
behave in particular social settings such as at work or school or indeed within the family. Clearly
the latter may be useful for return migration in the future, or even for visiting family members
who still live at ‘home’ (Valentine et al. 2008). Hall describes ‘hybrids’ as individuals who do
not expect to return ‘home’ as that journey would uncover a place transformed by modernity
(1993:362).
Language is one way in which continued cultural links are retained by migrants to their home
country, for instance by speaking regularly with friends and relatives on the telephone. But
acquisition of a new language ensures access to cultural capital of the host country. Individuals
have the potential to speak numerous languages and while in certain circumstances the
acquisition of a second language can diminish knowledge of the first (Gardner and Lambert
1959) it is more typical that learning a new one does not necessarily preclude the retention of the
old. A predictable continuum from heritage to host culture does not sufficiently describe the
strands of inter-relations that co-exist (Falicov 2005; Van Oudenhoven 2006; Gowricharn 2009).
More than mere mixing, culture encompasses non-linear, fluid and evolving connections across
time and space. Cultural hybridity involves the relative positioning of social groups and so
relates to displacement and the processes of delineation between the centre and the periphery.
Furthermore it also encapsulates the identity that emerges as a result of these positions (Hall
1996).
Structural matters impact so that culture, legal and institutional factors affect boundaries and thus
immigrants’ ability to exist between different groups (Alba 2005) and thus their cultural identity.
State migration policies can make a country or region attractive to immigrants through
mechanisms such as welfare schemes and equality legislation -- all of which impact on the
ability of migrants to access services and to become included within the structures of the
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recipient country. Locality is also important to how migrants integrate: civil society and strong
community support facilitate positive integration (Broadway 2007; Miraftab and McConnell
2008; Pfeffer and Parra 2009). But sudden demographic changes within communities, while
increasing diversity, can also create tension (Putnam 2007), particularly in rural communities
that have historically been ethnically homogeneous (Ream 2003; Gimpel and Lay 2008). Ethnic
boundaries clearly differ according to social, and indeed geographic, contexts and so integration
is not a consistent process with evidence of blurred, bright and shifting boundaries (Alba 1999;
2005). Accordingly the integration of migrants within new gateways may differ from those in
established destination areas due to little history of interaction between migrants and the nativeborn population and, following from that, because of the corresponding lack of knowledge or
expertise to accommodate new and growing needs. For instance specific linguistic skills are
essential in certain US destinations because of new demands for English language training or as
a result of emerging strains on public services, including health clinics, to make these facilities
available through non-state languages (Waters and Jiménez 2005). This new and increased
diversity places pressure not only on the delivery of existing services, such as housing and
healthcare, but it also creates demand for the delivery of new services, such as state language
training and accommodation, these services being considered by policy makers as essential to
achieving positive integration. To date much attention has been focused on pre-established
destinations that give migrants the social and cultural capital to navigate their way through a new
social context (Evergeti and Zontini 2006; Ryan et al. 2008; Pfeffer and Parra 2009). Less is
known about integration processes associated with migrants to new destinations.
Language
Host societies typically have a role to play through bilingual provision for access to public
services in non-state languages. However, the state language(s) is significant in the process of
adjustment as it provides a means of bridging links to the new community. Host societies can
contribute to this process through the provision of language learning and training in the state
language(s). In fact, learning a state language is perceived to be a key mechanism for ensuring
positive integration among migrants and the host society (CEC 2005; Markova and Black 2007;
Putnam 2007; Department for Communities and Local Government 2009; OECD 2009). Such
language barriers are porous, simultaneously facilitating membership of an ethnic minority and
of the mainstream (Alba 2005). Low levels of proficiency in the state language adversely affects
migrants’ ability to access social services in the new country (Waters and Jiménez 2005;
Alexander et al. 2004). Even where there is political will to recognise language ‘rights’, many
new destinations may not have the institutional infrastructure or the supply of skills to
accommodate a new and growing demand for language training or services (Waters and Jiménez
2005).
Language has long been recognised as transcending communication. Closely connected to
power, it affects social mobility and status (Bourdieu 1991). Migrants retain their mother tongue
as different languages are linked to different memories, expectations, emotions and cultural
scripts; moving between the two affects identity (Pavlenko 2006). Retention of the native
language is used by migrant families as part of a strategy of positive coping and parenting, such
as improving parent-child communication while instilling knowledge of and pride in migrants’
heritage (Perriera et al. 2006). Where individuals are able to make choices around acquiring a
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new language, it is of little surprise that the way in which migrants acculturate through language
can differ within groups but also within family members and between generations. For instance
refugee children tend to learn the language of their new country more quickly than their parents
(Anderson 2001). Bilingual children make language choices according to circumstances
(Gubbins and Holt in Temple 2008; Valentine et al. 2008). This can be problematic as diverse
approaches to new language development taken by parents and children result in different levels
of linguistic proficiency which affects familial relationships (Valentine et al. 2008). Ultimately it
influences the rate and degree of acculturation among both (Portes et al. 2009). For instance,
immersion in the host language and culture can, for children, be accompanied by rejection of that
of their parents, leading to dissonant acculturation within the family unit, particularly where the
parents are monolingual. Meanwhile, positive social and economic benefits are evident where the
children of migrants admire their parents’ cultural heritage while also developing new language
skills (Portes and Hao 2002; Kymlicka 2003).
Northern Ireland: a new migrant destination
The UK government requires nationals from the Accession State countries2 (A8) to register
under the Worker Registration Scheme (WRS) if they take up employment for more than one
month’s duration. Figures reveal that Northern Ireland has attracted a proportionately larger
number of A8 nationals than other areas of the UK (Beatty et al. 2006; NISRA 2009). Not
confined to urban centres, predominantly rural areas such as Craigavon and Dungannon have
attracted immigrants. As a result the Craigavon area now has the second largest ethnic
population outside of Belfast (http://www.craigavon.gov.uk/images/stories/IntegratedDevelopment-Framework-2009-2011.pdf), while in Dungannon, in 2007, 6.8% of the population
were from A8 countries, as compared with 1.7% across Northern Ireland (NINIS 2007). Health
registration figures confirm this pattern of settlement. For example, in 2007 in the Dungannon
area there were 35 health card registrations per 1000 population, as compared with 14 in Belfast
(NISRA 2009). Although most people in Northern Ireland believe that migrant workers make
their society open to new ideas and cultures (Gilligan 2008), it is also the case that Northern
Ireland has in the past been dubbed the race-hate capital of Europe denoting the massive rise in
racist attacks that emerged during, and subsequent to, the peace process in the late 1990s
(Douglas in Lentin and McVeigh 2006). Ongoing distrust and tension is evident with the general
public being less welcoming of the rights of EU citizens to live and work in Northern Ireland in
2008 than in the previous year3. Meanwhile racial crime and incidences have persisted since
2005 (OFMDFM 2010).
Emerging from three decades of conflict, society in Northern Ireland has faced significant restructuring. As devolution is gradually realised through instruments including the Hillsborough
Agreement, and with the move to a ‘new, more accountable public sector’ (Review of Public
Administration (RPA) 2006), the region is unlikely to move forward without active community
participation. Social cohesion will only be achieved through the involvement of all groups,
including migrants, in addition to the traditionally divided Protestant and Catholic communities.
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Poland, Lithuania, Latvia, Estonia, Czech Republic, Hungary, Slovakia and Slovenia
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67 per cent of respondents to the Good Relations Indicator survey in 2008 stated that they were very or fairly
welcoming of the rights of EU citizens to live and work in NI, compared to 76 per cent in 2007.
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Equality legislation within Northern Ireland, although borne out of political and religious
tensions between Protestant and Catholics, has attracted national and international prominence
because of its pioneering nature guaranteeing human rights, equality and participation (Chaney
and Rees 2004; Hill et al. 2006). This is borne out in Section 75 of the Northern Ireland Act 1998
and is a mainstreaming approach that places positive duties on public authorities to have due
regard for the promotion of equality of opportunity in formulation of policy. This includes
promoting good relations between different racial groups. Meanwhile the Racial Equality
Strategy in Northern Ireland (OFMDFM 2005) aims to provide equal access to public services
for minority ethnic groups. It recognises that poor levels of English can create barriers to
accessing key services including health, education and employment. Nonetheless the ad hoc
nature of planning around issues of immigration in Northern Ireland is evident. On the one hand
the Economic Vision for Northern Ireland (DETI 2005) fails to mention migrants while the
Racial Equality Strategy for Northern Ireland is focused on migrants’ needs (OFMDFM 2005,
2006). Research would suggest that migrants’ ability to participate in the labour market and civic
society in Northern Ireland is constrained due to a range of barriers including language (Animate
2005).
Connecting with migrant groups
The research informing this article explored the lived experiences of migrant workers in
Northern Ireland. This ‘requires talking to people, taking their perspectives, analysing their
stories, and discovering the meaning of their actions through ethnography, participant
observations, interviews, analyses of their diaries, letters and archives’ (Chirkov 2009:97). The
research was funded by the Nuffield Foundation and was a qualitative study involving 18
interviews and 4 focus groups with migrants and key informants. It was conducted in the
Armagh and Craigavon areas of Northern Ireland.
It was through an event to address the ongoing needs of local immigrants that a preliminary
acquaintance was made with Susan, a volunteer from a Christian-based voluntary body, Helpful,
that works to help people ‘in need’. The needy may be identified by members or referred by
statutory agencies or other voluntary organisations. It provides advocacy support as well as
household items to families and individuals. The organisation relies on voluntary donations and
fundraising to conduct its activities. Susan could be described as a gatekeeper in that she
provided initial access to migrants and from this a snowballing technique led to the identification
of additional respondents. The majority of interviews and one of the focus groups were
conducted on the premises of this charity. The remaining three focus groups were held in the
regular meeting venue of a Polish women’s group. The payment of an honorarium recognised the
contribution of interviewees to the project. However, not everyone who was asked agreed to be
interviewed and some who agreed chose not to respond to interview questions in any detail. An
overview of the focus groups and interviews is provided in the remainder of this section and
further methodological issues are explored in a forthcoming article.
This was exploratory research aiming to examine issues within a new migrant destination and for
that reason the research design did not focus on a specific nationality, age-group or define a
particular socio-economic profile. Thus, among the fifteen migrants that were interviewed, there
was diversity in relation to nationality with the following countries represented: Lithuania,
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Poland, Bulgaria, Ukraine, Latvia and Slovakia. Their family circumstances varied to include
singletons along with those in long term relationships with partners in Northern Ireland and some
with partners in their home country. Ages spanned many different generations, from early
twenties to mid-sixties. Respondents varied also in terms of motivation for moving and
qualifications: a few worked in professional posts and the majority were employed in casual
jobs. Interviewees had the option of doing interviews in their own language with the use of an
interpreter or in English. The remaining three interviewees worked with migrants in support and
advocacy roles.
All focus groups were approximately two hours in duration. One of the focus groups was
conducted in the evening and it comprised of twelve individuals working with migrants through
either supporting roles or service delivery including family support organisations, teachers,
housing providers and interpreters. The remaining three focus groups were conducted with a
Polish women’s group over a period of three months, during the day and at their regular meeting
time. A core group of women were present during all three focus groups, and at any one meeting
approximately ten individuals attended. The composition of the latter group was varied, their
ages ranged from twenty something to late fifties, some were married with young children, a few
had families who were grown-up, others were single and a number were single parents. These
focus groups were co-facilitated by the author and two interpreters, both of whom were also
qualified psychologists. They were conducted in Polish with simultaneous interpretation to
English provided.
Consent was granted from all participants in relation to their involvement in the research. All
interviews and focus groups were recorded and transcribed with translation occurring as
necessary. Pseudonyms were assigned to interviewees and organisations. The data was analysed
and interpreted by reading and re-reading scripts, followed by a process of coding, so that
emerging issues were identified and early ideas were accordingly elaborated or modified (Boeije
2010).
Translating and interpreting services in a new migration destination
Despite a limited history of migration, Northern Ireland has a seemingly robust equality policy
framework that allegedly ensures equality of opportunity (OFMDFM 2005) and so makes the
provision of interpreters a legal requirement. Meanwhile certain foreign languages are
accommodated through translation of key public service/information documents.
The act of interpreting, especially for clinical purposes, is notoriously riddled with challenges
(Martin and Phelan 2010; Alexander et al. 2004) and so it was that even when interpreters were
provided, it was not clear that the interpreting role was adequately, or indeed equally,
understood. Numerous circumstances were cited by respondents where interpretation services
were not offered, including during appointments with General Practitioners (GPs), an open
contradiction of policy, but not in the positive way identified by Schneider and Crul (2010):
Ruth: And did you have problems explaining in English
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Audra: Sometimes, sometimes I understood and sometimes not. Sometimes I asked for an
interpreter and some doctors say ‘ok not a problem’ but some doctors, they just look
really cross when I ask and I don’t get one.
The shortage of resources was evident throughout the health sector as Stanislaw, a professional
interpreter, explained:
And in a lot of the surgeries where you go to see your GP they [reception staff] say
instead of having an interpreter they say, can your wife come, or can your son come, who
is an 11 or 12 year old child [tutting in group]. How can you ask your wife or your 12
year old son to interpret for a serious health problem? (FG 4)
On the one hand this is inappropriate legally, but it is also potentially divisive within the family
unit. By sharpening the boundaries of language, some migrants are forced to retain a certain
distance, not only from the majority, but also from other family members. For instance a parent
may develop excessive reliance on their child for interpretation. That child can become a filter to
the new community in relation to vital services such as health, housing and education. The parent
may resent this new role if their self-esteem is eroded, their position within the family has shifted
and if they are forced to exist on a different side of the ‘fault line’ to other family members (Alba
2005:41).
Even where interpreters were provided, questions were continually raised about the quality of
translation, as Tony a health advocate succinctly described:
Can we assess if the interpreter is saying the right thing in an appropriate way? No we
can’t. We make assumptions the whole way through.
Language conveys more than talk, it has cultural significance and it is emotional. Temple and
Koterba (2009) illustrate the powerful role of the translator-researcher in influencing how a
chosen word is understood. They argue that words have particular connotations for people that
arise from the context within which they are used, and so the potential for interpretation to
neglect subtleties, due to the act of moving from one language to another, is great. Further, the
way in which individuals present themselves in situations such as this, where there are medical
and linguistic professionals, may affect the narrative (Pavlenko 2006). Józef, a health
professional explained further:
Józef: I would say there is a big difference to speak to someone directly and to speak
with someone through an interpreter...
Ruth: What, with the subtleties of the language?
Józef: Yes, it’s different. I also think there’s a difference for the patient to be able to
actually be understood.
This point was supported by a Polish woman who indicated that, while her English language
skills are adequate, she would need interpretation if she was to avail of counselling. But she was
adamant that she would not be comfortable with this and described how she worked through a
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problem by herself rather than seeking help from health professionals. So, although the service
was available, this individual chose to be bounded by her own resources in dealing with
particular health needs, suggesting that linguistic accommodation is preferred only in certain
circumstances. Minority groups may not strive for full ‘integration’ with regard to language
reflecting the fact that it is a fundamental component of individual identity (Kymlicka 2007).
Perhaps the personalismo or warmth described by Perriera et al. (2006) could never be
accomplished in interpretation situations. But according to many interviewees, language
accommodation within the health sector overall seemed to be lacking, and this was also
recognised by informants who were health professionals:
...so if you are Polish or Lithuanian and if your first port of call is with a GP, and it’s hard
enough to do this, do you translate counselling services? It’s hard enough, it’s difficult
enough anyway (Wendy FG 4).
Delivering services such as counselling or critical diagnoses is complex, but accommodating
language differences compounds the challenge. Time and again this was noted by respondents
... the Trust are [sic] translating the ‘Looking after your Mental Health’ leaflets into 4
different languages, but again I suppose again we were saying that each culture looks
after its own mental health in different ways, so I suppose there might need to be more
consultation on the information in the leaflets, but that’s what’s happening at the
moment, as a first stage (Joanna FG 1).
Part of the challenge for service providers is to navigate between two cultures – how appropriate
are the processes of communicating and delivering western European services to eastern
European migrants? As Kymlikca (2007; 2003) reminds us, individuals are different in their own
language and it affords meaning to peoples’ lives. Linguistic choice is thus surely a marker of a
progressive policy of two-way integration.
Other research participants remarked on the poor quality of GP consults, noting that they did not
receive the type of examination that they would have expected in their home country. In some
cases, the service received was viewed in such negative terms that several interviewees (or
family members) had travelled to their home country to obtain treatment or had arranged for
relatives to post them medication to Ireland. This was not simply a question of structure; that is a
lack of resources for interpreter services. Instead, it related to cultural norms and expectations
and illustrates how particular qualities were ‘valorised’ (Alba 2005: 41) within the health service.
The expectations that migrants had of a health service were based on their experience from home
and their associated understanding of social and cultural norms, but little effort appeared to be
made to explore the way in which GP consultations were not meeting basic expectations. This
clinical barrier contributed to a lack of cultural competency in the delivery of health care
(Betancourt et al. 2005), highlighting a need for cultural mediation (Martin and Phelan 2010). It
requires migrants to ‘inhabit at least two identities, to speak at least two cultural languages,
negotiate and ‘translate’ between them’ (Hall 1993:262). The burden that this placed on migrants
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was grasped by some health professionals such as Deirdre as she indicated the need to address
this disparity:
I know Polish people who are qualified Psychologists and that, who I know could be
integrated into the team and I know that we should be in a position so that they could help
to provide the services that we offer to their own community, but it’s like banging my
head off a brick wall, no-one will listen (FG 4).
There was an implied acceptance of something resonant of Bhabha’s ‘third space’ (1994:43),
rejecting the supremacy of one culture and its associated norms over another and recognising that
individuals are not simply carriers of culture, but they are its creators. But such attempts to
promote openness and flexibility among statutory and non-statutory organisations were
somewhat extemporaneous.
Acquiring and using the new language
Reflective of the heterogeneity that exists among migrant groups, the English language
proficiency of migrants to Northern Ireland was diverse, indeed one of the reasons cited by
migrants for moving was to acquire English language skills (NISRA 2009). Areas, such as
Northern Ireland, without a history of immigration and associated pre-established networks can
be particularly difficult for new arrivals to navigate especially if they have limited English. They
are denied the inherent human need that Kymlicka (2007) argues gives meaning to people’s lives
while also affording them individual freedom. The overarching European policy framework for
integration states that ‘basic knowledge of the host society’s language...is indispensible to
integration’ and specifically identifies poor language ability as a barrier to successful integration
(CEC 2005). Although this policy is aimed at third country migrants, the rhetoric is evident
within European societies and the associated hegemony of host countries’ language. In the UK
this is typically reflected by the availability of English language classes offered freely by the
state. A number of respondents found this format inaccessible due to the sheer numbers involved
and an inability to understand the teacher.
Józef explains how communicating in English is essential for accessing jobs, services and
generally existing in Northern Ireland:
I think the language barrier is a very important one to overcome because if you can’t
overcome the language barrier, well it unlocks the social contacts for you, you can’t
speak and you can’t spend time with other people. So those people with the language
barrier are very isolated and they tend to meet only those people who they can
communicate with.
For Jozef it was important to cast his social network more widely than with co-ethnics to
establish bridging links (Ryan et al. 2008). Paulius similarly understood the value of language
providing access to social and economic capital and achieving social mobility:
Probably if I had no English, I wouldn’t have come here – I mean what are you going to
do here – you are asking, like some people, friends for help with this and with everything.
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I mean it’s terrible. I know people who are working and they have no language and that is
it. They are staying at the same level, if you are working you want to go higher and
higher, but they can’t that’s it.
But it was also a matter of self-respect and self-sufficiency so that he was not relying on others
for support. Without this independence, self-esteem can become problematic and isolation can
ensue. Following their arrival in Northern Ireland some migrants were confined to living within a
private space as Susan describes:
I had experience of a young Polish woman who came to the centre about a year ago and
she explained to me that coming to this centre was the first contact she had had [with
other Polish migrants] since she had been here for 6 months. She had been in the country
for 6 months and had never spoken to another Polish person and then she had seen the
sign for the English classes and so she came along. (FG 4).
The value of language as an integration tool may be overstated. Does it allow individuals to
move beyond mere survival and allow them to thrive? Paula joined her fiancée in Armagh and
was living there for a year, even though they were planning to return to Poland for their wedding
within the next twelve months. She recognised the constraints of language:
Because I know this is not my country and I want to go to Poland, I feel more
comfortable in Poland – it is familiar, I will have my language, I know how things work,
it is very easy for people to understand me. Here it will always be a different place and it
is not so easy – there are so many accents.
Paula is fluent in Polish, German and English. For her having the local language was not enough:
it did not afford her the ease that she feels while living in her own country. Another respondent,
Panya learned to speak Polish while in Armagh because she was working with a Polish woman at
a local food shop. She had a circle of friends from Eastern Europe and had few Irish friends,
being adamant that she had little in common with Irish people. She was keen to return to
Slovakia with her fiancée during the next year. Individuals make rational choices; Rudmin
(2009) cites the example of business agents, missionaries, spies and diplomats as acculturating
purely for reasons of utility, even if they possess negative attitudes to the new culture. For Panya
it was more important to learn Polish and thus acquire a wider circle of friends with whom she
felt more cultural allegiance, than to further develop her, already basic, English language skills.
Language as a gateway?
The location for second language learning was found to be important for navigating daily life.
I was coming here for English classes and ... she would say are you already registered
with the doctor? No, do it. Are you registered with the dentist? No, do it. And just from
local people but I would say mostly from [Susan].
But the significance of the site was greater than this, it helped to unlock access to wider social
networks and so it provided a forum for negotiating and translating between two cultures (Hall
11
1993). Rasa was determined to hone her English language skills. Having moved to Armagh six
years earlier she spoke Russian, Lithuanian and German, but not English. She attended language
classes in Helpful. From the point at which Rasa entered the premises of the charity she
displayed evidence of the fact that parents can be active agents in learning a second language4.
She attempted to turn the potential risk of alienation from her children as a result of her limited
ability to speak English into resilience (Perreira et al. 2006). In so doing she exhibited the type of
individualism and ‘social detachment’ that Gowricharn (2009: 1622) argues is needed to move
into, and get in touch with, other communities. In other words she made a personal choice that
the prospective benefits far outweighed any risks associated with uncertainty or from anxiety of
such boundary crossing (Alba 2005). This was displayed as follows: by turning to a local charity
she sought help from a non-traditional source – she indicated how in Lithuania she would never
have asked for help from beyond the family. Involvement with Helpful, originally to learn
English, but eventually to take part in many of the supplementary activities organised for centre
users, meant that she was exposed to wider cultural events while developing crucial language
skills. Significantly, Rasa’s whole family participated in day trips which resulted in exposure to a
diverse group of people. This meant that the family mixed with others who were living in the
area while also interacting as a unit. Such familism encourages reciprocity and loyality; it is a
positive thing and results in positive well-being of family members (Cortes 1995; Perriera et al.
2006). Further, by mixing with other families of different nationalities including Irish, Rasa’s
family was exposed to new cultural wealth. They were able to discuss experiences of accessing
services, jobs and education; all encounters that require social understanding and cultural capital.
The ‘valence’ placed on the desire to learn surpassed the satisfaction gained from learning the
English language (Trembley and Gardner 1995: 506); it brought about deeper connections to the
new host society while helping to maintain family bonds. Cultural identity was emerging within
a third space (Bhabha 1994) through the celebration of difference (Hall 1996).
Quite literally there was evidence of the celebration of ‘hybridity, impurity, intermingling, the
transformation that comes of new and unexpected combination of human beings, cultures, ideas,
politics, movies, songs’ (Rushdie 1992 in Hall 1993). For example Helpful organised a
children’s event to celebrate their different cultures including costume, music, dance and food.
Meanwhile day trips provided a cultural education, helping to introduce migrants to local
heritage and history. These deeper connections were made possible by the altruism of the
volunteers at the centre. The volunteers perceived that the state had not sufficiently planned for
these evolving needs:
...the government opened the door and there were not enough structures in place to
incorporate them into or to accommodate those that were coming in, I mean numerous
problems arose after they came in. It was really only six months after they came in that
the problems came to the fore... (Susan FG 4).
Children are often active agents, through English language socialization, in the education system
especially where adults find themselves dependent upon their children to act as interpreters and to bridge
social relations (Valentine et al. 2008).
4
12
Migrants could access information and get assistance with practical issues such as housing,
education and training. Personal connections allowed volunteers to respond to issues as they
came to light, such as setting up a Polish film society or creating a computer club for all children
in the area. In certain situations it provided a lifeline:
This man promised me a job [locally] and it was no good, he was bad and I was looking
for work for many, many months. It was very bad. My visa had finished and so no-one
would give me a job, I had to tell people that I didn’t have a visa. I had to be honest, I
didn’t want a policeman to arrest me, I had to tell the truth... [Susan] helped a lot, the
church helped, and the local politicians wrote to the Embassy. I had a lot of help; there
are a lot of good people here ... Then I had to do an exam, there were 24 questions, I was
studying until 2 and 3 in the morning, drinking a lot of coffee and then getting up at 8am
to clean some houses. I couldn’t believe it, I got all 24 questions right. But this was very
difficult for me because I couldn’t see, my glasses were no good. They would’ve cost me
£90, £90 (exclamation), but I couldn’t afford that. So I had some friends send me glasses
from the Ukraine for £5.
The politicians got involved as a result of Susan’s intervention. The role of Helpful as a charity is
significant: initial contact was made with migrants through language training. Thereafter a range
of services were established that responded rapidly to the emerging needs of their increasingly
diverse user group. This reveals the agility of civil society; a sharp contrast to the inflexibility of
the state.
Retaining the language of home
Maintaining the original language was highly treasured by migrants. The benefits of ethnic
retention for educational achievement and high aspirations among second generation migrants
have been noted (Song 2010) as have the economic value of bilingualism (Alba 1995). The
research respondents seemed to value language as part of their cultural heritage. A volunteer
support worker described how ‘A lot of them are concerned about the loss of their culture, and
this is a particular concern for the first generation migrants, you know the parents are concerned
that the children are losing their language and losing their culture’ (FG 4). Tsveta was clear
about this:
And that is why I am setting up this Bulgarian parent and child club to try and encourage
Bulgarian children to speak Bulgarian and to try and teach them more Bulgarian
language, literature and history including the traditions and nursery rhymes and things.
Embedded within the group was the belief that language was a medium through which cultural
knowledge could be instilled and embraced and this knowledge would allow the migrants to
engage with associated values, heritage, morals and norms. Wang (2004 in Falicov) found that
parent-child ‘memory talk’ has been proven to shape children’s subsequent remembering and
shaping of values and beliefs. This ‘cultural revival...recreates the past in the present’ (Falicov
2003). Not only does this provide a wealth of cultural knowledge relating to issues such as
history, literature, folklore; but it provides a way of connecting to migrants’ own traditions using
a meaningful frame of reference. It allows migrants to move into the future by way of the past
13
(Hall 1990). In this way a new cultural identity is forged, that is neither fully here nor there, but
is within a shifting transnational space. Individuals play a critical role in creating hybrid cultures
and this is not always an effortless path to follow:
Yes, but because me and my husband we are a long time here and we sometimes start to
speak together in English and we know it’s wrong because we’ll lose the connection and
we try to stick to Bulgarian language and speak only in Bulgarian because we have a
child and we are trying to get the child to learn both languages. But sometimes it’s hard
because we just can’t remember the Bulgarian word, we forget the words.
Although she had developed Irish cultural competence and appeared very well adjusted to her
life in Northern Ireland, in her home Tsveta was actively negotiating between two (fluid)
cultures, thus creating an amalgam of the two.
That language provides a sense of cohesion within the family was further illustrated by
Stanislaw. He described how in his family they communicated in Polish only, even though his
five year old mixed English and Polish words. The sense of family was inherent in Stanislaw’s
motives for insisting that his native language is only spoken at home. It provides a common bond
among family members by creating an environment where culture may be imparted through
talking about and making meaning out of day to day events (Edwards 2008).
The significance of retaining language as a link to culture was not consistent across generations
and among the respondents. Inter-generational disparity was evident with migrants’ children
failing to value language in the same way as their parents. A local teacher commented:
Well in our school, the children go to school and all speak English with [a local] accent –
a broad [local] accent and I think if you were to ask them what nationality they are they
would say Irish, but their parents would say the opposite. I’m sure their parents would
say the opposite, like they would be Polish or Lithuanian or whatever, but the children
just want to integrate, they all go to the birthday parties and all of that... Children have no
problem...it is the adults... (FG 4).
So while the use of English was considered by some as being important as a means of getting on
in the new country; the retention of the home language was critical in retaining identity and
many of the migrants’ children attended Saturday schools to continue learning their native
language. Tensions can arise where introjection of the values and language of the host society is
accompanied by rejection of those brought by and associated with their parents. Dissonant
acculturation occurs when parents remain foreign-language non-speakers and their children
reject the use of their parents’ first language and, more importantly, reject parental ways that
they come to regard as inferior and even embarrassing, marking them as being different. In these
situations children replace traditional values such as respect for elders with other local sociocultural norms such as consumerism and individualist lifestyles (Portes and Hao 2002; Zhou and
Bankston 1998; Valentine et al. 2008). This may occur even where parents are fluent in English
as was the case for Rasa and her son both of whom are fluent in spoken English. At the time of
the research they were living in Northern Ireland for six years and the son was nine years old but
14
was opposed to speaking his native language in public. According to his mother he apparently
continued to happily speak Lithuanian at home but it is likely that he will experience some loss
of his mother tongue (Portes and Rumbaut 2001). The extent to which this teenager will in turn
reject traditional cultural associations remains unclear, but his cultural framework will be
determined by that which he inhabits (Hall 1993).
Conclusions
It is a certainty that in the future global economics will continue to ensure the arrival of
individuals seeking opportunities in new places. If such increased mobility is to continue then it
is crucial that receiving countries are equipped to deal with the surfacing needs of increasingly
diverse societies. Nearly twenty years ago Hall somehow managed to look into the future as he
declared that the coming question for the 21st century would be the ‘capacity to live with
difference’ (1993:316 italics in original). The diversity of the migrants within this exploratory
research was striking and it would be foolish to categorise and to generalise according to features
such as gender, age or nationality. However, it is symptomatic of the heterogeneity of migrants
of the modern age and it suggests that integration is a composite interlocking of countless issues
as differences are celebrated within new hybrid cultures. Although the outcome cannot be
predicted, it is clear that creating culture is work-in-progress and social structures and social
agents can significantly impact on the process. Processes of integration are unpredictable and
cannot be considered as a continuum. Changes occur for modern migrants at home, and in the
host country, allowing them to develop new cultural attributes while still retaining their original
culture. This research has shown how language is one such cultural attribute that shifts and
evolves over time.
Living with difference has been an ongoing challenge for society in Northern Ireland particularly
during the last quarter of the 20th Century. This research used language as a mechanism to
examine processes of integration for recent pioneering immigrants to Northern Ireland. It
revealed the significance of culture and geography to processes of language adjustment, with
both private and public spaces being consequential. The role of individuals was important in
these processes of integration. Personal traits allowed particular agents to view culture from the
inside and the outside and so to mediate between dominant and marginal groups (Hall and Sakai
1998:363-4).
The research revealed how the site for language classes often becomes a gateway for other
things. When provided in the informal setting of the local charity, classes were instrumental to
accessing other support. This setting was preferred by many migrants, not only for the actual
classes, but for the related help and advice that they received. Much of this assistance was
provided as a result of the shortcomings and inadequacies of state provision. It signifies the
pivotal role of civil society in helping new communities to Northern Ireland integrate within a
society that has long been recognised for binary divisions. The extent to which charities,
religious organisations and other civil society bodies have filled service and resource vacuums
cannot be underestimated. Indeed their liaison role between individuals and the state places them
in a central position in ongoing processes of adjustment and integration within increasingly
diverse societies.
15
It was of little surprise that migrants sought to retain their mother tongue as different languages
are linked to different memories, expectations, emotions and cultural scripts and so moving
between the two affects identity (Pavlenko 2006). The rate and degree of cultural adjustment was
different across generations with evidence that retention of the native language is used by
families as part of a strategy of positive coping and parenting. In particular it was used to
improve parent-child communication, ensuring harmonious adjustment while instilling
knowledge of, and pride in, migrants’ heritage (Perriera et al. 2006). But it is clear that the value
of language retention was not necessarily uniform across generations, with young people wishing
to ‘fit in’ to their new environs and avoiding use of their native language in public spaces.
Hybridity does not come without its cost: asymmetrical relations exist as migrants become
creators of culture (Bhabha 1994). Unlike most people they mediate between cultures and also
potentially generate tension on family relations.
Despite abundant institutional arrangements to secure equality along with compelling public
policy discourse, language accommodation in practice was somewhat patchy. The delivery of
existing services through translation and interpretation was inadequate in resource terms. The
overall impact on family life is unclear, but it may erode the self-esteem of family members such
as parents who are forced to assume, what they perceive to be, a less pivotal role as they rely on
children to translate for them. Furthermore, to paraphrase Alba (2005); it can sharpen boundaries
that should be blurred as individuals are forced to exist on the ‘wrong’ side of the fault line.
Inadequate language accommodation may neglect cultural, and indeed clinical, nuances. Again
this can reinforce barriers and boundaries as hybrid cultures are not nurtured and different groups
are obliged to exist within isolated cultural domains. Although some attempts at cultural
mediation were evident within Northern Ireland, such as the employment of professionals from
migrant groups, these steps are piecemeal. They ought to be complemented by wider strategic
action that guarantees meaningful engagement of ethnic groups within policy planning processes.
Perhaps more significantly, deficient language accommodation deprived individuals of personal
choice as they were compelled to access a service that was delivered in an unfamiliar way and
through a second language. By stripping cultural markers from such services, migrants’
individual identities were made vulnerable.
Just as bilingualism can represent an additional burden (Alba 1999), the agents who lead the
process of celebrating difference and navigating between different cultures carry extra
encumbrance. Existing in this ‘third space’ is not an easy choice, but can be facilitated and
nurtured by a range of civil and social institutions. The actions of the former organisations tend
to be relatively spontaneous and targeted to particular needs as they arise. Reliance is on
individuals who become cultural mediators as they support and work with migrants who fulfil a
similar role, but on the other side of the boundary. Without sufficient social policy and social
structures however, boundaries can become hardened, cultural domains entrenched and the
creation of new and shared cultures is jeopardised.
16
Acknowledgements
I am grateful to the Nuffield Foundation (SGS/34428) for funding this research. I would also like
to thank all participants who contributed to the study and Dr. Marsaili MacLeod and Dr. Brendan
Murtagh for their comments on an earlier version of this paper.
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