Is the street child phenomenon synonymous with deviant behavior?
Pub:Adolescence
Detail:Johann le Roux and Cheryl Sylvia Smith. 33.132 (Winter
1998): p.915(1). (4170 words) From General OneFile.
Abstract:
The police, court officials, social workers, and the public, in general, perceive street
children negatively-their behavior is deemed deviant. This paper examines the concept of
deviance as a label placed on the powerless by those in positions of power.
Full Text:COPYRIGHT 1998 Libra Publishers, Inc.
INTRODUCTION
Street children are subjected to physical assault, sexual abuse, harassment from the public,
intimidation by gang members and criminals, and arrest by the police (Richter, 1988b).
This victimization frequently repeats what has occurred in the home. Though often
victims themselves, street children, according to Swart (1988c), are regarded as
irresponsible and lawless and a serious financial burden to society.
Richter (cited in the Natal Mercury, June 15, 1988) has stated that the phenomenon of
street children has become an emotional issue, evoking strong feelings among those
committed to helping them, as well as those determined to get rid of them (see also
Swart-Kruger & Donald, 1994; Donald & Swart-Kruger, 1994; Jayes, 1985). Further,
Richter (1991a, 1991b) has noted that these children live on the periphery of society, and
as a result they are often misunderstood.
CHARACTERIZING STREET CHILDREN
The term street children can be applied to a large number of youths, all of whom spend a
great deal of time away from home, but do not necessarily share other characteristics
(Agnelli, 1986). Definitions vary, but they generally have three main elements in
common: (1) these children live or spend a significant amount of time on the street; (2)
the street is the children's source of livelihood; and (3) they are inadequately cared for,
protected, or supervised by responsible adults. Richter (1988c, 1991b) has pointed out
that the characteristics of runaways, or homeless youths, in First World countries differ
from those of working Third World street children. These differences will be considered
in the context of South Africa.
A survey of the literature on street children reveals that three groups are frequently
identified: children with continuous family contacts, who work on the street, usually go
to school, and go home to their families at the end of the day; children with occasional
family contacts, who work on the street, do not go to school, and seldom go home to their
families; and children without family contacts, who consider the street their home, and it
is there that they seek shelter, food, and a sense of belonging among peers. Lusk (1992)
has emphasized the psychological characteristics of four groups of street children: poor,
working children who return to their families at night and usually attend school - they are
not likely to exhibit delinquent behavior; independent street workers, whose family ties
are in the process of breaking down - their school attendance is erratic and they exhibit
increasing delinquency; children who live and work with their families on the street poverty is the overwhelming reason for their presence; and children who have broken off
all contact with their families - they live full time on the streets and are the "real" street
children. Aptekar (1994) divides the process into stages, beginning with the child
spending a small amount of time away from home, and progressing to the total adoption
of the street lifestyle and culture (compare Baizerman, 1988; Visano, 1990).
Richter (1988a), Konanc (1989), Cosgrove (1990), and Aptekar (1995a) have stated that
street children can be defined according to their relationships with family. Children of the
street have left home permanently and usually have little or no contact with their families.
Children on the street, who constitute the largest group, return home from time to time,
usually contributing to the financial support of their families (Ennew, cited in Richter,
1988c; compare Aptekar, 1994).
Thus, street children encompass various categories. In addition, this term is commonly
used in Africa, while in Europe, the Americas, and Australia, the terms homeless children,
runaways, throwaways, and pushouts are more common.
The United Nations has developed its own definition of street children: "any girl or
boy . . . for whom the street in the widest sense of the word, including unoccupied
dwellings, wasteland, and so on, has become his or her habitual abode and/or source of
livelihood, and who is inadequately protected, supervised, or directed by responsible
adults" (Inter-NGO, cited in Swart-Kruger & Donald, 1994, p. 108). Cockburn (1991),
noting that most differences in definitions are largely semantic, has defined street
children as "those who have abandoned their homes, schools and immediate communities,
before they are sixteen years of age, and have drifted into a nomadic street life" (p. 12).
Richter (1988a) would add, "or those who have been abandoned by their families." Keen
(1989) has proposed the following definition: "A street child is regarded as one who has
run away from home and is living on the streets apart from any adult supervision or care"
(p. 11). Cosgrove (1990) has emphasized the degree of family involvement and the
amount of deviant behavior: a street child is "any individual under the age of eighteen
whose behavior is predominantly at variance with community norms, and whose primary
support for his/her developmental needs is not a family or family substitute" (p. 192). A
recent report by the Human Sciences Research Council (HSRC) of South Africa (cited in
Schurink & Mathye, 1993) has put forward the following definition: "A street child is any
girl or boy who is under the age of eighteen and who has left his/her home environment
part time or permanently (because of problems at home and/or in school, or to try to
alleviate those problems) and who spends most of his/her time unsupervised on the street
as part of a subculture of children who live an unprotected communal life and who
depend on themselves and each other, and not on an adult, for the provision of physical
and emotional needs, such as food, clothing, nurturance, direction and socialization" (p.
5).
According to Aptekar (1995a), it has been a common practice to refer to street children as
a more or less unified group. However, the uniqueness of each street child should be
acknowledged: "The term street children and youth embraces a diverse group of young
people dislocated, to various degrees, from family, school and community, who tend to
congregate in inner-city areas. Their reasons for being on the street vary, as do their
probable educational and adjustment outcomes" (Richter & Swart-Kruger, 1995, p. 31).
It has also been suggested that children who have adjusted to street life are not easily
convinced that there is a better alternative (Agnelli, 1986). Samper, cited in Aptekar
(1995a), has gone so far as to refer to these children as a "plague."
Aptekar (1995a) has argued that, in most cases, street children are lumped together with
working children who return to their families at the end of the day to live a normal but
impoverished family life. This serves to make the problem of homelessness seem much
greater than it actually is. In fact, the great majority-well over three-quarters and as many
as ninety percent in various developing countries - live at home but work on the streets to
earn money for their families (Aptekar, 1994).
Geddes (1993), however, has stated that although few street children are actually
homeless or orphans, they are functionally homeless. Their parents are incapable of
caring for them due to such problems as substance abuse and poverty (similar findings
have been reported by Ennew, 1986, 1994; Lusk, 1992; Myers, 1989; Ojanuga, 1990;
Patel, 1990; UNICEF, 1986).
A useful typology developed by UNICEF (cited in Aptekar, 1994) has classified street
children in relation to their development. It reflects the belief that the experience of
children who work on the street is considerably different from children who must look to
a peer group or gang for the fulfillment of primary needs, such as protection, sustenance,
and nurture. Aptekar (1994) has noted that some researchers classify street children by
the different types of experiences they have, including the quality of their play and work
and their relations with peers and authority figures. In addition, age and gender are
important factors.
There is also the popular misconception that equates street children with gangs (compare
Scharf et al., 1986; Swart, 1988a). Unfortunately both the police and the public are
predisposed to characterize street children in this way.
Visano (1990) has claimed that street children are defined mainly by two dimensions: the
amount of time spent on the streets and the absence of contact with responsible adults.
However, this ignores the individual differences among them, such as coping style.
DEVIANCE
Highly charged reactions to street children make it difficult to remain objective. Thus, the
children's ability to survive under the most trying circumstances may be understated, or
their problems minimized, making them appear as modern-day Huckleberry Finns.
According to Aptekar et al. (1995), "it is so difficult to know to what degree the children
are honest, to what degree one's perception of them is accurate, and how what is written
about them will be perceived by readers" (pp. 2-3).
Adults' negative interpretations of the lifestyle and hostile, condemnatory responses to
street children would seem to make it almost impossible for them to retain healthy selfesteem (Richer, 1989a; compare Scharf et al., 1986; Swart, 1988b). Wilson and Arnold
(1986) have stated that "their silent scream and inner rage surface as they cut loose and
take to the streets. There are few safety nets for them, because they are alienated from our
society and because we regard them as 'deviants' and 'social junk'" (p. 7). Further, "they
feel exploited by almost everyone: the media, the pushers, the sex purchasers, the
sociologists, and the do-gooders" (p. 6).
South African street children are generally thought of as sly, manipulative, deceitful
troublemakers. According to Richter (1991b), "like all stereotypes, these cameos contain
a little bit of truth, often enough to reinforce and maintain the stereotype" (p. 6). In
addition, these negative appraisals are predominantly all-embracing, and no concessions
are made that bad behavior may be temporary or situational (Richter, 1989b).
According to Goliath (1989), "street children are a burden on society. These children
often become the adult layabouts and criminals of the future" (p. 5). The literature, on the
whole, reveals that by society's standards, street children deviate from social, moral, and
legal norms. Swart (1988c) has stated that although some people condone the behavior of
street children as that which is to be expected under the circumstances, it is generally
"considered deviant in terms of childhood and community norms" (p. 8). Further, SwartKruger and Donald (1994) have stated that "it is not surprising . . . that lying and deceit
are fundamental tools of survival in an adult world which has aligned itself against them"
(p. 120).
Hansson (1991), citing Posel (1990), has claimed that since 1976, when many black
children left their homes to take up the political struggle against apartheid, the media
have depicted them as being symbols of"anarchy, barbarism, criminality and spiraling
violence" (p. 8). According to Hansson, this explains why most programs have been
aimed at reinstating adult control and resocializing such children by getting them off the
streets and back into some form of schooling. Similarly, Richter (1988c) has pointed out
that "one of the chief difficulties in trying to help street children is to find ways of
bringing them back into so-called normal society. . . . Their socialization into this
lifestyle has been prematurely and, often, traumatically ended" (p. 3).
Richter (1988a) has noted that the longer the children spend on the streets, the more
likely it is that they will enter into criminal activities. It would appear that street children
engage in criminal activities mainly to ensure their own survival. According to Agnelli
(1986), "street children as such are not delinquent, but only immediate candidates for
delinquency if their needs are not met" (p. 112).
Society's negative opinion of these children, the low expectations of them, and the
closing of legitimate avenues' of opportunity may push them into delinquency, resulting
in a self-fulfilling prophecy. According to Swart (1988a), a few street children, feeling
humiliated and frustrated, have even threatened adults with violence for making their
lives unbearable. Paton (1990) has noted that "a child is more often delinquent because he
has been deprived of . . . the fundamental needs of security, affection and outlets for his
creative and emotional impulses. The change in him is remarkable when these deep needs
are satisfied" (p. 99).
In general, street children are perceived by the public as being "deviant" (Swart, 1988b;
Mangwana, 1992; Konanc, 1989). Haralambos and Holborn (1992) define deviance as
"those activities which bring disapproval from members of society" (pp. 580-581).
Richter's (1988a) findings indicate that about one fifth of street children may be involved
in antisocial activities, with some having acquired a set of attitudes and beliefs congruent
with criminality. Further, "the high visibility of criminal or delinquent activities, even
among a small group of street children, tends to antagonize the communities in which
they occur, and they provide the authorities with a rationale for adopting a punitive
attitude towards all street children" (Richter, 1988a, p. 13).
Agnelli (1986) has stated that the outcome of having to adjust, often alone, in a hostile
environment is involvement in delinquent activities. Cemane (1990) has taken a more
categorical stance: "street children have no incentive to conform to social sanctions that
inhibit antisocial behavior, and will seize any opportunity to engage in deviant behavior"
(p. 2).
The brutality of street life and negative interactions with authorities may set into motion a
process of primary and secondary deviance, with terrible consequences. Involvement in
petty crime, or even proximity to such crime, has frequently made street children victims
of violence. Dewces and Klees (1995), citing research from Childhope, have stated that,
between 1988 and 1990, an estimated 4,611 Brazilian children and adolescents were
murdered by renegade police and vigilante groups.
It is possible that the labeling of street children as deviant pushes them more deeply into
antisocial behavior. They may even come to accept society's perceptions of them. This
labeling serves to further isolate them from society, intensifying their victimization
(Alexander, 1987; O'Connor, 1989; Olson et al., 1980; Aptekar, 1988). Kennedy (1987)
has stated that being labeled homeless carries many connotations: dirty, lazy, alcoholic,
delinquent, and drug addicted. Perceptions beget attitudes, which, regarding street
children, are negative - they are troublesome, they are undeserving. "So we provide
separate services for them in separate hostels or houses, and what services there are, are
provided not by the statutory bodies but by underfunded voluntary agencies. This in turn
reinforces society's attitudes towards these children, that they don't deserve any better"
(Kennedy, 1987, p. 19).
Commenting on street children in the Americas, Connolly (1990) has stated that, on the
whole, these children are regarded as either delinquent or deviant. The fact that children
who have spent a considerable amount of time on the streets frequently run away from
both government and private programs is used as evidence to support the common belief
that they are uneducable and incorrigible (see also Balanon, 1989; Konanc, 1989;
Hickson & Gaydon, 1989). According to Richter (1989b), UNICEF has identified the
inhibition of self-confidence and self-esteem, brought about by society's negative
perception of street children and their work, as a significant element in their exploitation
(compare Keen, 1990; Richter, 1988a).
Labeling theory views the determination of deviance as a dynamic process. Who is to be
considered deviant comes about in the interplay between the powerless and the powerful
(Thio, 1988). That the majority expect street children to be criminals as adults (Swart,
1988d) therefore has important repercussions.
Haskell and Yablonsky (1987) have stated that "a youth is defined as a juvenile
delinquent when that status is conferred upon him by a court" (p. 7). Thus, when arrested,
street children are often incarcerated with adult offenders, who instruct them in the tricks
of the trade. This may lead to the entrenchment of a criminal career (Swart, 1988a;
compare Olson et al., 1980; Nye, 1980; Gullotta, 1979; Young et al., 1983).
CONCLUSIONS
Increasing numbers of children live on the streets (Cemane, 1990; Richter, 1991a;
Peacock, 1994). Once there, the attitudes and perceptions of society become the catalyst
for the mainly negative self-perceptions that street children have of themselves (Konanc,
1989). The support of other street children, however, may act as a significant emotional
buffer (Donald & Swart-Kruger, 1994).
According to Richter (1991a), "children are most especially harmed on the streets by the
harsh physical conditions, by violence and harassment, by labor exploitation, by
absorption into criminal networks, and by denial of their right to receive an education that
will equip them to achieve a better life" (p. 8). Interventions have ranged from
government programs to projects by volunteers. These efforts, until recently, have been
minimal, probably due to street children's marginality to society (Cockburn, 1991).
Richter, citing Agnelli (1986), has claimed that the presence of street children is an
indictment of the way society construes its priorities. These children, who endure
significant hardship but hope one day to rejoin the community as productive members,
are ignored by a society that systematically excludes them (Richter, 1989a).
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Source Citation
Roux, Johann le, and Cheryl Sylvia Smith. "Is the street child phenomenon synonymous
with deviant behavior?" Adolescence 33.132 (1998): 915. General OneFile. Web. 17 Nov.
2009.
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