Discrimination and Identity
An Overview of Theoretical and Empirical Research
Violet Kaspar, Ph.D.
Assistant Professor, Department of Psychiatry
University of Toronto
Toronto, ON, Canada
Samuel Noh, Ph.D.
Professor, Department of Sociology
University of Akron
Akron, OH, USA
Commissioned by the Department of Canadian Heritage for the
Ethnocultural, Racial, Religious, and Linguistic Diversity and Identity Seminar
Halifax, Nova Scotia
November 1-2 2001
Available on-line in English and French at www.metropolis.net
The views expressed in this paper do not necessarily reflect
those of the Department of Canadian Heritage.
2
Table of Contents
Abstract ........................................................................................................................................................ 3
Introduction ................................................................................................................................................... 4
Identity ........................................................................................................................................................... 6
Theories and Definitions of Identity ................................................................................................. 6
Psychological Functions of Ethnic Identity ....................................................................................... 8
Racism and Discrimination ........................................................................................................................... 9
Defining Terms ................................................................................................................................ 9
Discrimination I: Adults ............................................................................................................................... 10
Perceived Discrimination ............................................................................................................... 10
Discrimination, Psychological Distress and Identity ...................................................................... 11
Coping with Discrimination: The Role of Identity ........................................................................... 12
Discrimination II: Youth .............................................................................................................................. 14
Discrimination and Youth .............................................................................................................. 14
Discrimination and Identity in Youth .............................................................................................. 16
Coping with Discrimination ............................................................................................................ 19
Communities at Risk ................................................................................................................................... 21
Immigrants and Refugees ............................................................................................................. 21
Women .......................................................................................................................................... 22
Children and Youth ........................................................................................................................ 23
Recommendations for Empirical Research on Discrimination and Identity ................................................ 25
Research Design ........................................................................................................................... 25
National Surveys ........................................................................................................................... 25
Measures of Discrimination and Identity ....................................................................................... 26
Summary, and Implications for Research and Policy ................................................................................. 28
Reference List ............................................................................................................................................. 31
3
Abstract
Theory suggests that exposure to racial bias and discrimination may be associated with
poor psychological outcomes, including stigmatized identity formation and increased
mental distress. However, the nature of associations among these factors has rarely been
examined through research. This paper provides an overview of the adult and youth
literatures focusing on ethnic identity as a psychological outcome of perceived racial/ethnic
discrimination, and as a protective factor that safeguards individual well-being from the
adverse influences of discrimination. Drawing on various theories and research of identity,
the stress process, and development, the paper reviews empirical findings related to two
views. First, the direct association between discrimination and ethnic identity is examined.
Evidence for this view is mixed. Some research shows that discrimination either
jeopardizes ethnic identity in minorities, or prompts a stronger identification with one’s
ethnic group. Other research finds no direct association between the variables, suggesting
that ethnic identity is stable, and non-responsive to the effects of racism and discrimination.
Second, the paper examines the role of ethnic identity as a psychological resource that
buffers the negative consequences of discrimination. The adult literature in particular
contains considerable evidence to support the salience of this second perspective, showing
that ethnic identity is not directly affected by discrimination, but acts to moderate the impact
of discrimination on psychological distress. Research related to this view is relatively less
advanced in youth populations. Areas where research may contribute to understanding
psychological impacts of exposure to racism/discrimination are discussed.
4
Introduction
Recent statistics indicate that approximately 11.2% of Canadians are visible minorities
(Statistics Canada 1996). This represents more than double the 5% figure based on the
1981 census. Projected estimates derived on the basis of Canadian trends in fertility,
mortality, and migration indicate that visible racial or ethnic minorities will represent 20%
and 25% of adult and child populations, respectively, by the year 2016; and by 2050,
visible minorities are likely to form a majority in Canada (Badets 1993; K. Kelly 1995).
Consistently documented in the literature is the salience of racial or ethnic minority status
as a principal determinant of access to social status and resources, of personal identity,
and of mortality and morbidity (e.g., Amaro, Russo, and Johnson 1987; Barnes and
Ephross 1994; Essed 1991; Feagin 1991; House and Williams 2000; Jackson, Brown, and
Kirby 1998; Jackson, Williams, and Torres 1997; Krieger 1990; Pernice and Brook 1996;
Rumbaut 1994; Salgado de Snyder 1987; Williams, Lavizzo-Mourey, and Warren 1994). In
Canada and in the United States, visible, non-white minorities continue to be
disadvantaged over non-minorities in employment status, income, education, and judicial
fairness (e.g., Ornstein 2000; Williams 1997). And theory and research continue to point to
the significance of social inequity (Aneshensel 1992; Pearlin 1989; Thoits 1995) and
stigma (Goffman 1964) as primary determinants of disproportionate distributions of
psychological well-being.
To date, however, there is a relative lack of research addressing variations in the
psychological adaptation of minorities according to unique aspects of experiences,
including social and material deprivations, and exposure to racism or discrimination (House
and Williams 2000; Kessler, Mickelson, and Williams 1999; Krieger 1990; Noh, Beiser,
Kaspar and Hou 1999; Williams 1997). While the literature consistently supports the
salience of racial/ethnic discrimination as a source of life stress for adults (Rabkin and
Struening 1976; Moritsugu and Sue 1983; Kessler and Neighbors 1986; Williams 1994)
and youth (Bath and Farrell 1996; Kaspar and Noh 2000; Levinsky and McAleer 1994;
Olsen 1996; Romero and Roberts 1998; Rumbaut 1994; Sigel and Hoskin 1991;
Way 1998), a continuing challenge has been to explain variations in individual
psychological responses to discrimination-related stressors, including the impact of
discrimination on such critical aspects of psychological functioning as identity and mental
distress.
The role of ethnic identity is a highly relevant construct for understanding minority
adaptation (e.g., Erikson 1963 1964 1968 1980; Phinney 1990, Thoits 1995). The salience
of the construct is highlighted in theoretical and empirical literatures specifying how
individuals derive a sense of meaning and purpose in life (Cross 1991), a sense of
community solidarity, belongingness (Isajiw 1990), and personal well-being (Reitz 1980),
as well as process social information (Tajfel 1981) on the basis of attachment to their
cultural or heritage group. A commitment to promoting and supporting diversity and
multiculturalism also makes identity an important consideration for policy and research in
Canada. Notwithstanding, diversity sometimes contributes to racial and ethnic tensions and
discrimination, which may threaten identity, social cohesion, and mental health. Feelings of
relatedness or belonging are critical esteem-related needs associated with life satisfaction
5
across cultures (Sheldon, Elliot, Kim, and Kasser 2001).
The classic writings of Erving Goffman (1964) address how living with a stigmatized
identity, and being exposed to racial biases and discrimination may compromise minority
health and well-being. Theory and empirical research point to the significance of
discrimination in compromising identity and self-concept processes among minorities (e.g.,
Abraham 1986; Cross 1991; Driedger 1989; Erikson 1964; Inniss 1992; Markstrom 1987;
Porter and Washington 1993; Spencer and Markstrom-Adams 1990). However, relatively
little empirical research has directly addressed identity processes, or the psychological
functions of identity among racial or ethnic minorities exposed to discrimination.
This overview of the literature on discrimination and identity is organized around two central
themes: the direct association between discrimination and ethnic identity, and the role of
ethnic identity as a psychological resource that buffers the negative consequences of
discrimination. Drawing on the principles of various sociological and psychological theories
advanced, or successfully adapted for the study of stress and adaptation among minorities,
discrimination is regarded here as an important ecological factor influencing the
relationship between ethnicity and adaptation throughout the life course.
According to newly emerging conceptual frameworks in developmental psychology,
prejudice, racism and discrimination may mediate effects of ethnicity, race, or social
status/class on psychological outcomes (Garcia-Coll, Crnic, Lamberty, Wasik, Jenkins,
Vazquez-Garcia, and Pipes-McAdoo 1996; Gonzales and Kim 1997). This and other
structural interpretations presented in the sociology and psychology literatures, specify
discrimination as a derivative of social stratification factors (e.g., race, class, ethnicity,
gender), eventuating in segregated (e.g., social, psychological, economic and residential)
contexts (e.g., school, neighborhood, health care) that threaten mental health and
successful adaptation (Garcia-Coll et al. 1996; Krieger 1990; Williams 1994). A related
cultural ecological perspective views ethnicity-related experiences such as discrimination
as threats to mental health and well-being because these place ethnic minorities at risk for
disproportionate exposure to negative life events (e.g., major life events, chronic strains,
daily hassles) relative to non-minorities (Gonzales and Kim 1997).
Finally, the stress-process paradigm specifies how variability in psychological response to
discrimination originates from both differential vulnerability to stressors (i.e., individual
differences in emotional reactions evoked by social stressors) and the availability of social
and psychological coping resources, including personal coping ability, social resources.
These resources include social support that either mediates or modifies the stress-health
link (Aneshensel 1992; Avison and Gotlib 1994; Pearlin, et al. 1981; Pearlin and
Schooler 1978; Thoits 1995; Turner and Noh 1983; Turner and Lloyd 1998). The model
has been adapted and applied successfully in Canadian epidemiological (Noh, Beiser,
Kaspar and Hou 1999) and U.S. national (Jackson, Williams, and Torres 1997; Williams
and Chung 1997) studies examining discrimination, health, and the factors affecting the
health-discrimination link.
Consistent with predictions based on these theoretical perspectives, empirical evidence
demonstrates a dose-response association between discrimination and psychological
6
distress. Sanders-Thompson (1996) reported how symptoms of post-traumatic reactions
(e.g., troubling dreams, intrusive thoughts and images) were more pronounced when the
nature of experienced racism (within the past 6 months) was moderate or severe than
when it was mild. In addition, the various theories emphasize how constructs associated
with personal agency and a positive and coherent sense of self constitute important
personal resources that protect mental health (Aneshensel 1992; Garmezy and
Rutter 1983; Kaplan 1975; Rosenberg 1979; Thoits 1995). A strong theoretical basis exists
for the salience of personal identity in predicting the psychological adjustment of minorities
(e.g., Erikson 1963 1964 1968 1980; Lewin 1948).
Identity
Theories and Definitions of Identity
Theories of identity have drawn heavily on the writings of Erik Erikson (e.g. 1968 1980).
Though his work was based primarily on clinical observations and focused on ego
processes, Erikson advanced one of the most comprehensive theories of identity, citing it
as a critical aspect of adaptive human development and the basis for successful decision
making, value formation, goal-setting and coping with stress throughout life. According to
Erikson, healthy identity development entails achieving a coherent self-definition, which is
stable across time and place, well-regarded by significant others, and a source of
purposefulness and direction in defining personal goals and values. The task of identity
formation, or that of gaining a clear and coherent sense of knowing oneself, and what one
will be in life, is regarded as a normative developmental process influenced by personal
and social contextual factors.
Systematic research on identity has been hindered, however, by difficulties in
operationalizing the construct (Dashefsky 1975; Marcia 1966; Waterman 1988). Moreover,
despite consistent references to the significance of minority status for identity among
individuals living in contexts where dominant values and beliefs may conflict with those of
their racial, ethnic or cultural group (e.g., Erikson 1964), there has been little attempt to
advance relevant theories and measures to address healthy identity formation in minorities.
Only recently has the role of race/ethnicity been incorporated into theory and research on
identity processes and well-being (e.g., Frable 1997; Isajiw 1990; Phinney 1990; Phinney
and Alipuria 1990).
Social psychological and developmental theoretical orientations or perspectives have given
rise to various definitions of ethnic identity, in addition to predictions about the nature of the
association between ethnic identity and psychological adaptation (Cross 1991; Isajiw 1990;
Kwan and Sodowshy 1997; Parham and Helms 1985; Phinney 1990 1992; Pyant and
Yanico 1991; Tajfel 1981). Ethnic identity has been regarded "as a social-psychological
phenomenon that derives from membership in an ethnic group1... and gives to individuals a
sense of belonging and to the community a sense of oneness and historical meaning”
(Isajiw 1990, p. 35).
1
A “social organization, an objective phenomenon that provides the structure for the ethnic community” (p. 35).
7
Phinney (1989 1990 1991 1992) advanced a developmental perspective on ethnic identity,
specifying a process consistent with Erikson’s theory whereby individuals strived toward
identity achievement (e.g., Erikson 1968; Marcia 1966 1980 1987) and internalized a sense
of positive regard and belonging to a racial or ethnic group. Phinney and her colleagues
defined ethnic identity as "one’s sense of belonging to an ethnic group and the part of
one’s thinking, perception, feelings and behavior that is due to ethnic group membership"
(Rotheram and Phinney 1987, p. 13). The process was operationalized as involving a
cognitive component of search, and affective components of affirmation, belonging, and
commitment (Phinney 1992). And a strong sense of ethnic identity was considered
adaptive (Phinney and Kohatsu 1997).
This view is rooted in a social psychological orientation wherein ethnic identity is regarded
as "that part of an individual’s self-concept which derives from [their] knowledge of [their]
membership of a social group (or groups) together with the value and emotional
significance attached to that membership" (Tajfel 1981, p. 255). Derived on the basis of
social identity theory (Tajfel and Turner 1979), this definition emphasizes the combination
of social categorization and motivational influences. The theory grew out of research on
stereotyping—e.g., perceiving low within-group differences, large between-group
differences—that could not be adequately explained on the basis of social categorization
alone. According to social identity theory, individuals have a need to belong to groups that
serve to enhance their self-esteem.2 Research indicates that individuals strive to maintain a
favorable image of their in-group and protect their self-esteem, even if the group is
disparaged.3
Notwithstanding a strong theoretical basis supporting the salience of ethnic identity for
psychological health, continuing challenges are posed by the lack of consistent
operationalization of the ethnic identity construct. However, there are some commonly
regarded features of ethnic identity (Isajiw 1990; Kwan and Sodowshy 1997;
Phinney 1990 1992; Tajfel 1981). The first involves identifying oneself as a member of an
ethnic group. Another element entails feeling a sense of belonging and attachment to the
ethnic group—including feelings of security and comfort, as well as preferences to affiliate
with members of the ethnic group over out-group members. Ethnic identity also entails an
attitudinal component that can be positive or negative depending on the level of felt pride
and satisfaction with the group. These comprise internal dimensions of ethnic identity.
There is also an external component to ethnic identity that includes such things as
involvement with ethnic organizations and ethnic language.
2
The association between ethnic identity and self-esteem is beyond the scope of this paper. For a more detailed
analysis of this issue, readers may refer to the writings of Jean Phinney and colleagues (e.g., Phinney 1989 1991; Phinney and
Alipuria 1990; Phinney and Chavira 1992; Phinney, Chavira, and Tate 1993; Phinney, Chavira, and Wiliamson 1992; RotheramBorus and Phinney 1990).
3
As managed by minimizing the salience of the disparaged feature of their group (Fiske and Taylor 1991). Crocker
and Major (1989) reported that efforts to protect or maintain self-esteem were most evident among individuals who were strongly
identified with a disparaged group.
8
Psychological Functions of Ethnic Identity
Implicit in the mental health literatures is the assumption that ethnic identity is a critical
consideration in understanding the psychological functioning and well-being of minorities
(e.g., Cross 1991; Lewin 1948; Phinney and Kohatsu 1997). Notwithstanding, theoretical
models to account for processes by which ethnic identity affects psychological functioning
are not well-advanced, and few studies have been conducted to examine the direct role of
ethnic identity in predicting mental health (Liebkind 1996; Nesdale, Rooney, and
Smith 1997). Researchers, without actually assessing ethnic identity directly, have
inferred—sometimes based on variations in self-esteem between ethnic and non-ethnic
group members—an association between ethnic identity and psychological status
(Cross 1991; Phinney 1990).
In empirical studies in which ethnic identity was measured (e.g., Noh, Beiser, Kaspar, and
Hou 1999; Sanders-Thompson 1996), results failed to demonstrate a direct link between
ethnic identity and mental health (e.g., depression, post-traumatic stress symptoms). For
example, in a Canadian study of Southeast Asians, no association was reported between
ethnic identity and depression (Noh et al. 1999). Findings based on studies conducted in
the US also suggested that racial identification was not associated with psychological
distress among Blacks (Sanders-Thompson 1996). However, another U.S. study showed a
significant association between ethnic pride and psychological adjustment, even after
controlling for the effects of personal self-esteem (Crocker, Luhtanen, Blaine, and
Broadnax 1994).
More recently, theorists and researchers have pointed to the significance of ethnic identity
as a personal resource (Pearlin 1989; Thoits 1995) that either mediates (Anderson 1991)
or moderates (Cross 1991; Al-Issa 1997) the psychological impact of stress. With respect
to the mediating effect of ethnic identity, findings based on our research in Canada among
Chinese, Vietnamese, Laotians and Koreans (Noh 1999; Noh et al. 1999) were consistent
with those observed in the United States among Blacks, Asians and Hispanics (e.g.,
Phinney, Chavira, and Tate 1993; Sanders-Thompson 1996) in demonstrating that ethnic
identity did not mediate the link between discrimination and depression.
However, while there appears to be no empirical evidence—in existing literatures and
through our own analyses—to support the role of ethnic identity as a mediator, there may
be evidence for a moderating effect of ethnic identity. Among Asian and Southeast Asian
respondents, for example, we found that ethnic identity moderated the impact of
discrimination on mental health and further conditioned the efficacy of diverse coping
9
responses (Noh 1999; Noh et al. 1999). These findings will be presented in more detail
elsewhere in this review.
Racism and Discrimination
Defining Terms
Racism refers to “a negative social definition of a group identified by physical features4 (i.e.
[skin color, and it])... exists in different forms: individual, institutional, structural, and
cultural” (James 1989, p. 44; see also Essed 1991; Henry, Tator, Mattis, and Rees 1995).
Thus, racism, as a belief or ideology is systemic (Henry, et al. 1995). And, through
institutional and structural constraints, it sustains restrictions in opportunities of minorities
for education, employment, and social and civic participation (Anderson and Frideres 1981;
Hughes and Kallen 1974; Uba 1994), and threatens social cohesion (Ignatieff 1993).
Denigration or subordination of a racial or ethnic minority group also provides nonminorities with justifications for societal inequalities in financial resources and power, and
represents a significant motivational component of engagement in hate crime activity.
A related construct, discrimination, has a behavioral component, and refers to “intentional
acts that draw unfair or injurious distinctions, that are based solely on ethnic or racial basis
and that have effects favorable to in-groups and negative to out-groups” (Jackson, Brown,
and Kirby 1998, p.110). Discrimination is commonly regarded as a derivative of social
stratification factors, including race, class, ethnicity and gender. Perceived discrimination
refers to subjective (visible minority) perceptions of unfair treatment of racial/ethnic groups
or members of the groups, based on racial prejudice 5 and ethnocentrism, which may be
manifest at individual, cultural or institutional levels (Jackson et al. 1998). The unfair or
injurious acts may be expressed either in direct and blatant forms of behavior, or in more
subtle and elusive attitudes and behaviors.
In most societies where discrimination research is conducted, discrimination is subtle and
difficult to document except through subjective personal accounts (Dovidio and
Gaertner 1991 1998; Gaertner and Dovidio 1986; Hamberger and Hewstone 1997; Henry
et al. 1995; Meertens and Pettigrew 1997). Discrimination, in this paper, therefore, refers to
perceived experiences.
4
While race refers to distinctions based on physical features, ethnicity refers to distinctions drawn on the basis of
language, nationality, religion, and other markers of culture.
5
Prejudice is regarded as “an unjustified negative attitude toward an individual based solely on that individual’s
membership in a certain group” (Worchel, Cooper and Gœthals 1988, p. 449), or “an organized predisposition to respond in an
unfavourable manner toward people from an ethnic group because of their ethnic affiliation” (Aboud 1988, p. 4).
10
Discrimination I: Adults
Perceived Discrimination
Visible minorities are frequent targets of prejudice and stigma (Angus Reid 1991;
Goffman 1964; Williams 1994). While overt expressions of racism and discrimination
toward minorities have become less socially sanctioned in most modern societies, they
have assumed more subtle forms (Dovidio and Gaertner 1991; Hamberger and
Hewstone 1997; Henry, Tator, Mattis, and Rees 1995; Meertens and Pettigrew 1997;
Pettigrew and Meertens 1995). This is also supported through some of our recent analyses
where we observed that experiences of discrimination among Southeast Asians in Canada
(Vancouver) were overwhelmingly subtle, and experiences of overt forms of discrimination
were relatively rare (e.g., Noh, Beiser, Kaspar and Hou 1999). Among respondents
reporting at least one experience of perceived discrimination 100% stated that at least one
of the forms in which it appeared was subtle. Over 20% felt that, in addition to
discrimination in its subtle form, they had also experienced either overt or communitydirected discrimination. Less than 7% of respondents who encountered discrimination had
experienced all three forms of it: subtle,6 overt,7 and discrimination against their
community.8
Research also shows that different minority groups may encounter discrimination at
different rates of frequency, and in different ways (Breton 1978; Head 1981; Robson and
Breems 1985; Wortley 1996). These factors help to account for variations in associated
psychological risks of discrimination. Most studies do not, however, systematically
investigate experiences of minorities across important dimensions of ascribed (e.g.,
immigration status, ethnicity, gender) and achieved (education, occupation, income) status.
This is an important omission since discrimination, and its associated psychological
impacts, are not distributed uniformly across racial, ethnic and socioeconomic
classifications.
For example, studies have shown that Blacks in Canada (e.g., Breton 1978; Head 1981;
Robson and Breems 1985; Wortley 1996) and in the United States (Williams 1994 1997)
have been among the most frequent targets of discriminatory and biased treatments, often
encountering the most direct expressions of discrimination. South Asians also appear to be
frequent targets of discrimination. In a study conducted in the 1980s, about 50% of South
Asians living in Vancouver (Canada) were reported to have experienced at least one
incident related to discrimination during the two year period prior to the survey, and 14%
were victims of property damage or vandalism (Robson and Breems 1985). In a Toronto
study, 67% of South Asians, and 64% of Blacks reported personal experiences of racial
6
For example, looked down upon, unfair treatment, rudeness and insults.
7
For example, threats, racial graffiti on personal property, physical abuse and rough handling.
8
For example, graffiti in public place, vandalism directed at ethnic community and racial graffiti in ethnic
neighbourhood.
11
discrimination, mainly in housing and employment (Head 1981). Earlier research
conducted by Breton (1978) also showed inter-ethnic variation in perceptions of
discrimination. Breton found that 75% of West Indians, but 29% of Chinese living in
Toronto reported experiences of job-related discrimination.
These findings are comparable to those cited in more recent reports. In a Vancouver study
of Southeast Asians (Noh, Beiser, Kaspar and Hou 1999), approximately one quarter
(26%) of respondents reported one or more experiences of perceived discrimination. This
rate closely approximated rates reported in other studies with Asians in Canada (e.g.,
Breton 1978; Chan and Helly 1987; Head 1975 1981; Ramcharan 1974). In a US study, A.
Roberts (1988) studied perceived discrimination among Vietnamese in northern California
and the U.S. Gulf states. The proportion of respondents in that study who said that they
had experienced some form of discrimination because of their racial background was 33%,
a figure comparable to rates reported among Chinese in Seattle (Kuo 1995) and Toronto
(Breton 1978), and Southeast Asians in Vancouver (Noh, et al. 1998 1999).
In the United States, Jackson et al. (1995), based on their analysis of the Americans'
Changing Lives Survey data, found consistent rates of “being treated badly” because of
race or ethnicity across diverse racial minority groups. Rates were 47%, 45%, and 34%
among Black, Asian, and Native respondents, respectively. The relevant rates in Polish
and Italian respondents were 16% and 10%, respectively. These data are consistent with
those reported in many other studies, suggesting that perceptions of discrimination vary
substantially across visible and non-visible ethno-racial groups.
The findings reported by Jackson and colleagues (1995) also showed that rates of
perceived discrimination were different across ethno-racial groups, but also varied
according to racial self-identification. Respondents indicated their ethnic and racial
identities. Results showed that, among those who self-identified as Asian (both ethnically
and racially), the rate of perceived discrimination was 13%; the rate was 45% among
Asians whose ethnic identification was Asian but racial identification was "White.” This
pattern was also observed among Hispanic respondents in the sample. Among those selfidentified as Hispanic (both ethnically and racially), the rate of perceived discrimination was
12%; the rate was 23% among Hispanics whose ethnic identification was Hispanic but
racial identification was “White.” The findings have significant ramifications for research.
Few empirical studies to date have examined the ways in which perceptions of
discrimination are related to various personal identity factors. The consideration of
interactions among discrimination and identity processes is relevant for the advancement
of more clearly delineated processes through which racial/ethic minority status is related to
health and well-being.
Discrimination, Psychological Distress and Identity
Assumptions of the deleterious psychological and physical impacts of perceived racial
discrimination are well-supported by results based on national (Jackson, Williams, and
Torres 1997; Pernice and Brook 1996; Williams, et al. 1997 1997) and community (Amaro,
Russo, and Johnson 1987; Salgado de Snyder 1987) surveys, as well as qualitative
(Essed 1991; Barnes and Ephross 1994; Feagin 1991) and experimental (Dion and
12
Earn 1975; Dion, Dion, and Pak 1992; Pak, Dion, and Dion 1991) studies. Adverse mental
health consequences of discrimination have been observed in Canadian and U.S. studies
of primarily Asian, Black, and Hispanic respondents (Amaro, Russo, and Johnson 1987;
Kessler, Mickelson, and Williams 1999; Krieger 1990; Pernice and Brook 1996; Salgado de
Snyder 1987; Sanders-Thompson 1996; Williams 1994).
Despite the consistency of findings—based on multiple methods and research designs—to
support the negative psychological impact of discrimination, very little research has
examined the mechanisms through which discrimination affects mental health. Fernando
(1983 1986) delineated a process whereby racial discrimination affects mental health via
effects on psychological resources, including self-esteem and mastery or control. In this
regard, “racism is not just an added stress to black and ethnic minorities, but a pathogen
that generates depression in the individual... racism affects self-esteem, causes
(psychological) losses, and promotes a sense of helplessness” (Fernando 1986, p. 130).
According to this view, discrimination erodes one’s perception of self as being good and
efficacious, which eventuates in psychological distress. Research on the direct impact of
discrimination on identity is relevant to this explanation, but provides mixed findings. Dion
and his colleagues demonstrated that experiences of racial/ethnic discrimination prompted
stronger, and more favorable feelings about ethnic identity among university students in
Toronto (Dion and Earn 1975; Dion, Dion, and Pak 1992). Some of our own research
findings among Southeast Asian (Vancouver) and Korean (Toronto) adults are not
consistent with Dion’s findings. In none of these data sets could we find any evidence of a
significant association between perceived racial discrimination and ethnic identity. Finally,
research conducted in Canada and in the United States failed to demonstrate that the
association between discrimination and mental health was mediated by identity (e.g., see
Noh, Beiser, Kaspar, and Hou 1999; Sanders-Thompson 1996).
However, there appears to be a moderating effect of ethnic identity. For example, we have
shown that the association between discrimination and depression was moderated by the
individual’s level of ethnic identification (Noh, Beiser, Kaspar, and Hou 1999). Specifically,
holding a strong ethnic identity (e.g., ethnic salience, attitudes toward intergroup contact,
and retention of language and ethnic values and traditions) intensified the link between
discrimination and depression. The negative psychological impact of perceived racial
discrimination may be greater among those holding a stronger ethnic identity because, for
these individuals, the disparaged identity likely holds greater significance.
Our results also highlighted the moderating effect of coping with discrimination. We
observed that ethnic identity altered the protective effects of coping responses to perceived
experiences with discrimination. These findings, described in more detail below, highlight
the importance of ethnic identity for coping with discrimination.
Coping with Discrimination: The Role of Identity
Our research has identified two patterns of coping responses to discrimination, which we
characterized as confrontation and forbearance (Noh, Beiser, Kaspar, and Hou 1999). In
examining the mental health impact of these coping patterns, we found that confrontation
13
coping had no effect on the association between discrimination and depression in our
sample of Southeast Asians in Vancouver (Canada).9 However, we found a significant
moderating effect of forbearance. Specifically, among those who perceived they were
discriminated against, increases in depressive symptoms, relative to respondents who did
not perceive discrimination, were most apparent when discrimination was not responded to
through forbearance. As the level of the forbearing responses increased, this group
difference in depression was moderated considerably.
Our interpretation of the findings focused on cultural variations in the choice, and efficacy
of coping responses. Studies conducted in the U.S., for example, showed that
confrontation was an effective coping response among Blacks (Krieger 1990), but studies
of Asian -Americans and -Canadians showed that forbearance, or avoidance coping was a
more preferred, as well as effective (e.g., reduced distress) response to discrimination
(Kuo 1995; Noh et al. 1999).10
Situational determinants of coping and coping efficacy have been the focus of recent
research (e.g., Aneshensel and Sucoff 1996; Eckenrode 1991; Mattlin, Wethington, and
Kessler 1990). In examining cultural interpretations of the efficacy of coping responses, we
considered whether the effect of coping was conditioned, or moderated by ethnic
identification. The idea that direct action may be the best way to handle grievances is
consistent with North American values, but forbearance, or passive coping, may be a
preferred response to stress among Asians whose cultural norms and values dictate
avoidance, self-regulation, and maintenance of interpersonal harmony rather than direct
action (Aldwin 1994; Tietjen 1989; Triandis 1994). In support of a cultural interpretation of
the distress-reducing effect of emotion-focused coping, the effect of forbearance was
dramatically highlighted when adopted by Asians holding stronger attachments to
traditional ethnic values and group identification. When ethnic identity was high, minorities
were most vulnerable to psychological consequences of discrimination if they failed to
respond through forbearance. While the stress-moderating effect of forbearance was
observed even among those who did not identify strongly with ethnic values and traditions,
9
We expected that confrontational reactions, such as protesting directly to an offender or reporting to authorities, may
mitigate the effect of perceived discrimination on psychological distress because confrontation may alter the situation and reduce
the sense of helplessness and victimization. However, we also considered that confrontation might exacerbate distress due to
discrimination because direct responding can contribute to escalation of conflict and hostile interaction. In addition,
confrontation may not be an option available to stigmatized groups. Situational circumstances such as fear of losing a job,
inadequate social resources or support, absence of institutional support for direct complaints, and skepticism about the
effectiveness of official reporting procedures (e.g., Head 1975; Henry, et al. 1995; Kuo 1995; Muszynski 1983) militate against
confrontational responses to discrimination. The subtleties and ambiguities surrounding some discriminatory treatments also
make it difficult to respond through confrontation. Forbearing responses such as passively accepting or avoiding the experiences,
or not reacting may be the most viable methods of recourse for minorities, and may reduce the association between
discrimination and depression. Alternatively, forbearance could contribute to further distress because the situation is not altered
and the sense of helplessness and victimization is amplified.
10
Research suggests that many Asians believe that “doing nothing” is the best way to respond to discrimination
(Buchignani 1982; Kuo 1995), and that culturally discordant, confrontational coping reactions may actually be dysfunctional for
Asian mental health (e.g., Hwang 1979). Results of our own research showed that forbearance diminished the strength of the
association between discrimination and depression among Asians. Confrontation did not. This pattern of results contradicts the
assertion that problem-focused coping is more adaptive than passive acceptance of discrimination-related stress (e.g.,
Krieger 1990; Williams et al. 1994).
14
the magnitude of the effect was significantly diminished in this low ethnic identity group.
The findings support the merits of a contextual approach to studying the efficacy of coping
(e.g., Eckenrode 1991). In addition to ethnic identity, coping efficacy among minorities is
likely to differ, for example, with respect to social support,11 as well as the stage of
acculturation at which individuals are situated,12 and the perceived impact of resettlement
on one’s quality of life.13 These factors clearly create contexts that affect individual choices
of coping responses by restricting, or facilitating the expression of culturally appropriate
coping responses.
Discrimination II: Youth
Discrimination and Youth
Contemporary researchers are increasingly acknowledging the need for developmental
theory and empirical studies to address unique aspects of experience, adaptation, and
development of minority youth (Betancourt and Lopez 1993; Entwisle and Astone 1994;
Graham 1992; McLoyd and Steinberg 1998). Early research on the health and
development of minority children and youth was rooted in a "deficiency model," with
minority youth expected to demonstrate poor adaptation in areas of identity, school
performance and mental health. Recent frameworks delineated in the developmental
literatures specify the significance of racism and discrimination as important ecological
conditions influencing the relationship between ethnicity and adaptation (Garcia-Coll et
al. 1996; Gonzales and Kim 1997). However, the direct influence of racism and
discrimination has rarely been examined in child development research (Garcia-Coll and
Magnuson 1997; Garcia-Coll et al. 1996; McAdoo 1992; Spencer 1988).
Assumptions that discrimination was a stressor restricted to adulthood, or that children and
youth did not have sufficient social or cognitive resources to perceive the seriousness of
the consequences of many forms of life stress (e.g., Campos, Campos, and Barrett 1989;
Fields and Prinz 1997) precluded investigation of the psychological impact of racism or
discrimination among youth. In addition, lack of appropriate operationalization and
11
Elsewhere, we have suggested that coping through passive acceptance or denial of incidents may be effective in
reducing (or at least not increasing) the level of distress associated with discrimination if adopted by immigrants with strong and
supportive like-ethnic social networks (Noh et al. 1998). We have found that, when adopted by individuals whose ethnic social
support was poor, avoidance coping had a substantially large negative effect on psychological distress. The nature of social
networks comprised of Canadians with dissimilar ethnicities had little influence upon coping efficacy.
12
A confrontational coping response (e.g., verbal complaint or protest to the offender, taking discriminatory incidents
to authorities or the media) may be effective in dealing with discrimination for well-acculturated immigrants, but the same kind
of responses may bring detrimental consequences when adopted by those who are acculturated to a lesser degree (Noh 1999; Noh
et al. 1998).
13
Emotion-focused coping (i.e., avoidance and self-enhancement) reduced the direct impact of discrimination on
distress when used by persons whose quality of life had been adversely affected by immigration. However, the same coping
responses had either no effect or served to exasperate effects among immigrants whose migration had a positive impact on their
quality of life (Noh et al. 1998).
15
measurement of such ethnicity-linked stressors as discrimination, has restricted study of
the stress process in minority youth. Self-report instruments for assessing life events in
youth (e.g., Coddington 1972; Compas 1987a; Kohn, Lafreniere, and Gurevich 1990; Kohn
and Milrose 1993) were designed to tap a diversity of stressors identified as salient by
researchers. Such researcher-generated items generally have been more appropriate for
capturing the experiences of non-minority than minority youth (Hyman, Beiser, Noh, and
Vu 2000), and salient experiences, such as everyday exposures to racism and
discrimination, are typically not reflected in these inventories (Kaspar and Noh 2000).
Recent empirical results support the salience of discrimination as a source of life stress
among youth, and the capacity of youth to report on their experiences of racial prejudice
and discrimination (Bath and Farrell 1996; Levinsky and McAleer 1994; Olsen 1996; Sigel
and Hoskin 1991; Way 1998). Studies also show that youth encounter discrimination in
different contexts, including schools, university campuses (Alladin 1996; J.
Kelly 1998a 1998b; Landrine and Klonoff 1996; Thomas and Willinsky 1997) and legal
systems (Wortley 1996), and through a variety of sources, including peer groups (J.
Kelly 1998a 1998b), police (Wortley 1996), and teachers (Ogbu 1991; Solomon and
Levine-Rasky 1996). In a study of 8th and 9th grade youth in the United States (San Diego
and South Florida), Rumbaut (1994) reported that, among 5,127 Latin American,
Caribbean, and Asian respondents, 55% reported experiencing discrimination, and
discrimination was directly associated with higher depression among youth in this study.
In our Toronto (Canada) research, we used a more systematic approach to assessing
discrimination, asking 585 visible minority (mainly Blacks, Asians and Southeast Asians)
and non-visible (British and European) adolescents (aged 12 to 24 years) to rate the
frequency with which they “ever” encountered eight discrimination-related experiences
because of their racial or ethnic background (Kaspar and Noh 2000). Approximately 77% of
youth experienced at least one incident of discrimination on the basis of their ethnic/racial
group membership: the figure was 88% and 44% among visible and non-visible minority
youth, respectively.14 Discrimination in this study was significantly associated with negative
psychological and behavioral outcomes related to depression, anxiety, anti-social behavior,
as well as social and instrumental competence and self-acceptance. Moreover,
experiencing discrimination significantly accounted for group differences in these outcomes
among samples of visible and non-visible minority youth.
Similar to the adult literatures, and consistent with findings based on our own research with
minority youth, empirical evidence also shows that discrimination is encountered at
different rates of frequency by different ethno-racial youth groups. In a Houston (Texas)
study, surveying 3,071 youth between grades 6 and 8, significantly higher perceptions of
discrimination were observed among each individual group of African-, Mexican-, and
Vietnamese-American youth relative to their non-Hispanic, European-American school
mates (Romero and Roberts 1998). In addition, African-American youth perceived more
14
The most frequently reported incidents included at least one experience of receiving unfair treatment (49%), being
treated rudely (63%), being insulted (67%), or having a family member discriminated against (55%). The least frequently
reported experiences of discrimination included being hit (25%), threatened (16%), refused service (20%), or socially excluded
(32%).
16
discrimination than the Mexican- or Vietnamese-American youth groups. Perceived
discrimination was operationalized by combining respondent reports on the amount of
discrimination directed against people of their own ethnic background, and on the amount
of discrimination that they experienced personally. Again, despite the crude method of
operationalizing discrimination, and the potential “noise” due to combining perceptions of
discrimination directed towards the self versus others15, the pattern of results was
consistent with findings reported in the adult and youth literatures to support ethno-racial
variations in individual perceptions of discriminatory experiences.
Discrimination and Identity in Youth
The significance of discrimination as a determinant of the developmental adjustments of
minority children and youth has been documented recently in theoretical (Garcia-Coll et
al. 1996; Gonzales and Kim 1997) and empirical (Romero and Roberts 1998;
Rumbaut 1994) literatures. Identity processes tend to be emphasized in much of these
literatures given the relevance of identity for healthy development, particularly during
adolescence (Erikson 1968). Discrimination is thought to influence identity through a
process by which youth rejected or shamed on the basis of their race go through an identity
crisis that prompts them to examine and judge their ethnic identity (Cross 1991; Spencer
and Markstrom-Adams 1990). With increasing age, youth become increasingly exposed to
extrafamilial socialization contexts (Blos 1967; Sullivan 1953; Youniss 1980; Youniss and
Smollar 1985) where, through peers, schools, and the media, they are less likely to be
shielded from encounters with, or awareness of, discrimination.
Literatures aimed at explaining how discrimination affects adjustment and well-being
among minority youth describe the internalization of ascribed and devalued social
positions/statuses (DeVos and Suarez-Orozco 1990), feelings of inferiority and self-hatred
(Erikson 1964), anger (Stevenson, Reed, Bodison, and Bishop 1997), jeopardized selfimage, self-esteem, and self-efficacy (e.g., Erikson 1964; Garcia Coll et al. 1996;
Inniss 1992; Uba 1994; Williams-Morris 1996), and interference with identity formation
(Abraham 1986; Cross 1991; Markstrom 1987; Spencer and Markstrom-Adams 1990).
While many of these perspectives point to the erosion of psychological resources, it is
difficult to make any definitive statements about the impact of discrimination on identity.16
Minority youth may respond to discrimination through stronger identification with their own
racial/ethnic group (e.g., Dion, Dion, and Pak 1992). They may create subcultures where
their sense of self, or identity is shielded from such negative social forces as racism and
discrimination (e.g., Garcia-Coll et al. 1996; Davey 1982). Cross (1991 1995) argued that
15
A small number of empirical findings show a tendency among members of visible minority groups toward
consistently rating perceptions of group discrimination or societal racism significantly higher than discrimination directed at
them personally (Crosby 1984; Eberhardt and Fiske 1998; Taylor, Wright, Moghaddam, and Lalonde 1990). To date, research
has not explained what might account for this discrepancy. And, it is not clear whether members of minority groups tend either to
over-estimate the amount of discrimination in society, or underestimate actual rates of personal experiences with discrimination.
16
Social psychology literature suggests that members of disparaged minority groups may protect and maintain their
sense of mastery, and a favourable sense of self-esteem and identity by making external attributions of failures to social stigma
against their group (Crocker and Major 1989), or alternatively, by minimizing the perception of being a victim of racial stigma or
discrimination (Ruggiero and Taylor 1997).
17
youth exposed to racism or discrimination may even respond by developing an
"oppositional" or separate identity characterized as over-identification with their own group,
and rejection of "mainstream" values and norms.17 Other options are to distance from, and
develop negative stereotypes about their group, or minimize the salience of their race or
ethnicity18 (e.g., Phinney, Chavira, and Tate 1993; Pyant and Yanico 1991).
Research highlights the influence of social context in this process, with empirical results
demonstrating a more pronounced erosion of self-efficacy and self-esteem among minority
youth when their ethnicity is salient—e.g., in schools with little ethnic mix (e.g., Bagley,
Mallick, and Verma 1979; Rosenberg and Simmons 1972). Other research shows high selfesteem in visible minority youth living in multi-racial/cultural societies, and the
psychological benefits of forming identities based on two cultures (LaFramboise, Hardin,
and Gerton 1993; Cross 1991 1995).
However, few empirical studies have directly examined identity or ethnic identity
development in minority youth, and the role of discrimination or racism in this process. In a
study of discrimination and identity formation, Markstrom (1987) found that, relative to their
non-minority counterparts, African-, Hispanic-, Asian, and Native-American adolescents
showed a pattern of identity formation that implied foreclosure, or less engagement in
exploration of possible identities—e.g., a less healthy process of identity formation
(Marcia 1966 1980 1987; Phinney and Chavira 1995). Results were interpreted as
evidence in favor of the direct contribution of discrimination to identity. However, perceived
experiences with discrimination were assumed, and not actually measured in this study.
Some of our preliminary (unpublished) results point to a significant association between
discrimination and ethnic identity among adolescents. Among visible and non-visible youth
in this Toronto study, perceptions of discrimination were associated with stronger ethnic
identity. This is consistent with findings reported among undergraduate students at the
University of Toronto (e.g., Dion and Earn 1975; Dion, Dion, and Pak 1992). Interestingly,
among the ethnically diverse youth in our study, the impact of discrimination on ethnic
identity was stronger when ethnic minority status was not visible. While ethnic identity may
be more relevant for visible than non-visible minority youth (e.g., Phinney 1990), differential
exposure to discrimination may be a critical factor to consider in this process. In our
Toronto study, non-visible youth perceived proportionately fewer experiences with
discrimination than visible minorities in the sample, and therefore, their sense of identity
17
Perceptions that racism is systemic and that minorities will continue to be disadvantaged in society regardless of
their level of education (Rumbaut 1994) are critical factors in sustaining rejection of what are perceived to be mainstream values
and norms, including academic success (Cross 1991; Gibbs and Huang 1989; Ogbu 1991; Fordham and Ogbu 1986). Fear of
peer rejection—because of being labeled as trying to “act White” (Ogbu 1991)—may be another important mechanism in
sustaining the oppositional identities formed by minority youth.
18
This view is consistent with suggestions in the literature that youth may respond to experienced or anticipated
discrimination by trying to "act White," or "pass" as White (Cook and Ludwig 1998; Gibbs and Huang 1989) in order to avoid
discriminatory treatment, or to gain acceptance in the mainstream and foster their academic and social success (Cross 1991 1995;
Spencer and Markstrom-Adams 1990; Ogbu 1991). However, in choosing this option, they often face rejection by likeracial/ethnic youth, and do not benefit from the protective effects of racial/ethnic pride (e.g., Aboud and Doyle 1995;
Branscombe, Schmitt, and Harvey 1999; Chavira and Phinney 1991).
18
may have been more vulnerable to the effects of discrimination-related experiences, either
because these experiences may have been unexpected, or because non-visible youth may
have less experience dealing with discrimination. A better delineation of this phenomenon
in youth represents an important topic for future research that will contribute a better
understanding of how racism/discrimination affects identity across ethnic/racial status.
Other findings based on our Toronto data suggest other important directions for future
research. In these data, we found that perceived discrimination was related to a poor sense
of Canadian identity, and the result was sustained even when this correlation was
examined among visible minority youth only. While correlational, the finding supports the
significance of discrimination in threatening a positive sense of Canadian identity in youth,
and has significant implications for race relations and policies in Canada. The importance
of maintaining a strong Canadian identity also appears critical for the psychological
adjustment of youth. According to our results, for example, a sense of attachment to, and
belonging in Canada was associated with lower levels of depression and anti-social
behavior; ethnic identity was not significantly related to these psychological outcomes.
Finally, both Canadian identity and ethnic identity were related to higher instrumental and
social competence, as well as a sense of positive self-regard.
These results point to the importance of examining both Canadian and ethnic identity, as
well as the influences of various components of ethnic identity in order to better understand
the social and psychological implications of discrimination for identity in youth. Future
research should examine the role of identity as either mediating or moderating the impact
of discrimination on psychological outcomes in youth. Very little research examines the role
of identity as a protective factor. Research indicates that a sense of self rooted in
ideological commitment is protective of mental health (Kostelny and Garbarino 1994;
Marcia 1980 1987), and that attachment to, and pride in the ideologies of one’s ethnicity is
crucial for the formation of a positive sense of self and psychological well-being
(Phinney 1991 1992) during adolescence. Furthermore, adolescence is a time when
individuals are able to harness the influence of ideological commitment as a protective
resource (Adelson 1983). In one study, strong racial attachment among Black youth in the
United States served to moderate the impact of discrimination on school performance
(Wong 1998). Notwithstanding, developmental research to date has not provided any
systematic evidence for the role of identity in moderating the negative psychological impact
of discrimination. Some of our future analyses of data on discrimination and mental health
of minority youth in Canada (Toronto, Vancouver, Montreal) will focus on examining the
salience of various aspects of identity as mediator or moderator variables.
Finally, a topic related to both ethnic identity and discrimination in youth—the protective
effects of racial/ethnic socialization of youth within the family—has been the focus of much
recent child development research on discrimination (e.g., Cross 1991 1995; Fischer and
Shaw 1999; Garcia-Coll, Meyer and Brillon 1995; Graham 1992; Harrison, Wilson, Pine,
Chan, and Buriel 1990; Marshall 1995; McAdoo 1992; Phinney and Chavira 1995;
Quintana and Vera 1999; Thornton, Chatter, Taylor, and Allen 1990). A major component
of adaptive parental socialization of minority youth involves teaching youth to anticipate,
and cope with, discrimination and other societal obstacles confronting minorities (Boykin
and Toms 1985; Demo and Hughes 1990).
19
Being socialized to recognize and cope with the negative societal realities of racism and
discrimination may protect youth from the associated negative psychological
consequences, and this method of socialization has been shown to be related to higher
self-esteem (Phinney and Chavira 1995), higher grades and self-efficacy (Bowman and
Howard 1985; Quintana and Vera 1999), and less psychological distress (Fischer and
Shaw 1999) among visible minority youth. We turn next to a brief discussion of a related
literature: coping with discrimination among youth.
Coping with Discrimination
Some researchers have attempted to identify racial coping strategies of youth by using
race-related vignettes (e.g., Johnson 1999) to classify responses into problem-focused19
and emotion-focused20 coping (Kim and Johnson 1999). However, there remains a lack of
empirical evidence supporting the effectiveness of personal efforts to cope with perceived
discrimination among minority youth. While theoretical and empirical foundations for the
study of coping with life stress in childhood and adolescence are becoming wellestablished (Band and Weisz 1988; Compas 1987b; Compas, Worsham, and Ey 1992;
Garmezy and Rutter 1983; Rutter 1990), we know relatively little about developmental
differences in coping with discrimination-related stress.
A possible predication is that older youth cope better with discrimination because, with
increasing age, coping responses are more stressor-specific (Band and Weisz 1988).
Younger children may not only have potentially fewer options for coping due to
insufficiently developed cognitive and social capacities (e.g., Compas 1987b; Fields and
Prinz 1997), but they may not be able to evoke the responses that could most effectively
reduce the psychological burden of the specific stressor. However, the results of studies of
children’s coping with "everyday" life stress indicate that “even children as young as 6
years are sufficiently aware of stress and coping in their own lives to report conditions and
events that they find stressful, describe their own efforts to cope, and evaluate the efficacy
of those efforts” (Band and Weisz 1988). Moreover, their use of different strategies to deal
with events in life is thought to play a critical role in predicting their social and emotional
adjustment (e.g., Campos, Campos, and Barrett 1989; Fields and Prinz 1997).
Research to date has not, however, adequately specified the nature of responses to
discrimination, or the nature of associations among coping, identity and health among
minority youth. Through some preliminary analyses of data on visible and non-visible ethnic
youth in Toronto, five responses used by adolescent youth to cope with discrimination have
been identified (Kaspar and Noh 2000). These reflected behavioral and cognitive
responses which were characterized as Confront Offender, Verbalize or Report to
Authorities, No Reaction, Change in Perspective Regarding Self, and Change in
19
For example, engage authority, physical/verbal confrontation, or seek support.
20
For example, moral reasoning, ignore or do nothing, withdraw, project racial pride, or project superiority or
inferiority.
20
Perspective Regarding Offender. The most prevalent responses involved adopting a
change in perspective.21 These responses occurred nearly twice as frequently as
confrontation,22 verbalization,23 or acceptance.24 However, there was very little effect of
coping responses in mitigating the impact of discrimination on psychological and behavioral
outcomes in youth.
More systematic investigations of this process are needed; these should consider the
effects of age, gender, race/ethnicity, identity, as well as social and familial contextual
conditions on how discrimination is encountered and responded to. Also, the effects of
normative developmental stresses—including role changes, school transitions, physical
changes, and increasing extrafamilial socialization influences—must be considered in
explaining health and development among minority youth who may bear the additional
burden of discrimination-related stress.
21
Told myself that...: the offender was stupid; only losers take things out on people this way; it doesn’t matter as long
as I am better/stronger than them; my experiences not as bad as those of others; hardship makes a strong personality.
22
Physically attacked offender; did the same back to them; protested verbally.
23
Reported incident to authorities; went to the media; talked to friends about it; talked to family about it; talked
to/reasoned with the offender.
24
Didn’t react; took it as a fact of life; ignored the situation; pretended not know offended.
21
Communities at Risk
Theoretical and empirical literatures reviewed in this paper mainly addressed the nature of
associations among discrimination, identity, and psychological status. Discrimination on the
basis of visible racial/ethnic minority status was emphasized. And, while "visibility" is a
critical factor associated with higher likelihood of encountering discrimination, visible
minority status may interact with other factors to place individuals or groups at increased
risk, not only for exposure to discrimination, but for negative psychological symptoms
associated with discrimination. For example, visible minority status may interact with
immigrant and refugee status, gender, and age to affect rates of exposure and
psychological vulnerability to discrimination. Research to date has not, however,
adequately addressed empirical questions about the nature of interactions among these
socio-demographic factors or situations that may be associated with increased risk. Some
relevant issues and, if possible, research findings are discussed briefly below.
Immigrants and Refugees
One of the factors contributing to a high representation of visible minorities in Canada is
the increasing selection of immigrants from "non-traditional" source countries. Each year,
approximately 200,000 immigrants and refugees enter Canada. Prior to the 1960s, Canada
admitted immigrants primarily from the United Kingdom, Europe, and the United States.
Since, however, the Canadian federal government lifted the source country restriction in
1962 and introduced the point system in 1967, rates of immigration from non-traditional
source countries including, Asia, the Middle East, the Pacific Islands, South and Central
America, and Africa, have increased substantially. For example, in the 1990s alone, 60%
of all immigrants to Canada were from Asian countries (Employment and Immigration of
Canada 1999). Moreover, approximately 19% of the 819,000 immigrants and refugees to
Canada between 1986 and 1991 were children under the age of 12 years (Beiser, et
al. 1995). In Canada and the United States, one in five individuals under the age of 18
years is an immigrant or a child of immigrant parents, and the proportion of immigrant
children is rising rapidly (Beiser, Dion, Gotowiec, Hyman, and Vu 1995; Hicks, Lalonde,
and Pepler 1993; Zhou 1997). Projections indicate that by the year 2016 1 in 4 Canadian
children will be foreign-born, or children of a foreign-born parent (K. Kelly 1995).
A Canadian Task Force concluded that prejudice and stigma pose serious treats to the
health of new settlers, particularly immigrants and refugees of visible minority status
(Beiser et al. 1988a 1988b). Empirical results based on a large-scale Canadian survey
demonstrated an association between discrimination and depression in Southeast Asian
refugees residing in Vancouver (Canada) for 10 years (Noh, Beiser, Kaspar, and
Hou 1999). Other research points to the role of visible minority status in this process. A
recent New Zealand survey of Southeast Asian refugees and Pacific Island (mostly
Samoan) and British immigrants found that Asian refugees and Pacific Islanders, but not
British immigrants, experienced discrimination daily, and that the experience of
discrimination was "the crucial post-migration factor associated with high symptom levels
(both anxiety and depression)" (Pernice and Brook 1996, p. 516).
While few studies examined the stress-buffering effect of coping in this process (Noh,
22
Beiser, Kaspar, and Hou 1999), it is an important consideration for studies of adaptation
among new Canadians who may arrive unprepared to confront conditions of racism and
discrimination. Longitudinal comparative studies across immigration (e.g.
immigrant/refugee) and “visibility” (visible/non-visible) status are needed to facilitate
understanding of how the nature and extent of post-migration experiences with—and
responses to—discrimination affect successful settlement and adaptation over time and
across generations among different racial/ethnic groups, as well as groups who may be
particularly vulnerable to psychological distress due to pre-migration exposure to traumatic
experiences (e.g., refugees). This approach may also provide explanations of how racism
and discrimination operate to influence gradual deterioration in immigrant health, a
significant trend observed in many studies conducted in Canada and the United States.
Finally, a focus on identity as a psychological health outcome or protective factor among
immigrants and refugees represents a highly relevant area for research on discrimination.
One's sense of identity or commitment to traditional ethnic or cultural values may be
expected to change in a new socio-cultural setting, particularly among youth who may
assimilate into Canadian society more rapidly than their parents. Whether the impact of
racism or discrimination is detrimental to ethnic identity remains an empirical question. The
impact of racism or discrimination on Canadian identity among immigrants and refugees is
another important question, and while Canadian identity represents an important index of
the adaptation of newcomers, as well as the success of Canada's immigration policies, it
remains a relatively understudied aspect of adaptation.
Women
Gender (female) may independently, or in combination with visible minority or immigrant
status, affect psychological adaptation. For visible minority women, exposure to
racial/ethnic discrimination may be contemporaneous with discrimination on the basis of
gender. Adding to this burden is the potential for experiencing excessive role strain due to
employment combined with managing responsibilities of home and childcare. Research to
date has not adequately addressed how these conditions may place visible minority
women at increased risk for distress.
The situations and experiences of immigrant women are less well understood, but have
become the topic of recent research (e.g., Kelson and Delaet 1999; Schwartz-Seller 1994;
Sweetman 1998; Weatherford 1996). Empirical results have demonstrated that immigrant
women of visible minority status show an increased vulnerability to discrimination,
marginalization (Agnew 1996; Moller-Okin, Cohen, Howard, and Nussbaum 1999), and
emotional disorders (Carpenter and Brockington 1980; Halldin 1985; Noh, Avison, and
Kaspar 1992). Role changes and overload have been emphasized as explanations for
these findings. According to immigration statistics, a large proportion of new Canadians are
from non-European countries where societal norms may dictate that women assume
domestic roles, and be excluded from, or less involved in, active participation in
occupational and professional careers. Through immigration, women's role structures—
expectations, practices, and identities—change substantially relative to their pre-migration
experiences (Kinnon 1999). This has significant implications for successful settlement and
23
well-being.25
Notwithstanding, little research has been devoted to examining how acculturative stresses,
such as racism or discrimination, contribute to the psychological adaptation of immigrant
women. The results of an early study of Hispanic women in the United States showed that
the experience of discrimination was associated with higher psychological distress (Amaro,
Russo, and Johnson 1987). A study of Mexican immigrant women in Los Angeles indicated
that being discriminated against because of Mexican identity was the most significant
acculturative factor placing this group of women at risk for the development of depressive
disorders (Salgado de Snyder 1987).
Developmental issues may be important to consider here, but are relatively understudied.
The increased range of opportunities afforded to women in Canada through immigration
are often more evident among youth whose options for autonomy and educational
attainment, for example, might have been more restricted in the home country. Being
socialized in a potentially more egalitarian environment, with multiple socio-cultural
influences, may have significant implications for the development of ethnic and gender role
identities. Racism and discrimination may be important considerations in this process, yet
we know relatively little about their impact on identity processes and other aspects of
psychological development.
Children and Youth
Empirical evidence shows that psychosocial adaptation among children and youth also
varies according to important dimensions of immigration and ethnicity status, as well as to
such post-migration cultural ecological contexts as ethnic or racial discrimination and other
sources of life stress (Kaspar and Noh 2000; Romero and Roberts 1998; Rumbaut 1994).
Youth in these studies were primarily native-born children of immigrant parents. In a recent
study, perceptions of discrimination were shown to vary according to generational status.
Gil, Vega, and Dimas (1994) demonstrated that, levels of acculturation notwithstanding,
foreign-born adolescents were less likely to perceive and report racial discrimination than
Hispanic youth born in the U.S. The finding points to the importance of considering,
through longitudinal research studies, the experiences of second and third generations, as
well as the impact of immediate settlement experiences of new immigrants and refugees
across development.
More systematic research in this area requires analysis of cross-generation transitions in
perceptions of discrimination and psychological adaptation. In both Canada and the United
States, children of immigrants will grow up to determine the welfare of more senior citizens.
Their successful adjustments, including academic and professional achievement and
25
One view suggests that immigrant and refugee women may integrate and adapt more easily into a new environment
than males, and experience fewer mental health difficulties than males (e.g., Tracy-Wortley and Wheaton 1997). Immigrant
women are presented with options for greater autonomy and role opportunities in the country of resettlement—e.g., through
employment, egalitarian societal views about women—than may have been previously available to them in the country of origin,
whereas men often experience a reduction in role occupancy and status. Another view suggests that immigrant women may not
adapt so well, suffering the burden of family conflict resulting from changing roles within the family, coupled with excessive role
strain due to the need to work while also maintaining their household and child-rearing duties.
24
attainment, as well as a positive sense of identity and citizenship will have significant social
and political implications for national solidarity, public morale, economy, and immigration
policies. However, racism and discrimination may compromise the developmental
adjustments of visible minority and immigrant children and youth. Children and youth may
lack the personal or social resources for effectively managing such negative social forces
as racism and discrimination. In addition, perceptions during childhood or adolescence that
racism and discrimination are highly prevalent may interfere with meeting critical
developmental tasks, including the development of a positive sense of identity, as well as
forming positive social relationships and networks, and making commitments to academic
and professional goals.
Youth are highly likely to encounter discrimination in the school setting, for example, and to
experience associated negative psychological and academic consequences. Recent
research indicates that minority youth are socialized to hold lower career aspirations,
teachers express lower expectations of minority youth, and minority youth show poor
school performance and lower career aspirations relative to their non-minority counterparts
(Ogbu 1991; James 1990). Such observations are consistent with views that racism at
institutional levels blocks the academic success and opportunities of minority youth.
Furthermore, because higher university education facilitates entry into desirable spheres in
the labor market, visible minorities who manage to benefit from a university education may
confront discrimination more often than their counterparts who do not pursue higher
education (Castles, Booth, and Wallace 1984).
An astounding demonstration of this can be seen in the results of a U.S. (Michigan) study
of African-American youth where 100% of respondents reported that they were exposed to
racism in their lifetime, with 98% reporting an incident of experienced discrimination in the
previous year (Landrine and Klonoff 1996). Such high prevalence rates implicate the
systemic and institutionalized nature of racism/discrimination where attitudes and practices
contribute to perpetuating social inequalities. Notwithstanding evidence to show that
minority youth and students do experience, and report frequent and severe forms of racial
discrimination, empirical data on the exact nature, extent, and psychological impacts of
discrimination across social institutions and settings, as well as across age and diverse
ethno-racial groups, are not sufficiently extensive to draw more definitive conclusions.
25
Recommendations for Empirical Research on Discrimination and Identity
Research Design
Various methodological approaches would contribute to a more accurate explanation of the
social psychological processes through which racial/ethnic discrimination impacts on
identity and general well-being. These include experimental studies, survey methods,
cross-sectional and prospective cohort designs, longitudinal studies, case-control designs,
and international or cross-cultural studies.
However, while lengthy and expensive, research on discrimination and identity would
benefit most substantially from a life course perspective using longitudinal designs. The
inclusion of large samples of diverse ethnic groups in these studies is critical for examining
the experiences of, and responses to discrimination stress, within and across ethno-cultural
groups. This research must also examine the effects of interactions among stressors
(acute life events, chronic stressors, race-related stressors: prejudice and discrimination),
as well as the effects of psychological and social resources (coping, self-esteem, mastery,
social support) on the identity and psychological adaptation of minorities and migrants
across the life span. Finally, the inclusion of parents and youth in longitudinal studies would
provide important information about inter-generational effects. This may be a particularly
critical consideration earlier in development when the socialization context of the family
may be more salient for children and youth whose experiences and coping with
discrimination may be conditioned by parental experiences or parenting.
In addition to longitudinal research, school-based studies of youth would provide
meaningful cross-sectional data on how discrimination is encountered and responded to,
and how the psychological impact, including healthy identity development, of these
experiences vary as a function of age, as well as ethnic heterogeneity of the school
context. Although cross-sectional, such data would provide valuable insights into intergroup processes, as well as how these processes exert their impact on adaptation during
childhood and adolescence. In addition, school-based studies would provide peer and
teacher perceptions of youth, derived through sociometric ratings of, for example, peer
acceptance/rejection and psychological adjustment.
National Surveys
The majority of research findings reviewed in this paper were drawn from published results
of community surveys, national studies, and experimental studies conducted in Canada
and in the United States. Most of these were based on cross-sectional research designs
examining psychological or physical health of minorities, immigrants and refugees. While
research supports a consistent pattern of findings regarding the impact of
racism/discrimination on different aspects of psychological and physical health among
adults and youth, it is premature to draw definitive conclusions, particularly for the
Canadian context. A majority of literature on discrimination is based on studies
26
conducted among Blacks and Hispanics in the United States, and while some Canadian
studies exist, this field of research is not as well-established in Canada.
With high and growing diversity in Canadian society, it is important for research on
discrimination and identity to be a part of the Canadian government's research agenda at a
national level. To some extent, this has been recognized through the Statistics CanadaCanadian Heritage Ethnic Diversity Survey. Any such national research initiative must
account for regional variations in exposure to discrimination, as well as how this may be
affected by public opinion about minorities and immigrants in these geographic locations.
Most national opinion poll data are either outdated, or not collected systematically over
time. Thus it is difficult to examine research questions about how public views impact on
minority or immigrant perceptions of discrimination, as well as their health, and sense of
identity.
Regional considerations are also important to ensure the representation of immigrants and
refugees in study samples. With most new immigrants concentrated in a few large urban
centres in Canada, they are likely to be under-represented in national surveys. Sampling
designs of national surveys often (proportionately) undersample respondents from
sampling units of large urban centres to ensure sufficient representations of respondents in
small rural areas. While this approach is highly effective for many purposes, most
immigrants, especially immigrants of visible minority groups, are concentrated in urban
centres. Many national surveys also tend to exclude the most marginalized immigrants who
may not speak English or French, or are reluctant to participate in surveys.
Measures of Discrimination and Identity
A major limitation of research on racism and discrimination is the lack of appropriate
measurement instruments for these constructs (Sigelman and Welch 1991; Williams et al.
1994; Utsey 1998), including more subtle forms of interactions (Williams et al. 1997). Lack
of proper conceptual and operational definitions of racism and discrimination may partially
account for inconsistencies in the findings reported here on the association between
discrimination and identity.
Most research to date, has used a single-item to tap perceived experiences of
discrimination, and thus may have underestimated true rates of racial discrimination
(Sigelman and Welch 1991). Work on measurement scales to assess discrimination
remains at a very rudimentary stage (Utsey 1998), and most instruments are
unidimensional and validated primarily on university students. Development of
comprehensive, multi-dimensional measures that assess the frequency, nature, source,
and contexts of discrimination experiences are needed.
Measures must provide a reliable and objective assessment of the amount or degree of
discrimination across definable domains or dimensions. The literatures reviewed here show
that discrimination is encountered in different settings and forms (e.g., subtle and overt),
and at different rates of frequency by members of diverse ethno-racial groups. A majority of
findings in this field of research do not, however, adequately capture complexities in the
experiences of discrimination across diverse personal and social contexts.
27
Measurement instruments must be designed to allow accurate assessment of minority
experiences across important contexts. Empirical findings of studies on discrimination
experiences among Chinese, Korean, Laotian and Vietnamese immigrants and refugees in
Canada, for example, indicated that culture and social context (e.g., loyalty to the heritage
culture, acculturation, ethnic community size, immigrant/refugee status) are significant in
affecting perceptions of, and psychological reactions to, discrimination.
Developmental shifts, including role changes, school transitions and increasing exposure to
extrafamilial socialization influences during middle childhood and adolescence are also
important considerations for accurately documenting experiences of discrimination among
youth in different social contexts. However, the measurement of discrimination is even less
advanced in youth than adult research. There is also a need for measuring experiences of
perceived discrimination among youth, with this measure considering the setting (e.g.,
school, neighborhood) and sources of discrimination (e.g., teachers, peers, police).
The operationalization of racism and discrimination must move beyond descriptive
documentation of the nature and extent of perceived experiences, to include assessment
of the efficacy of personal coping with these experiences. The role of coping is relatively
understudied in this area, partly because existing theories of discrimination are focused
largely on identifications of determinants, rather than mechanisms by which personal and
social resources mediate or moderate the impact of discrimination on psychological
outcomes.
Findings reviewed in this paper implicate the importance of examining the psychological
impacts of coping with discrimination, particularly when considering the role of ethnic
identity in this process. Different methods or styles of coping should be assessed in order
to capture differences in coping with racism and discrimination across individuals as well as
across ethnic/cultural, gender, developmental, and social status categories. Many
standardized instruments assessing general traits of coping may not serve to adequately
account for how minorities or immigrants cope with adverse consequences of
discrimination. However, existing theories of coping provide a well-established basis for the
conceptualization of coping with racism or discrimination.
Research may begin to address these measurement development issues through
qualitative studies aimed at describing and identifying (1) the most salient settings and
forms of discrimination encountered at different stages of the life course, and by different
ethno-cultural groups, and (2) the strategies used to cope with discrimination in different
contexts. The results may be used to generate items for a quantitative scale of
discrimination and coping.
28
Finally, it is critical that research is directed toward providing a consistent definition and
operationalization of identity, and a reliable and valid measurement of the construct. Much
of the inconsistency in this area of research may have derived from researchers tending
toward using proxy measures of identity. Some of these tap acculturation or adherence to
cultural practices among ethnic or immigrant minorities, including retention of mother
tongue, attitudes toward inter-marriage, membership in ethnic/cultural organizations,
interest in the history of one's culture of origin, etc. Because ethnic identity was measured
differently in most of the studies cited in this paper, it is difficult to provide any definitive
explanation of the impact of racism/discrimination on identity, as well as the role of identity
as a protective factor or coping resource.
Summary, and Implications for Research and Policy
Research and policy must address factors that promote or threaten social cohesion,
identity, and adaptation in Canada, a country committed to promoting and supporting
diversity and multiculturalism. Racial and ethnic tensions amidst growing diversity is an
important consideration in this regard. The ensuing racism or discrimination contributes to
the unfair treatment of visible minorities, blocking their opportunities and eroding social
cohesion, national and personal identity and psychological adaptation. In order to formulate
appropriate policy and research agendas, there is a need for researchers and policy
makers to identify vulnerable communities, methods of combatting racism/discrimination,
and relevant research questions.
Literatures reviewed in this paper support pursuing research on discrimination and
psychological adaptation among particular groups, including visible minorities, immigrants,
refugees, women, and children and youth. These segments of the population may be
particularly vulnerable, either because of disproportionate exposure to
racism/discrimination or due to a lack of personal or social resources for dealing with it.
The role of socio-economic status is, however, a critical issue. Racism and discrimination
often operate in ways that place, and keep minorities, and other vulnerable groups
exposed to social and economic deprivations, contributing to the prevention of achieving
economic and professional advancement. Research to help understand how these factors
interact to affect exposure and responses to racism and discrimination may contribute to
policies directed at meeting the needs of those most vulnerable to the associated negative
psychological impacts.
Research and policy should be directed not only toward an examination of the
psychological impacts of discrimination, but combatting societal racism and discrimination
for the promotion of social cohesion and population health. Policies and programs are
needed to help raise societal awareness about the detrimental effects of racism, at
personal and national levels. Targeting public opinion through education campaigns and
interventions may contribute to reducing societal racism and discrimination. As magnitude
of "social distance" translates into less favorable treatments of visible minorities (Angus
Reid 1991), campaigns may be designed to reduce perceptions of differences among
groups. This may be achieved perhaps by highlighting the identities of "all" as "Canadians,"
or providing knowledge of the customs and practices of different cultural groups. However,
an imperative step will be to identify areas where research and policy may most effectively
29
contribute to designing and introducing public education or awareness campaigns or
interventions for increasing tolerance, and promoting race relations, as well as the
successful integration of immigrants and refugees into Canadian society.
The Canadian Heritage (Multiculturalism) campaign—International Day for the Elimination
of Racial Discrimination (March 21) —is a significant step in the process of promoting
racial/ethnic equity and respect for diversity. It is a youth participation program with a
primary mandate of raising national awareness of the detrimental effects of racism. The
importance of impact of such programs on public opinion has yet to be demonstrated.
While such campaigns represent viable methods of raising awareness of social inequalities
according to race/ethnicity, systematic studies (e.g., national opinion polls) of the impact of
such programs in affecting public opinion and behavior must be conducted.
Notwithstanding the merits of public education campaigns, research and policy efforts must
be directed toward facilitating capacities of minorities, immigrants, women and children and
youth to cope with racism/discrimination. The effectiveness of stressor-specific and
culturally consistent coping responses may play a significant role in reducing negative
psychological effects of discrimination. Future research is needed to identify the
appropriate methods of responding to discrimination in order to inform the development of
intervention programs for victims of hate or racism. Moreover, research is needed to
determine the most effective methods of delivering such intervention programs—e.g.,
Who? Where? When?
In addition to public campaigns and intervention programs, consolidation of societal norms
deterring racism and discrimination should be enforced through legislation on hate crimes.
For example, the idea that discriminatory treatments on the basis of racism or hate will not
be accepted or tolerated should be reflected in legal systems, with more severe sentences
for criminal offenses that are hate-motivated serving as deterrents (J. Roberts 1995).
Finally, the issue of ethnic identity raises some relevant issues about the role of the ethnic
community in alleviating discrimination-related stress, and has relevance for immigration
policies aiding in the establishment of community ties. A number of studies demonstrated
how ethnic enclosure (Brody 1990; Fernandez-Kelly and Schauffler 1994; Garcia-Coll, et
al. 1996) and support of the ethnic community (Beiser, et al. 1988b; Burnam, et al. 1987;
Chen, et al. 1996; Escobar 1998; Escobar and Randolph 1982; Kuo and Tsai 1986; Noh
and Avison 1996; Noh, et al. 1994; Rodriguez 1975; Swanson, et al. 1992; Vega, et
al. 1998) may have guarded against the psychological distress of discrimination. However,
this implication should be viewed with caution because of the danger of being interpreted
as encouraging residential segregation on the basis of race/ethnicity. Researchers report
findings to support the negative effects associated with living in ethnic enclaves,
emphasizing the internalization of stigmatized or marginalized identities, as well as the
intensification of cultural mistrust and negative economic consequences that threaten
successful integration into Canadian society (Athey and Ahearn 1991; Cross 1991 1995;
Garcia-Coll and Magnuson 1997).
30
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