Stocktaking study on lifelong learning for democratic citizenship
through adult education
Grant no.: 225292-CP-1-2005-1-DK-GRUNDTVIG-G1
Adult Education for Democratic Citizenship:
A review of the research literature in
9 European countries
Synthesis report
Edited by Marcella Milana
Danish School of Education, University of Aarhus (DK)
21st December 2007
1
2
Introduction
Stocktaking study on lifelong learning for democratic citizenship through adult
education is a collaborative project with a grant from the European Commission under
the Grundtvig-1 Action Scheme.
The project team was composed of researchers from the following institutions (in
alphabetical order):

Danish School of Education (previously Danish University of Education),
University of Aarhus, Denmark (coordinating institution)

Democracy and Human Rights Education in Europe (DARE Network),
Germany

European Association for the Education of Adults (EAEA), Hungary

Institute of Education, University of London, United Kingdom

Institute of Educational Sciences, Leopold-Franzens-University Innsbruck,
Austria

Romanian Institute for Adult Education, West University of Timisoara, Romania

Södertörn University College, Sweden

University of Deusto, Spain

University of Ljubljana, Faculty of Arts, Department of Pedagogy and
Andragogy, Slovenia
All members of the project team have contributed to this report. The report is the
outcome of the Work Package 1, which was coordinated by the Danish School of
Education.
3
4
Overview
Chapter1:
Introduction……………………………………………………………
Marcella Milana
7
1.1. Background
1.2. Project framework
1.3. Methodological considerations
7
8
13
Chapter 2:
Overview by country…...………………………………………………
16
2.1. Austria
Helmut Fennes
16
2.2. Denmark
Søren Ehlers
23
2.3. Germany
Helle Becker
29
2.4. Hungary
János Sz. Tóth and Zsofi Fesztbaum
35
2.5. Poland
Michal Bron Jr
43
2.6. Romania
Sorin Pribac
48
2.7. Slovenia
Nena Mijoč and Dušana Findeisen
52
2.8. Spain
Concha Maiztegui Oñate and N. Gómez Marroquín
58
2.9. United Kingdom
Andy Green, Hugh Starkey and Christine Han
64
Chapter 3:
Discussion……. …………………………………………………………
Marcella Milana
71
5
6
Chapter 1: Introduction
1.1 Background
Since the mid-1990s the importance of strengthening democratic
citizenship through education has become an important aspect of European
policy. Consequently education for democratic citizenship, either as
curricular or extra-curricular activity, has been a priority for the Council of
Europe as well as for the European Union. Several in-depth qualitative
studies as well as large-scale comparative surveys have been or are being
carried out, therefore, in order to investigate the relationship between
education and the acquisition of civic knowledge, skills and competences
(Veldhuis, 1997; Audigier, 2000; Birzea, 2000; Torney-Purta et al. 1999,
2001; Steiner-Khamsi et al. 2002).
In recent years a new emphasis on learning for democratic citizenship has
been championed by the European Commission’s Communication: Making
a European area of lifelong learning a reality (2001), by identifying active
citizenship as one of the four ‘broad and mutually supporting objectives’ of
the lifelong learning strategy (Council of the European Union, 2002).
Accordingly, civic competence which ‘equips individuals to fully
participate in civic life’ has been identified by the European Parliament and
the Council of the European Union (2006:17) as being one of the key
competences to be given priority in all member states in a lifelong learning
perspective.
Despite the recent shift from education to learning for democratic
citizenship in European educational discourse, to the emphasis on lifelong
learning and the consequent equal recognition of both in-school and out-ofschool learning activities for strengthening democratic competences among
the population, most empirical research in the field remains primarily
concerned with school-aged pupils and formal school education.
7
A valuable contribution to the role of adult learning in the strengthening of
civic involvement has in recent years been represented by the ETGACEproject1, which was carried out in six European countries in 2000-2002 to
explore how individuals learned to be active citizens, what support there
was to help people to acquire this learning, and what interventions might
improve the process. The project findings highlight the fact that education
can raise awareness of civic issues, while developing both a range of skills
and knowledge and an ability to think critically. At the same time the
project concludes that developing lifelong learning to enhance civic
engagement would ‘involve a greater emphasis on learning embedded in
the contexts of adult life – the workplace, the home and the community –
rather than in formal education and training institutions’ (ETGACE, 2003:
1). To date, however, very little is known about the relations between adult
education and learning for democratic citizenship.
In 2006, therefore, a team of researchers from nine EU member states
launched ‘Stocktaking study on lifelong learning for democratic citizenship
through adult education’2 aimed at exploring from a comparative
perspective ways in which adults can achieve competences relevant for
democratic citizenship. Adults are here defined as those aged 25+, though
young adults aged 16-24 are also included if no longer in full-time formal
education and training.
The specific aims of the Stocktaking study were:
1) To collect evidence of different research traditions and main results
within the realm of Adult Education for Democratic Citizenship (AEDC) in
the countries represented by the project;
The acronym stands for ‘Education and Training for Governance and Active Citizenship in Europe’:
Analysis of Adult Learning and Design of Formal, Non-Formal and Informal Educational Intervention
Strategies. The countries represented by the project were: Belgium, Finland, Netherlands, Slovenia, Spain
and United Kingdom.
2
The project was funded by the European Commission, under the Grundtvig programme (grant number:
225292-CP-1-2005-1-DK-GRUNDTVIG-G1).
1
8
2) To analyse the implementation of policies for AEDC at national and
international level – including the countries represented by the project, the
European Commission and the Council of Europe;
3) To study closely a range of interesting and relevant initiatives aimed at
fostering democratic citizenship in the countries represented by the project.
This report presents, in brief, the findings from the study of research
literature on AEDC that was carried out in the nine EU member states
represented by the project: Austria, Denmark, Germany, Hungary, Poland,
Romania, Slovenia, Spain and United Kingdom. The research literature
review was designed as the foundation for the investigation of what is
known about ways in which adults can achieve competences relevant for
democratic citizenship in various European countries, about the type of
educational interventions that have proven effective in this regard and
about how educational policy intervenes in the field of AEDC.
1.2 Project framework
This report reflects the framework which underpins the research project. It
is therefore necessary briefly to introduce the core principles on which the
study is based. First, democratic citizenship has become a matter of
concern across and within countries in different sectors of social life.
Second, many governments and intergovernmental institutions such as the
European Union and the Council of Europe look upon education as a
means to encourage the development of participatory practices based on
democratic values and thus enable better democratic citizenship. Third,
both educational policy and curricula at national and international levels
have often adopted a narrow definition of education for democratic
citizenship, which tends to focus too much on formal structures and schoolbased interventions. Fourth, the general increase in focus on the non-formal
9
and informal learning strategies emphasised by lifelong learning policies
and discourses has not been sufficiently supported by a systematic
exploration of their full potential for nurturing democratic citizenship
among adults. Fifth, in order to be able to encourage democratic citizenship
by promoting adult learning opportunities, it is therefore necessary to
investigate ways in which democratic citizenship and AEDC are
understood in national and international contexts among researchers,
politicians and practitioners.
1.2.1 Citizenship as a social enterprise
In 1950 T.H. Marshall defined citizenship as,
‘a status bestowed on all those who are full members of a
community. All who possess the status are equal with respect to
the rights and duties with which the status is endowed. There are
not universal principles that determine what those rights and
duties shall be, but societies in which citizenship is a developing
institution create an image of ideal citizenship against which
achievement can be directed’ (Marshall, 1977).
Marshall’s major contribution was in identifying citizenship as a
fundamental aspect of society, shaping the relationship between the
individual and the State. There has been an extensive debate on ways to
secure this relationship in democratic societies ever since. As a result,
although Marshall’s core concept – i.e. of citizenship as a legal status that
embeds civic, political and social dimensions – has not been denied,
different interpretations of political philosophy currently co-exist:
1) (Civic) Republicanism, which emphasizes citizens’ duties to secure a
symbiotic relation between the individual and the State;
2) Liberalism, which places its stress on citizens’ rights, resulting in
individuals being loosely committed to the State; and
10
3) Communitarism/communitarianism, which calls attention to the
responsibilities of citizens and communities and consequently focuses on
re-establishing a balance between rights and obligations, although with no
better definition of the relation between the individual and the State.
Despite the variety of co-existing political configurations of citizenship as a
legal status, Kymlicka & Norman (1994: 369) clearly point out that,
‘citizenship is not just a certain status, defined by a set of rights
and responsibilities. It is also an identity, an expression of one’s
membership in a political community’.
Although they expand the citizenship concept to include a social element,
Kymlicka and Norman still refer primarily to the political dimension of
citizenship as an identity. Whereas Korsgaard et al. (2001) argue for
multiple identities – socio-culturally constructed mental representations –
that allow both geographical and legal borders to be transcended, thereby
preserving the complexity embedded in the traditional relation between
civic, social and political dimensions. In so doing, they expand Marshall’s
conception of citizenship as a legal status and allow for a paradigmatic shift
from fixed conceptions of civic, political and social rights and obligations
to more fluid and multidimensional perspectives on citizenship as a social
enterprise (Williamson, 1997). Nonetheless, as this shift is not of an
‘either-or’ but rather a ‘both-and’ nature, it seems better to depict the
reshaping of the relations between the individual and society at large that
are consistent with observed tendencies in modern societies – e.g.
technological developments, globalisations processes, etc. From a
theoretical point of view, then, social citizenship is inclusive, even as it
transcends the legal definition of citizenship.
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1.2.2 Citizenship and Education for Democratic Citizenship within the
European Union
At the European level the citizenship concept has from the very beginning
been firmly linked to the primarily legal and economic principles that
informed the establishment of the European Economic Community in 1957
(Treaty of Rome) and its enlargement in 1967, which resulted in the
creation of the European Communities. Accordingly the right of free
movement within the European Communities was recognised by law for
specific social groups with economic status – e.g. employees, the selfemployed or service providers and members of their families – in order to
secure their fundamental right to work. With the foundation of the
European Union in 1992 (The Maastricht Treaty) citizenship of the Union
was established, which in turn legally determined and extended the general
right of free movement and residence to all European nationals.
Nonetheless it was only in 1997 that democratic values and citizens’ rights
were firmly tied to the European education project. Democratic citizenship
became, therefore, a central feature of supranational policies that addressed
reforms of national education and training systems. Two major acts
contributed to this development. On the one hand there was the
endorsement of the Amsterdam Treaty, which sets down the rights of
European citizenship in both legal and ideal terms, and on the other hand
the Commission Communication entitled ‘Towards a Europe of
Knowledge’, issued in the same year, which envisages complementarity
and consistency between various Community policies affecting all
European citizens. Since then there has been a growing interest throughout
the Union in enhancing democratic citizenship through education.
‘Towards a Europe of Knowledge’ (1997) expresses its concern for
strengthening the sense of belonging at multiple levels by defining
citizenship as an important dimension of European education policy. In
12
fact, it states that the citizen dimension ‘will facilitate an enhancement of
citizenship through the sharing of common values, and the development of
a sense of belonging to a common social and cultural area’. Consequently
the citizenship dimension is ideally rooted in ‘a broader-based
understanding of citizenship, founded on active solidarity and on mutual
understanding of the cultural diversities that constitute Europe's originality
and richness thereby recognizing that ‘knowledge of languages and cultures
is an essential part of the exercise of European citizenship’ (original
italics).
One year later, in the introduction to the final report of the Citizenship
Education Study (1998), Edith Cresson reinforced this idea by recognizing
that ‘in a time of fundamental change, we need the solid foundation which
those values [democratic values] provide, for they underlie our recognition
of the social reality of a globalised world in which the significance of
active citizenship extends far beyond local communities and national
frontiers’ (emphasis mine, M.M.).
The importance of strengthening active democratic citizenship through
education has been recently underscored by the Recommendation on key
competences for lifelong learning (2006) issued by the European
Parliament and the Council of the European Union. Listed here among
selected key the competences to be accorded priority in all European
Member States are the linguistic competence permitting communication
both in a mother tongue and in foreign languages, and a civic competence
‘based on knowledge of social and political concepts and structures and a
commitment to active and democratic participation’.
A new urgency in enhancing democratic citizenship is also envisaged in the
form
of
an
enhanced
cooperation
between
those
different
intergovernmental agencies operating at the European level that aim to
monitor progress on both the exercise of active citizenship nurtured by
13
democratic values and the development of civic skills and competences
developed through education and training in European Member States3.
European citizenship, then, originally limited to a recognised legal status
within the geographical boarders of the Union, has acquired a stronger
social dimension when first linked to the broader European education
project. Accordingly, the implicit curriculum at European level for
sustaining active democratic citizenship through education seems to stress
the following elements. Firstly, relevant knowledge of the political world
should be transmitted to both younger and older populations with a focus
on three questions:
1) What? (knowledge of political concepts such as democracy and
power),
2) Who? (knowledge of current, time-bound affairs and events, and of
people in the public sphere), and
3) How? (knowledge underlying political acts such as voting).
Secondly, due to the focus on politics, relevant attitudes for active
democratic citizenship are being identified in the belief that individuals
can influence political decision-making as well as the trustworthiness of
political institutions. Tolerance, the desire for peace and non-violence
and the acknowledgment of rule of law and human rights become,
therefore, relevant values for active democratic citizenship. Last but not
least, active democratic citizens are supposed to master primary skills of
communication – including literacy skills in both their mother tongue
and foreign languages-, as well as debating skills and skills of critical
thinking.
This is reflected, among other activities, in a joint research project on ‘Active Citizenship for
Democracy’, launched in 2005 by CRELL, a research centre formed as a collaboration between the
European Commission and the Council of Europe. The project aims to identify composite indicators both
to monitor progress towards the Lisbon objectives in Education and Training and to disclose existing data
gaps to be addressed in current/future inter-state survey design.
3
14
In brief, the emphasis on democratic participation in both social and
political life – through active engagement within political and voluntary
groups and organisations, or in the election process at local, national and
European levels, for example – is based upon the assumption that
pluralistic societies, such as the European Union, require basic but robust
civic and political foundations. While this assumption recognises that the
welfare state in modern societies is not ensured solely by the state but is
also provided by the civil society, it also risks underestimating the
pluralistic dimension of the European Union.
1.2.3 A pluralistic approach to citizenship education: theoretical
perspectives
Several scholars in political and social sciences provide arguments for a
pluralistic approach to citizenship and to education for democratic
citizenship. Young’s claim for a ‘differentiated citizenship’, for instance, is
based on the recognition that at the very core of pluralistic societies lies a
‘politics of difference’ (1986). Her main argument is that according to
liberal, socio-democratic discourses (such as representative democracy or
consensus-based democracy) representation might result in exclusion
and/or homogeneity. On the contrary differentiated citizenship allows for
participation and/or inclusion through 1) recognition of the existence of
specific mechanisms for group representation, 2) rules of equal treatment
based on specificity of different social groups in order to guarantee equality
of treatment, 3) articulation of special rights.
Gregg (2003), who supports pluralism while being mindful of its dangers,
makes an important contribution here. He recognizes that ‘modern societies
[are] increasingly heterogeneous in terms of [their] worldviews and
lifestyles’ (p. 17). Consequently, he says, special attention should be paid
to the different groups and communities that compose a society, on the
15
basis of their ethnicity, gender, religion or political ideas, for example. In
support of his line of argument, Gregg makes a distinction between on the
one hand a ‘thick normativity’, or an exclusive level of commitment to a
belief, an idea, or a lifestyle that characterizes a unified society, and a ‘thin
normativity’, which adheres to the principle that people should be free to
choose a belief, an idea or lifestyle to which to commit themselves. While
the former creates ’elite differences within the community’ (p. 48), the
latter is being more inclusive. Hence thin normativity provides the space
for acceptance and respect of several thin normativities, while still
recognizing a minimum standard. In fact ‘a community that tolerates
everything would have no identity’ and therefore ‘would not be a
community’ (p. 52).
From a completely different perspective, the same conclusion is reached by
Bhabha (1994: 142), when questioning the ‘progressive metaphor of
modern social cohesion […] shared by organic theories of the holism of
culture and community, and by theorists who treat gender, class and race as
social totalities that are expressive of unitary collective experiences’.
Accordingly, the present ‘crisis’ of democracy is perceived by Bhabha as ‘a
struggle between a sincerely held “universalism” as a principle of cultural
comparison and scholarly study, and ethnocentrism, even racism, as a
condition of ethical practice and political prescription’ (2003: 29).
From an educational perspective uniformity of treatment that results from,
among other things, the ideal of a common identity leads to inequality and
exclusion and so challenges democratic participation. On the other hand, if
equality, inclusion and democratic participation are being considered
educational goals to be achieved by all member states, they should be
defined in a culturally sensitive way.
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1.3 Methodological considerations
Since the very beginning of the Stocktaking study, the discussion among
the researchers confirmed the fact that despite a shared framework, key
concepts such as ‘democratic citizenship’ and ’AEDC’ were also given
nuanced meanings that are deeply rooted in different socio-cultural and
historical traditions. We partially overcome these difficulties by means of
linguistic clarifications. When considered necessary, brief references to
linguistic differences have been included in this report.
From the outset of the project, it was also clear that the locus of AEDC is to
be found primarily in non-formal and informal contexts, rather than in
formal structures such as schools or vocational training centres. Thus it was
our explicit intention to investigate only non-formal and informal learning
contexts. Despite our intentions, however, it has not always been possible
to explore in depth these vast areas of educational practice, not least due to
the scarcity of formalised knowledge. Furthermore, in a few countries a
stronger emphasis continued to be placed on AEDC taking place in formal
contexts due to its widespread and widely recognized role in encouraging
better democratic citizenship.
In spite of linguistic and cultural differences, common criteria were
adopted by the researchers in each of the participating countries in
producing national research literature reports. First, they reviewed how
AEDC has been addressed in scholarly literature produced at national level
in the last 5-10 years. Second, they sought to identify main characteristics
of specific research traditions in the field of AEDC, if they existed. Third,
they paid special attention to the identification of empirical studies that
shed light on adult needs and learning processes for democratic citizenship.
Lastly, they were asked to present main research findings and to discuss
whether these have had any impact on policy-making processes. It is worth
mentioning, however, that national policies which intervene on AEDC have
17
been treated separately in an ad hoc synthesis report4. By and large the
synthesis of national research literature reviews presented in chapter 2
follows this structure.
References
Audigier, F. (2000). Basic concepts and core competences for education
for democratic citizenship. Strasbourg: Council of Europe.
Bhabha, H.K. (1994). The Location of Culture. London/New York:
Routledge.
Bhabha, H.K. (2003). Democracy De-realized. Diogenes, 50(1), 27-35.
Birzea, C. (2000). Education for democratic citizenship: a lifelong learning
perspective. Strasbourg: Council of Europe.
Commission of the European Communities. (2001). Communication of 21
November 2001 on Making a European area of lifelong learning a
reality. COM(2001) 678 final.
Council of the European Union. (2002). Council Resolution of 27 June
2002 on lifelong learning. (2002/C 163/01).
ETGACE (2003). Lifelong Learning, Governance and Active Citizenship in
Europe. Final Report of the ETGACE Research Project. Guildford, UK:
School of Educational Studies, University of Surrey, unpublished.
(http://www.surrey.ac.uk/politics/ETGACE/Final-Report-Screenversion.pdf, last access 14.09.07)
European Communities. (1992). Treaty on European Union. Official
Journal C 191, 29 July 1992.
European Communities. (1997). Treaty of Amsterdam. Official Journal C
340, 10 November 1997.
4
Cf. Green, A., Moutsios, S. (2007). Policies on lifelong learning for democratic citizenship: Synthesis
report, unpublished.
18
European Communities. (1998). Education and Active Citizenship in the
European Union.
(http://ec.europa.eu/education/archive/citizen/citiz_en.html, last access
06.12.06)
European Commission. (1997). Towards a Europe of Knowledge.
COM(97)563 final.
(http://ec.europa.eu/education/doc/other/orient/orie_en.html, last access
06.12.06)
European Parliament, & Council of the European Union. (2006).
Recommendation of the European Parliament and of the Council of 18
December 2006 on key competences for lifelong learning.
(2006/962/EC).
Gregg, B. (2003). Thick Moralities, Thin Politics: Social Integration across
Communities of Belief. Durham, NC: Duke University Press.
Holford, J., & van der Veen, R. (2003). Lifelong Learning, Governance &
Active Citizenship in Europe. Surrey, UK: University of Surrey.
Korsgaard, O, Walters, S., & Andersen, R (Eds.). (2001). Learning for
democratic citizenship. Copenhagen: The National Library of
Education.
Kymlicka,W., & Norman, W. (1994). Return to the Citizen: A Survey of
Recent Work on Citizenship Theory. Ethics, 104(2), 352-381.
Marshall, T. H. (1977). Class, Citizenship and Social Development.
Chicago: University of Chicago Press.
Steiner-Khamsi, G., Torney-Purta, J., & Schwille, J. (Eds.). (2002). New
Paradigms and Recurring Paradoxes in Education for Citizenship.
Oxford: Elsevier Science Ltd.
Torney-Purta, J., Schwille, J., & Amadeo, J.-A. (eds.). (1999). Civic
Education across Countries: Twenty-Four National Case Studies for the
IEA Civic Education Project. Delft: IEA.
19
Torney-Purta, J., Lehmann, R., Oswald, H., & Schulz, W. (2001).
Citizenship and Education in Twenty-Eight Countries: Civic Knowledge
and Engagement at Age Fourteen. Delft: IEA.
Veldhuis, R. (1997). Education for Democratic Citizenship: dimensions of
citizenship, core competences, variables and international activities.
Strasbourg: Council of Europe.
Williamson, H. (1997). Citizenship Study for the European Commission
DGXXIII, United Kingdom, Netherlands and Republic of Ireland. Final
Report. School of Social and Administrative Studies, University of
Wales, Cardiff: unpublished.
(http://ec.europa.eu/education/archive/citizen/cardiff.pdf, last accessed
11.08.06)
Young, I.M. (1986). The Ideal of Community and the Politics of
Difference. Social Theory and Practice, 12(1), 1-26.
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Chapter 2: Overview by country
2.1 Austria
2.1.1 Introduction
A commonly accepted translation of ‘Education for democratic citizenship’
(EDC) has yet to emerge in German. The keyword index of the joint
catalogue of 69 Austrian scientific libraries uses ‘Bürgerschaft’
synonymously with ‘Staatsbürgerschaft’ (nationality, national citizenship).
Sometimes the term ‘demokratische Bildung/Erziehung’ (democratic
education) is used, but it has a double meaning, signifying both education
for democracy and education in a democratic way. A glossary of terms for
education
for
democratic
citizenship
translates
EDC
as
‘demokratiepolitische Bildung’, a term which is so far rarely used (and not
yet a keyword in the library indices) but which enlarges the existing and
widely used term ‘politische Bildung’. ‘Civic education’ or ‘citizenship
education’ had been translated for a long time as ‘staatsbürgerliche
Erziehung’ (national citizenship education), which at the time reflected the
underlying concept (education to become a loyal and good citizen), but as
the concept evolved the term was changed to ‘politische Bildung’ in the
1960s for historical reasons, since ‘Staatsbürgerkunde’ was also used for
political indoctrination.
2.1.2 Adult Civic Education: historical facts
The development of civic education after 1945 has been relatively slow and
weak due to the widely held belief that Austria had been a victim of the
national socialist regime in Germany (in denial of the fact that a
considerable percentage of the population had sympathised with Germany
and of the role that many Austrians had played as offenders and aggressors
21
in the Nazi system), and to the notion that the period 1938 to 1945 had only
temporarily interrupted the continuity of the Austrian state. This resulted in
a situation where there appeared to be no need for political re-socialisation
and rehabilitation – in contrast to Germany where civic education as an
instrument for political re-socialisation played an important role.
Prior to WW II a relatively well-developed civil society had been organised
in a highly fragmented way in accordance with the different political,
ideological and religious camps/groupings and with their structures and
associations. After 1945 the political parties took over their old socialising
functions. Subsequently financial support for political/civic education was
given in particular to the political parties. In 1973 party academies were
established (for all parties represented in parliament) which received
considerable public funds for political/civic education in proportion to their
representation in parliament. Unlike Germany, where party foundations
were established to promote general adult education, the programmes of the
party academies in Austria are primarily aimed at the officials involved in the
parties themselves at all levels.
2.1.3 Adult Civic Education: legal foundations
Since 1977 adult civic education in Austria has been promoted by a law
regulating financial support for adult education, according to which
‘political, social and economic education’ is eligible for support. In 1977
the Austrian Institute for Civic Education was established by the
government with the financial support of the federal states (Bundesländer)
but closed again in the early 1990s. Since then the Austrian Society for
Civic Education has provided financial support for adult civic education
projects from funds contributed by the government and from the majority
of federal states.
22
A dominating concept of civic education in Austria is reflected in the bill
on ‘Civics Education in Schools’ issued in 1978, which is still an important
reference in relation to adult civic education concepts in Austria. This
decree reflects a variety of positions, approaches, intentions and ways of
thinking which are not necessarily coherent – and is obviously the product
of negotiation between different ideologies from conservative to liberal and
radical positions. According to the decree on ‘Civics Education in Schools’
(1978), civics education in schools takes place in three independent areas:
1) ‘Providing knowledge and understanding’, e.g. learning about the
systems and arrangements of political, cultural and economic life;
2) ‘Developing skills and insights’ such as recognising political, cultural
and economic interaction and making critical judgements about and
acquiring insights into elements of the socio-political decision-making
process, paving the way for the development of personal opinions that
enable the individual to assume personal responsibility in shaping society;
and finally
3) ‘Inspiring individuals with the will to act responsibly’ and ‘to contribute
actively to the shaping of political processes’.
2.1.4 Adult Civic Education: main concern
Civic education is an important aspect of the self-conception of many
general adult education institutions, and standard definitions of adult and
further education refer to aspects of EDC.
A working group on adult civic education of the ‘Verband Österreichischer
Volkshochschulen’ (an association of Austrian adult education centres)
describes its aims as follows:
1) support for a democratic social order and further development of
democracy
2) enablíng orientation in a permanently changing society
23
3) clarification and information in complex learning and experiential
situations
4) support for democratic initiatives
5) ongoing further education
While this concept goes beyond that defined in the bill of 1978, it is still
conservative in that it implies ‘improving democracy’ and providing
support in response to problems individuals are facing rather than a proactive development of society.
Lenz (1998) refers to the system of adult civic education in NordrheinWestfalen which could serve as a model for Austria. The respective themes
would be:
1) further education for a Europe that is growing together
2) intercultural education for a multicultural living together
3) contesting xenophobia, violence and right-wing extremism
As primary areas of civic education he cites the following areas:
1) the explanation of social and economic contexts and contradictions
in order to understand and influence social change
2) action against violence in any form
3) making use of opportunities for democratic participation
4) the design and testing of new forms of life in a working society
which reduces employed work
5) understanding European integration, globalisation and processes of
modernisation and individualisation
This concept goes much further than the bill of 1978. It takes up issues
relevant for today’s societies in Europe such as multicultural societies,
24
xenophobia, violence and right-wing extremism, and it addresses a
European and global dimension of civic education.
Similar to Lenz, Filzmaier, Jenewein & Pelinka (1999) describe the
following primary areas of adult civic education:
1) the explanation of social and economic contexts and contradictions
in order to understand and influence social change;
2) action against violence in any form; making use of opportunities for
democratic participation;
3) understanding European integration, globalisation and modernisation
and individualisation processes.
Filzmaier, Jenewein & Pelinka refer to a concept of adult education which
according to Lenz (1992) includes a political dimension, namely the
learning of adults that accepts that the claim for self-determination with
respect both to the individual and the collective has political as well as
social intentions. It includes dealing with the self (self-awareness), with
others (social learning) and with the conditions of society (civic education)
which are interrelated and inseparable elements of adult education aimed at
emancipation.
While concepts of adult civic education in Austria frequently refer to the
respective German concepts, their implementation can hardly follow
German models, again as a result of the country’s substantially less
developed structures and more modest human and financial resources. In
view of this an enlargement of the concept of civic education to include
related areas such as human rights education, intercultural education or
global education will most likely remain theoretical.
25
2.1.5 Adult Civic Education: research traditions
Little difference can be found in research traditions in adult civic education
before and after the year 2000. Most literature on civic education is about
school education. Only very little exists on adult civic education. Often
adult civic education is dealt with in a chapter or paragraph of a publication
on civic education in schools. Research on civic education is to a large
degree a domain of political sciences. Research on adult education is
mostly a domain of educational sciences, but only a few researchers from
educational sciences specifically address adult civic education. Both
research fields – i.e. political sciences and educational sciences – confront
with the same problem, namely the lack of resources and structures both for
adult civic education and for research in this field. Most research is,
therefore, conceptual and prescriptive, frequently calling for developing
adequate structures and measures as well as for the necessary resources. At
the same time, research also criticises the lack of dialogue and co-operation
both between political sciences and educational sciences and between
research and practice. In any case it is difficult to identify a national adult
civic education research tradition, since Austrian research it is closely
intertwined with German research. Austrian research might be published by
German publishers, and Austrian researchers cannot be distinguished from
German researchers by their name.
2.1.6 Adult Civic Education: relevant empirical studies
 Civic Education in Austria. Experiences and Perspectives of an
Evaluation Process (Filzmaier & Ingruber, 2001).
This study presents itself as an evaluation of activities on civic education in
Austria and in the Austrian education system. Objectives of the evaluation
are:
26
To provide the basis for a long-term strategic planning and co-ordination of
civic (further) education instead of widely unorganised initiatives and
programmes in Austria.
To question systematically content and didactics of civic education
seminars and, subsequently, to adapt content and didactics according to the
motives and the information needs of the target audience.
The methodology combines two approaches. On the one hand there is a
qualitative survey of leaders and teachers/trainers/lecturers (subsequently
referred to as ‘trainers’) of further education activities on civic education
through in-depth interviews. On the other hand there is a quantitative
written survey of participants of further education activities in civic
education through a standardised questionnaire distributed at the respective
activities, evaluated through SPSS. The analytic evaluation is limited to a
university course finishing with a Master of Advanced Studies, Civic
Education course (in the following “MAS-CE course’), which covered 11
seminars. 272 questionnaires were completed by the seminar participants at
the end of each seminar. It has to be noted that a number of participants
took part in two or more seminars. Most of these participants, therefore,
completed more than one of the 272 questionnaires and were counted as
participants in the figures as many times as they completed a questionnaire.
The authors raise the question as to whether the participants in the MASCE course represent an elite and to which degree adult civic education is
mostly aimed at specific groups of interested individuals and excludes a
portion of the public. Since adult civic education is voluntary, it only
reaches a minority, mostly further politicising those who are already
politicised. Nevertheless, this should be recognised as being of value, in
particular since the participants are multipliers.
27
 Civic Education in Austria. Historical Development, Present Importance
and the Promotion of Personal and Social Competences (Mayrus, 2001)
This empirical study is aimed at assessing whether (adult) civic education
activities promote personal and social competences beyond the
development of knowledge, insights and understanding of contexts. The
study analyses three adult civic education activities, which were selected on
the basis that they were of high quality, that they were extensively
documented and that they had of longer duration. As quality served as
criteria for funding adult education projects within the national funding by
the Austrian Society for Civic Education (“Österreichische Gesellschaft für
Politische Bildung’ - ÖGBP). All three projects have been supported
financially by the ÖGPB.
The study uses the concept of key qualifications according to StangelMeske (1994). Following this concept, the development of 18 competences
is assessed through written questionnaires completed by participants,
trainers (including lecturers, course designers, course directors etc.) and
representatives
of
course
providers
(organisations/institutions).
Furthermore, the study included an analysis of the documents on the
concept, contents, methodology, didactics and framework of the respective
activities. In the evaluation a competence was considered to be ‘clearly
promoted’ by the respective activity if more than 50% of the participants
and more than 50% of the trainers responded positively (‘I can do action X
much more easily/more easily’ or ‘the competence was promoted very
much/a little bit’).
On the base of the study results the author concludes that in adult civic
education not only is knowledge developed, but personal and social
competences are also promoted beyond the development of knowledge and
insights. The degree to which these competences are promoted does not so
much depend on type and content of the respective activity/project but on
28
the methodology and didactics applied. The integration of personal
experiences of the participants, participatory approaches, group work,
independent project work and research contribute to the promotion of
personal and social competences. The comparison of the three projects
indicates that the following competences are specifically promoted:
flexibility, openness, targeted collection of information and critical faculty.
2.1.7 Adult Civic Education: research impact on policy and practice
Little can be said about the impact of research on policy and practice.
Historically, policy on civic education is influenced by a latent fear of
possible indoctrination and/or destabilisation. The greater part of public
financial resources are, therefore, given to the party academies in
proportion to their representation in parliament (see 2.1.3), which keeps the
use of financial resources under the control of the parties and obviously
contributes to stabilising the distribution of power. It also seems that there
is little interest shown by policy-makers in investing in research on adult
civic education. The reasons for this can only be guessed, but one could
well be ambiguity about the possible results and the subsequent actions to
be taken. The impact of research on practice can also be only speculated on
due to the paucity of research available. It can be assumed though that the
study conducted on the university course on civic education (Filzmaier &
Ingruber, 2001), for example, has had an impact on the course analysed in
the study.
2.1.8 Conclusion
The focus on civic education is primarily on school education. There are
relatively few adult civic education offers – even at universities – that are
described as such. Adult civic education is frequently either merely a part
29
of other adult education activities or it focuses on sub-themes of civic
education. Overall, adult civic education lacks adequate structures and
resources. This has far-reaching effects on general political awareness and
democratic attitudes in the population at large. It results in a lack of
participation and, subsequently, has an impact on socio-political processes.
The concept of civic education is rather narrow; limit it to the development
of mostly cognitive and intellectual skills – knowledge, understanding,
insights – with little attention on personal or social competences.
Participatory aspects are not very prominent and limited to participation in
political processes in a rather narrow sense and not so much in the sense of
participation in public life and civil society at large. This increases the
shortcomings resulting from the lack of adequate civic education offers –
the quantitative problem described above is complemented by a qualitative
problem.
While there is considerable research on civic education in schools, there is
only little research on adult civic education – mostly conceptual and
prescriptive research and almost no empirical research. The lack of
empirical research does not really allow for assessment of outcomes, results
and impact of present adult civic education activities. Therefore, any
policy, strategy or practice development is based on assumptions rather
than on research.
References
Filzmaier, P., Jenewein, F., & Pelinka, A. (1999). Angst vor der Politischen
Bildung? Programme an Universitäten und in der Erwachsenenbildung.
In P. Filzmaier, et al. (eds.). Politisches Alltagsverständnis. Demokratie,
Geschlechterverhältnisse, Arbeitswelt, Medien und Bildung (pp. 275-
30
296). Innsbruck/Wien: Studienverlag. [trans: Afraid of Civic Education?
Programmes at Universities and in Adult Education]
Filzmaier, P., & Ingruber, D. (2001). Politische Bildung in Österreich.
Erfahrungen und Perspektiven eines Evaluierungsprozesses.
Innsbruck/Wien/München: Studienverlag. [trans: Civic Education in
Austria. Experiences and Perspectives of an Evaluation Process]
Klepp, C. (2006). Politische Bildung in Österreich zwischen Vielfalt und
Überschaubarkeit. Betrachtungsweisen, Erkenntnisse und
Herausforderungen. Praxis Politische Bildung. Materialien Analysen
Diskussionen, 10(3), 196-202. [trans: Civic Education in Austria
between Diversity and Straightforwardness. Views, Insights and
Challenges]
Lenz, W. (1998). Umwege des Politischen – Politische Bildung am
Wegesrand?. In H., Knaller (ed.). Gegenkonzepte. Politische Bildung
und Erwachsenenbildung (pp. 24-38). Innsbruck/Wien: Studienverlag.
[rrans: Detours of Politics – Civic Education by the wayside]
Mayrus, M. (2001). Politisch Bildung in Österreich. Historische
Entwicklung, aktuelle Bedeutung und die Förderung individueller und
sozialer Fähigkeiten in der politischen Erwachsenenbildung. Graz.
[trans: Civic Education in Austria. Historical Development, Present
Importance and the Promotion of Personal and Social Competences]
Stangel-Meseke, M. (1994). Schlüsselqualifikationen in der betrieblichen
Praxis – Ein Ansatz in der Psychologie. Wiesbaden. [trans: Key
Qualifications in Work-Practice – An Approach in Psychology]
31
2.2 Denmark
2.2.1 Introduction
Two elements related to the size of the country are important to mention. In
the first place research activities, educational practice and policy-making
have mingled since the first democratic constitution (1849) because of the
relatively small number of individuals engaged in the field of education for
democratic citizenship (EDC). Danish researchers such as the historians
Skovmand, Koch and Korsgaard have been educational practitioners as
well as policy-makers. Secondly, influence from abroad (the Nordic
countries, European countries and USA, or from international players such
as the Nordic Council of Ministers, Council of Europe, European
Commission, OECD and UNESCO) is obvious even though it is not
recognised by many researchers. Note, too, that Danish forskning (the
concept for research) is often defined narrowly. Educational experiments
and development projects are not included. Educational research in general
was established in the 1960s, which is late if we compare with other Nordic
countries, with European countries or with USA. However, academic
studies published by historians or political scientists are relevant EDC
research as well.
2.2.2 EDC perceptions over time
The Danish idea of EDC is still mixed with the practices and the policies
related to folkeoplysning (enlightenment of people). This social activity has
been a topic for researchers because it includes all non-formal and informal
learning activities organised by the voluntary sector, and because civil
society seems to be a living Danish tradition. We can find EDC organised
as formal learning by public institutions – for instance in courses for
immigrants and refugees – but this is a new trend not noted by many
32
researchers. It is possible to differentiate between historical periods in
relation to folkeoplysning as well as between different EDC perceptions.
The tradition of giving public funding to folkeoplysning has its roots back
in the days of the educational philosopher N.F.S. Grundtvig (1783-1872),
who was a member of the first democratic parliament. After the civil war in
Schleswig-Holstein (1848-50) Grundtvig and his supporters were in
parliament campaigning to make their society more democratic. They
argued for more educational freedom and managed in 1855 to change the
act on primary education so that it embodied not a duty to go to school but
a duty to be schooled – children could thereafter be taught at home –
because the Grundtvigians were opposed to a detailed regulation of
schooling controlled by the state. Folk high schools and evening classes
(non-formal learning) expanded after the national catastrophe in 1864,
when more than 20% of the country was taken over by Prussia. It is fair to
say that research and educational practice after 1864 had nation-building5
as a ‘hidden agenda’ because of the constant threat south of the border.
Activists in folkeoplysning were also engaged in preparing adults for
casting their vote, but this element was never addressed as a state policy.
The right to vote was extended to larger and larger groups, and voters in the
Danish folkestyre (democracy) was informed about their society through
informal and non-formal learning activities organised by the voluntary
sector. Professor Roar Skovmand (1944, 1949, and 1951) can be seen as
representative of the historians who studied EDC.
The perception of folkeoplysning was revised for the first time during the
German occupation of Denmark (1940-45), and Ove Korsgaard has named
this ‘the Demos Strategy’. Folkeoplysning used to be a collective exercise,
a top-down activity in which voluntary leaders (mainly academics or
5
How can historians differentiate between Danish nation-building and EDC? That is a relevant research
question for those studying Danish education before EEC membership (1973).
33
primary school teachers) made speeches to adults in a form of one-way
communication, and the practice was in no way based on dialogue.
Professor Hal Koch began to argue for the development of a new practice,
when in 1940 he delivered his university extension lectures about
Grundtvig, whom he saw as a philosopher working for democracy, and
Koch became an educational practitioner himself when it was decided to
establish Krogerup Højskole. His first speech as head of the school (Koch
1946) outlined a programme for the education of young leaders in
voluntary associations in order to develop EDC inside the associations. The
German occupation resulted also in a new umbrella organisation for
associations, evening classes and folk high schools, Dansk Folkeoplysnings
Samråd6 (1941) (The Danish Council for Popular Enlightenment). An act
enshrining public support for folk high schools was passed by Parliament in
1942, and conditions for the funding of associations and evening classes
were revised in the forties as well as in the fifties. The Parliament wanted
to ‘enlighten’ the population and the strategy was to provide better
conditions for the voluntary sector. Hal Koch (Koch 1945) can be seen as a
representative of those academics who wanted to interpret folkeoplysning
as EDC.
The public sector was not familiar with folkeoplysning – it was a coined by
those active in the voluntary sector. However, in 1984 Parliament passed
The Ten Point Programme on Adult Education and Folkeoplysning, and
one of the consequences was that the concept became embedded in the
language used by civil servants. However, learning activities continued to
be organised by the voluntary sector, and it took several years to move the
general perception of these activities from the field of culture to the field of
learning. The government established in 1985 a link to research through
6
This association has since then been a policy-maker. DFS covers most of the educational activities
provided by the voluntary sector (www.dfs.dk).
34
The Research Centre for Folkeoplysning and Adult Education. A different
government closed the centre in 2001, however, thereby demonstrating that
folkeoplysning is now placed at the bottom of the political agenda7.
The voluntary sector provides two EDC models:
1) Self-governing institutions like the folk high schools which can be
characterised as producers of value-based learning (mainly non-formal).
2) Self-governing associations such as associations for sports or leisure,
which can be conceived as producers of value-based learning (mainly
informal).
The Ministry of Education differentiated after 1984 between:
1) General adult education,
2) Vocational adult education and training,
3) Folkeoplysning.
The concept has, in fact, also been a key word in Nordic policy-making.
Between 1985 and 2004 the Nordic Council of Ministers had a permanent
committee
of
civil
servants,
who
coordinated
the policies
for
folkeoplysning and adult education in the member states. This EDC
perception was, in fact, more Nordic than Danish.
Historians have studied the mix between EDC and folkeoplysning in the
three periods. However, after 1984 EDC was also examined by educational
researchers and political scientists, and they have concentrated their efforts
on EDC, conceived as learning about democracy in informal and nonformal settings. Researchers have their focus on learning – not on
education. This is why this chapter replaces EDC with adult citizenship
learning.
2.2.2 Adult Citizenship Learning: research activities after 1984
7
In 2001 adult learning was a research theme at four Danish universities.
35
Educational research in Denmark is in many ways related to a small-state
syndrome. In the 1970s and 1980s it was a rather Danish activity, and links
to the international research debate were weak. It is questionable whether a
national ‘research tradition’ as such can be extracted, because the general
research question in the LLL-EDC Study is: How are adults able to
develop competences relevant for Democratic Citizenship? However, a
major conceptual trend and a minor empirical trend can be mapped in
research production.
Ove Korsgaard from Danish University of Education initiated a research
programme called ‘Folkeoplysning, Voksenuddannelse og Demokrati’
(Folkeoplysning, Adult Education and Democracy), and his programme ran
for five years (1999-2004) and involved a large number of researchers. Of
these, two researchers came from the University of Southern Denmark and
are referred to here, Jørgen Gleerup (2004) and Marianne Horsdal (2001;
2004). The final result produced by Korsgaard himself (2004) is the
doctoral thesis ‘Kampen om folket’ (The Fight for the people) which is
based on conceptual as well as empirical studies. However, it is fair to say
that the programme as such led to conceptual studies. If the research
question is opened up to include the didactics of learning democracy, it is
worth mentioning studies made by Claus Haas (2001) and Bernard Eric
Jensen (2004) from the Danish University of Education. Key words for
these two researchers are ‘identity policy’ and ‘multiculturalism’.
The current research interest in activities which can be described as nonformal learning or informal learning makes studies of learning in voluntary
associations and social movements relevant. Most researchers in this field
were historians such as Claus Bjørn, Søren Ehlers, Vagn Wåhlin, or
ethnologists such as Margaretha Balle-Petersen or Sidsel Eriksen. Studies
of work in associations for athletics have particularly preoccupied many
researchers, such as Ove Korsgaard, Laila Ottesen, Bjarne Ibsen, Niels
36
Kayser Nielsen. The ‘local community’ was a key word in the 1980s,
possibly because EEC membership8 was conceived as a challenge to a
democratic lifestyle. A public institution such as The Research Centre for
Folkeoplysning and Adult Education assumed that a close relation existed
between folkeoplysning and the development of local democracy.
However, if we leave educational research in the strict sense and go to the
social sciences, one name is dominant, namely Jørgen Goul Andersen
(2003; 2004), a political scientist at the University of Aalborg. His field is
empirical studies of citizenship on a big scale (the role of citizenship in ‘the
big democracy’) and on the small scale (the role of citizenship in ‘the little
democracy’). A key concept in studies of the little democracy is
‘participation’. Goul Andersen is engaged in questions like: Who
participates in democratic processes? How is participation effected by
education? The use of comparative studies is involved in his approach. He
has taken part in two major international projects: 1) ‘Citizenship,
Involvement, Democracy’ (2001) has data from 12 countries, while
‘European Social Survey’ (2002) is based on data from 22 countries9. Some
of his latest publications are the result of national research activity initiated
by the Danish Parliament, ‘Magtudredningen’ (Unravelling Power), on
which Goul Andersen was a member of the steering committee. This
research programme ran for seven years (1997-2004) and resulted in nearly
a hundred academic studies of Danish democracy.
2.2.3 Adult Citizenship Learning: empirical research studies
 Experiential pedagogy for active citizenship and identity formation
(Gleerup, 2004)
8
European integration was a political hot potato in the 1980s, and the Danes voted no to the Maastricht
Treaty in 1992.
9
See also the Scandinavian studies produced by Goul Andersen in collaboration with Jens Hoff: Goul
Andersen, J., Hoff, J. (2003), Democracy and Citizenship in Scandinavia. Houndsmill: Palgrave.
37
Based on the assumptions that phenomena of globalisation and
Europeanisation have challenged the (Danish) nation-state ideal, Gleerup
(2004) addresses the vital question of how the individual’s enlightenment,
formation and political know-how are suspended and challenged by global
market forces. Gleerup identifies a relation between active citizenship and
the need for the individual’s identity formation, which can be considered
through what he refers to as an experimenting experiential pedagogy,
based on the following key elements:
1.
Knowledge of citizenship, democracy, politics and human rights
2.
Experience and awareness in relation to citizenship activities in a
variety of contexts: civil society, the state and the market
3.
Culture and identity work through the negotiation of meaning in
democratic interaction
4.
Practical training of civic competences.
In Gleerup’s opinion these key elements are often evident in current
citizenship education, where cognitive and experiential sources for
learning and knowledge are integrated in a model for adult citizenship
learning, breaking up the borders between civil society, the market and the
state. In relation to Denmark, Gleerup argues that the Grundtvigian
tradition and Koch’s view of democracy as a way of life have resulted in a
particular configuration of the four key elements, with an emphasis on
learning and using experience through practice.
 Narrative competences for active citizenship (Horsdal, 2001; 2004)
Based on life-story interviews that were conducted in the European
research project, Active Citizenship and the Non-formal Education
(Socrates project no.: 87480-CP-1-2000-1-DK-GRUNDTVIG-ADU),
Horsdal (2004) identified the ‘ability to express oneself, listening abilities,
38
sensitivity towards different codes, negotiation of meaning and openness’
as vital competences among young active citizens. Horsdal argues that the
choice to study in the rather secluded context of a Folk High School may
be interpreted as a strategy for temporarily reducing the complexity of the
life-world. Accordingly, she identifies one current challenge for the Folk
High School as the ability to strengthen students’ competences to cope
with complexity, e.g. by going beyond the school’s local context and
national horizon.
In brief, Horsdal claims that global individualisation does not result in a
weakening of social bonds. She finds, instead, that our individuality is
defined by the relations in the communities we participate in. Accordingly
Horsdal identifies narrative competences as a crucial element of adult
citizenship learning in current complex societies, where ‘the cultural
identity within a community is established through participation, through
the articulation of cultural narratives and practice’.
 A fairly living democracy (Goul Andersen, 2004).
A Frenchman, Alexis de Tocqueville, published in 1835 a study of
American democracy and ever since associations have been conceived as
schools for democracy. The assumption has been that adults can learn
democratic virtues by observing the larger perspective in the small
incidents going on inside the association, and qualify themselves for
political engagement and develop trust in themselves through their
participation in democratic processes. Robert D. Putnam regarded
membership and activity in associations as a way to produce more ‘social
capital’ for the local community.
Goul Andersen has examined the life in Danish associations over time,
comparing the results from three surveys carried out in 1979, 1990 and
1998, and one of his results is that active participation in Denmark has not
39
changed in the period under examination. Another is that the number of
members is going up and up. Especially interesting is his discussion of the
learning effect. The assumption is here that Danes used to learn citizenship
through their active involvement in association activities, and Goul
Andersen asks the question: Can such an effect be found today?
He points out that de Tocqueville examined adult learning in a century and
a society in which the individual horizon was narrow and the resources
few. Maybe a new hypothesis could be relevant. What we are observing in
Denmark now is the effect of prior learning because of qualified education
and better resources – not an effect of life within associations. One of his
findings is that adults with a short formal education have become more
involved in associations and that women are no longer under-represented.
Danish associations are alive and in good shape, but are they still relevant
settings for adult citizenship learning?
References
Gleerup, J. (2004). Medborgerskab som pædagogisk projekt. In O.
Korsgaard, Medborgerskab, identitet og demokratisk dannelse.
Copenhagen: Danish University of Education. [trans: Citizenship as an
Educational Project]
Goul Andersen, J. (2003). Over-Danmark og Under-Danmark? Ulighed,
velfærdsstat og politisk medborgerskab. Aarhus: Aarhus
Universitetsforlag. [trans: Over-Denmark and Under-Denmark?
Inequality, Wellfare State and Political Citizenship]
Goul Andersen, J. (2004). Et ganske levende demokrati. Århus: Aarhus
Universitetsforlag. [trans: A Fairly Living Democracy]
Haas, C. (2001). Kampen om det demokratiske medborgerskab: hvordan
skal en demokratididaktik se ud I begyndelsen af det 21. århundrede.
København: Institut for Curriculumforskning, Danmarks pædagogiske
40
Universitet. [trans: The Struggle about Democratic Citizenship: What
Should a Democracy Didactics be in the Beginning of the 21st
Century]
Horsdal, M. (2001). Affiliation and Participation – narrative Identity. In O.
Korsgaard, S. Walters, & R. Andersen (eds.), Learning for democratic
Citizenship. Copenhagen: Danish University of Education.
Horsdal, M. (2004). Demokratisk medborgerskab og biografisk læring. In
Medborgerskab, identitet og demokratisk dannelse. København:
Danmarks pædagogiske Universitetsforlag. [trans: Democratic
Citizenship and Biographical Learning]
Jensen, B. E. (2004). Om at føre identitetspolitik i et demokrati – en
problemudredning. In
Medborgerskab, identitet og demokratisk
dannelse. København: Danmarks pædagogiske Universitetsforlag.
[trans: On Making an Identity Policy in a Democracy].
Korsgaard, O. (2004). Kampen om folket. Et dannelsesperspektiv på dansk
historie gennem 500 år. København: Gyldendal. [trans: The Struggle
about the People. An Educational Perspective on Danish History
through 500 Years].
Korsgaard, O. Walters, S., & Andersen, R. (eds.). (2001). Learning for
Democratic Citizenship. Copenhagen: Danish University of Education
Press.
41
2.3 Germany
2.3.1 Introduction
In Germany, ‘education for democratic citizenship’ is based on a well-known and
established concept known as Politische Bildung. Politische Bildung in Germany is a
self-contained and separately defined field of work within the sphere of non-formal
youth and adult education. It deals with different topics related to politics: civil
society and politics, anti-discrimination, anti-racism and human rights, gender, codetermination and participation, economy and social development, migration and
integration, communication and the media, European development processes,
globalisation and sustainability, religion and intercultural dialogue, work and
education.
2.3.2 Political education: historical facts
Politische Bildung has its roots and beginnings in the so-called ‘re-education’
activities of the allies (mainly UK and USA) after World War II. Offering education
and training courses on political issues and democratic practice, the allies supported
democratic reconstruction after 1945 by teaching as well as ‘living and learning’
democratic citizenship. As a consequence, special organisations, party-related
foundations and institutions were established, such as youth and adult educational
centres or organisations, information centres, academies, Europe centres,
international community centres. From after 1945 to the present day Politische
Bildung is financially and legally supported by the state.
2.3.3 Political education: main concern
In 1977 several institutions active in Politische Bildung in Germany (i.e. non-formal
and formal, non-governmental organisations and governmental institutions for
Politische Bildung) agreed on a resolution called the ‘Beutelsbach Consensus’. The
consensus agrees to a) a prohibition against overwhelming learners, b) the imperative
42
to treat controversial subjects as controversial, and c) the obligation to attach
importance to the personal interests of learners. For all these institutions and
organisations, political and civic education is a training field for democracy. They see
themselves as meeting places for people of different cultures, religions, classes and
ages. Through their educational programmes, they have the following aims:
To create opportunities to impart knowledge to people.
To motivate and enable citizens to recognise the relationship between prevailing
political conditions and their own lives.
To promote critical thinking in opinion-forming and decision-making.
To foster social and political participation, i.e. to enable people to play an active role.
in public affairs and to participate in the construction of society and in political
processes.
Didactically and methodologically their educational activities focus on people’s
interests as well as on their everyday life and living conditions.
2.3.2 Political Education: research traditions
Since Politische Bildung is an interdisciplinary field, research on and for it is pursued
in different disciplines. Most researchers are educational scientists (divided into
formal and non-formal education as well as into youth and adult education), some
work in the field of political science or social science. There are only a few scientists
who hold a chair for Politische Bildung as an official title. That is one reason why,
alongside universities, there are specialised institutes and organisations also
contributing to research questions. Moreover, alongside research at these institutions,
a lot of scientists research at institutes or as free-lancers on behalf of nongovernmental institutions, organisations and associations. Therefore, there is a
considerable quantity of so-called ‘grey literature’ on Politische Bildung in Germany.
The main research questions, however, differ only slightly in the context of research,
the only difference being in the interest in and the perspective on an issue.
43
Researchers outside the university world are, for instance, more interested in practice,
and in didactical or methodological questions. Compared to other European
countries, there is only limited empirical research in the field of non-formal education
in Germany. Empirical research on non-formal civic education for adults is even
more limited. There is no academic tradition of empirical research in this field.
2.3.5 Political Education: relevant empirical studies
 Marketing of Politische Bildung (Becker, 2000; Rudolf, 2002)
The most important organisations and associations of Politische Bildung together
with the governmental institution, Bundeszentrale für politische Bildung (Federal
Agency for Civic Education), ran an applied research project in 1999 in order to
promote the development of marketing strategies especially for this field of work. In
workshops and seminars the organisations collated their questions and needs as well
as their experiences and expertise. As a second stage they confronted marketing
experts with their reflections and checked whether usual marketing strategies are to
be copied by institutions and organisations of Politische Bildung. The unanimous
answer from educators and educational organisations was to reject applying
economic marketing strategies to marketing educational ‘products’ in terms of offers,
projects, and programmes. On this basis the (new) term ‘Educational Marketing’
(Bildungsmarketing) was adopted for Politische Bildung and was defined as a full
communication concept for transparency and a strict participant-orientation of the
learning and teaching processes. Taking this into consideration, a handbook was
worked out which gave step by step instructions for the implementation of a
marketing strategy for institutions and organisations of Politische Bildung. This
approach brought up the issue of marketing strategies and a participant-oriented
approach from the point of view of organisations and institutions. It did not research
into the way target groups themselves viewed expectations of Politische Bildung.
Against this background a marketing research project looked into the question of
whether people are interested in civic education and information about politics and to
44
what extent. The survey intended to be a needs analysis for planning educational
programmes with regard to content, educational formats and support as well as an
analysis of motives and expectations. It was based on a representative survey (5000
single interviews and 1000 telephone interviews as well as two face-to-face
questionings with 2000 participants each). Participants were adults from West and
East Germany. The database indicated which sections of the population in which
geographical regions are interested in what kind of concrete political topics and
‘formats’ (seminar, lecture, study visit, internet, games, etc.). Moreover, there were
results indicating a willingness to take part in educational activities and revealing the
motives in so doing. Nearly every other person questioned showed interest in offers
of education and information on topics such as social policy or health policy. A third
of the population wanted to receive more information about local politics, wanted to
get into contact with state authorities, and were interested in protection against
manipulation. An important result was the conclusion that Politische Bildung should
be fun and should generate the competence to argue and communicate. On this base,
the author claims that in the short and medium term Politische Bildung could arouse
the interest of 10% (even up to 38.5% in the long term) of the population older than
14 years. He also recommended a separation of (expensive) offers for the ‘élite’ from
funded offers for a ‘mass market’. Moreover, Politische Bildung should immediately
react to current topics and developments. In general, educational planning should be
better adjusted to the demands of people. There must also be better communication of
the qualities of Politische Bildung.
 Methodology Questions for an Evaluation of Politische Bildung / Quality
Assurance of Politische Bildung (Ulrich & Wenzel: 2003)
From the beginning of the discussion about quality standards and quality assurance in
the field of education, there has been widespread distrust of forms of models and
systems designed for economic aims and objectives. Quality systems such as ISO or
EFQM, developed for industrial processes, seemed to be appropriate neither for the
45
field of education, nor for institutions and organisations and their business, nor for
educational work itself. Therefore, the Centre for Applied Policy Research in
Germany elaborated a model for a ‘participatory evaluation’. The model introduces a
concept of evaluation that should offer possible orientation and classification options
for practical application. It outlines six stages of a methodological process from
integrating the stakeholders, including the recognition of current strengths and
resources, developing common visions, designing goals and indicators, planning,
running, and evaluating projects, to putting together an evaluation report, which
would be both appreciative and orientated towards the future in its motivation for
change. This approach presumes that nobody may claim a mono-causal connection
between the causes and the effects of educational processes. On the contrary, it
presumes that non-formal and informal learning processes are self-determined and
self-controlled. Therefore, it also contradicts the notion of anybody knowing what the
effects should be or which ‘preconceived ideal’ should be reached. This means that
faced with the challenge of designing our future together, the process of defining
quality should be negotiation, in which very different perspectives come together.
 Politische Jugendbildung and Politische Erwachsenenbildung (Political Education
for Young People and Adults): the State of Things (Schröder, Balzter, Schroedter:
2004; Böhnisch, Fritz, Maier: 2006).
In 2000 the Federal Ministry for Family Affairs, Senior Citizens, Women and Youth
decided to study the activities of the organisations and institutions funded under the
funding programme called ‘Politische Jugendbildung’ (Civic and Political Education
for Young People). Not dissimilarly the Federal Ministry for Education and Research
in charge of political concepts and the funding of formal and non-formal adult
education in Germany decided to study the activities of state-funded, nongovernmental organisations and institutions for civic adult education (Politische
Erwachsenenbildung). The survey was based on an inquiry of 349 institutions and
642 participants conducted by means of a questionnaire, regional group discussions
46
with experts, intensive interviews with 28 experts, and a conference with several
workshops. Though the study could not claim to be based on the whole range of
educational establishments in the field, it presented several results which were hotly
discussed. The study provided information about the following areas of the practice
of Politische Bildung in Germany: conception and self-conception of Politische
Bildung; classification and differentiation; educational intentions and topics of
Politische Bildung; typical settings of Politische Bildung; typical structures of
management and organisation; new challenges and scopes of duties; target groups;
gender in Politische Bildung; the relation of Politische Bildung, civic education and
vocational training; the discussion about ‘impact’ and effects of Politische Bildung;
Politische Bildung and social (civic) movements.
 2nd Stock-taking Study: Effects and Outcomes of Politische Bildung (Ahlheim &
Heger: 2006)
The first subsequent study was a survey in 2005-2006, funded by the Landeszentrale
für politische Bildung NRW (the state institution for civic education in North RhineWestphalia). This multilevel research project explored the conditions for Politische
Bildung in North Rhine-Westphalia and its impact, considering it as an example of
non-formal Politische Bildung for adults in Germany. Various qualitative and
quantitative methods were used for the survey, and four different samples were
drawn. First, there was a detailed analysis of statistics available in North RhineWestphalia on Politische Bildung for adults and – with the help of experts of the
Landeszentrale für politische Bildung NRW – a detailed analysis of the programmes
of 27 typical organisations and institutions of Politische Bildung for adults. Next
extensive interviews were conducted with 15 experts working for these organisations
and institutions on the practice of the management of the educational programmes
and on the professional self-conception of these persons. Third, a written inquiry was
carried out of 116 organisations and institutions of adult education. Finally, guided
47
interviews were made about the ‘learning biographies’ of 25 participants involved in
educational activities.
The results illustrated a diverse, multifaceted scene of institutions and organisations,
which offer both traditional and innovative non-formal educational activities. On the
basis of the data collected, the study discusses the following: institutions,
organisations and their activities; topics and contents; professional self-conception
and professional action; and the impact and effect of civic adult education.
2.3.7 Political Education: research impact on policy and practice
Since 2000 empirical research results have had an enormous impact on public
discourse, particularly in regard to earlier developments up until the 1990s.
Consequences in practice are the increasing number of organisations and institutions
establishing quality assurance systems or evaluation systems. Some of these are
working on facilities for a validation of the learning outcome. In some fields of
economy and of vocational training, the idea of citizenship and the competences
needed for an active participation in society and politics are favoured. For some
branches, there is a trend towards integrating the learning of competences for
democratic citizenship in vocational training courses. The consequences in respect to
the funding are more obligations and more inspection of educational organisations
and institutions and of the outcome of their activities. With regard to negative
research results, there is some doubt as to whether Politische Bildung really has the
effect politics wants to see. Therefore at the same time – and this is an aspect that is
hotly debated – redistribution is discussed. There have been cuts in the budgets for
non-formal educational programmes for the benefit of formal educational
programmes. There have been limitations in the opportunities to take part in nonformal educational programmes of Politische Bildung in some Länder, such as
restrictions to Bildungsurlaub (educational leave) or cuts in programmes for further
adult education and especially Politische Bildung for adults. In one of the Länder,
Lower Saxony, the state institution for Politische Bildung (Landeszentrale für
48
Politische Bildung) was closed (abolished). In addition, as a consequence of the
interest aroused in research results, issues such as setting up all-day schools all over
the country, school collaboration and extra-curricular programmes (formal and nonformal education), and the need for working out new methods for reaching new or
neglected target groups (such as socially deprived people), are discussed in political,
scientific and public forums.
2.3.8 Conclusion
Empirical studies of Politische Bildung in Germany as regards terms and conditions,
performance and ‘market situation’ indicate that there is a ‘market’ for further
education in Germany. Politische Bildung has to accept that it is part of an
educational market and that it has to reflect on the aims, means (methods, marketing
instruments etc.) and interests of target groups addressed by the market. The
discussion about evaluation and valorisation of Politische Bildung is relatively new in
Germany and is a very controversial one, dealing as it does with
needs,
opportunities, rights and aims relating to the evaluation of Political Education,
particularly its effect and impact. Therefore all models which deal with these aspects
and which try to establish a genuine, adequate model of evaluation are welcomed.
References
Ahlheim, K. , & Heger, B., (2006). Wirklichkeit und Wirkung politischer
Erwachsenenbildung. Eine empirische Untersuchung in Nordrhein-Westfalen.
Schwalbach/Ts., Wochenschau Verlag [trans: Reality and Impact of Civic Adult
Education. An Empirical Study in North Rhine-Westphalia]
Becker, H., (2000). Marketing für politische Bildung. Arbeitshilfen für die politische
Bildung. Schwalbach, Wochenschau Verlag [trans: Marketing for Politische
Bildung]
49
Böhnisch, L., Fritz, K., & Maier K., (2006). Politische Erwachsenenbildung.
Trendbericht zur empirischen Wirklichkeit der Politischen Bildungsarbeit in
Deutschland. Weinheim, Juventa Verlag.[trans: Civic Adult Education. Trend
Report on the Empirical Reality of Civic Education in Germany]
Rudolf, K., (2002). Bericht politische Bildung 2002: Was wollen die Bürger?.
Marktanalyse zur außerschulischen politischen Bildung in Deutschland. Institut
Junge Bürgerschaft, Büdingen/H. [trans: Report on Civic Education 2002: What
do citizens want?]
Schröder, A., Balzter, N., & Schroedter, T., (2004). Politische Jugendbildung auf
dem Prüfstand. Ergebnisse einer bundesweiten Evaluation. Weinheim, Juventa
Verlag. [trans: Political Youth Education Put to the Test. Results of a National
Evaluation]
Ulrich, S., & Wenzel, F. M., (2003). Partizipative Evaluation. Ein Konzept für die
politische Bildung, Gütersloh: ed. Bertelsmann Stiftung. [trans: Participatory
Evaluation. A Concept for Civic Education]
50
2.4 Hungary
2.4.1 Background
In relation to the terminology used in the European Union and to
characteristics of Hungarian society and educational policy, it is important
to clarify how the concept of democratic competence is understood in a
young, developing Eastern European democracy and what kind of social
and educational policy structures, prior knowledge and practice influence
development in the field.
Personal interviews with key actors in educational policy provided the most
important starting point in mapping relevant Hungarian literature. This
does not run counter to the fact that the national concept and system
relating to education for democratic citizenship is rudimentary, since the
Hungarian concept for development for lifelong learning naturally provides
a number of points of connection with the development of democratic
citizenship competences. At the same time it must be noted that despite the
Year of Democratic Citizenship announced by the European Union for the
year 2005, no organised information provision was introduced, and few and
only sporadic professional programmes were run in the country. The
promotion of the thematic year was delegated to the Ministry of Education.
The research of sources confirmed our presumption that, on the practical
level and in the case of our target group (16+, non-formal education), this
type of training and any profound study of the theme as a whole are mainly
carried out by non-governmental organisations.
The reasons for this are manifold. First of all, adult education in Hungary is
firmly aimed at vocational training, and this does not encourage statesupported institutions to deliver non-formal education that will not equip
learners with quick and tangible skills in the labour market. In addition to
51
this, the fact that non-governmental organisations respond most quickly to
new trends in adult education should be considered.
2.4.2 Theoretical context
Today it is evident to everyone that the democratisation of Hungarian
society will entail a very lengthy and controversial process. Within (and
behind) the institutional frameworks of burgeoning democracy there still
exist traditional, semi-feudal, authoritarian conditions and paradigms in
terms of thinking and action. Although we live in a parliamentary
democracy, our practice in central and local politics still to a large extent
reflects paternalistic relations. A market economy has been established, but
many people in society only experience social division and diminishing
social cohesion. The importance of civic values, morals and law based
upon mutuality and social co-operation is emphasised every day, but there
are many who are indifferent to these values. Hungary may have joined the
European Union, but we have not all become European citizens in terms of
attitude. Dahrendorf was right in saying that six months were more than
enough to change the political system (parliament, multi-party system). The
establishment of the market economy might take six years, while the
transformation of the political culture would probably take sixty years at
least.
Another important breaking point is the character of the relationship
between European and Hungarian citizenship. The currently prevailing
rigid bi-polarity in Hungarian politics does not promote a balanced
development of this relationship. The fundamental question is what and
how much time is needed to fill these democratic frameworks with real
democratic content. What is needed to strengthen people’s respect for the
law, for civic consciousness and the feeling of ownership, for responsibility
for self and the community? To promote an improvement in the culture of
52
behaviour and in social conscience as well as mature and autonomous
thinking? The reasons for limited development in this respect derive mainly
from the forty-year rule of the ‘communist people’s democracy’, when a
great number of important concepts lost their significance and even the
word ‘democracy’ was re-valued. The change in the political system
followed by an aggressive capitalist economic policy that quickly gained
ground did not leave time for restoring the meaning of such concepts. The
concepts of state, citizen, power, equality before the law, ownership and
community were in practice identified by the average individual with very
narrow concepts. Even today on the level of decision-makers in politics and
in educational policy there is no unequivocal demand capable of being
implemented in practice for the restitution of these concepts at any level or
in any form of education. This is true both for young adults participating in
formal education or for any cohorts taking part in non-formal education.
2.4.3 Institutional context
The circle of institutions providing the selected type of training is
characterised by a loose structure and is concentrated around a few larger
training institutions. This is the primary reason for the necessity of
contacting decision-makers and training-providers with experience and
with better established practice of implementing programmes in the nonformal field or for non-adult age target-groups, as they have access to
research, programme information and studies on the theme we are
examining. It is important to mention this, because the theoretic origins of
initiatives in the area in non-formal education must be clear when making
an overview of relevant reference literature.
On the one hand it is important to make mention of university or higher
education courses (BA, MA) that show points of connection with the
development of competences in democratic citizenship or with any training
53
relevant to the theme. On the other hand there is significant indication in
the relevant literature that the experiences of training implemented earlier
became the foundations for theoretic approaches related to the theme. This
is, first of all, thanks to the increasing number of international programmes,
the centralised education programmes of the European Union (Grundtvig,
Youth) and to other EU resources put in place in adult education in recent
years, which often require EU educational objectives and recommendations
to be incorporated. This is how it is possible for the situation in practice, in
terms of the number, type and quality of training programmes, to be
relatively satisfactory. The same cannot be said of the conceptual
background, where there is neither unity nor support for financing, for
exploration in relevant reference literature or for information provision. It
goes without saying that in speaking of unification and a conceptualised
approach we do not mean that uniformity is desirable but that diversity and
pluralism corresponding to basic European values should be fostered.
The subject areas taught at the specialised adult education courses
delivered by the largest Hungarian universities do not cover civic education
as such. Therefore content that constitutes canonised learning material in
any education for democratic citizenship comes from practice or can be
acquired from knowledge gained at various teacher training courses. In this
respect many teacher training courses can contribute in part to education
for democratic citizenship. Since the change in the political system, the
National Core Curriculum, still in development, has introduced training for
teachers to teach ethics, knowledge of mankind and society, which is at the
moment the closest approximation to education for democratic citizenship.
It must be noted here that this type of teacher training course does not in
itself prepare for activities in adult education. And this is not the single
weak point when we consider teachers as a target group that would be
desirably employed/engaged in non-formal adult education.
54
To sum up, delivering education for democratic citizenship for adults in
non-formal adult education bears the following important institutional
characteristics:
 Training is first of all delivered by non-governmental organisations
and is financed from project money, most of which comes from
international funds.
 The location, duration, form, learning content in teacher training as
well as the form and status of the certification obtained are incidental
and lack harmonisation. The preparedness of teachers, tutors and
educators to deliver teacher training courses results in very diverse
forms, quality and content. Skills of communicating knowledge from
a given area of expertise are very often not complemented with
knowledge and skills of adult education methodologies or vice versa.
 Research and information resources are mainly centred on formal
training institutions and consequently convey their characteristics
(restricted understanding, for example).
 At the moment there is no accepted concept based on a wide
professional debate regarding the content of the learning materials
for education for democratic citizenship, and an examination of
development trends in adult education in coming years suggests that
this will not be a government priority in education policy.
2.4.4 Trends in the development of democratic citizenship competences
In the course of this research it was important to consider what the
fundamental training areas were in cases where training had already taken
place in Hungary. From another angle it was important to consider where
priorities in education and in Hungarian public thinking are given a role to
play. However, it is important to note that these rarely coincide with
training demands posed by the labour market, by students or by society in
55
the wider sense. As regards the target group in our study, the only form of
non-formal training regularly supported by the state is aimed at civic
education for immigrants seeking to obtain Hungarian citizenship. This is
naturally independent of general educational principles. However,
similarities can be seen in the sense that in this sphere again nongovernmental organisations delivering non-formal education tend to fill up
the gaps created by the insufficiencies of formal and/or public education.
It can be said that civic education has absolute hegemony over other types
of training in education for democratic citizenship. In a European crosssection this may be striking because in most European countries civic
education takes place in public education for the 12-18 age group.
According to the directions of the National Core Curriculum in operation
for the past 15 years, civic education should be integrated and taught in
history as a subject, but this is done only sporadically in schools. The
present dominance of civic education is also due to the fact that citizens
who were past the compulsory school age at the time of the political
changes had completely missed out on any training of this type. What are
the main elements of this subject? The fundamental principles of the
constitution, legislation, jurisdiction and public administration; the
functioning of the public administration system and the supreme governing
powers; citizenship as a contract between the state and its citizens; the
structure
and
operation
of
local
self-government;
self-definition,
community and taking roles in a community; the impact of nongovernmental organisations on society
Naturally when examining the Hungarian spectrum, we have also
encountered different forms of content and concepts used in other Member
States, but it is important to understand their individual characteristics, and
the circle of problems they are related to in our case.
56
Human rights education: such training is mainly related to the activities of
global, international organisations. The Hungarian Youth Programme
Office managing UN and UNESCO programmes organises a wide range of
training and trainers’ training programmes, which are also linked to other
research areas.
Community education: community development has a significant tradition
in Hungary. The concept embraces a wide range of theories and practical
actions including aspects of culture, labour market and social community
development. Experience comes mainly from sustaining established
townships that faced economically tight conditions after the political
changes. At the same time it is a dynamically developing area in education
for democratic citizenship, and the training of professionals takes place at
university level. Political education: this is mainly a research area as
regrettably there is no opportunity (this applies not only to the non-formal
sector) to participate in different forms of training to acquire political
practice uninfluenced by party politics.
2.4.5 Summary of research directions and outcomes
 Research on patriotism and national identity
In the wake of the political changes in particular, research was done among
specific groups of intellectuals as well as among teachers working in
secondary and higher education to come up with recommendations for
ways to develop a modern national identity and handle the confusion
relating to national identity. With the aim of rehabilitating the feeling of
national identity, these efforts were to counter-balance the one-sided,
aggressive ideological control and value judgement that precluded thinking
in terms of a nation in the past decades. In reality related theoretic debates
and practical activities are at an initial stage, and the ideological influence
of the (Communist) past could not be overcome. These efforts still reflect
57
sub-cultural division. The grievances of the 20th century could not be
resolved and finally no answer has been given to the question of national
identity in the face of globalisation in the 21st century.
 Political socialisation of young people of school age
One of the trends relating to pedagogical research into the studies that
young people in primary and secondary education are engaged in touches
in part upon this theme.
Within this line of research a number of surveys were conducted regarding
the political socialisation of youth and the role of schools. Samples were
taken in 1991, 1994 and 1998 to examine issues relating to habits of
listening to the radio, to following the news, to the interconnection between
family background and interest in politics, to attitudes towards differences.
Although this survey is neither comprehensive nor representative, the
trends revealed indicate that adolescents at the age of 13 tend to take less
and less interest in politics and public life.
Within the framework of youth research a number of surveys examined
changes in the social position of youth. Questions addressed at the activity
of youth in politics and public life revealed an increasing degree of
individualisation and atomisation or a preference for community life in
small family-like groups. It must be noted here that in terms of social
position there is a significant increase both in unemployment and in drug
consumption among young people with higher education qualifications.
The differences between young people coming from different social groups
have also increased. These are alarming signs, and researchers stress the
importance of the safeguarding of interests and self-action by the youth.
 Political public opinion polls
58
Over the past 15 years the system of public opinion polls has also expanded
in Hungary. This increase is due to commercial features of these polls,
whether they are commissioned by political parties or by businesses doing
market research. Pool samples are taken regularly, public opinion polls
being conducted in Hungary in the framework of co-operation with
Eurobarometer and Eurostat. These surveys mainly provide comparable
information about the opinions held by members of Hungarian society. In
relation to our theme, surveys should be highlighted which examine
satisfaction with elections, the institutional system of government and the
rule of law. These surveys also include a European dimension by
examining relations to the EU, the European Parliament and other
institutions.
 Research into civil organisations and the non-profit sector
Half a decade before the political changes, i.e. in the second part of the
’80s, there was a revival of civil organisations with long traditions.
Comparative international surveys have shown that Hungary has the most
developed civil sector in the Central European region. A legal framework
was put in place in the late 1990s, and formally the third sector enjoys state
support, but on the whole it can be stated that civil society remains
fundamentally weak in its ability to assert its interests. Assertion of party
policy influence, clustering around political parties for benefits, incidental
existence and occasional activities are all characteristic features in the field.
Despite the above it can be said that certain actions by civil movements,
especially in environment protection, have exerted powerful though
occasional impact in recent years.
 Media consumption and the media
59
Hungarian public opinion is increasingly critical about the regulation of the
public media and a demand for re-regulating is making itself felt. Media
consumption is regularly tested in surveys that have a number of links to
the theme of democratic citizenship. While the political bias and
commitment of the public media have been powerful since 1989, the role of
the commercial media has become crucial, since they present the most
important instrument for the shaping of public opinion. The role of the
media has been the subject of a number of scientific conferences and a
quantity of research. However, the conclusions drawn often reflect the
covert ideological political bias indicated earlier.
 Research into adult education
With the publication of the Memorandum on Lifelong Learning and the
start of the Education and Training 2010 EU programme, which in practice
means in 2000-2001, research on adult education in Hungary began to look
at the professional issues and challenges of education for ‘active
citizenship’, mainly due to the wish to respond to international trends.
However, there seems to be tacit agreement between researchers in
education and training and educational policy-makers that the issue of
education for ‘active citizenship’ is more of a slogan than it is actual
intention and implemented practice even at EU level. In countries like
Hungary, where traditions of democratic adult education movements are
scarce, there is a strong conviction that what is meaningful and relevant in
adult education is primarily vocational and labour market training.
References
Bozóki, A. (2003). Politikai pluralizmus Magyarországon 1987–2002.
Budapest: Századvég Alapítvány. [trans: Political pluralism in Hungary
1987-2002 ]
60
Gazsó, T., Szabó, A. (2002). Társadalmi közérzet, politikához való
viszony. In A. Szabó, B. Bauer & L. Laki (Eds.), Ifjúság 2000.
Tanulmányok I (pp. 240-261). Budapest: Nemzeti Ifjúságkutató Intézet.
[trans: Social feel and approach to politics.]
Gyermek Ifjúsági és Sport Minisztérium (2003). A magyar főiskolások és
egyetemisták politikai attitűdjei. Budapest: Mobilitás Könyvtár kézirat.
[trans: Political Attitudes of Hungarian College and University
Students]
Halász, G. (2005). Demokráciára és aktív állampolgárságra nevelés a 21.
században (elhangzott tanulmány szerkesztett változata). Budapest:
Országos Közoktatási Intézet. [trans: Democracy and Active Citizenship
Education in the 21st century (edited version of presented study)]
Havas, P. (1997). Kutatási Zárójelentés a magyarországi környezeti
nevelés pedagógiai, pszichológiai vizsgálatáról. Budapest: Kiadatlan
dokumentum, Országos Tudományos Kutatási Alapprogram. [trans:
Final Research Report on the Pedagogical and Psychological
Examination of Environmental Education in Hungary]
Network Intercultural Learning in Europe (2005). Adult Education
Embracing Diversity I; II. - Snapshots from Intercultural Learning in
Europe I. IIZ/DVV Institute for International Cooperation of the
German Adult Education Association, Bonn: Feleleős kiadó, Heribert
Hinzen.
Szabó, A., Kovács, S., Bitter, B.,Bauer, B. (2002). Gyermek-, művelődési
és ifjúsági házak. Kutatási beszámoló. Budapest: ISM – Nemzeti
Ifjúságkutató Intézet. [trans: Childrens’, youth and cultural centres.
Research report]
Szabó, I., Örkény, A. (1996). A szervezett társadalmi cselekvési formák és
a fiatalok. Egy empirikus vizsgálat néhány tapasztalata. In B. Bauer
(ed), Jelentés a gyermekek helyzetéről Magyarországon. Budapest:
Mobilitás. [trans: Organised social activity forms and youth.
Experiences of an empirical research]
Szabó, M. (2003). Globalizáció, regionalizmus, civil társadalom
(tanulmánykötet). Budapest: Századvég Alapítvány. [trans:
Globalisation, regionalism, civil society]
61
2.5 Poland
2.5.1 Introduction
In any Slavic language there are two words which are usually translated
into English as ‘education’. However, there is a significant difference
between them. One is wychowanie (German equivalent: Erziehung,
Swedish: uppfostran), which signifies building up a value system, attitudes,
motivation, or in short influencing the development of personality. The
other word is ksztalcenie (Swedish: utbildning), which can be understood
as teaching. The notion of wychowanie is much broader than child rearing;
there was, for instance, an academic textbook entitled Wychowanie
doroslych (Upbringing of adults).
Under the socialist regime ‘Civic education’ was a compulsory school
subject (one or two classes a week, both in primary and secondary schools).
Usually they were called wychowanie obywatelskie (literally: citizen’s
upbringing) sometimes wiedza o spoleczenstwie (knowledge of society).
Even during the Communist regime the whole concept of civic education
was tarnished and stigmatised. However, in May 2006 a newly appointed
minister of education announced his plan to introduce an obligatory school
subject entitled wychowanie patriotyczne (patriotic upbringing). In the
following text an English word educational (adjective form), when
denoting a Polish word wychowawczy (upbringing-wise), will be written in
inverted comas.
2.5.2 Adult education: historical facts
Understanding the societal role of adult education might be facilitated by
recognizing that in the years 1949-1989 adult education in Poland was an
important agent of political socialisation within a political culture that
differed significantly from the political cultures found in democratic
62
countries. In the years 1945-1989 literally everything was political; every
sphere of life had – according to the State – funkcje wychowawcze
(‘educational’ functions): work places and allotments, theatres and army,
trade unions and hobby clubs, party and sport clubs; and every individual
school subject, every individual class had an ‘educational’ role to play.
Adult education and its role can be differently perceived – as an instrument
of reproduction of the given social system or as an agent of its
modernisation.
In the system of real socialism adult education was
understood as a network of state-run educational institutions, which
performed tasks under the state license with an aim to satisfying the state’s
macro needs and interests. The participants in adult education were treated
as raw material, which because of these needs and interests, had to be
processed by means of informational shaping. Vocational training was
coupled with ‘society-oriented activism’. Any events organised by the
authorities required compulsory attendance. Participation in May 1 and
July 22 (Communist Poland’s ‘National Day’) demonstrations was
obligatory not only for pupils marching together classroom by classroom,
school by school, but also for adults, marching work-place by work-place.
Attendance was checked, both among children and adults. This is an
example how ‘imposed consensus’ was practised. During the four decades
of the Marxist regime in Poland, citizens were discouraged from
undertaking, or even showing, any initiative, especially in their social and
political lives. The school system in particular was under the constant
surveillance of the state authorities. Teachers within all spheres and at all
levels of the education system were actively discouraged from taking
individual initiatives. Eventually the state succeeded in making its citizens
reluctant to take responsibility. Many citizens found it safer to stick to their
own business and stay away from other issues. In practice, therefore, the
purpose of ‘civic education’ as taught in Polish schools was to pass on
63
knowledge that had to be remembered rather than skills that should be
obtained and values internalised.
2.5.3 Adult Civic Education: research tradition
Pedagogy in Poland belongs to the humanities and is, therefore, rooted in
philosophy, in contrast to many West European countries, where it is at
home among the social sciences and has been closely associated with
psychology. This origin explains why adult education is more inclined to
seek answers to questions regarding the way things should be, ways to
teach and form adults than to questions determining adults’ reality or ways
in which they learn. Adult education, especially in its post-WWII form,
was a markedly normative discipline and thus usually not trusted as a
possible agent for change. As a result, research into adult citizenship
education through adult education is a phenomenon that is practically nonexistent in Poland. Many published research studies were not of high
academic quality; often their main objective was to corroborate (to give
scientific legitimacy to) the Communist Party’s standpoints of the day. The
empirical studies in adult education which did comply with academic
standards were usually undertaken for the purposes of M.A. or Ph.D.
dissertations; however, only an insignificant number of them ever appeared
in print. Civic education (wychowanie obywatelskie) was a unique
phenomenon, as this kind of educational work was, obviously, heavily
tainted ideologically. While it was often possible to freely choose research
methods, such a freedom was not given in choice of theory. Despite these
limitations, the few empirical research studies carried out by adult
educationists who focused on civil society issues are presented below.
2.5.4. Adult Civic Education: relevant empirical studies
64
 How adults perceive ongoing political and economic changes (Malewski,
1995)
In 1994 a research project on adults’ perceptions and expectations of
ongoing political and economic changes was carried out in a typical adult
educational institution called Centre of Continuing Education. The research
sample consisted of 180 adult students attending three evening or extramural classes at a secondary general school and three similar classes at a
secondary technical school. The primary objective was to investigate what
adults knew about democracy and the democratic state. What was their
vision of a ‘good state’? And what role was played by adult education, and
especially by teachers of adults? The author’s conclusion is that civic
education is virtually absent from schools for adults.
 Education in the public sphere (Kurantowicz, 1995; 1998)
In the 1990s several investigations were conducted with a focus on
education in the public sphere. The term ‘public sphere’ was understood as
an area of social qualities and behaviour defined by civic ‘social forces’.
The idea of the public sphere is strictly linked to democracy because only a
social system of this kind affords opportunities for a real, as opposed to
apparent, public sphere. The main object of investigation was NGO’s. The
studies revealed that many NGO activists had difficulties in co-operating
with others. This was as a result of their previous educational experiences.
The school they attended ‘had always been the place where knowledge was
transmitted but not sought together’. Despite this most of the NGO’s
studied proved to be sites of learning. The same researcher continued
within a project ‘Education in small groups of the public sphere’, which
focused on NGO leaders. Results highlight the fact that through their social
activism these people developed positive attitudes and acquired new social
skills
in
the
relationship
me/us/others:
65
tolerance,
responsibility,
understanding were, in fact, the virtues most frequently mentioned. Being
socially active turned out to be beneficial even for their professional work.
 Local governments (Skapska, 1997)
The research was conducted in 1995. A few years earlier a Statute on
territorial self-government (1990) had been introduced, although it was still
not fully implemented. Local government, as the author assumed, is an
institutional laboratory for the formation of civil society and citizenship
‘from below’, and is one of those areas in which democracy is actually
‘crafted’. The study was conducted in two small cities and one district of a
big city. To gather necessary data, in-depth interviews with inhabitants,
councillors and mayors of local governments were collected. On the basis
of these research findings, the author could distinguish two strategies that
‘pose a serious impediment to the functioning of local government, and
also an important cultural impediment for the formation of civil society’.
The first strategy, a direct legacy of the past, the author calls familial
egoism. People valued ‘first and foremost familial bonds that helped to
limit official, party-state intervention and control’. This strategy did not
provide any room, or need, for learning. The second strategy, also a legacy
of the past, was an educational utopia of collective good. Actions organised
by the authorities required sacrifice, but also had a festive character, which
united people and emotionally engaged them… but did not require
responsibility for outcomes. Overall many inhabitants expressed their
mistrust and even hostility toward local government even if chosen through
democratic election. Thus the author concludes that the knowledge of local
government authority, influence and field of responsibility was relatively
limited among people. As a result coping with new, democratic
governance, ‘requires the development of new skills and new types of
knowledge’.
66
 Citizens’ competence (Przyszczypkowski, 1995; 1998; 1999; 2001)
In 1998 the first in a series of articles appeared in which an adult
educationalist from the university in Poznan discussed civic competences.
According to the author, civic competence indicates cognitive and
normative readiness to act for the common good. Such civic competence
manifests itself in the ability to articulate ‘I’ and ‘we’ in the perspective of
mutual commitments. Moreover, civic competence is perceived as a
dynamic category. This dynamism is expressed as ‘overcoming’ one’s fate,
crossing imposed limitations, and participating in the process of
transformation of the closer and more distant environment. Hence
citizenship, understood in this way, is an active attitude assumed
deliberately and not as a result of any pressure or coercion. With this
definition as a point of departure, and using knowledge based on his
previous research, the author assumed that individual citizen’s civic
competence would vary according to two factors: his/her age (and,
consequently, life experience) and socio-economic position. Two age
groups of people have, therefore, been studied: (a) 639 senior students of
comprehensive and vocational secondary schools, and (b) 221 of their
parents (total: 859 persons). The study was carried out in 1996, using a
diagnostic survey and an inquiry sheet. Several answers obtained
corroborated the author’s assumptions. The level of education of
respondents played a significant role. Less important as a differentiating
agent was biological age. However the most important finding was the one
showing that there was indeed a correlation between educational level and
a degree of acceptance of democratic values. The lowest number of those in
favour of democratic system was found among people from vocational
schools. The author concludes that a relatively low level of education
67
combined with a low level of social status do constitute a real challenge for
any civic education initiative.
2.5.6 Conclusion
As far as the research is concerned, the prevalent feature of Polish
academic publications are general statements rather than actual research.
One can distinguish several reasons for this. As was mentioned above,
education for democratic citizenship addressed to the adult population is
virtually non-existent in Poland.
There is, therefore, not much to be
investigated. No purposeful, intentional courses in civics for adults are
given – there are neither interested providers nor an interested public. In
practice the only sphere in which this kind of educational activity can be
undertaken is the so-called third sector: non-governmental organisations,
other social movements of varied size and scope, educational work of
churches. However, the educational potential and significance of social
movements is not obvious either for their leaders or for the general public.
A well-organised third sector is a relatively new development in Poland.
Some researchers still wonder whether adult education can contribute to
raising citizens’ willingness to actively participate in the social and
political life of society? Can it play any role in changing people’s minds?
Studies undertaken over the last fifteen years in Poland do not answer these
questions. Surveys conducted in Poland, as well as among citizens from
Central and Eastern Europe, the Baltic States and the Balkans, provide no
reason for optimism. Civic activism and engagement is still perceived by
many citizens in these countries as being a private matter.
References
Kurantowicz, E. (1995). The Advocating Groups as a Forum of Active
Democratic Citizenship. In M. Bron Jr & M. Malewski (eds.), Adult
68
Education and Democratic Citizenship (pp. 131-138). Wroclaw:
Wroclaw University Press.
Kurantowicz, E. (1998). The Portrait of Non-Governmental Group and
Organisation Leader. In G. Bisovsky, E. Bourgeois, M. Bron Jr et al.
(eds.), Adult Learning and Social Participation (pp. 46-61). Wien:
VWV.
Malewski, M. (1995). The Vision of a ‘Good State’ in the Practice of Adult
Education in Poland. In M. Bron Jr & M. Malewski (eds.), Adult
Education and Democratic Citizenship (pp. 77-93). Wroclaw: Wroclaw
University Press.
Przyszczypkowski, K. (1995). Edukacja doroslych, a problem zmiany
spolecznej. In K. Przyszczypkowski & E. Solarczyk-Ambrozik, Zmiana
spoleczna a kompetencje edukacyjne doroslych (pp. 9-23), Koszalin:
Miscellanea. [trans: Adult Education and Social Change]
Przyszczypkowski, K. (1998). (Nie)kompetencja obywatelska jako problem
oswiaty doroslych. In T. Aleksader & J. Skrzypczak (Eds.), Edukacja
ustawiczna w zmieniajacej sie sytuacji edukacyjnej (pp. 123-133).
Poznan: Eruditus. [trans:Permanent education in a changing educational
situation]
Przyszczypkowski, K. (1999). Edukacja dla demokracji: pomiedzy
globalizmem a edukacja na rzecz spolecznosci lokalnej Poznan Torun.
Reprinted in E. Solarczyk-Ambrozik & K. Przyszczypkowski (eds.),
Oswiata doroslych 1999 (pp. 18-28). Redakcja i wybor tekstow. Poznan
Torun. [trans: Education for Democracy: Between Globalism and
Education for Local Community]
Przyszczypkowski, K. (2001). Civic competence and its contextual
differentiation. An empirical study of selected Polish communities. In
M. Bron Jr & J. Field (eds.), Adult Education and Democratic
69
Citizenship III (pp. 113-129). Wroclaw: Lower Silesian University
College of Education.
Skapska, G. (1997). Learning to be a Citizen. Cognitive and Ethical
Aspects of Post-Communist Society Transformation. In R. Fine & S.
Rai (eds.). Civil Society. Democratic Perspectives (pp. 145-160).
London: Frank Cass.
70
2.6 Romania
2.6.1 Introduction
During the Communist era civic education was more a form of ideological
education. The entire active population had to take part in lessons of
‘political-ideological education’, focusing on party documents, press
releases etc. Formal education had three major instances of ideological
education:
‘Constitution’
(7th
grade),
‘Social-political
education’
(Cunoştinţe social-politice) (10th grade) and ‘Political education’ (lectures
and debates on articles from party publications, grades 5 to 12). Civil
society was practically non-existent. After 1989 civic education and civic
culture are mainly present at curricular level in formal education. As far as
adult learning is concerned several programmes existed that were designed
for teachers (teacher training) or other professionals (administrative, law
enforcement, etc.).
2.6.2 Adult education: historical facts
Adult education in Romania has a long history, structured in four major
stages and influenced strongly by Romania’s social-economic, political and
cultural history. The first forms of institutional organisation derive from the
19th century. It was a time when scholars were working hard to raise the
cultural level of the Romanian population, a time when Romania entered
the first stage of modernisation in all fields. During the 20th century up
until World War II adult education appears as a distinct field with its own
concepts and methods. Unfortunately, during the Communist era in
Romania there is a phase of stagnation and regress, although education for
adults address the masses with the special development of the so-called
‘popular’ universities, of the universities of the working class, and of the
activities performed in the culture houses and the culture homes, or ‘case
71
de cultură’ and ‘cămine culturale’. It must be noted that the popular
universities and the universities of the working class were strongly
influenced by Communist ideology. After the change of the political
regime and fall of Communism, a new phase of development opened up for
Romanian adult education. Romanian specialists and scholars had to deal
with filling up a big gap between Romanian adult education and the trends
and debates, including new research topics, which existed in Europe and
beyond. The development of adult education in Romania after 1990 can be
also divided in stages. First, immediately after the 1989 Revolution,
scholars observed a marked fall of interest in adult education, because of
the non-existence of a coherent policy at national level (1989-1993).
Afterwards a process of gradual reconstruction started (1993-1997), a time
in which the state proposed the general framework for adult education.
Finally, after 1998 a developmental phase of adult education in Romania
can be observed. A major contribution to this development came from
Germany thanks to the activity of a number of institutions.
2.6.3 Adult Education for Democratic Citizenship: research tradition
Using specific keywords – such as democratic citizenship – research was
carried out in several Romanian libraries, mainly the University Libraries
of Bucharest, Iaşi, Cluj-Napoca and Timişoara. Concurrent with this
activity there was also an Internet-based search for written materials. We
managed to identify 47 relevant written texts, both articles published in
periodicals and books or research results, in the field of adult education for
democratic citizenship and congruent fields. We had to observe that texts
concerning the issues of democratic citizenship and adult education are
chronologically related in the post-1989 period. As far as the pre-1989
period is concerned, we have to state that no bibliographical evidence
regarding education for democratic citizenship can be found. Bibliographic
72
material appeared especially in and after the 1990s. The main topics
studied deal with human rights education, civic education and general
issues of adult education. After the year 2000 more and more books and
articles were published in Romania focusing on gender mainstreaming,
active citizenship, inter- and multicultural education and, finally,
democratic citizenship. It must also be noted that in most cases studies and
books dealing with democratic citizenship focus on the undergraduate level
of education. Very few written materials deal with specific aspects
connected to lifelong learning or adult learning in the field of education for
democratic citizenship.
2.6.4 Adult Education for Democratic Citizenship: relevant projects
 Gender Mainstreaming in Social Work
During 2004-2006 IREA, a research institute in the field of adult education
functioning under the auspices of the West University of Timişoara, was
involved in the Socrates Grundtvig 2 Project ‘Gender Mainstreaming in
Social Work’. The major aim of the project focused on the need to include
equal opportunities for both women and men in all educational policies and
activities, but also to underline the major importance of promoting and
respecting gender equality. Changes could also be observed in the system
of higher education. These included the following:
– the introduction of courses dealing with political systems in the 20 th
century,
– several courses deal specifically with issues related to minorities,
citizen rights, European legislation and so forth,
– the creation in universities of institutes devoted to the research of
issues related to minorities (for instance, institutes for Jewish
Studies at the Bucharest and Cluj universities, institutes for Central
European Studies, etc.),
73
– the development of research institutes which focus on issues
devoted to minorities (e.g. the Institute for Life Quality, which had
some great projects devoted to the Roma (Gypsy) minority, trying
to identify solutions to their social and educational problems).
 Democratic citizenship through non-formal learning (Forrester, 2004)
The project, which started in 2002, was a SOCRATES - Grundtvig project.
It was developed within 4 sites of citizenship, located in Romania,
Bulgaria, Spain and Ireland, and built on the idea that non-formal learning
makes an important contribution to strategies aimed at enhancing
democratic life, at empowering people to gain a greater stake in their
society. As far as the Romanian part is concerned, research was carried out
in two villages, namely Satchinez and Periam (Timiş County). Here the
project involved 20 young people and 10 Roma, five from each village.
The intercultural setting contributed to the identification of social problems
of the Roma community, but it also emphasised the need for developing a
democratic partnership to enhance local development.
 Sustaining participative democracy in Romania
The project, carried out in 2001-2004, was promoted in partnership by the
Pro Democraţia Association and the Dutch Foundation ‘transForma’ and
financed trough the MATRA Program of the Dutch Ministry of Foreign
Affairs.
The aim of this project was to contribute to the establishing of a
participation pattern for citizens as regards the issues of public decisionmaking and consultation of the citizens at local community level. In the
Timiş County the project was carried out in two settlements, Jimbolia and
Deta. As far as the participants involved are concerned, the project was
designed for people working at Town Halls in order to identify appropriate
74
methods for discovering citizens’ opinions about several decisions of local
administration. On the other hand, the project was also designed to offer
assistance to the local administration in conducting a number of projects to
ascertain the opinion of citizens. During the first phase of the project,
training seminars were organised focusing on citizen involvement in
decision-making. The seminars were designed for mayors and vice-mayors,
as well as for members of the local councils. Key terms used were citizen
participation and participative democracy. In all the locations involved in
the project, meetings and consultative committees of the citizens were
organised.
2.6.5. Conclusion
Having completed the bibliographical research on published books and
research reports, we can observe that Education for Democratic Citizenship
in Romania is present primarily at the level of formal education. A strong
development can, therefore, be observed in the school curriculum, which
also applies in the case of informal education through the projects carried
out in particular by the NGO’s. As far as adult learners are concerned,
Education for Democratic Citizenship occurs mainly in teacher training
programmes, in several programmes designed to promote active
citizenship, human rights education and intercultural education, target
groups being people employed in the system of law enforcement (justice,
police, penitentiaries), alongside employees from the local administration
system (public functionaries, mayors and vice-mayors). There is an
absolute need for projects and studies focusing also on other categories of
adult learners. Finally it can be observed that there is a major lack of
research oriented specifically around Adult Education for Democratic
Citizenship in Romania. In this area many institutions are not transparent in
offering information to the public.
75
References
Diaconu, I. (1993). Drepturile omului. Bucureşti: Institutul Român pentru
Drepturile Omului. [trans: Human Rights]
Dodescu, A, & Hatos, A. (2004). Cum se învaţă cetăţenia activă în
România? Rezultate de cercetare şi recomandări de politici. Oradea:
Editura Universităţii din Oradea. [trans: How to Learn Active
Citizenship in Romania? Research Results and Policy
Recommendations]
Forrester, K. (2004). Towards Democratic Citizenship through NonFormal Education. Final Project Report (A European Grundtvig 1
Project). Dublin: Tallaght Partnership.
Haase, E., Păun, E., & Sava, S. (2003). Dezvoltare istorică. In S. Sava, M.
Matache (Eds.), Portret al Educaţiei Adulţilor în România (pp. 11-16).
Bucureşti: IREA-IIZ/DVV. [trans: Historical Development. In: Portrait
of Adult Education in Romania]
Jivan, A., Rus, C., & Vultur, S. (1999). Minorităţi: identitate şi coexistenţă.
Timişoara: Institutul Intercultural. [trans: Minorities: Identity and Coexistence]
Răchiteanu, A. (Ed.). (2005). Ghidul cetăţeanului 2005. Braşov: Asociaţia
pro Democraţia. [trans: The Citizen’s Guide 2005]
76
2.7. Slovenia
2.7.1 Introduction
Education for Democratic Citizenship can be acquired by means of civic
instruction offering a description and presentation of the city and its
institutions, of education of citizens about democratic values, and of
political education, which is about underlining the importance of choice
and preparing citizens for taking decisions. The education of citizens for
civic engagement can be mostly done through their ‘learning by doing’
accompanied by theory-based reflection.
2.7.2 Adult Political Education: historical facts
In the course of its history Slovenia has undergone a fair number of social,
political, economic and cultural crises. Civic and social education in this
Central European State have, therefore, been very much dependent on the
changing relationships among social groups and on the distribution and
redistribution of power among them. The rise of democratic citizenship in
Slovenia can be associated with some important facts: the emergence of a
new State and of political pluralism, the strengthening of civil society, the
establishment of new universities and the rising number of Internet users.
In the 19th century during the period of the formation of nation states,
Slovenians living in what were then ‘länder’ within the Austrian Empire
became increasingly aware of their cultural differences and their position in
society. Consequently, following the general European trend, they wanted
to build up their national identity. As a result, many associations, reading
circles, co-operatives, coffee houses, and sports organisations all with
different political orientations came into being uniting the Slovenian people
and setting up their own cultural and educational programmes for adults
most of them having a political educational aim. This important period of
77
organised ‘enlightenment’ and ‘civic engagement’ stopped in the year
1942, when during World War II associations were abolished. The end of
the war and the beginning of the socialist social system interrupted a
tradition of already well-developed civil society. To a great extent its
functions were taken over by the public sector. Adult education from 1945
to 1990 was greatly influenced, therefore, by contemporary socio-political
conditions and relations. There was but little liberal adult education in
those days, and what there was took place mostly in the field of foreign
language education or political education. Although there were many Folk
Universities and Workers’ universities, these were mainly work-related and
designed for vocational and not liberal education.
2.7.3 Adult Education for Democratic Citizenship: main concerns
Adult Education for Democratic Citizenship can be carried out through
enlightenment or through engagement, or both. In Slovenia both ways have
been followed. Adult Education for Democratic Citizenship has the
following objectives:
(1) enabling everybody, from school children and young adults to adults
and elderly adults to personally experience the workings of democracy,
(2) moral education of citizens, since democracy is a set of values,
(3) transmitting knowledge and skills and constructing competences for
active participation in the society,
(4) integrating socially excluded groups into society and achieving an
integrative society,
(5) engaging citizens in local development and constructing local capacity,
(6) empowering citizens,
(7) building up the national community and its identity,
(8) struggling against low functional literacy,
(9) supporting broad and lifelong learning and education.
78
Active citizens should be educated by stimulating their readiness to act and
by developing the values they will need to undertake action. Its general aim
is to make citizens aware of their interdependency and of the
interdependency of their problems. Democratic competences can best be
acquired through non-formal education such as forums of citizens,
discussion groups in neighbourhoods, public round tables, lectures,
seminars or workshops carried out within non-governmental organisations,
local communities, folk universities and generally in all interested
organisations. Especially important for acquiring democratic competences
are study circles and third age universities.
2.7.4 Adult Education for Democratic Citizenship: research tradition
Research into adult education for democratic citizenship in Slovenia has
been connected to national and later to international issues in the field.
Many NGO’s – non-profit, not for profit or voluntary organisations, as they
are called – exert a visible impact on social life and promote democratic
citizenship. In spite of the fact that the third sector has been very much
involved in educational activities, there is still a considerable lack of social
and educational research. Therefore smaller autonomous third sector
organisations slowly start uniting into networks in order to increase, among
other things, their potential for conducting research both on a regional and
a national level.
2.7.5 Adult Education for Democratic Citizenship: relevant empirical
studies
 The role of adult education in developing active citizenship (Jelenc
Krašovec, 1998)
79
An international Delphi research on the ‘Future of adult education in
Europe’ carried out in 1994 was the main source of inspiration for national
Delphi research aiming at investigating the following questions:
How (if at all) can education contribute towards solving personal and social
problems?
What are the main objectives of adult education in different countries?
Is adult education responding to individuals’ personal needs, work-based
needs and social needs?
Based on consultation by Delphi with a variety of professionals in the field
of Adult Education in Slovenia, the author points out that the main
problems adults face (in relation to active citizenship) are: unemployment,
lack of professional knowledge, stress due to lack of time, problems with
relationships and identity, insecurity, distrust of politics and politicians.
While adult education is found to be of relevance as a form of
compensation, there is a widespread opinion among professionals that adult
education cannot fundamentally reduce insufficient democracy and distrust
and ignorance of politics.
 Education for democratic citizenship before and after 1990 (Emeršič,
2000)
The study is based on a comparison of two historical periods of social
development in Slovenia, in which education for citizenship existed as a
specific subject-matter. Before 1990 there was education for socialist
citizenship and after 1990 education for democratic citizenship. This
education differed with regard to concept and content. In order to define the
main characteristics of education for socialist citizenship (before 1990),
statistical data from the research project ‘People’s and workers’ universities
in the period from 1945 to 1990’ were used. This is a three-year project,
which shows interesting trends in education for citizenship. Before 1960
80
different political structures (Communist Party) delivered education for
citizenship, mainly in order to educate new political leaders. Then, at the
beginning of the 1960s, the biggest increase in the number of participants
was due to a large number of political changes – principally the
introduction of a ‘self-management socialist system’. Workers’ universities
had to transform themselves and take mass education for citizenship as
their main goal. The state subsidised mass education for citizenship both
financially and ideologically. Consequently, workers’ universities were
motivated to organise such education and also attracted a great number of
participants. They needed knowledge to understand the concept of a selfmanagement system. In the school year 1961/1962 177,709 participants
attended lectures and 20,549 enrolled in seminars and courses. At the
beginning of the 80s, political liberalisation (a multi-party political system
and the newly elected government in 1991) led to a complete withdrawal of
the state from education for citizenship. At the beginning of the 90s, a
turning point in education for democratic citizenship was reached in a EUfunded PHARE project entitled Democracy in 1993 and 1994 by the
Institute for adult education of the Republic of Slovenia. Within this
project, an educational programme ‘Education for democracy’ was
prepared. The main aims of this programme were to provide basic
education, develop critical thinking and form citizenship awareness. The
Slovenian Adult Education Institute educated 65 representatives from 14
private adult education organisations, 30 people’s universities and other
educational organisations. From 1994 to 1998 12 organisations carried out
18 programmes in ‘Education for democracy’. Together they successfully
completed 75 seminars with 781 participants. This is a very low level of
participation in education for citizenship, comparing to the period before
1990. Two main difficulties were indicated in evaluating the seminars.
Educational organisations had financial problems in carrying out seminars.
81
The other difficulty was motivating participants to attend. In sum a
statistical account of both periods highlights the fact that education for
citizenship increased when the State promoted its interests in education.
When the State withdrew from it and left it to the market economy, such
education dried up.
 Education and Training for Governance and Active Citizenship in
Europe ETGACE project (Celis, Snick, Stroobants & Wildemeersch,
2001).
The ETGACE project was carried out between 2000 and 2002 within the
Fifth Framework of the EU. The countries participating in the project were
United Kingdom, Belgium, Finland, the Netherlands, Slovenia and Spain.
The basic aim was to investigate why, how, where and when adults have
learned notions of governance and active citizenship in various European
countries. Life history method (biographical research) was used in project
countries, including Slovenia. 16 candidates were to be chosen in each
country. The prime criterion for their selection was that they were ‘agents
of change’, or active as citizens, at least in one of the domains.
Respondents were selected in two age cohorts, 25-40 and 55-70, with an
equal representation of females and males. The project reports point out
that active citizenship is not a universal characteristic but a learning process
in itself, and that it is not controllable or predictable. So in a European
context no general conclusions can be drawn. As far as the results from
Slovenia are concerned, respondents stress influences from family in
motivating them to become active citizens. The majority have gained
experience and skill in active citizenship in the previous regime – as
passive members of self-governing or political institutions, opposition
movements or institutions. To all of the respondents, the transition to
potential new, democratic institutions and innovative practices means a
82
widening, a reorientation or a new beginning of activity. For the majority
of them the shaping of an identity as active citizen is connected to the
active realisation of their individual motives and goals in different sectors
of society and public life. Thus they have managed to develop a multifaceted social identity with a high level of identification and responsibility
to organisations in which they are active or which they represent in their
public roles. Nevertheless the majority of them also share double career –
they are employed/retired and along with this active in the domain of civil
society. As far as learning processes are concerned, the majority of
Slovenian respondents obtain their knowledge primarily in one domain
(work, civic society or private sphere) but are also active in the others.
Families and friends are in any case regarded as very important for gaining
the knowledge needed to be active citizens. Individual needs are the main
motive for learning. Many used their professional skills and competences
for learning in order to be more effective in realising their personal needs.
Gender equality was already acknowledged in the former socialist system,
but traditional cultural patterns still prevail. For male respondents it is
exceptional for their private sphere to be important the course of their
careers. It is just the opposite with women. Women in the older cohort
suppressed their need for participation in public life for the benefit of the
family. Women also face discriminatory attitudes from the media and the
public in regard to their activation in the domain of state or politics. Overall
there are no significant differences between the two age cohorts under
investigation apart form their motivation to be active citizens. The older
respondents are intrinsically motivated to be active citizens, while the
young strive for more pragmatic, material reasons. Furthermore, due to
transition, the older generation had to adapt acquired competences to a new
social context, while the younger generation tried to make good use of
emerging new opportunities. In addition the younger generation were also
83
more reluctant to participate in institutions that were reminiscent of the
former system.
 The role of study circles in the process of developing a full citizenship
(Jelenc Krašovec, 2005)
The study is a survey of the past ten years, during which the network of
study circles has developed. 10 years of activity in Slovenia – the first
circle started in 1993 – led Slovenian adult education experts and others to
discuss to what extent the study circles have proved that they are a system
of education that encourages social, cultural and self-development as well
as active citizenship. According to the survey carried out in 1998, the
attendance on educational programmes for adults is lower than in other
European countries. In Slovenia study circles have received sufficient
financial support from the State, and Slovenia has also increased
participation in adult education in non-formal programmes. Study circles
could solve or at least alleviate the problem of disproportionate distribution
of educational offers in Slovenia. At the beginning in 1993, there were 32
study circles and 10 years later there were approximately 320 study circles
with 4000 members per year. A special branch of study circles evolved,
namely reading circles. Around 550 mentors of study circles have been
qualified so far.
2.7.6 Adult Education for Democratic Citizenship: research impact on
policy
The results of international projects – e.g. the ETGACE project, etc –
brought about a major change in attitude. Active citizens do not learn only
formally but also informally and experientially. Consequently, legislation
in the field of education changed and non-formal and experiential learning
became recognised as equally important ways as formal learning.
84
Problems of limited education and literacy are prevalent in Slovenia, as has
been shown by some international research projects. As a result of this
research, some of the legislation has already been changed to take into
account this reality. Now the unemployed can attend programmes for
gaining basic skills. The legislation has also been changed with regard to
the Roma population in Slovenia as a result of international research
projects. Advisers for Roma people were introduced and are obligatory in
local communities.
2.7.7 Conclusion
In the past Slovenian Adult Education was very formal and Education for
Democratic Citizenship was carried out in the service of the political
regime. As soon as non-formal education was introduced (after 1984 with
Third Age Universities, and after 1992 with Study Circles etc.) and the
needs of adults started being considered in the programming of education,
there was a growing demand for learning opportunities. Nonetheless there
are still many obstacles (lack of research, lack of financial support and lack
of institutional educational opportunities etc.) in the field of adult education
for democratic citizenship and no legislation providing a legal framework
for it has been developed.
References
Celis, R., Snick, A., Stroobants, V., & Wildemeersch, D. (Eds.). (2001).
Learning citizenship and governance in Europe: Analysis of life
histories. Leuven: Catholic University of Leuven, unpublished.
(http://www.surrey.ac.uk/politics/ETGACE/SEC3-B3.HTM)
Emeršič, B. (2000). Izobraževanje za demokratično državljanstvo pred
letom 1990 in po njem. In W. Filla, E. Gruber, & J. Jug (eds.),
Zgodovina izobraževanja odraslih v srednjeevropskih državah, obdobje
85
od 1990-1998 (pp. 40-47). Kranj, Moderna organizacija. [trans:
Education for Democratic Citizenship before and after 1990]
Jelenc Krašovec, S. (1998). Trendi razvoja andragoške teorije in prakse v
Evropi:
vloga
izobraževanja
odraslih
pri
razvijanju
dejavne
državljanskosti v prehodnem obdobju, MPhil thesis, Ljubljana: not
published. [trans: Development Trends of Andragogic Theory and
Practice in Europe: The Role of Adult Education in Developing Active
Citizenship in the Transitional Period]
Jelenc Krašovec, S. (2005). Vloga študijskih krožkov pri razvijanju dejavne
državljanskosti. In Študijski krožki: od zamisli do sadov v prvem
desetletju. Ljubljana: ACS. [trans: The Role of Study Circles in the
Process of Developing a Full Citizenship]
Krajnc, A. (1995). Kje se lahko učimo demokracije? Andragoška
spoznanja 1/2, 5-10. [trans: Where Can We Learn Democracy?]
Krajnc, A., & Ličen, N. (2002). Adult Education in Slovenia. Bonn:
Institute for International Cooperation of the German Adult Education.
Mijoč, N. (1999). Znanje pridobljeno z izkustvenim učenjem. Andragoška
spoznanja, 1, 44-51. [trans:
Knowledge Derived from Experiential
Learning]
86
2.8 Spain
2.8.1 Introduction
The history of adult education is longer than that of citizen education. 1973
was a relevant date for adult education. It was then when the Permanent
Adult Education (EPA) Programme was created, institutionalised in the
Ministry of Education and Science. This project, product of the resources
of the recently terminated National Literacy Campaign, was intended to
provide the literate population with a basic education. The development of
these official programmes did not prevent the creation at the same time of
other non-formal education programmes alongside district and cooperative
cultural movements. These programmes and cooperative cultural
movements were led by the Latin American current of pedagogical
renovation and were inspired by the writings of Paolo Freire. These
initiatives tried to replace lack of educational resources with voluntary
work and citizen commitment in order to reach those strata of the
population not reached by the official initiatives. Theri objective was to
contribute to improving the quality of life of these groups. With the arrival
of the democratic regime in Spain, the increase of resources assigned to the
education of adults meant that these popular initiatives lost strength
compared with the official programmes promoted by public institutions
(state, regional or municipal). This situation led to a reduction in the
prominence of civil society in adult education. The literature echoes this
development and laments the loss of the dynamic character of these
centres, questioning their participative nature as schools of participation
and democracy. At present most Adult Education Centres give classes in
Spanish for immigrants, literacy in the second language for students who
are illiterate in their maternal language, and other types of programmes,
such as driving instruction or cookery courses (Cervantes Virtual Centre).
87
2.8.2 Adult Education for Democratic Citizenship: legal foundations
The model of citizenship perpetrated by certain international institutions
such as the European Union or the Council of Europe has exerted
considerable influence on the public debate on these subjects within the
Spanish state. Citizen education, then, starts to play a prominent role in
current educational debates. One of the main reasons for this prominence is
legislation in the matter of education. The recently approved Statutory Law
of Education (2006) proposes Education for Citizenship and Human Rights
as an obligatory subject in primary and secondary education. Among the
objectives of adult education the Statutory Law indicates the need ‘to make
effective their right to democratic citizenship’.
2.8.3 Adult Education for Democratic Citizenship: research traditions
In the Spanish state there was until 1995 a large group of publications
relating to ongoing adult education. Nevertheless, the majority were
descriptive materials that in spite of their undeniable value showed up an
important gap in empirical, refutable and comparative works of research
answering fundamental questions about the adult learning.
Today citizenship is a common topic in Social Sciences and has since
developed different approaches (Cobo, 2003). The concern for life-long
learning in all areas of knowledge has also increased and more attention
has been paid to the population as a whole and to learning aimed to habits
of democratic coexistence. Most authors agree in pointing to education as
an essential tool in promoting certain given values and attitudes and in
raising consciousness of citizenship (Flecha, Puigvert, Santos & Soler,
2002). However, compared to other European countries, there is only
88
limited empirical research in the field of non-formal education and
citizenship. Many of these publications have a theoretical approach.
The review of Spanish literature emphasizes the interest in participation
and civic behaviour. Many of those investigations fall under the heading of
case studies or analyses of certain practices of citizenship. Logically
enough, investigation is one of the most widely used methodologies,
especially in describing processes of communitarian development. Some
non-governmental organisations or institutes (such as Instituto de la
Juventud), which are financed at times by the government, have started
work on this topic. Nevertheless, for the time being this work focuses
mainly on young people and citizenship.
2.8.6 Adult Education for Citizenship and Human Rights: relevant
empirical studies
 Education and citizenship: the engagement of Spanish young people
(Jover, 2000)
The context of the research is the debate around people’s practical
involvement in the democratic process at local, national and European.
2200 individuals (aged 18 to 30) were surveyed in 1999. They lived in the
main Spanish urban areas (the study includes 24 cities including Alicante,
Barcelona, Bilbao, Cádiz, Castellón, Madrid, Salamanca, Sevilla, Valencia,
Zaragoza). 6.4% of the sample had no studies, 56% secondary level, and
37.6% university level. The first thing to be said about this result is that
young adults have a positive view of democracy in Spain. However, they
have many difficulties in identifying themselves as active citizens. The
active engagement of citizens is based on feelings of autonomy and
participation. Young Spanish adults live in difficult conditions for
acquiring personal autonomy (labour market, housing, etc). On the other
hand, attitudes towards democracy are characterised by a high degree of
89
legitimacy. These attitudes go with low concern levels on politics. The
author suggests that these figures could be explained as a failure of the
education system. In the light of these data, schools should take on
citizenship education and, which is even more important, stimulate active
citizenship. It seems clear that active citizenship needs to feel a part of
democracy and become responsible of it.
 The education for Governance and Active Citizenship in Europe
(ETGACE) project (ETGACE, 2003)
This project explored the literature on education and training for
governance and active citizenship across six European countries. Spain was
one of the countries. The project used a biographical or life history
approach. The sample was purposive – on this occasion, people considered
to be ‘active citizens’ or ‘agents of change’ and who were democratic in
outlook. A range of respondents was selected to ensure diversity. In
addition to ‘life history’, interviews were also carried out with the
respondents. The review of Spanish literature emphasizes the interest in
participation and civic behaviour. Involvement and citizen’s participation
are seen as solutions for a vital civil society. In general, Spanish authors
have not dealt extensively with the issues of citizenship and governance.
According to the authors, three lines of research can be pointed out: a
traditional line of research dealing with the disenchantment of the
democratic transition; a second line studying immigration; and the third
one comprising an extensive body of literature on gender issues. The
theoretical views refer to classical authors (Tocqueville, Weber, Kant, etc)
as well as more recent authors (Habermas, Sartori, Giddens, Dahrendorf,
Castells, Lukes, etc). It is interesting to note how the Marxist line of
research remains strong in Spain, although much less so when compared to
the past. According to this research, liberal Communitarian controversies
90
increasingly dominate the discussion on issues regarding citizenship and
governance.
 From local to global citizenship and from global to local citizenship
(Maiztegui, 2006)
In 2005 Alboan and the University of Deusto carried out research on local
and global citizenship. This involved an interdisciplinary group of research
fellows. The Basque Government funded this research. The objective was
to look in depth at some experiences of citizenship education and at which
type of citizenship education is being developed in a Basque context. It
explores the dilemmas of citizenship education in different contexts:
formal, non-formal and informal education. The authors also discuss some
strategies on citizenship education in a life-long learning approach. First, a
questionnaire was sent to 12 experts in order to choose the twelve
experiences or case studies. They were well-known experts in the different
domains of citizenship – e.g. environment, human rights, peaceful
resolution of conflicts, etc. The questionnaire asked about experiences that
they believed to be effective, sustainable and to produce outstanding
results. Later, a qualitative study was carried out. It focused on 12 case
studies in the Basque country and in Navarre. There are a variety of
experiences; half of them are in school and the other half are considered as
community work. The method used was interviews with organisers and
content analysis of documents. Adult cases studies focused on non-formal
or informal education. They emphasised citizenship education as a process
whereby participants developed skills and capabilities of living together
and participation. It is clear from the case studies that these initiatives help
in education for democracy because some values and capabilities grow
only with experience. In general, they need to be done collectively and the
way they are organised say a great deal about their real values and
91
attitudes. As regards organisation, it was found that there was substantial
agreement on the key issues that needed to be addressed and the following
recommendations were made: to change some practices and ensure
citizenship participation, not only as project members but also as
responsible individuals; to ensure coordination between different
institutions (Town Hall, NGOs, etc.); to address credibility gaps between
participants. These projects are used as a tool for social justice in order to
empower all members of the communities. However, long-term effects
should be studied.
 The creation of new occupational pattern for cultural minorities: The
Gypsy Case (Workalò)
This project, which ran from 2001-2004, was based on the idea that the
Romà have skills and experience that are of value to Europe’s knowledgebased economy. Despite this Romaní access to the labour market is
blocked. Because labour inclusion is directly related to social participation
and active citizenship, the Romaní labour situation has become an urgent
issue to address in the construction of a socially cohesive European society.
The project studied how the exclusion of Romà labour is reproduced by
identifying the barriers that prevent access to the labour market. In addition
to identifying the barriers, the dimensions that can contribute to
transforming this situation of social exclusion were also identified.
Although the research has been carried out in various countries (Spain,
France, Portugal, United Kingdom and Romania), the project shows a
transnational perspective that aims to establish global European guidelines.
The communicative methodology is one of the most methodological
contributions of the project. It is based on the principle that the group that
is the focus of the research must participate in the whole development of
the work, from its design to its evaluation. In order to do this, the project
92
created an Advisory Council comprising mainly Romà and also including
non-Romà, including people from other cultural minorities, which
supervised the whole process. Fieldwork with Romà people was conducted
and analysis of the information obtained was carried out. Through the
fieldwork conducted, it was found that the Romà people have many of the
skills required by the new knowledge society such as: teamwork and cooperative organisation; flexibility and the ability to adapt to change;
intercultural competences; and the ability to learn. Researchers found that
racism and low educational levels all played their part in prolonging Romà
exclusion. Workaló’s analysis also shows that there is considerable
negative stereotyping of Romaní people in the workplace in terms of their
trustworthiness and reliability. These stereotypes had effects on the Romà
studied in the project.
 From tolerance to recognition: Education programme for intercultural
citizenship
The University of Barcelona has carried out numerous pieces of research
and edits articles and books on citizenship and interculturality. These works
focus mainly on the educational context and young people. Over time these
researchers have developed an intercultural citizenship education model
which includes three aspects: competences, feelings and participation. It
could be said that the research has two different moment phases. At the
beginning the objectives of the research were to describe the situation of
migration in Hospitalet – a delimited area characterised by high
immigration rates - and to investigate the integration processes. Interviews
and document analysis were the main methodological tools. Later the
authors designed a programme in order to improve the participation of
immigrant women. The research used participatory research action as its
methodology. It has links to the new critical paradigm and is also related to
93
empowerment evaluation. At the present time participatory observation is
also used. The process enabled researchers to follow the whole programme,
not only the outcomes. This situation permitted to following:
Validation of the educative programme with women.
Better understanding of the participatory process.
Training of the professionals in the NGO.
Organisation of a group of women.
Investigation of the researchers’ own methodology.
2.8.7 Conclusion
A review of research literature highlights a broad emphasis on research into
participation and civic behaviour. Most theorists and researchers prescribe
participation of all citizens as the solution to generate a more vital civil
society (Morán & Benedicto, 2003). Participation is also seen as a way
towards social and personal development. There is an important concern
about ethical and citizenship education. In fact, some authors are involved
in ethical education projects. In those contexts the Freireian option for
dialogue is considered as a prerequisite for emancipatory adult education.
The methodology of investigation is widely used, especially in describing
processes of communitarian development. In general, such pieces of
research have a socio-critical and hermeneutical framework.
Regarding other topics there is a considerable increase in the concern for
the integration of immigrant people. Adult education centres need to adapt
themselves to this new target group. Hence they often defend the
substitution of the scholastic spatial-temporal model by the social one. It is
also interesting to note that there is an extensive body of research and
literature on gender issues. Most proposals for intervention tend to be based
on practical experiences in different educational contexts and domains such
as human rights or peace resolution. It can be said that the model of
94
citizenship education perpetrate by certain international institutions such as
the European Union or The Council of Europe has exerted considerable
influence on public debate on these subjects. However we cannot forget
that citizenship education is a new subject in the adult education system,
since it is contemplate in recent legislation (Law of Education, 2006).
In summary, there is an important volume of research that investigates
citizenship education at a descriptive level. Consequently the deficiency of
empirical works whether explanatory or predictive is an invitation to
conduct investigations of this type, as this would lead to a more advanced
level of knowledge.
References
Cobo, J.M. (ed.). (2003). Ciudadanía y Educación, Revista de Educación,
número extraordinario. [trans: Citizenship and Education, Journal of
Education, Special Issue]
ETGACE (2003). Lifelong Learning, Governance and Active Citizenship in
Europe. Final Report of the ETGACE Research Project. Guildford, UK:
School of Educational Studies, University of Surrey, unpublished.
(http://www.surrey.ac.uk/politics/ETGACE/Final-Report-Screenversion.pdf, last access 03.09.07)
Flecha, R, Puigvert, L, Santos, A & Soler, M. (2000). Spain. In J. Holford
& P. Edirisingha (eds), Citizenship and Governance Education in
Europe: A critical review of the literature (pp. 145-160). Guildford,
UK: School of Educational Studies, University of Surrey, unpublished.
(http://www.surrey.ac.uk/politics/ETGACE/litrev-chapter07.pdf, last
access 14.09.07)
Jover, E. (2000). Educación y ciudadanía: el compromiso de los jóvenes
españoles. In C. Naval y J. Laspalas (eds.), La educación cívica hoy.
95
Una aproximación interdisciplinar. Eunsa: Pamplona. [trans:
Citizenship Education: The Compromise of Spanish Youth]
Maiztegui, C. (ed.). (2006). De la ciudadanía local a la global y de la
ciudadanía global a la local. El camino andado. Bilbao: Alboan &
Gobierno Vasco & Diputación Foral de Guipúzcoa. [trans: From Local
to Global Citizenship and Vice Versa. Way to Go]
Morán, Mª.L. & Benedicto, J. (2003). Aprendiendo a ser ciudadanos.
Madrid: INJUVE. [trans: Learning to Be Citizens]
96
2.9 United Kingdom
2.9.1 Introduction
The term ‘education for democratic citizenship’ (EDC) as used in the
research review follows the definition of the Council of Europe. That is,
EDC is seen as being based on the principles of human rights, pluralist
democracy and the rule of law, and refers to rights and responsibilities,
participation and belonging, and respect for diversity. It aims to prepare
individuals for active participation in democratic society, strengthen
democratic culture, contribute to social cohesion, social justice and
common good, and strengthen civil society by providing citizens with the
information, knowledge and skills they need. However, EDC in the UK has
taken various forms over the years and focused on various aspects of
democratic citizenship. These have not only differed in terms of emphasis
and approach but also in their underlying ideology. Hence, while some
forms of EDC have clearly and directly been intended to enable and
enhance democratic participation, others – such as approaches emphasising
skills – are less obviously democratic in nature, although these may be seen
as promoting tools for civic participation.
2.9.2 Adult Education for Democratic Citizenship: research traditions
Much of the research work in the UK has focused on compulsory, formal
education. As regards adult or lifelong education, a substantial proportion
of the published research available has been theoretical in nature. In
comparison, there has been less by way of empirical work on the subject,
and what there is, is patchy.
2.9.3 Adult Education for Democratic Citizenship: relevant empirical
studies
97
 The impact of poor basic skills on the lives of individuals (Bynner &
Parsons, 1997; Bynner et al, 2001)
Bynner’s study was part of a longitudinal study undertaken for the Basic
Skills Agency by the Social Statistics Research Unit at City University.
Earlier studies had established the disadvantaged circumstances of people
with poor literacy or numeracy skills, as well as the vicious circle that
results in their being unable to progress through the education system, and
in their experiencing difficulties such as social exclusion. Bynner’s study
followed up on one group of individuals at the age of twenty-one, and
another at the age of thirty-seven. Overall the picture that emerges from the
survey is that the vicious circle of disadvantage and marginalisation
associated with basic skills problems continues through adult life. Further,
the difficulties would be repeated in the lives of future generations as their
children were likely to start life with disadvantage and poor acquisition of
basic skills at school. The study also found that those who improved their
basic skills improved their chances in the labour market, suffered less from
poor physical and mental health, and were – among other things – more
liberal and less discriminatory in their attitudes and more likely to be active
citizens, as shown by voting and experiencing interest in politics.
 Informal learning and widening participation (Cullen et al, 2000)
Cullen and his research collaborators saw informal learning in terms of
widening participation. Moving beyond the position that the benefits of
informal learning had to be measured in terms of rates of return or the
flexibility of the labour market, Cullen and his research collaborators
argued that the benefits should be seen more in terms of social inclusion
and of contribution to the regeneration of a community. Cullen et al.
defined widening participation and informal learning as ‘the active
engagement by citizens (including those, such as convicted offenders, who
98
have to some extent been stripped of their citizenship) in the construction,
interpretation and, often, re-shaping of their own social identity and social
reality’. For the empirical part of the study, two types of case studies were
used. The first comprised a set of tem ‘exemplary’ instances of informal
learning arrangements, reflecting ‘different configurations of scale,
geographical coverage, objectives and actors, as well as particular “themes”
of informal learning’; the second used ‘dynamic’ case studies in which
instances of informal learning were assessed according to how these related
to other forms of learning provision and other initiatives, and also
according to how the learning arrangements evolved. In a wide-ranging
report, Cullen et al found that informal learning arrangements were
‘extremely complex and variable in scale and scope’. They also found a
shift from seeing learning as a primarily individual, mental activity with an
instrumental orientation, to one that focused on other outcomes and
benefits such as social capital, capacity building and citizenship. The report
found that informal learning initiatives were often started by ‘movers and
shakers’, a broader ‘social movement’, or ‘a programme or project based
on a defined policy agenda’. Informal learning tended to originate
‘organically’, in response to a need, and thus, initially at least, usually had
‘broad agendas, minimal structure and flexible (if any) organisation’. Such
arrangements were generally ‘highly contextualised’, with limited potential
for sustainability or transferability.
 Informal learning in the community (McGivney, 1999)
McGivney’s research took place against the background of the renewed
interest in informal learning in the community following the publication of
The Learning Age, and it drew on previous studies undertaken for NIACE
and on other studies on informal learning and progression routes. It was
based on the premise that disadvantaged people who were involved in
99
lifelong learning outside educational institutions often did so ‘within the
activities they undertake as citizens, members of society, campaigners etc’.
The study aimed, among other things, to identify the range of contexts in
which informal learning took place, the routes that people could take from
this to other education programmes, and the motives for educational
progression and other outcomes achieved. The study found that informal
learning took place in a huge variety of settings, but that a local,
community-based location helped to widen participation among the
disadvantaged. Community-based informal learning led to outcomes such
as:
significantly
increased
self-confidence
and
self-esteem;
the
development of knowledge and understanding; improved personal and
social skills; new practical skills; and greater personal autonomy. Informal
learning also led to: changes in personal life and quality of life;
involvement in further learning in different places and at different levels;
wider involvement in the local community (more active citizenship); and
movement into employment, self-employment or voluntary work. It was
found, among other things, that what facilitated educational progression
was on the one hand the involvement of key individuals who informed,
motivated and enthused people, and on the other the presence of structures
and services that enabled progression and were flexible and responsive to
the needs of learners.
 Types of civic activities and skills involved (Benn, 2000)
Benn’s study looked at the types of civic activities in which individuals
could become involved, as well as at the skills that enabled this
involvement. The study began by developing a list of the attributes
promoting active citizenship. The list included skills like abilities to
negotiate and co-operate with others, to deal with difference and conflict, to
listen constructively to others, to obtain information, and to voice ideas and
100
opinions. It also included attitudes and abilities such as having the
confidence to be proactive, having independent opinions, acting
independently, taking responsibility, and assuming that one’s voice will be
heard. As active citizenship requires knowledge, the study also included
knowledge about the following: the structure of society, the workings of
local and national government, the basic ideas of the main political parties,
and political philosophies and ideologies. The overall picture from the
study was of a group of mainly female, mainly 45+, generally welleducated, socially active adults with ‘reasonable reason’ to have good
confidence in their abilities and skills of good citizenship. However, there
were ‘areas of uncertainty including the ability to deal with difference and
conflict, voicing ideas and opinions and lacking in confidence that their
voice (would) be heard or taken into account’. While there was generally
‘higher confidence’ in the passive abilities, fewer people felt they had the
‘most actively demanding skills’.
 The relationship between social capital and lifelong learning (Field,
2003)
Field’s study of social attitudes was carried out as part of British Social
Attitudes Survey, the Northern Ireland Life and Times Survey that is
conducted annually. For this study, 1,800 adults in Northern Ireland were
surveyed in 2001.
The survey showed that – regardless of social class, age, gender and faith –
the respondents were ‘overwhelmingly positive’ towards lifelong learning.
As a whole, the study showed that ‘overall levels of civic engagement in
Northern Ireland were notably higher than in Britain, even with respect to
such activities as involvement in sports or cultural associations’.
In
addition, the findings suggested a ‘clear association’ between positive
101
attitudes towards lifelong learning and positive attitudes towards all four
forms of engagement (i.e. community, cultural, church and sports). That is,
attitudes towards lifelong learning were more positive among those who
‘saw civic engagement as important to their own lives’. 57% thought
lifelong learning made people better citizens, and ‘the most engaged’ were
those who showed the highest levels of support for increasing spending on
lifelong learning. While 57% of respondents thought it was impossible to
keep up with new technology, those who saw civic engagement as
important ‘were slightly less likely to take this view’.
The study’s
conclusion was that ‘those who see civic engagement as important in their
own lives are the most likely to value lifelong learning as a force for
personal emancipation; they are also most likely to see it as helping foster
active citizenship, and are most likely to favour increased public spending
on it; they are the least likely to feel overwhelmed by the new
technologies’. At the same time, ‘the deeply disengaged are in fact deeply
divided, with those who believe that civic activity is not important in their
lives showing much more positive attitudes towards lifelong learning than
those who are undecided’. This group also ‘falls between the active and
undecided in respect of government spending and the impact of adult
learning on active citizenship’.
 The Education for Governance and Active Citizenship in Europe
(ETGACE) project (Edirisingha & Holford, 2001; Edirisingha et al, 2001;
ETGACE, 2003)
The Education for Governance and Active Citizenship in Europe: Analysis
of Adult Learning and Design of Formal, Non-Formal and Informal
Educational Intervention Strategies’ (ETGACE) project ran from March
2000 to October 2002. The project was carried out against a backdrop in
Europe in which there was evidence of ‘declining engagement in traditional
102
democratic processes’, and governments, firms and other organisations
were felt to be remote from their stakeholders. There was also the
recognition that developing lifelong learning would ‘involve a greater
emphasis on learning embedded in the contexts of adult life – the
workplace, the home and the community – rather than in formal education
and training institutions’. The ETGACE project accordingly sought to
explore, across six European countries including the UK, how citizens
learned to be active citizens, whether this varied across the gender or
generational gaps, what support there was to help people learn to be active
citizens, and what interventions might improve this. With regard to the
contribution of adult learning to economic development and civic
involvement, participants agreed that education could raise awareness of
civic issues, develop a range of skills and knowledge, as well as the ability
to think critically. This in turn would encourage or enable individuals to
contribute to civic activities, or bring about change for themselves or their
community. Other recommendations made by the participants included the
following: educational approaches needed to be rethought to encourage
civic involvement, e.g. to be more participatory, democratic and ‘bottom
up’; employers had a huge contribution to make to education – they could,
for instance, jointly organize programmes with other organisations to
provide learning opportunities, or set up mentoring programmes; because
‘civic engagement is related to identity, which is often constructed through
paid employment’, special learning opportunities needed to be provided for
the unemployed; there was a particular need to engage working class men
in learning; and there also needed to be measures to develop a culture of
volunteering so people could see it was worthwhile being active citizens.
2.9.4. Adult Education for Democratic Citizenship: research impact on
policy and practice
103
The work by Bynner and his collaborators on the impact of poor basic
skills on individuals and on their life chances has been, and it continues to
be, very influential in adult skills strategy. The government has responded
by setting up the Social Exclusion and Neighbourhood Renewal Units to
combat the kinds of problems that were identified in the study. A year after
the research was published, a working group was set up to address the
problem of illiteracy and innumeracy in the UK.
In the area of lifelong learning for adults, the Labour Government has
shown itself open to advice by researchers involved in this field. Indeed,
some of these researchers were invited to carry out reviews and create
advisory groups to suggest policy directions for the Government.
In the UK the NGOs are nominally independent, though some are
Government-funded. These organisations have similarly been invited by
the Government to advise it on policy, or have been commissioned to carry
out research for it; they have also worked with the Government to make
adult education provisions.
Such researchers and NGOs have certainly influenced Government policy
although possibly most where their recommendations were ‘in the grain’ of
Government thinking rather than where they have opposed certain trends.
For instance, many recommendations for improving adult basic skills –
which can be said to belong to the former category – were implemented,
and the Basic Skills Agency continues to influence practice in terms of
teaching and assessment strategies for adults. Similarly, researchers have
lobbied successfully for basic language and citizenship education for
immigrants. On the other hand, criticisms from NGOs concerning the cuts
to adult liberal education have not apparently had much effect.
2.9.5 Conclusion
104
The studies described above have contributed a significant body of work on
lifelong learning, including that associated with citizenship. It was seen
that Bynner’s research showed how individuals with poor basic skills were
more likely to be unemployed, to earn less, and to have poor physical and
mental health. It was also seen how his work has influenced government
policy and practice, not least with respect to literacy and numeracy.
However, it is difficult to pick out individual findings from the work
related to informal and/or community-based learning as being especially
relevant or significant to EDC for adults, because these are discrete,
limited, small-scale pieces of research dealing with various areas and issues
of EDC for adults, and with a variety of stakeholders. Nonetheless, there is
a definite interest in informal/community-based learning, as seen in the
work of several researchers in this field. Taken together, therefore, the
body of work on informal and/or community learning reflects an interest
among a group of researchers in competences related with citizenship.
This research is a response to what many researchers regard as the
instrumentalist ‘literacy and numeracy’ approach adopted by the current
government.
References
Benn, R. (2000). The Genesis of Active Citizenship in the Learning
Society, Studies in the Education of Adults, 32(2), 241-257.
Bynner, J. & Parsons, S. (1997). It Doesn’t Get Any Better: The Impact of
Poor Basic Skills on the Lives of 37 Year Olds. London: The Basic
Skills Agency.
Bynner, J., McIntosh, S., Vignoles, A., Dearden, L., Reed, H., & Van
Reenan, J. (2001). Improving Adult Basic Skills: Benefits to the
Individual and to Society, London: DfEE.
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(http://www.dfes.gov.uk/research/data/uploadfiles/RB251.doc, last
access 8.10.06)
Cullen, J., Batterbury, S., Foresti, M., Lyons, C. & Stern, E. (2000).
Informal Learning and Widening Participation, DfEE Research Report
No. 191. London: DfEE.
(http://www.dfes.gov.uk/research/data/uploadfiles/RR191.pdf#search='j
oe%20cullen%20tavistock%20institute', last access 6.10.06)
Edirisingha, P., Holford, J. (2001). The United Kingdom. In J. Holford &
P. Edirisingha (eds), Citizenship and Governance Education in Europe:
A critical review of the literature (pp. 32-54). Guildford, UK: School of
Educational Studies, University of Surrey, unpublished.
(http://www.surrey.ac.uk/politics/ETGACE/litrev-chapter03.pdf, last
access 29.04.06)
Edirisingha, P., Holford, J., Preece, J. & Merricks, L. (2001). Chapter Two:
Focus Groups in the UK. In ETGACE, Focus Groups: Intervention
Strategies for Citizenship and Governance Education: Analysis of
Focus Groups (pp. 26-63).
(http://www.surrey.ac.uk/politics/ETGACE/Focus%20group%20report.
pdf, last access 03.07.06)
ETGACE (2003). Lifelong Learning, Governance and Active Citizenship in
Europe. Final Report of the ETGACE Research Project. Guildford, UK:
School of Educational Studies, University of Surrey, unpublished.
(http://www.surrey.ac.uk/politics/ETGACE/Final-Report-Screenversion.pdf, last access 03.09.07)
Field, J. (2003). Civic Engagement and Lifelong Learning: Survey
Findings on Social Capital and Attitudes towards Learning. Studies in
the Education of Adults, 35(23), 142-156.
McGivney, V. (1999). Informal Learning in the Community: A Trigger for
Change and Development. Leicester: NIACE.
106
107
Chapter 3: Discussion
The Adult Education movements that have spread all over Europe since the
17th-18th centuries have, embedded at their core, the principles of
education for democratic citizenship. Nonetheless, when looking at recent
forms taken by much adult education provision, the locus has moved from
‘enlightenment’ to ‘employability’. In spite of this we have seen in recent
years a growing concern with citizenship education in all the countries
covered by the project, not least due to the influence of international
agencies and the spread of large-scale comparative surveys assessing basic
and civic skills in a variety of contexts. To what extent this concern is
reflected in AEDC research environments at national level, however, varies
considerably. It is not feasible in this concluding chapter to provide a
detailed analysis of the scholarly investigation at national level, but it is
possible to point to some substantive themes which have emerged.
 Cultural-historical heritage plays a central role to current trends in
AEDC
Although addressing the same research question and a common set of
topics, the research literature review by country has revealed the central
role of specific historical and cultural traditions at the national level. This is
reflected not only in the terminology and primary topics presented and
discussed in each country, but in the ways in which each partner member
has performed the assigned task. In some countries a presentation of the
historical facts that have shaped the political transition from authoritarian
to democratic regime in the second half of the 20th century – i.e. Spain,
Poland, Hungary, Romania and Slovenia – is of primary importance to
understand current trends in AEDC.
108
In Poland, Hungary, Romania and Slovenia civic and citizenship education
has been for a long time submitted to political enculturation, thus resulting
in a highly politicised content, which suits the need to reproduce the social
order envisaged by those in power. The increasing attention towards
education for democratic citizenship in these countries is strongly
intertwined with important social, cultural and economic changes that
occurred with the emergence of a new form of the state characterised by
political pluralism and subsequent strengthening of civil society.
The current situation in Eastern Europe member states mirrors that of
European countries like Germany and Austria where, in particular during
the Nazi regime until 1945, political/civic education was hijacked by
political indoctrination by an authoritarian regime. After 1945, however,
political/civic education (Politische Bildung) flourished as a self-contained
field of practice, rooted in the so-called ‘re-education’ that followed the
world conflict, and it has been progressively supported by the
establishment of party-related academies and foundations. Consequently,
although in diverse forms and at diverse speeds, political/civic education
has become an integrated element of both the German and Austrian
educational provision and is financially and legally supported by the state.
Despite these similarities, it is worth noting that, while party-related
institutions play a central role in adult political/civic education in Austria
and is primarily aimed at preparing civil servants from respective parties
for their work, in Germany (formally independent) foundations are
promoting adult political/civic education across the entire population.
In Spain the history of adult education has been associated with the
struggle against illiteracy. Today the disenchantment with democratic
transition that coincided with the struggles for independence and autonomy
in some provinces of the country plays a central role in reshaping adult
education as a field of practice to empower people and promote individual
109
autonomy so to ensure the effective right of citizens to democratic
participation in society.
For its part a small country like Denmark is supported by a wellfunctioning democratic welfare state, and this has made it possible, so far,
to maintain the focus of adult education on people enlightenment.
However, the traditional unique combination of democratic principles
embedded in the Danish educational provision for adults is not immune
from challenges, particularly in a period of rapid globalisation.
 Different conceptualisations of AEDC coexist between and within
countries
Deeply rooted in the different socio-cultural and historical traditions which
characterise the countries under investigation is the way in which AEDC is
conceptualised as a field of practice.
At present different conceptualisations of adult political/civic education coexist, for instance, within Austria. The more ‘conservative’ conception
regards education as a means to support individuals reacting to problems
they face in modern society, while the more ‘progressive’ conception sees
education as a possible means to address issues relevant for today’s
societies (e.g. multiculturalism, xenophobia, violence and right-wing
extremism), and to deal with a European and global dimension of
citizenship. The latter view embeds, therefore, a stronger political
dimension then the former and views learning about the self (selfawareness), learning about the others (social learning) and learning about
the conditions of society (civic education) as interrelated and inseparable
elements, which adult education aims to promote.
In 1977 several institutions in Germany active in the field of political/civic
education agreed on a common resolution. According to this resolution,
(adult) political/civic education was seen as a training field for democracy,
110
as it enabled people to play an active role in public affairs and to participate
in political processes and in the construction of society at large. The
German conception resembles the Austrian progressive ideal of adult
political/civic education, but it is supported by far more developed
structures and higher human and financial resources than in Austria.
In the United Kingdom AEDC has taken a variety of forms over the years,
which differ in terms of underlying ideology, emphasis, approach and
specific focus. The current government has taken what is often regarded as
an instrumentalist ‘literacy and numeracy’ approach with respect to
education for adults.
While such basic skills may not be obviously
democratic in nature, these may be seen as promoting tools for civic and
democratic participation. Having said that, the conceptions of AEDC used
in research in education for democratic citizenship are similar to those used
by international agencies such as the Council of Europe. These conceptions
accordingly aim to prepare individuals to make an active participation in a
democratic society and to contribute to social cohesion and strengthen civil
society. The means that have been explored range from widening
participation through informal learning to using community-based learning
that addresses issues of social exclusion, to identifying the skills
individuals felt were necessary to be more effective citizens.
In Denmark citizenship education has been historically grounded in the
enlightenment tradition (folkeoplysning). Since 1984, however, the concept
folkeoplysning has officially been used to refer to all activities that receive
public funding and are organised by the voluntary sector to promote valuebased learning – either in non-formal or informal settings.
In Spain the discussion about citizenship participation in decision-making
has been strengthened. The Freirian option for dialogue is considered as a
prerequisite for an emancipatory adult education.
111
Generalisations are always risky, but it seems reasonable to state that under
socialist – and later Communist – regimes in Hungary, Poland, Romania
and Slovenia, civic education was a form of political-ideological
enculturation, an instrument of reproduction for the existing social system
rather than an agent for societal modernisation. As a reaction to this
conceptualisation, AEDC is understood at present as a combination of civic
instruction, education of citizens and political education and has the general
aim of making citizens aware of their interdependency in a way that is not
dissimilar to other European countries.
 AEDC is a blurred area of research
Not least as a result of the diverse and co-existing conceptualisations of
AEDC between and within countries, it can hardly be said to present itself
as a well-defined and self-contained area of research at the moment.
In old member states especially, i.e. Austria, United Kingdom, Denmark
and Spain, political science is the predominant disciplinary field dealing
with political, civic and citizenship education, whereas research on adult
education is mostly a sub-domain of educational sciences. The situation is
slightly different in Germany where political/civic education is an
interdisciplinary
field.
However,
most
researchers
dealing
with
political/civic education are educational scientists engaged in the field of
formal or non-formal adult education.
In new member states – i.e. Hungary, Poland, Slovenia and Romania –
unlike in most Western European countries, adult education as a field of
research is primarily rooted in philosophy rather then in the combination of
human and social sciences that are generally grouped under the label
‘educational sciences’ – e.g. pedagogy, didactics, philosophy, psychology,
sociology, etc. In all the countries in this study, however, there are many
112
researchers working for non-academic research institutes or on behalf of
non-governmental
institutions, organisations
and
associations,
and
representing several disciplinary perspectives.
Against this background Austrian research in adult political/civic education
is closely intertwined with its German counterpart. It is often difficult,
therefore, to distinguish the Austrian or German provenience of the
research used by these scholars, not least because large amounts of
Austrian research are published in Germany and are equally disseminated
in both countries. That being said, most of the available scholarly literature
rooted in Austria is on political/civic education with a focus on school
education. Very little scholarly work is available on adult political/civic
education, and it is often the case that the topic is dealt with in a chapter –
if not a paragraph – in publications primarily devoted to political/civic
education in schools. Compared to other European countries (such as the
United Kingdom), however, empirical research in Germany in the field of
non-formal adult political/civic education is limited, as is research on nonformal education. Although in both German-speaking countries there are
limited empirical studies primarily devoted to investigating issues of
concern for adult political/civic education, those that are available reflect
an interest that is country-specific.
Not dissimilarly from the German-speaking countries, much of the research
produced in the United Kingdom and in Spain within the field has a strong
emphasis on compulsory, formal education, or is mostly theoretical in
nature. Empirical work on AEDC is, therefore, patchy. Nonetheless, the
coverage in the United Kingdom is more far-reaching than empirical
research undertaken in the same field in the other participating countries.
As for Denmark, Ehlers (2007) argues that research activity in the field of
education is in many ways related to the small-state syndrome. It is a
peculiarly national activity, and its links to the international research
113
debate are rather weak. It is questionable whether different national
‘research traditions’ in the field of AEDC can be identified. However,
aside from the primarily conceptual work developed by political scientists,
it can be argued that there exists a strand of research that focuses on liberal
ideas and values from the viewpoint of critical pedagogy10.
In Slovenia, despite much activity in non-formal education settings such as
study circles, third age universities, forums of citizens, discussion groups in
neighbourhoods, public round tables, lectures or seminars, designed to
stimulate the social inclusion of adults and thus also to strengthen
democratic participation, there is still a considerable lack of scholarly
research on AEDC. A rather similar situation is to be found in Poland.
Among those few pieces of research on adult education provisions for
active democratic citizenship, empirical studies are the least frequent. The
majority of available research is conceptual, in some cases analytical, in
others rather normative. With reference to Romania, relevant scholarly
literature is found in the post-1989 Revolution period only. There was a
focus on human rights and civic education as well as general issues of adult
education during the 1990s, while an increased amount of scholarly
published work also focused from 2000 onward on gender mainstreaming,
active citizenship, inter- and multicultural education and democratic
citizenship. However, the majority of these studies deal with school-based
education, as is unfortunately the case for all the countries under
investigation.
 Empirically grounded AEDC research is tenuous
See also Milana, M, Sørensen, T. J. (in print). ‘Promoting democratic citizenship through nonformal adult education: the case of Denmark’. In: Scandinavian Journal of Educational Research.
10
114
Although limited in scope, coverage and number, empirical studies in the
field of AEDC have been produced in each of the countries under
investigation.
In Austria empirical studies carried out in recent years are primarily aimed
either at evaluating civic educational activities in view of long-term
strategic planning and stronger co-ordination among different initiatives
and programmes (cf. Filzmaier et al, 1999; Filzmaier & Ingruber, 2001), or
at assessing if and how personal and social competences are being
promoted through adult political/civic education (cf. Mayrus, 2001).
In Germany the empirical research emphasis is principally on educational
marketing (cf. Becker, 2000; Rudolf, 2002), state-funded supply of adult
political/civic education (cf. Schröder et al.; 2004; Böhnisch et al.; 2006;
Ahlheim & Heger, 2006), programme/course evaluation and quality
assurance (cf. Ulrich & Wenzel, 2003).
An important line of empirical work in the United Kingdom is devoted to
investigating forms of adult education that have an emphasis on promoting
basic, key or life skills (cf. Bynner & Parsons, 1997; Bynner et al, 2001).
Greater attention is generally paid to such programmes among British adult
education researchers compared with their European counterparts. It is
worth noticing, however, that this may be attributable in particular to the
role played by the Basic Skills Agency in setting the political agenda, and
to the large amount of state-funding invested in recent years in promoting
higher levels of basic skills among the adult population.
Competence formation is an important issue in Denmark, too, where
research activity in the field of AEDC has recently focused on how the
(Danish) ideal of the nation state and the consequent enlightenment,
formation and political know-how of the individual are challenged by
forces of globalisation and Europeanisation (cf. Gleerup, 2004), and on the
need for strengthening the individual’s narrative competences in order to
115
cope with the complexity that characterises modern societies (cf. Horsdal,
2001; 2004).
As far as UK research is concerned, there has also been an interest in the
different types of civic activities in which individuals can become involved,
as well as in the skills enabling their involvement (cf. Benn, 2000). Issues
related to widening participation and informal learning, in particular with
respect to social inclusion and community development and especially
among disadvantaged people, are another area of focus in research (cf.
McGivney, 1999; Cullen et al, 2000). Recently the impact of adult learning
on civic participation has been investigated by examining the relationship
between lifelong learning and social capital (cf. Field, 2003).
From a comparative perspective, the United Kingdom has contributed to
the creation of empirically-based knowledge on the relation between formal
and non-formal adult learning, civic engagement and democratic
participation by leading a multi-national project on Education and Training
for Governance and Active Citizenship in Europe, namely the ETGACE
project (cf. Edirisingha & Holford, 2001; Edirisingha et al, 2001;
ETGACE, 2003).
In Poland empirical knowledge has been primarily produced by
investigating how adults perceive ongoing political and economic changes
(cf. Malewski, 1995) and how public spheres such as NGOs and local
governments act as laboratories for the formation of learning about civil
society and citizenship (cf. Kurantowicz, 1995; 1998; Skapska 1997).
Furthermore, attention has been paid on the formation of civic competence
among citizens of different ages, experience and socio-economic status (cf.
Przyszczypkowski, 1995; 1998; 1999; 2001). In spite of these empirical
studies much still needs to be investigated in order to get a better
understanding of whether adult education can contribute to raising the
willingness of citizens to participate actively in social and political life.
116
According to Bron (2007: 18), ‘surveys conducted in Poland, as well as
among citizens from Central and Eastern Europe, the Baltic States and the
Balkans, provide no reason for optimism. Civic activism and engagement is
perceived by many citizens in these countries as being a private matter.’
As for Slovenia, empirical research has been primarily devoted to
investigating social development and participation in adult citizenship
education in the socialist and post-socialist periods (cf. Emeršič, 2000), to
studying problems adults face in being active citizens in contemporary
Slovenia and the role of adult education in reducing insufficient democracy
and distrust in politics (cf. Jelenc Krašovec, 1998). Furthermore Slovenian
researchers have devoted special attention to assessing the extent to which
the network of study circles that has been developed in the country since
1993 has proved effective in encouraging social, cultural and individual
development, thus in supporting active democratic citizenship (cf. Jelenc
Krašovec, 2005). In recent times the participation of Slovenian researchers
in the ETGACE project made it possible to further investigate why, how,
where and when Slovenian adults learned notions of governance and active
citizenship (Snick at al, 2001). In doing so, the study also provided a
knowledge base for comparison with several European countries.
In Romania participation in international, primarily European, projects has
contributed to it being an important resource in investigating gender
mainstreaming, i.e. equal opportunities for both women and men in all
educational policies and activities to promote gender equality (cf. Forrester,
2004), or in increasing citizens’ participation in public decision-making
and consultation at local community level. Nonetheless, as Pribac (2007)
highlights, the main target of concern has been employed adults, while
there is therefore a strong need for empirical research to focus on
differentiated target groups.
117
In Spain empirical studies dealing with AEDC issues have focused in
recent years upon current dilemmas in different domains of citizenship
education such as human rights and peaceful resolution of conflicts in
formal, non-formal and informal contexts (cf. Maiztegui, 2006); the
inclusion of Gypsies in the labour market to enhance social, civic and
democratic participation among minorities; gender empowerment and, as in
the United Kingdom and Slovenia, ways in which adults learned notions of
governance and active citizenship, not least through education and nonformal learning.
 AEDC scholarly knowledge is often spread thin in policy circles
Although national policies relating to adult education for democratic
citizenship were not the primary focus of concern here11, the research
literature review by country has provided some interesting information on
the relation between research and policy circles.
As far as Austria is concerned, Fennes (2007) argues that there seems to be
little interest from policy-makers in investing in research on adult
political/civic education. By contrast empirical research results have had an
enormous impact on the German public discourse, especially with respect
to the discussion about evaluation and quality assurance (Becker, 2007).
This discussion is rather controversial in respect to the need, the
opportunities, the aims and particularly the effects of evaluation and quality
assurance.
A distinctive feature of the United Kingdom is the high degree of political
influence of some researchers in the field of AEDC. As Green et al (2007:
8) observe, work on the impact of poor basic skills on individuals and on
their life chances has, for instance, been very influential in adult skills
11
Cf note 4.
118
strategy and continues to be so. With specific reference to lifelong learning
for adults, the Labour Government has shown itself to be open to advice
from researchers involved in this field. Indeed, researchers have on several
occasions been invited to carry out reviews and create advisory groups to
suggest policy directions for the Government.
Research results from national and international studies highlighting the
positive effects of non-formal learning processes on the strengthening of
democratic citizenship have been especially credited in Slovenian policy
circles (Mijoč & Findeisen, 2007). Accordingly, recent legislation on adult
education gives formal recognition to non-formal and experiential learning.
In brief, several widespread features have emerged from the countries
overview that have important implications for further research.
The first such feature is the central role of specific historical and cultural
traditions in shaping national conceptualisations of AEDC. In some
countries a presentation of historical facts that have shaped the political
transition from authoritarian to democratic regime in the second half of the
20th century is of primary importance to understanding current trends in
adult education for democratic citizenship.
A second feature is that AEDC does not present itself in Europe as a welldefined and self-contained area of research. To the extent that the literature
review by country has identified main research concerns in relation to
education for democratic citizenship, it has also highlighted a scarcity of
available empirical evidence on the specific contribution of adult education
to enhance democratic citizenship. When available, scholarly literature is
primarily conceptual, while empirical studies are often limited in scope
and/or employ research designs and methodologies which do not meet
academic standards. Consequently there are still considerable challenges to
119
be faced by Europe in nurturing better democratic citizenship among its
adult population by means of adult education.
A third theme is the scarcity of evaluation processes enabling practitioners
to question the pedagogical approaches, content and outcomes of current
provision in both formal and non-formal adult education contexts, not least
in order to eventually adapt what is offered to suit adults’ learning needs
and motives. Existing attempts in the field, in Austria or Germany, for
example, are often limited in scope and not immune to criticism.
A fourth issue is the fragile positioning of adult minority groups, such as
Romany people in Slovenia and Romania, or non-EU immigrants in all
countries, within mainstream empirical research. We also need to consider
to what extent forms of adult education that are less obviously democratic
in nature, such as those emphasising basic skills seen in the United
Kingdom, or those calling attention to the technical skills of migrants, the
unemployed, etc. are aimed at enabling and enhancing democratic
participation.
Given this general picture, it is important to acknowledge the presence of
research networks which, despite limited economic and structural
opportunities, actively engage in small to medium transnational projects.
These projects, when not directly engaged in assisting local communities in
fostering the democratic participation of citizens, shed important light on
both national and transnational portrayals of learning needs and
opportunities for adults to become active agents of social transformation. It
has to be noted, however, that in some countries, such as Slovenia and
Romania, these projects are almost the sole form of investigation and
intervention in the field of AEDC.
I am conscious, nonetheless, that there is a rich field of studies on
education for democratic citizenship, on basic skills among the adult
population, on traditional and non-traditional forms of political
120
participation and so on, which sheds light on formal, non-formal and
informal adult learning processes for democratic citizenship. There is
certainly much to be gained from mutual engagement, although the lack of
ad hoc empirical research activity investigating how adults can achieve
competences relevant to democratic citizenship in various European
countries is considered a knowledge gap that needs to be filled in the years
to come.
In conclusion, the findings suggest that available research provides a
limited understanding of the potential role played by adult education in
fostering democratic citizenship in Europe. Despite the shift of attention
from education to learning for democratic citizenship within the European
discourse, and despite the emphasis on lifelong learning and the consequent
equal recognition of in-school and out-of-school learning activities, much
of the research in the field of education for democratic citizenship remains
primarily concerned with pupils of school age. Where it is available,
research that focuses on the links between adult education and learning for
democratic citizenship is highly theoretical and rarely supported by
empirical evidence. Notwithstanding the different characteristics of the
participating countries, the overall picture that emerges is one of a general
concern in all these countries with respect to the citizen’s capacity to
participate effectively in a democratic society, although there has been less
interest in what the specific contribution of adult education might be to
nurturing democratic participation.
References
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Maiztegui Oñate, C. y Gómez Marroquín, N. (2007), Package 1: Research
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122