TIAS Final Project Report
Inequality, Discrimination and
Social Cohesion
Socio-Economic Mobility and Incorporation
of Australian-born Lebanese and Turkish
Background Youth
by Christine Inglis
University of Sydney
2010
TABLE OF CONTENTS
List of Tables
v
Acknowledgements
viii
Executive Summary and Recommendations
Chapter 1
Chapter 2
Chapter 3
Introduction
Background to the project
Australia’s contemporary Lebanese and Turkish
background population
The history of migration from Lebanon and Turkey
to Australia
The research focus on the second generation
Incorporation and the second generation
Sources of data
The outline of the report
The Socio-Economic Status of Second Generation Lebanese
and Turks
The 2006 Census and the socio-economic incorporation
of the second generation
The definition of ‘second generation’ and
their ethnicity
Comparison of the two census analyses
The educational and labour market outcomes for second
generation Lebanese and Turks using population data
Educational outcomes
Labour force participation
The educational and labour market outcomes for second
generation Lebanese and Turks using sample data
The 2001 study
The replication of the 2001 study
Results from the 2006 Census
Human capital
Economic activity
Occupational class and unemployment
Avoidance of unemployment
Occupational attainment
Income
Conclusion
TIAS Survey Design and Implementation
Background
Adaptation of the TIES project to Australia
The population and sample frame
Sample identification and contacts
Data collection and processing
ii
ix
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Chapter 4
The Interviewees and Their Family Backgrounds
The individual’s household
Contacts with relatives
Migration and citizenship
Parents’ education and language usage
Parents’ involvement in the labour market
Spouses, partners, and boyfriends or girlfriends
Conclusion
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85
Chapter 5
Experiences of Education
The institutional context of Australian education
Educational participation and outcomes
Secondary schooling
Post-secondary education
Educational pathways and experiences
Types of school attended
Disruptions in schooling
Educational support mechanisms
The school’s social environment
Conclusion
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100
Chapter 6
The World of Work
Labour market involvement
The employed
The unemployed
Experiences in the world of work
Perceptions of the relationship between human
capital and current job
Career satisfaction and aspirations
Income
Discrimination and prejudice
Conclusion
104
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104
108
109
Chapter 7
The Neighbourhood, Social Life and Discrimination
The neighbourhood
Social class
Ethnic diversity
Perceptions of their current neighbourhood
Friendship groups
Involvement in community organisations
Political participation
Discrimination and prejudice
Conclusion
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136
Chapter 8
Language, Religion and Identity in a Multicultural Society
Language background and usage
Television and internet usage
Transnational linkages
The Role of religion
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3
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Chapter 9
Religious observance
The role of religion in personal identity
The role of religion in society
The wearing of the headscarf
Identities
The impact of diversity on life in the city
Approaches to integration
Conclusion
147
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153
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167
Conclusion
Patterns of incorporation
Socio-economic incorporation
Identity and cultural incorporation
Inequality, discrimination and social cohesion
The Australian experience in international
perspective
Differences between second generation groups
Differences within second generation groups
Implications of the TIAS Project for policy making
and service delivery
169
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175
Bibliography
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179
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190
Appendix 1
Census Data Sources and Measures Used in the Report
Appendix 2
TIAS Survey Questionnaire in CAPI format
Appendix 3.1
Invitation to Participate in TIAS Survey
Appendix 3.2
TIAS General Information
Appendix 3.3
TIAS Participation Information Statement
Appendix 3.4
TIAS Participant Consent Form
4
LIST OF TABLES AND FIGURES
Figure 1.1
Table 1.1
Table 1.2
Table 1.3
Table 2.1
Table 2.2
Table 2.3
Table 2.4
Table 2.5
Table 2.6
Table 2.7
Table 2.8
Table 2.9
Table 2.10
Table 2.11
Table 2.12
Table 2.13
Table 2.14
Table 2.15A
Table 2.15B
Table 2.16A
Table 2.16B
Table 2.17A
Table 2.17B
Table 2.18
Table 2.19A
Birthplace of Muslims in Australia, 2006
The first ancestry of those born in Turkey and Lebanon, 2006
The population with Lebanese or Turkish first ancestry, 2006
The religious affiliation of those with Lebanese or Turkish first ancestry,
2006
Student status of Lebanese and Turkish 2+ generation youth (18-35) by
sex, 2006
Student status of Lebanese and Turkish 2+ generation youth (18-35) by
marital status, 2006
Student status of Lebanese and Turkish 2+ generation youth (18-35) in
Sydney and Melbourne, 2006
Educational institution attended by Lebanese and Turkish 2+ generation
youth (18-35) by sex, 2006
Educational institution attended by Lebanese and Turkish 2+ generation
youth (18-35) in Sydney and Melbourne, 2006
Qualifications of Lebanese and Turkish 2+ generation youth (18-35) by
sex, 2006
Qualifications of Lebanese and Turkish 2+ generation youth (18-35) by
religion, 2006
Qualifications of Lebanese and Turkish 2+ generation youth (18-35) in
Sydney and Melbourne, 2006
Labour force status of Lebanese and Turkish 2+ generation youth (18-35)
by sex, 2006
Labour force status of Lebanese and Turkish 2+ generation youth (18-35)
by marital status, 2006
Labour force status of Lebanese and Turkish 2+ generation youth (18-35)
by religion, 2006
Income of Lebanese and Turkish 2+ generation youth (18-35) by
sex, 2006
Income of Lebanese and Turkish 2+ generation youth (18-35) in Sydney
and Melbourne, 2006
Australian population (aged 18-59) from different origins
(table percentages)
Highest educational qualification, by ancestry and generation: men
(row percentages)
Highest educational qualification, by ancestry and generation: women
(row percentages)
Economic activity, by ancestry and generation: men (row percentages)
Economic activity, by ancestry and generation: women (row percentages)
Current occupation by ancestry and generation: men (row percentages)
Current occupation by ancestry and generation: women (row percentages)
Logistic regression of employment and unemployment
(parameter estimates: contrasts with unemployment)
Logistic regression of occupational class: men
(parameter estimates; contrasts with semi- and unskilled class)
5
2
3
4
4
20
20
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21
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22
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24
25
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28
33
34
36
38
40
43
44
47
50
Table 2.19B
Logistic regression of occupational class: women (parameter estimates;
contrasts with semi- and unskilled class)
Table 2.20A Regression of income within occupational classes: men
(parameter estimates)
Table 2.20B Regression of income within occupational classes: women (parameter
estimates)
Table 3.1
Interview sample frame
Table 3.2
Australian born (18-35) with Lebanese or Turkish first ancestry: Sydney
Local Government Areas, 2006
Table 3.3
Australian born (18-35) with Lebanese or Turkish first ancestry:
Melbourne Local Government Areas, 2006
Table 4.1
Age and sex of interviewees
Table 4.2
Household characteristics
Table 4.3
Non-nuclear family members in household
Table 4.4
Age parents arrived in Australia
Table 4.5
Parents’ reasons for migrating
Table 4.6
Highest level of parents’ schooling
Table 4.7
Parents’ language experience
Table 4.8
Economic status of fathers
Table 4.9
Economic status of mothers
Table 4.10
Occupation of parents
Table 4.11
Birthplace of partners and boyfriends and girlfriends
Table 4.12
Where partners met
Table 4.13
Highest level of partners’ education
Table 4.14
Economic status of partner
Table 5.1
Post-secondary study after leaving school
Table 5.2
Highest qualification
Table 6.1
Economic status
Table 6.2
Current occupation
Table 6.3
Experience of unemployment after leaving school
Table 6.4
Job is below education
Table 6.5
Reasons for leaving first job
Table 6.6
Future career plans
Table 6.7
Weekly income
Table 6.8
Adequacy of present income
Table 6.9
Perceived discrimination involving Anglo-Celtic group
Table 6.10
Reasons for view on discrimination
Table 6.11
Personal experience of workplace discrimination
Table 7.1
Perceived social class of residential neighbourhood
Table 7.2
Perceived ethnic diversity of residential neighbourhood
Table 7.3
Preferred ethnic diversity of residential neighbourhood
Table 7.4
Assessment of current neighbourhood
Table 7.5
Backgrounds of school friends
Table 7.6
Current best friends
Table 7.7
Number of Anglo-Celtic friends
Table 7.8
Participation in community organisations
Table 7.9
Voting behaviour at 2007 federal elections
Table 7.10
Negative feelings towards other ethnic groups
Table 7.11
Experiences of hostility and unfair treatment
Table 7.12
Reasons for experiences of hostility and unfair treatment
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135
Table 8.1
Table 8.2
Table 8.3
Table 8.4
Table 8.5
Table 8.6
Table 8.7
Table 8.8
Table 8.9
Table 8.10
Table 8.11
Table 8.12
Table 8.13
Table 8.14
Table 8.15
Language background
Language usage
Language of television viewing
Internet usage
Transnational linkages
Religious observance
Religious practice as a child
Current religious observance
Personal importance of religious affiliation
Views of the role of religion in society
Three reasons for wearing headscarves
Three reasons for not wearing headscarves
Strength of identification with particular ethnic and social groups
Views of diversity in Sydney & Melbourne
Agreement with approaches to integration
vii
139
141
142
142
144
146
148
149
151
153
155
156
158
162
165
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
Central to this report was the survey of the second and third generation young people.
The first acknowledgements must therefore include all those whose help made it
possible. Without the participation of the young people who graciously agreed to be
interviewed, the project would have lacked the depth which only has come from their
willingness to share their experiences. Particular thanks must also go to Maurice Crul
and the other members of the TIES (the Integration of the European Second
Generation) project who readily shared their methodology and research findings based
on their survey in Europe. This generosity has created the possibility of directly
comparing the Australian findings with those from overseas. McNair Ingenuity
Research who managed the whole survey process were extremely helpful, effective
and patient in working through a variety of unanticipated challenges in getting the
survey into the field. Thanks must also go to media, community organisations and
individuals who assisted in publicising the project. These included SBS Arabic and
Turkish radio, Muslim Community Radio 2MFM, Al-anwah and Turkish News
Weekly. Organisations which helped provide publicity included Affinity Intercultural
Foundation, Lebanese Muslim Association and Victorian Arabic Social Services.
Among a wide range of individuals who also offered assistance are Maha Abdo,
Trevor Batrouney, Wafa Chafic, Carmel Guerra and Nada Roude.
Joy Elley, Nijmeh Hajjar and Ahmad Shboul provided an important source of
assistance and advice in various stages of the survey. Also giving invaluable
statistical assistance were Salvatore Babones and Robin Farabee-Siers while Umut
Őzguc and Lindsay Rowan provided helped with clerical and administrative backup.
Final thanks must go to the Department of Immigration and Citizenship which
provided the funding which made this project possible.
8
EXECUTIVE SUMMARY AND RECOMMENDATIONS
Background
This project was funded under the National Action Plan to Build on Social Cohesion,
Harmony and Security (NAP). The NAP was “an initiative of Australian governments
to address issues of concern to the Australian community and to support Australian
Muslims to participate effectively in the broader community”. DIAC’s active role in
the NAP ceased as of 1 July 2010.
DIAC continues to support culturally diverse
communities, including those facing significant pressures due to their culture or
religion, through its community engagement activities under the Diversity and Social
Cohesion Program (that incorporates the former Diverse Australia Program and the
NAP community grants administered by DIAC). Information on this program can be
found at http://www.harmony.gov.au.
Aims
In contrast to recent research which has focussed on individuals because they are
Muslims or from the Middle East, this project was concerned to understand the
experiences of a cross-section of young second generation Australians whose parents
were born in either Lebanon or Turkey. In particular it asked how they were
incorporated into Australian society on three main dimensions:Socio-economic Incorporation
• Their educational experiences and levels of attainment
• Their experiences in the world of work
Social Incorporation
• The extent to which their social networks brought them into contact with
other Australians from diverse backgrounds and whether these contacts
involved experiences of discrimination or prejudice
9
Identity and Cultural Incorporation
• The extent to which they were actively involved in linguistic and religious
activities linked to their family backgrounds and how these were related to the
way they identified with these groups and Australia.
Information to answer these questions was obtained from an analysis of the 2006
census data and from extensive hour-long interviews undertaken in Sydney and
Melbourne with 307 young people aged between 18 and 35. An important feature of
the study was to avoid presenting their experiences in isolation from those of other
young Australians. To allow this, the interviewees, who were selected randomly from
the telephone directory, were all Australian born with at least one parent born in either
Turkey, Lebanon or, in the case of the important third generation comparison group,
with both parents born in Australia. Consistent with patterns of immigration, the
majority of the third generation comparison group were from Anglo-Celtic
backgrounds. The interviewees with a parent born in Lebanon were further divided
between the two main groups of Lebanese born in Australia: those of Christian and
Muslim backgrounds.
Key Findings and Recommendations
While the study’s aim was not to undertake an evaluation of specific programs, the
findings do indicate the need to bring to greater public attention a number of issues.
These relate to many areas of particular importance under the National Action Plan
including:
•
education
•
reinforcing values and civics education
•
informing Australians about religious and cultural diversity
•
employment
•
integrating communities
•
participation in wider society
10
Overcoming Stereotypes
A key finding is that one cannot make simple assumptions about the extent or form of
an individual’s or a group’s incorporation on the basis of their religious or national
background. As the study found there is considerable diversity in the patterns of
incorporation and their underlying dynamics between those such as Lebanese from
Christian or Muslim backgrounds who share the same national background. Similar
diversity in the patterns of incorporation and the dynamics underlying them exists
among Muslims from Turkish and Lebanese background respectively. The reliance on
stereotypes can lead to negative reactions destructive of social cohesion and harmony.
This is particularly important relevant as this study found that, when shown a range of
diverse ethno-religious groups, both third and second generation youth expressed
greatest negativity towards ‘Lebanese’ and ‘Muslims’.
Recommendation 1: Emphasise Diversity and Avoid Stereotypes
The most important implication from the present research data for policy-makers and
those involved in service delivery is the importance of moving beyond the use of
simplistic categories such as ‘Lebanese’ or ‘Muslims’. Both terms cover a very wide
range of experiences and modes of incorporation resulting from divergent social
dynamics and processes affecting incorporation. The diversity in other ethnic groups
such as those from Great Britain or of Chinese background is already widely
acknowledged. Now it is necessary to extend this recognition to those of Lebanese,
Turkish or Muslim background.
Recommendation 2: Publicise Positive Achievements Towards Incorporation
Policy makers and those who deliver specific programs should make a concerted
effort to break down the simplistic stereotypes which characterise so much of current
negative public discourse and thinking about second generation groups such as the
Lebanese and the Turks. In particular, it is important to develop programs which
make the general public aware of the extent to which the majority of individuals
involved in each group are becoming successfully incorporated into Australian society
as outlined in the specific sections below. In fact, the level of identification and
commitment to Australia of the second generation groups was impressive given the
11
extent to which their loyalty, values and culture have been called into question in
recent public discourse. Publicity of this progress is particularly important given the
widely held negative stereotypes of the young people which results from the tendency
for sections of the media and public debate to focus on an anti-social minority in the
communities while ignoring the achievements and positive experiences of the vast
majority within each group. Coupled with this is a tendency to view young people
from Lebanese, Turkish or Muslim backgrounds as passive victims. Failure to
acknowledge their diversity and achievements can lead to a negative reaction which is
destructive of social cohesion and harmony. Even when individuals such as the
prominent ARL footballer and practising Muslim, Hazem El Masri, are held in high
respect in their community, it is rare that their achievements, apart from his sporting
prowess in El Masri’s case, are widely publicised outside their immediate community.
Recommendation 3: Disseminate Information about Muslim Diversity and Practices
This project also identified the need to foster a more sophisticated public
understanding of the diverse forms of Islamic beliefs and practices. One of the areas
which attracts most public attention is the wearing by some Muslim women of the
hijab or head scarf. Often, these women are depicted as passive victims of male
control. Yet, as the young women in this study indicated, their main reason for
wearing the headscarf relates to a personal choice. This is not a new finding but it is
often overlooked by those criticising Islam in what is purported to be the interests of
young women.
This study has identified that among young people, internet usage and participation in
sporting events, especially among young men, are extremely popular. Both lend
themselves to being used as mechanisms for contacting the wider public. A particular
advantage of the internet is that it can reach those who are not active in organised
community, sporting or religious organisations.
Socio-Economic Incorporation
When the parents of the Lebanese and Turkish second generation came to Australia
between the 1960s and 1980s they were seen as experiencing particular difficulties in
succeeding in education and employment since they frequently lacked fluency in
xii
English and often had only limited education. Although there was diversity in the
family backgrounds of the interviewees, the majority of them reported much lower
levels of education and occupational attainment than did the third generation
interviewees. When compared with their parents, the second generation, particularly
the Turkish and Christian Lebanese women, have achieved very high levels of
intergenerational educational and employment mobility with increasing numbers now
gaining university and post-secondary qualifications. These achievements are all the
more noteworthy given the extremely low educational and occupational levels in their
parents’ generation. They co-exist with a strong sense of the value of education as
indicated by the numbers of individuals who spoke of plans to continue their studies
in the near future.
The majority of the second generation indicate that they are satisfied with their
careers and financial situation. But it is also apparent that highly educated Turkish
women and Muslim Lebanese men feel that their careers have not been as satisfying
as they had anticipated. Why this is so is an area worthy of further study. In addition,
there are some areas where there is scope to provide support since not all members of
the second generation groups are achieving on equal terms with their third generation
peers. For example, the levels of unemployment and non-participation in either the
workforce or education remain above average and are in part associated with a lack of
post-school qualifications among some young men of Turkish background as well as
some Muslim Lebanese women. While self-employment is a popular objective among
the Lebanese, it often seems to be associated with high levels of failure or receipt of a
relatively low income.
Recommendation 4: Encourage the Development of Further Education Courses
Consideration should be given by TAFE or other educational providers to developing
courses in small business management to be offered in areas where there is a
concentration of Lebanese men and women.
Recommendation 5: Develop Mentoring Programs
The second generation group with the highest level of tertiary qualifications were the
Christian Lebanese who also more frequently reported that they had elder siblings
13
with university degrees. Role models and mentors for post-secondary and tertiary
students from ‘non-traditional’ university backgrounds can be extremely important in
supporting students. This is especially so where parents who, while they may be
ambitious for their child, have very low levels of education which makes it difficult
for them to provide relevant advice and support. As part of the focus on equity
following the Bradley Report, Universities and TAFE colleges should be encouraged
to work with student ethno-religious organisations to offer assistance both at the
school, pre-university and TAFE or university level to students from the same ethnic
background. The value of working with such groups is that their members understand
the issues involved in making the successful transition from school to further study
and can communicate this, where necessary, to parents.
Social Incorporation a) patterns of social contacts
By comparison with the third generation, the second generation had much closer
contacts with family members, most of whom lived in the same city whereas the third
generation’s relatives were scattered more widely around Australia. Another contrast
with the third generation was that the second generation also lived in much more
ethnically diverse neighbourhoods and had a more diverse range of friends than did
the third generation. If one of the markers of incorporation in a multicultural society
such as Australia is having friends from different ethnic groups, then the second
generation can be viewed as being more extensively incorporated into Australian
society than the third generation, most of whose friends were from Anglo-Celtic
backgrounds. Two-thirds of young people from all backgrounds have contacts with
community organisations. The organisations and activities in which they most
actively participated were concerned with sport, cultural and artistic activities and
religion. Apart from the religious organisations, the sporting and cultural
organisations often catered to ethnically very diverse population groups which
provided opportunities for inter-ethnic contacts.
Recommendation 6: Involve Sporting and Other Community Organisations
The popularity of sporting and cultural activities and organisations can be used as a
means of bringing together people from diverse backgrounds in a range of practical
activities akin to inter-faith dialogue but adapted to the specific objectives of each
14
organisation. As an example, activities can be organised with teams or clubs that,
although from different parts of the city or with an ethno-specific membership,
nevertheless share a common interest. Use can also be made of the many occasions
when parents take their children to sporting events or cultural activities to structure
opportunities to meet with parents from different backgrounds. The program
undertaken by Surf Lifesaving Australia after the Cronulla riots to involve more
diverse groups in the surf lifesaving movement provides an example of such
programs.
Social Incorporation b) prejudice and discrimination
When asked about their experiences of prejudice and discrimination large numbers
reported that they had not suffered such experiences. Nevertheless there was a core of
individuals in all the groups who referred to having experienced frequent problems of
discrimination and prejudice. Young men were particularly likely to report problems
when they went out to restaurants or night clubs and other entertainment. Women who
wore headscarves were most likely to report problems in the workplace. Interviewees
from all four groups reported experiencing hostility and unfair treatment in school.
While fellow students were most likely to be the perpetrators, teachers were also often
identified.
Recommendation 7: Teacher Development Programs
The continuing significance of school based discrimination indicates the need to
develop in-service and pre-service programs to prepare teachers so that they are aware
of issues involving discrimination in working with students and have the skills to
overcome this. While the web-based Racism No Way project has been developed for
use with students, there remains a need for programs targeting teachers which would
require their active participation in a series of workshops so that they are equipped
with the skills as well as the knowledge necessary to overcome hostility in the
schools.
15
Recommendation 8: Programs for Security Personnel
Given the incidence of
hostile experiences associated with social and leisure
activities, especially evening entertainment, programs which address specific issues
related to dealing with discrimination and prejudice should be developed for those
working in the security industry as well as those already available for police.
Identity and Cultural Incorporation
There were differences between the Turkish, Christian Lebanese and Muslim
Lebanese in the extent to which they maintained Turkish or Arabic and used these
languages in their daily lives. While there were variations in each of these groups, the
patterns of language usage were related to variations in the use of English when they
were growing up, visits to Lebanon or Turkey and the likelihood of marrying a
partner from the parents’ homeland. The Turkish young people were the ones most
likely to have contacts with that homeland, while the Christian Lebanese had the least.
Among the three groups, the Christian Lebanese were the most religiously observant.
In contrast, the third generation while they might describe themselves as Christian
were rarely so religiously observant. Similar differences were found between the
Muslim Lebanese and the Turks with the latter being far less observant of Muslim
religious practices. In fact, in all groups there was a disjuncture between the extent to
which individuals identified with either Islam or Christianity and their actual religious
practices. As the survey findings showed, it is important to note that because an
individual is from a country which has a predominantly Muslim population, or says he
or she is Muslim (or Christian) it does not necessarily follow that they are actively
practising that religion.
Even where individuals were religiously observant and strongly identified with Islam
(or Christianity) the study showed that this was compatible with them still strongly
identifying themselves as Australians. Similarly, identification with a Turkish or
Lebanese identity was also compatible with identifying as Australian. While data
from a parallel survey undertaken in a number of European countries has shown some
similar tendencies among Turks living in the Netherlands and other European
countries, they are much weaker. Since the background of the Turks who went to
16
Europe in the 1960s and 1970s was very similar to those who came to Australia at the
same time, it appears that an important factor in this different outcome is the extent to
which Australia has, through its multicultural approach, created an environment in
which individuals feel they can follow their religious and other preferences without
being socially penalised. This appears to explain the high level of identification with
Australia found in the study among the Muslim Lebanese.
The survey revealed that there was widespread acceptance of diversity in the life of
the city and in the local neighbourhood by all the interviewees. Indeed the strength of
identification with Australia was matched by agreement about the place of diversity in
society in both the private and public arena.
Incorporation as an Ongoing Process
Incorporation is a dynamic and complex process involving several dimensions. It is
also affected by influences at the family, community, national and international level.
As events over the last decade have highlighted, those identified as belonging to
groups viewed as constituting a threat to the physical or moral security of a nation or
society can very rapidly find themselves the target of direct and indirect hostility. In
such circumstances progress towards incorporation, especially involving the social
and identity dimensions of incorporation, may be subjected to pressures which result
in a reversal or downward shift in the level of incorporation previously achieved.
Recommendation 9: Ongoing Monitoring of Patterns of Incorporation
Ongoing monitoring of the nature and extent of incorporation among minority groups
such as the second generation with parents born in Lebanon and Turkey is desirable to
ensure that any changes in the level of incorporation are positive rather than negative.
Given the extensive focus of attention on these groups in recent years it is, however,
important to ensure that the monitoring is seen as part of a wider program with
beneficial intent.
xvii
TIAS Final Project Report
CHAPTER 1. INTRODUCTION
Background of the Project
‘The funding for the present research project was provided by the Department of
Immigration and Citizenship under the National Action Plan to Build on Social Cohesion,
Harmony and Security (NAP). The NAP was “an initiative of Australian governments to
address issues of concern to the Australian community and to support Australian Muslims
to participate effectively in the broader community.”
DIAC’s active role in the NAP ceased as of 1 July 2010. DIAC continues to support
culturally diverse communities, including those under significant pressure due to their
culture or religion, through its community engagement activities under the Diversity and
Social Cohesion Program (that incorporates the former Diverse Australia Program and the
NAP
community
grants).
Information
on
this
program
can
be
found
at
http://www.harmony.gov.au.
Among the areas identified as being of particular importance under the Plan were:
•
education
•
reinforcing values and civics education
•
informing Australians about religious and cultural diversity
•
employment
•
integrating communities
•
participation in wider society
These areas are of general concern in relation to the participation of all Australians in
their society. The purpose of this project was, however, to provide information which
could assist in addressing initiatives in these areas, particularly as they related to the
second generation of Australian born young people who had at least one parent born in
either Lebanon or Turkey, hence the title of the project: Inequality, Discrimination and
Social Cohesion: Socio-economic Mobility and Incorporation of Australian-born
Lebanese and Turkish Background Youth. By focussing on the parents’ birthplace this
project provides an alternative perspective for considering the second generation youth.
1
TIAS Final Project Report
This is because much of the recent related research has focussed on groups defined on
either religious (Hassan, 2008; Saeed, 2003; Saeed & Akbarzadeh, 2001) or linguistic
criteria (Hage, 2002; Mansouri & Makhoul, 2004).
The two major groups of overseas born Muslims in Australia are those from Lebanon
(10%) and Turkey (7%) ( Figure 1.1). In addition, many of the 41% of Muslims born in
Australia are their children. This makes them an important group when discussing the
situation of Muslims in Australia. Not all those born in Lebanon or Turkey are necessarily
Muslims, or even would identify themselves as ‘Lebanese’ or ‘Turkish’. Both countries in
fact have diverse populations. In Lebanon, where the confessional or religious differences
are enshrined in the constitution, major religious groups include various Christian
denominations and Druse apart from Muslims belonging to different religious traditions.
Turkey as the inheritor of the former Ottoman empire also has a population rich in ethnic
and religious diversity. Apart from Kurds, estimated to be some 20% of the population,
other groups include Armenians, Greeks and Jews as well as Alevis and various Christian
religious groups (Altinay, 2006).
Figure 1.1 Birthplace of Muslims in Australia, 2006
Not stated
4%
Other
13%
Afghanistan
5%
Not stated
Australia
Fiji
Pakistan
4%
Bosnia and Herzegovina
Iran Iraq
Australia
41%
Bangladesh
4%
Indonesia
3%
Lebanon
Turkey
Indonesia
Bangladesh
Pakistan
Afghanistan
Turkey
7%
Other
Lebanon
10%
Iraq
3%
Iran
2%
Fiji
2%
Bosnia and Herzegovina
2%
Source: Census CData2006
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It is rare for emigrants from a particular country to be a completely representative cross
section of the population. The major ancestries of the Australian population born in
Lebanon and Turkey are shown in Table 1.1. Among those born in these two countries
and their descendants there is sometimes sensitivity about how they are referred to. Since
the group of particular interest in this study are their Australian born children, they will be
referred to as “Lebanese” or “Turks/ Turkish” but these terms should be understood as
referring to their parents’ countries of birth rather than their own ethnicities. This they
may variously describe as Lebanese, Turkish, Kurdish, Armenian or, indeed, a
combination of these and other ethnic reference groups.
Table 1.1 The First Ancestry of Those Born in Turkey and Lebanon, 2006
Birthplace
Ancestry
Lebanon Turkey
%
%
Not stated
5.18
4.51
Australian
3.14
1.75
English
1.99
1.52
Greek
0.16
2.19
Arab not further defined
2.89
0.05
82.22
Lebanese
0.08
Kurdish
0.02
3.65
Turkish
0.09
78.85
Armenian
1.66
3.18
Other
2.66
4.22
Total Number
74,850
30,489
Source: Census CData 2006
Australia’s Contemporary Lebanese and Turkish Background Population.
By 2006 as Table 1.1 shows, the Australian population born in Lebanon was slightly over
double the numbers born in Turkey. The Lebanon born were concentrated in Sydney with
a smaller number living in Melbourne. In contrast, Melbourne had a larger proportion
than Sydney of those born in Turkey. In fact, the Melbourne population of those born in
Lebanon and Turkey was quite similar. When we look at all those who give their first
ancestry as Lebanese or Turkish (regardless of whether they were born overseas or in
Australia) we can see the same pattern (Table 1.2). Those of Turkish ancestry were about
one-third the number of those who were Lebanese. Nearly three-quarters of all Lebanese
lived in Sydney with almost another 20% in Melbourne. In contrast to the Lebanese, half
of those with Turkish ancestry lived in Melbourne and one-third lived in Sydney. In both
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the Lebanese and Turkish groups, those aged 18-25 were about one-third of the total
ancestry group.
Table 1.2 The Population with Lebanese or Turkish First Ancestry, 2006
Lebanese
Turkish
(18-35)
(18-35)
Residence
Total Lebanese
Total Turkish
N
%
N
N
%
N
Sydney
111,684
72.86
35,693
18,509
34.97
5,751
Melbourne
28,677
18.71
9,224
26,800
50.63
8,098
Rest of Australia
12,931
8.44
7,623
14.40
Total Australia
153,292
52,932
Source: Census CData 2006
An important difference between those who describe their ancestry as either Lebanese or
Turkish concerns their religious affiliation. Among the Turkish, Islam is the religion of
the vast majority whereas among the Lebanese there is much greater religious diversity
and only 40% describe their religion as Islam.
Table 1.3 The Religious Affiliation of Those with Lebanese or Turkish First Ancestry,
2006
Lebanese
Turkish
%
%
Not stated
3
5
Western Catholic
25
1
Maronite Catholic
16
0
Melkite Catholic
1
0
Antiochian Orthodox
4
0
Greek Orthodox
4
0
Islam
40
85
Druse
1
0
Other
6
9
Total Number
153,291
52,931
Source: Census CData 2006
The History of Migration from Lebanon and Turkey to Australia
The migration histories of the contemporary Australian populations with their origins in
Lebanon and Turkey differ in ways which potentially have important implications for the
second generation. Modern day Lebanon and Turkey were, during the 19th and early 20th
centuries, both part of the Ottoman Empire. Whereas Lebanon was part of the province of
Syria, Turkey was the heartland of the empire. Following World War I Lebanon and
contemporary Syria were administered under a League of Nations Mandate by France
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whereas a smaller and reconstructed Turkey retained its independence under the
leadership of Kemal Ataturk.
The earliest arrivals from Lebanon, who were referred to as Turks or Syrians in the
census and official documents, came to Australia in the late 19th century, especially after
the 1880s1. They were predominantly Christians and initially settled mainly in New South
Wales. Early in their settlement, the Lebanese became concentrated in shopkeeping and
hawking. This lead to some half of them living outside metropolitan areas as they
established themselves as retailers in country towns. The religious divisions in Lebanon
between the Orthodox and Catholic Christians were recreated in Australia between the
Melkite and Maronite Catholics (who became closely involved with the Catholic Church)
and the Antiochan Orthodox who were absorbed into Catholic but, more usually,
Protestant, especially Anglican congregations. These religious divisions, the absence of a
cohesive national identity and the assimilationist pressures of the time together worked
against the development of ethnic solidarity among this first group of Lebanese arrivals.
By World War II many of the second and third generation had experienced considerable
social mobility and were extensively assimilated into Australian society except for the
maintenance of certain Lebanese family traditions.
A second wave of immigration began from Lebanon after World War II. Between 1947
and 1976 some 43,000 Lebanese came to Australia, particularly after 1966. These arrivals
were mainly Christians and had received some formal education in Lebanon. In contrast
to the first wave, this group of arrivals found employment in the expanding
manufacturing industry. The ethnic Lebanese churches played an important role in their
settlement which in turn contributed to the rejuvenation of the churches. Among the
second wave arrivals were numbers of Druse, Alawi as well as Sunni and Shi’a Muslims
and these groups soon also established their own mosques and places of worship. In 1958,
civil war began in Lebanon which has continued with greater or lesser intensity ever since
pitting the various communal groups and factions against each other. In 1975 there was a
major intensification of fighting which was the precursor to the third wave of immigration
1
This section on the history of the Lebanese migration is drawn from The Australian People: An
encyclopedia of the nation, its people and their origins (Batrouney, 2001; Hage, 2001; Humphrey, 2001;
McKay & Batrouney, 2001)
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from Lebanon. This wave included a majority of Muslim Lebanese who were often from
more disadvantaged regions in Lebanon but also, despite being mainly sponsored by
relatives in Australia, lacked the support of existing community institutions which were
available to the Christian Lebanese migrants.
In contrast to Lebanese migration, substantial migration from Turkey only began after the
signing of the 1967 bilateral migration agreement between the two countries. Prior to that,
migration from Turkey was extremely limited. Even after World War II, although there
was a small migration of Turks from Cyprus and from northern Greece, the number
actually born in Turkey was very small. The Australian decision to sign a bilateral
migration agreement with Turkey, which provided for assisted passage migration to
Australia, was motivated by a desire to recruit additional workers for the expanding
manufacturing sector in Sydney, Melbourne and Wollongong. In contrast to other
bilateral labour migration agreements which the Turkish government had already signed
with European countries, the Australian scheme provided for permanent, rather than
temporary, migration; a distinction which was not always appreciated by those recruited.
Although Australia had hoped to recruit skilled as well as unskilled migrants, Turkey was
reluctant to lose skilled workers as it embarked on its own economic modernisation and
industrialisation. Like the Lebanese migrants who arrived in the late 1960s and 1970s, the
majority of the Turkish migrants who often had limited education, were employed on the
assembly lines of factories in Sydney, Melbourne and Wollongong. The highest levels of
Turkish immigration took place between 1968 and the mid-1970s when the assisted
passage scheme was discontinued as the world recession impacted on Australian
manufacturing. Since then, the majority of Turkish immigrants have entered through
family reunion or, in a smaller number of cases, the skilled migration program.
When Australia signed the bilateral migration agreement with Turkey a major
government concern was that the Turks would be the first large group of Muslims to
migrate in the 20th century. While this overlooked the presence of Cypriot Turks and
those from Lebanon, nevertheless the first arrivals found themselves without a range of
either religious or secular organisations which could offer them support or assistance in
settling. What assistance there was, was provided by the existing Cypriot Turkish
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community. Being predominantly Muslim, the migrants from Turkey lacked contacts with
Christian churches and a long-established community which, whatever its communal
divisions, was available to new immigrants from Lebanon who at least found fellow
Arabic language speakers, a resource not available to the first Turkish speaking migrants.
While the migrants from Turkey were not religiously divided in the same way as those
from Lebanon, other divisions existed in the community. A secular state, Turkey has been
divided by political differences and a number of army led coups which inevitably
influenced relations within the Australian community. Differences in political ideology
between secularists and religious groups become overlaid with other differences such as
those involving Alevi and Sunni Muslims and associated differences between Kurds and
other Turks. That said, the fault lines dividing the Turkish community do not appear as
sharp as those communal divisions existing within the Lebanese community.
As this brief history of migration from Lebanon and Turkey illustrates, there is
considerable similarity in the background of the second generation youth from both
countries who are the focus of this study. The Lebanese youth are the children of the postwar second and third wave of migrants from Lebanon whose economic circumstances and
experiences of social disruption were very different from the pre-war arrivals. While,
especially in the case of the Christian Lebanese, there was an existing community which
could ease their settlement, this was not so accessible to the Muslims. Similar
disadvantaged family and community backgrounds also characterise the second
generation Turkish young people whose parents arrived under the assisted migration
scheme or were more recent arrivals in the 1980s when political unrest and dangers
following in the wake of the 1980 army coup encouraged emigration.
The Research Focus on the Second Generation
The issues confronting immigrants have long been the major focus of research in
countries of permanent immigration such as Australia, Canada and the USA where
immigration has been a key contributor to national development and included within the
nation building myths and ideologies. Until the last quarter of the 20th century, the policy
response, and expectations for the immigrants, was that they would assimilate into their
new society, lose their distinctiveness and, in effect, become invisible within Australian
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society. Their children, the ‘second’ generation, would also be invisible. In fact, by the
1960s, following the massive expansion of immigration following World War II and the
diversification in the origins of the immigrants, interest was already beginning to focus on
the experiences of the second generation. Were they in fact merging into the society on an
equitable basis? If so, why were they being singled out by being referred to as ‘second
generation’? Did they experience particular problems as the bridge between their overseas
born parents and the locally born Australian population?
This emerging interest in the second generation coincided with a growing awareness that
the assimilation of the first generation was not necessarily proceeding as had been
anticipated. There was also increasing questioning about whether it was necessary, or
even desirable, to require immigrants to assimilate. By the 1970s, assimilation had been
replaced by multiculturalism as the official policy guiding settlement policy for migrants.
In 1989 it was extended in the National Agenda for a Multicultural Australia into a policy
for the whole population (Office of Multicultural Affairs, 1989). Despite the
abandonment of assimilation, the questions surrounding the experiences of the second
generation did not necessarily disappear, although the multicultural policies were
intended to remove many of the negative aspects of educational, work and social policies
based on an assimilationist approach.
Initially, the research on the second generation and immigrants who had come to
Australia as children (the so-called 1b or 1.5 generation) focussed on the educational
participation and attainment of those from non-English speaking migrant backgrounds.
Since they had grown up and been educated in Australia, they were expected to avoid the
problems facing children who came to Australia after they had commenced their
schooling. Yet, because of their linguistic differences which were taken as indicators of
other cultural differences, these young people were often depicted as being torn between
the two worlds variously described as ‘home’ and ‘school’; the culture of the ‘homeland’
and Australia; or traditional and modern values (Brotherhood of St Laurence, 1971;
Parker, 1973; Smolicz & Wiseman, 1971). These cultural differences were seen as
creating problems for them in adjusting to school and succeeding educationally.
Consequently they were more prone to become school “dropouts”. This was because their
problems at school were perceived to be exacerbated by conflict with their own, often
poorly educated, parents who brought different norms and expectations to Australia. A
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somewhat different perspective however came from other research which concluded that
though tensions certainly existed they did not necessarily assume significant proportions
nor create ‘marginal men’ nor ‘delinquents’ (Bottomley, 1979; Chafic, 1994; Feather &
Wasyluk, 1973; Johnston, 1969).
From this starting point focussing on the school, youth research diverged in two
directions both of which reflected the more general tendency for research involving
Australian youth, and especially those of immigrant background, to be problem oriented.
In particular, it focussed on how young people are ‘at risk’ (Butcher & Thomas, 2003;
Sherington, 1995; White, 1999). One strand focussed on the extent of educational
inequality amongst ethnic minorities while the second was concerned with their identity
formation and how this was linked to their involvement in the home and wider Australian
society.
By the 1970s educational inequality was seen as a major policy issue which affected girls,
working class and rural students as well as those from ethnic minority backgrounds
(Interim Committee for the Australian Schools Commission, 1973). The particular
problems facing students from Non English Speaking Backgrounds (NESB) provided a
major impetus for the development of a range of migrant and multicultural education
policy innovations (Martin, 1978). The extent to which social class rather than ethnic
background was the major factor in the patterns of educational disadvantage involving
particular immigrant background children was never really resolved (Jakubowicz, 1985;
Poole, 1981). By the 1990s, the concerns about educational disadvantage for those of
ethnic minority backgrounds were less commonly heard, reflecting evidence that, as a
result of the various multicultural educational innovations as well as the increasing arrival
of skilled professional migrants with high levels of educational resources and educational
capital, there was decreasing evidence of clear patterns of ethnic inequality involving
those from non-Indigenous backgrounds
The first major collection of papers on ethnic minority youth which addressed the second
research focus involving identity covered a range of youth experiences with the majority of
papers exploring in detail the diverse experiences of young people (Guerra & White, 1995).
It also highlighted the limitations of the initial, overly simplistic conflict view of relations
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between ethnic minority youth and their parents. This was based on an essentialist and
static model of socialisation and cultural diversity implicit in the “Between Two Worlds”
approach which ignored the extent of individual agency involved in identity construction.
Also focussing on the agency involved in ethnic minority youth’s daily lives, cultural
practices and identities was another collection of papers which addressed the way in which
the digital revolution linked to globalisation and transnationalism played a major role in the
life of young men and women from immigrant backgrounds (Butcher & Thomas, 2003).
Nevertheless, much of the recent research has focussed on the problems of transition into
the adult world within the older model of conflict between two worlds. In the case of young
women, especially those perceived to be from certain ‘traditional’ cultures, the focus has
been on conflicts between them and their families with regard to their future gendered roles
as wives and mothers as well as their inability to participate in social activities outside the
family and home with the same freedom as their brothers or friends from other
backgrounds. This has been described as the “being allowed to go out issue” (Tsolidis,
1986, p.59). In the case of young men, much of the focus has been on youth ‘gangs’. This
research has its origins in public concerns about the potential of young men from ethnic
minority backgrounds to form gangs which constitute potential threats to social harmony if
not violence, criminal activity or, more recently, even to national security. Encounters with
police have been seen as a particular source of tension and the media has also been
implicated in promoting the dangers associated with these gangs whose values are
portrayed as opposed to those of the wider society. In Australia, research on ethnic youth
gangs began in the 1990s (Pe-Pua, 1999; White, Perrone, Guerra, & Lampugnani, 1999b,
1999c). In fact, one of the main conclusions from the studies undertaken involving a
number of different ethnic groups, including those of Turkish background in Melbourne,
was that: “most often the ‘gang’ is simply a group of like-minded young people who enjoy
each other’s company, and who share support and life experiences in common” (White,
1999a, p.44).
Research in Sydney has been concentrated in the outer western suburbs and in particular on
young Lebanese. It coincides with extensive media reporting of a series of particularly
violent gang rapes linked to Lebanese youth in the late 1990s (Collins, Noble, Poynting, &
Tabar, 2000; Noble, Poynting, & Tabar, 1999a, 1999b; Poynting, 2000). Subsequently, the
events of 9/11, the commencement of the ‘War on Terror’ and the Cronulla Riots of 2005
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have resulted in a targeting of Muslims by the media, public and government which have
led to a continuing research focus on Muslim, and in particular, Lebanese young men and
the way they have been depicted in the media and by police (Poynting & Morgan, 2007;
Poynting, Noble, Tabar, & Collins, 2004).
These recent studies involving young Lebanese men in western Sydney follow from
earlier research on young Lebanese and Turks which began in the 1970s soon after
migration from these countries peaked. Typical of the studies was that by Young and her
colleagues which examined the extremely poor educational and employment outcomes of
recently arrived young Lebanese and Turks (Young, Petty, & Faulkner, 1980). Indeed, at
this time, when speaking of migrant disadvantage it was common for reference to be
made to the Lebanese, Turks and Vietnamese, the three most recent large immigrant
communities (Humphrey & Mograby, 1984; Mackie, 1983). By the 1980s changes began
to appear in the outcomes as Turkish parents often had high educational aspirations for
their children. Within a decade there were already signs of major improvements in the
levels of educational aspirations and attainment in the two groups (Abu Duhou & Teese,
1992; Chafic, 1994; Inglis, Elley, & Manderson, 1992; Keceli & Cahill, 1998). In the case
of the Turkish this was widely seen as reflecting the families’ decisions to settle in
Australia rather than return to Turkey (Elley, 1985; Icduygu, 1991).
Although there were signs of improvement in the educational and occupational outcomes
compared with the parental generation, one of the on-going questions concerns the extent
to which these changes have resulted in consistent patterns of attainment and
incorporation within the group. Differences have been noted between the experiences of
young Turkish background women and men (Asaroglu, 2007; Elley & Inglis, 1995; Inglis
et al., 1992). Within the Lebanese group differences between those of Muslim and
Christian background have been explored (Betts & Healy, 2006). Certainly in a 2001
study of the education and labour market inequalities among second generation groups in
Australia it was evident that, within the Lebanese group, there was a bipolar outcome
(Inglis & Model, 2007). While some reported a high level of labour market disadvantage,
those who had gained employment had outcomes similar to the third generation of
Australians. One possibility is that religion may be associated with this outcome. If it is, it
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is then necessary to explore how this occurs and whether it is related to the recent high
levels of negativity towards Muslims and Lebanese in particular since the events of 9/11.
Before considering the implications for the present study of this brief overview of the
Australian literature it is also necessary to take into account the growing interest in the
second generation immigrant youth in the USA and Europe. In the USA, a major research
focus on the second generation began in the 1990s with questions about their educational
and labour market outcomes which involved several multi-ethnic and multi-location
studies (Kasinitz, Mollenkopf, Waters, & Holdaway, 2009; Portes & Rumbaut, 2001,
2005). One of the major projects has involved Alejandro Portes and his associates who
have developed the concept of ‘segmented assimilation’ to account for differential
outcomes among the young people from different ethnic backgrounds (Portes, FernandezKelly, & Haller, 2005; Portes & Rumbaut, 2005; Zhou, 2005). While the approach has
been developed and modified in the face of considerable debate and critique (Waldinger
& Feliciano, 2004; Waldinger & Perlmann, 1998), the basic argument is that individuals
assimilate to the ‘local’ society and culture rather than to an abstract conception of the
national society. Hence, where that local society is characterised by social and economic
disadvantage then the outcomes for those of migrant background is likely to be similar. In
this version, the segmented assimilation model accounts for the downward social mobility
of particular groups. However, given that there are notable exceptions involving
particular groups of, for example, Asian background children, the model has been
modified to account for these examples of upward social mobility by referring to the part
played in this outcome by the existence of ethnic cohesion and community solidarity
which ‘shield’ the groups from the negative effects which otherwise lead to downward
mobility.
In Europe, one of the most ambitious studies of the second generation is the TIES (The
Integration of the European Second generation) project undertaken initially in eight
countries: Austria, Belgium, France, Germany, the Netherlands, Spain, Sweden and
Switzerland and then subsequently expanded to include Estonia (Crul & Heering, 2008;
Crul & Vermeulen, 2003). The project initially involved studying the situation of two
second generation groups and a third group consisting of the locally born children of
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locally born parents in two cities in each country. This was done using a common,
extensive, interview schedule. Funding and other considerations led to a reduction in the
scope of the sample groups in France, Spain and Sweden. In all the countries except
Spain, Turks were included as one of the two groups alongside either Moroccans or those
from the Former Yugoslavian Republic, depending on the patterns of international
migration to each country (Butcher & Thomas, 2003; Crul & Heering, 2008). The TIES
project did not include those from Lebanese background as the focus was on the major
second generation groups in each country. However, the extension of the TIES project to
Estonia, where the second generation group studied is the Russians, shows it is possible to
modify the methodology to include other major second generation groups. The starting
point for the TIES project was to explore in considerable detail the experiences of major
second generation immigrant groups in each country.
Two considerations led to the theoretical framing of the TIES project: the first called the
‘citizenship’ approach takes account of the national immigration and integration (what in
Australia is referred to as ‘settlement’) policies which are identified as playing a major
role in the integration process. This approach is seen as particularly relevant for issues
such as ethnic and religious identity formation, transnationalism and family formation and
partner choice. The second, institutional, approach is seen to be particularly relevant for
examining ‘structural integration’. It takes account of variations in the institutional
structures of education and labour markets. These theoretical approaches have been used
in comparing the findings from the European and American studies of the second
generation (Holdaway, Crul, & Roberts, 2009; Thomson & Crul, 2007). Their usage has
facilitated comparison of cross-national research findings when, as is the case between
the US and European studies, different second generation groups are studied. These
groups differ in their parents’ countries of origin, the role of Islam and the importance of
migration based on guest-worker or colonial connections. The results of the TIES project
are only slowly becoming available but, where relevant, they will be referred to in
subsequent chapters since, as explained in more detail in Chapter 3, the present project
adapted the methodology and content of the TIES project to Australia. Through this
adaptation the opportunity exists to extend the comparative nature of the project to
include European and, to some extent, the American experience although the American
projects did not use the same methodology as the TIES project.
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Incorporation and the Second Generation
Considerable debate exists among social scientists and policy makers about the most
appropriate manner of conceptualising how migrants and ethnic minorities become (or
should become) part of a nation. Assimilation, social cohesion, social inclusion and
integration are among the most common objectives. Each carries its own set of ambiguities
and theoretical baggage (Inglis, in press). To avoid these confusions, this report uses the
term ‘incorporation’ to refer to the processes and patterns observed in how the second
generation Lebanese and Turkish youth become part of Australian society. Despite the lack
of consensus as to the conceptual framework to privilege in evaluating the process of
incorporation, there is nevertheless considerable agreement concerning the types of
phenomena which are important dimensions in the settlement process. This is exemplified
in the way the actual dimensions identified in the detailed seven stage assimilation model
developed by Milton Gordon (Gordon, 1964) are still widely used as indicators, even if set
within a different theoretical framework (Kaya, 2009 p.35).
Three main dimensions of incorporation are examined here. The first, socio-economic
incorporation, concerns the extent of socio-economic disadvantage experienced by the
second generation. This involves exploring their education and labour market involvement.
These are the source of economic and educational capital which together can influence the
material circumstances of individuals and their ability to participate in society. Social
mobility is closely connected to socio-economic participation and takes several different
forms: career or intra-generational mobility over the course of an individual’s life;
intergenerational mobility involving changes in the social position of children and parents;
and structural mobility. This refers to more general changes across society in the patterns of
educational and labour market participation as occurs when there is a general rise in the
completed levels of education as has happened in Australia over the last 30 years. Even
where there is intergenerational mobility in minority groups, the differences between them
and the majority may not be entirely reduced if there is also structural mobility.
The second dimension, social incorporation, involves individuals’ social networks,
cultural practices and values. It addresses the extent to which individuals’ social relations
are constrained within their own ethnic group or extend outside to other groups. These
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relations and cultural attributes also have the potential to provide social and cultural capital
which complement individuals’ material resources and economic capital. However,
whether such capital exists depends on the institutional structures of the wider society
which construct the capital ‘markets’. An important role in this construction is played by
the extent of prejudice and discrimination directed at specific groups.
The third dimension of incorporation, identity and cultural incorporation, examined here
involves citizenship, identification and other subjective aspects of belonging which are
affected by prejudice and discrimination in the wider society. Cultural attributes closely
linked to ethnic identity including language and religion potentially have an important role
to play as well. The impacts of globalisation and transnationalism are also potentially
important for the ways in which they foster and sustain linkages and attachments outside
Australia. They do this through the new technologies which have greatly enhanced
opportunities for immediate and cheap international contacts involving the internet and
international travel.
Sources of Data
To explore these dimensions of incorporation this study uses two main sources of data.
The first is the 2006 census of the Australian population. It provides the most recent
complete overview of the educational and labour market situation of second generation
Turkish and Lebanese background youth. It also allows their situation to be compared
with that of other young Australians. Two major analyses have been undertaken using this
census data. The first replicates an earlier analysis of the 2001 census data which used
census sample data to compare first, second and third generations of the major Australian
ancestry groups, including the Lebanese (Inglis & Model, 2007). In doing so, it extends
this earlier study by examining the relationship between Muslim religious affiliation and
various educational and economic measures. Unfortunately, in 2006, the sample microdata set from the census which was used in the earlier analysis only separately identified
the second generation Lebanese and not the Turks. For information on the Turks as well
as the Lebanese this study therefore also analysed available census population data.
A limitation of the census data is that it does not allow us to examine the social processes
which underlie the young people’s educational and labour market experiences. Nor does
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it provide information concerning their family and social circumstances, their cultural
practices, values or identities. To obtain such information it was necessary to interview
young people. These interviews provide the second source of data used to examine the
incorporation of the second generation. In contrast to the census, which had to define the
second generation on the basis of ancestry because of the absence of precise information
on parents’ overseas birthplace, the interviews were able to use parents’ birthplace to
define the second generation group. The interview survey questions and methodology
used in this study replicates those used in the TIES project referred to above. An
important advantage of adopting the TIES methodology is that it provides a basis for
comparing the Australian findings with those from European countries.
The Outline of the Report
Chapter 2 outlines the findings about the educational and economic circumstances of the
second generation young people based on the analysis of the 2006 Australian census data.
The focus of this analysis is at the national level. It thus provides a context for the more
detailed exploration of the educational, economic, social, and cultural experiences of the
second generation which were obtained in the interview survey of Lebanese and Turkish
background youth. These survey findings are outlined in the remainder of this report.
Chapter 3 describes the methodology and organisation of the survey while Chapter 4
discusses the major social and demographic characteristics of the young interviewees and
their families. After examining their educational experiences in Chapter 5, the focus of
Chapter 6 is their experiences in the world of work. Chapter 7 then examines how they
are incorporated into the social life of Australian society, particularly in relation to their
friendship patterns and their involvement in community organisations. It also reports on
their local neighbourhoods and their experiences of discrimination and prejudice.
Together with the material dimensions of their incorporation these social experiences are
widely seen as having an important part to play in the subjective dimensions of
incorporation which are explored in Chapter 8. Chapter 9 brings together the diverse
findings from the Australian study and compares them with the preliminary findings from
the parallel European TIES project. Together these results provide a basis for evaluating
the contemporary situation of the young Lebanese and Turkish in Australia. They also
provide a basis for a number of recommendations designed to address issues associated
with social cohesion and the integration of these young people into Australian society.
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CHAPTER 2. THE SOCIO-ECONOMIC
STATUS
OF
GENERATION LEBANESE AND TURKS
SECOND
Socio-economic status as indicated by educational and labour market participation is
widely acknowledged to be a key dimension in assessing the incorporation of migrant
groups in society. In Australia a major national source of information about socioeconomic incorporation is provided by the census. This chapter uses data from the most
recent 2006 census as a basis for examining inequality and social mobility among the
second generation Lebanese and Turkish youth. Two types of analysis are reported. The
first uses data for the whole population to compare the educational and labour market
outcomes for Lebanese and Turkish second generation youth aged between 18 and 35, the
age groups covered in the TIAS survey. The second analysis uses a 1% sample of the
population data contained in the Confidentialised Unit Record Files (CURF) data set. It
replicates and extends an earlier analysis using 2001 CURF data which examined the
labour market outcomes for first and second generation Australians, including those of
Lebanese ancestry (Inglis & Model, 2007). Before describing these analyses the next
section will outline the reasons for undertaking the two different types of analyses. In
particular it will address certain limitations in each analysis and how they provide
complementary sources of information.
The 2006 Census and the Socio-Economic Incorporation of the Second
Generation
The Definition of the ‘Second Generation’ and Their Ethnicity
The standard demographic definition of the Australian second generation is that they are
born in Australia but have one or both of their parents born overseas. To go further and
specify their ethnic background is not possible. This is because the Census question in
2006 and for several earlier Censuses only asks if the parent was born in Australia or
overseas. Thus, the definition of second generation Lebanese and Turkish ethnicity used
in the TIAS survey where it is based on the overseas birthplace of their parents cannot be
precisely replicated with the Census data. Instead, the ethnic background of the second
generation is defined on the basis of responses to the question on their identity. In
answering this question individuals could give up to two responses. In the census analyses
provided in this chapter, the ethnic background of individuals is based on this ancestry
17
TIAS Final Project Report
category rather than on the birthplace of their parents. As noted in Chapter 1 (Table 1.1),
18
TIAS Final Project Report
21% of those born in Turkey and 18% of those born in Lebanon do not give their first
ancestry as being respectively either Turkish or Lebanese. Hence, a definition based on an
individual’s first ancestry as used in the following analyses does exclude them from
consideration as ‘Lebanese’ or ‘Turkish’.
In the analyses based on the 2006 population data, data limitations in the Cdata 2006
which was the data set available at the time the report was being finalised necessitated
using a very simple definition of second generation and ethnicity. Those described in the
population analysis below as being of either Lebanese or Turkish ancestry were selected
on the basis that they had been born in Australia and that they said their first ancestry was
either Lebanese or Turkish. Hence it is possible that their own parents may have both
been born in Australia (which is why the tables label them as 2+ generation). They may
also have had a second ancestry apart from Lebanese or Turkish. For the 2001 and 2006
analyses based on the CURF data set a more sophisticated definition of ethnicity was
possible. This definition took account of individuals’ second ancestry as well as the
birthplace of both parents. This meant it was possible to distinguish second from third and
later generations. It was also possible to confine analyses to those individuals who only
stated one ancestry. Full details of the definition are given in Appendix 1.
Comparison of the Two Census Analyses
The obvious advantage of using population data is that there is no need to extrapolate
from a sample to a larger population which may introduce a margin of error into the
process. However, a limitation of working with population data is that, while it is possible
to be precise in identifying patterns of difference which may indicate social inequality, it
cannot easily provide information about what underlying factors may account for these
differences. This can only be compensated for to a limited extent by undertaking
progressively more detailed divisions of data on the basis of age, gender or other criteria.
In contrast, the value of using sample data is that a range of statistical techniques such as
regression analysis can be used to explore the effects of a range of factors. This process
leads to a more detailed assessment of whether the frequency patterns found can be
explained by differences in the level of qualifications held or whether there is evidence
that among some groups, even after taking these and other factors into account, there is an
above average, or below average level of for example, unemployment. With this type of
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TIAS Final Project Report
finding it is then possible to explore with greater confidence alternative explanations
which may include cultural preferences or discrimination
The reason why the present project did not rely solely on the CURF data is that, unlike at
the 2001 Census, Turkish ancestry was excluded from the ancestries available for
separate analysis. However, Lebanese ancestry was retained and the analysis has included
it as well as also expanding the 2001 analysis to distinguish between the Christian and
non-Christian Lebanese. Given that the intention of the project was to compare the
Turkish with the Lebanese Christians and Muslims, the population Cdata 2006 was used
to develop comparisons of the Lebanese and Turkish second generation. Because of
constraints built into the Cdata program only a certain number of variables could be
jointly analysed2. Also, the program only allowed for a certain set of variables to be
jointly analysed. This meant that it was not always possible to include religion in the
analysis. Nor was it possible to undertake an analysis in which occupation was related to
second generation ethnicity.
These limitations which affect the comparability of findings between the two census
analyses and the responses from the TIAS survey need to be kept in mind in reading this
report. However, it will be apparent that there is considerable consistency between the
different data sources as they relate to the findings on second generation educational and
labour market outcomes.
The Educational and Labour Market Outcomes for Second Generation
Lebanese and Turks Using Population Data
Educational Outcomes
Three sets of educational information are available to compare the experiences of the
Lebanese and Turks. The first provides information on whether individuals are students, a
measure which is also used in the CURF analysis. The second set of information relates to
the type of educational institution individuals are attending. The third data set relates to
the highest post-school qualification an individual has received. This variable is also used
in the CURF analysis. The TIAS survey also obtains information on all three measures.
2
The recently released ABS Tablebuilder program has greater flexibility and apparently the capacity to
20
TIAS Final Project Report
undertake these more detailed analyses for the 2006 Census data.
21
TIAS Final Project Report
An examination of the tables which provide information on the current student status of
individuals indicates that the second generation Turkish are more likely to still be
studying after 17 years of age than are the Lebanese, or the total Australian born
population as a whole. One possible explanation is that the Turks are markedly younger
than the Lebanese aged 18 to 35. Whereas 49% in the 18-35 age group are aged between
18 and 24, the comparable percentage for the Lebanese is 45%. However, whether this is
large enough to account for the difference in the percentages of students is unclear.
Table 2.1 Student Status of Lebanese & Turkish 2+ Generation Youth (18-35) by Sex, 2006
Not attending
Full-time student
Part-time student
Institution & status not stated
Total
Lebanese
Male
Female
%
%
78
78
12
14
8
6
2
2
15,746
16,243
Turkish
Male
Female
%
%
77
70
14
21
7
7
1
1
4,385
4,260
All Australian Born
Male
Female
%
%
79
77
10
13
8
8
2
2
1,746,261
1,766,906
Source: Census CData 2006
Table 2.1 shows this tendency for the Turkish to be more likely to be still studying. What
is also interesting is that the Turkish women have a much higher rate of studying than
either Lebanese or all Australian born women. This pattern may well underlie the
observation in Table 2.2 that married, as well as never married Turks, are more likely to
be still studying than are the Lebanese second generation.
Table 2.2
Not attending
Full-time student
Part-time student
Institution & status not stated
Total
Student Status of Lebanese & Turkish 2+ Generation Youth
(18-35) by Marital Status, 2006
Lebanese
Turkish
All Australian Born
Never
Married
Never
Married
Never
Married
Married
Married
Married
%
%
%
%
%
%
68
93
63
90
73
90
21
2
27
4
16
2
9
3
9
5
9
6
2
2
1
1
2
1
18,971
11,604
5,331
2,752 2,443,176 933,510
Source: Census CData 2006
When the geographical focus of the tables shifts from the whole of Australia to compare
the second generation in Sydney and Melbourne, Table 2.3 shows that a higher
percentage of Melbourne than Sydney residents are still studying. Since the length of
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secondary schooling is the same in each city this points to the possibility that there is a
greater emphasis on continuing with study in Melbourne.
Table 2.3
Student Status of Lebanese & Turkish 2+ Generation Youth
(18-35) in Sydney & Melbourne, 2006
Lebanese
Sydney
Melb
Not attending
Full-time student
Part-time student
Institution & status not stated
Total
%
78
12
8
2
23,687
%
77
16
5
2
5,760
Turkish
Sydney
Melb
%
75
15
9
1
3,042
%
72
20
6
1
4,606
All Australian Born
Sydney
Melb
%
78.97
10.48
7.99
2.38
1,746,261
%
76.74
13.34
8.26
1.52
1,766,906
Source: Census CData 2006
The next set of educational data relates to the type of educational institution which is
attended. As expected, given the age group, very few of the second generation are still
attending school (Table 2.4). Those women who are continuing with their education are
also more likely than men to be attending universities or other tertiary institutions. Again,
this is particularly marked among the Turkish women.
Table 2.4
Secondary-Government
Secondary-Catholic
Secondary-Other Non Government
University or other Tertiary Institutions
Other
Not stated
Not applicable
Total
Educational Institution Attended by Lebanese &
Turkish 2+ Generation Youth (18-35) by Sex, 2006
Lebanese
Turkish
All Australian Born
Male Female Male Female
Male
Female
%
%
%
%
%
%
1
1
2
1
1
1
1
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
9
12
10
17
10
13
1
1
1
1
1
2
3
3
2
2
3
2
78
78
77
70
79
77
15,745 16,244 4,385
4,260 1,746,261 1,766,906
Source: Census CData 2006
When the patterns of attendance in Sydney and Melbourne are compared the level of
university attendance is higher in Melbourne (Table 2.5). This pattern is evident for both
the second generation groups and all the Australian born population in the two cities.
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TIAS Final Project Report
Table 2.5
Secondary-Government
Secondary-Catholic
Secondary-Other Non Government
University or other Tertiary Institutions
Other
Not stated
Not applicable
Total
Educational Institution Attended by Lebanese &
Turkish 2+ Generation Youth (18-35) in Sydney &
Melbourne, 2006
Lebanese
Turkish
All Australian Born
Sydney Melbourne Sydney Melbourne Sydney Melbourne
%
%
%
%
%
%
1
1
1
2
1
1
0
1
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
10
11
12
14
13
14
1
1
1
1
1
1
3
3
2
3
2
2
78
77
75
72
75
75
23,686
5,759
3,042
4,608 657,802
637,255
Source: Census CData 2006
The possession of educational qualifications is increasingly important for labour market
participation both as to the type of job obtained and the security attached to the position.
Table 2.6 contains information about the actual educational qualifications held by the
second generation, rather than foreshadowed by educational participation as in the
previous two sets of tables. Gender differences are clear with women being more likely to
hold qualifications in all areas except that of Certificates which are awarded to TAFE
graduates who historically, were more often men than women. The Lebanese are more
qualified than the Turks but both groups report a lower level of qualifications than the
total Australian born population. The Turkish men tended to be least qualified even as the
Turkish women exceeded the level of tertiary qualifications amongst all the Lebanese and
approached the level of all Australian born women.
Table 2.6
Not stated
Inadequately described
Postgraduate Degree Level
Grad. Diploma and Grad. Cert. Level
Bachelor Degree Level
Advanced Diploma and Diploma Level
Certificate Level
Not applicable
Total Numbers
Qualifications of Lebanese & Turkish 2+ Generation Youth
(18-35) by Sex, 2006
Lebanese
Turkish
Male
Female Male Female
%
%
%
%
5
5
5
5
1
2
1
1
1
1
1
1
0
1
0
1
12
15
8
16
8
13
7
10
22
16
16
13
51
47
62
52
15,747
16,242 4,384
4,261
Source: Census CData 2006
24
All Australian Born
Male
Female
%
%
4
3
1
1
1
1
1
2
12
18
6
9
26
18
49
47
1,746,263 1,766,904
TIAS Final Project Report
Given the importance of educational qualifications it is helpful that it is possible to look
at how religious affiliation is connected to ancestry. The particular interest in Table 2.7 is
the comparison between those second generation Lebanese whose religious affiliation is
with Christianity rather than Islam. Only these two religions have been shown in the table
since they include the majority of Lebanese. Among the Lebanese in this particular age
group the Christians are much more numerous than the Muslims. For comparison both
religious groups are included for all the Australian born and the Turkish even though the
number of Christians is very small indeed.
Among the Christians, the Lebanese have qualifications similar to, or slightly better than
the Australian born. Among the Muslims the Turks were slightly less likely to be
qualified than the Lebanese. The major finding from this table is that at every level of
educational qualifications a higher percentage of Christian Lebanese than Muslim
Lebanese holds them. Even so, the Muslim Lebanese are better qualified at the level of
pre-university certificates and diplomas than the totality of Australian born Muslims. The
situation is different in relation to university qualifications where the Turks are better
qualified than the Muslim Lebanese and, indeed, all Australian born Muslims.
Table 2.7
Not stated
Inadequately described
Postgraduate Degree Level
Grad. Diploma and Grad. Cert. Level
Bachelor Degree Level
Advanced Diploma and Diploma Level
Certificate Level
Not applicable
Total Numbers
Qualifications of Lebanese & Turkish 2+ Generation Youth (1835) by Religious Affiliation, 2006
Lebanese
Turkish
All Australian Born
Christianity Islam Christianity Islam Christianity Islam
%
%
%
%
%
%
5
5
5
5
3
6
2
1
2
1
1
1
1
1
3
1
1
1
1
0
0
1
1
0
16
9
8
12
15
10
13
8
12
8
7
7
19
18
18
14
22
16
43
57
53
58
48
57
18,163 11,827
159 7,311
2,199,160 35,540
Source: Census CData 2006
An interesting finding when we compare Sydney and Melbourne on the level of
qualifications is that, although in the previous tables we saw that there was a higher level
of educational participation in Melbourne than Sydney, a slightly higher percentage of
people in Melbourne were without qualifications than those in Sydney (Table 2.8). On the
other hand, in Melbourne there was in all three groups a greater likelihood of having a
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TIAS Final Project Report
university qualification than in Sydney. The Turkish were the group least likely to have
qualifications at all levels. The Lebanese were between the Turks and the Australian born
group except at the Advanced Diploma group where they were more likely to be qualified
than the Australian born as a whole.
Table 2.8
Not stated
nadequately described
Postgraduate Degree Level
Grad. Diploma and Grad. Cert. Level
Bachelor Degree Level
Advanced Diploma and Diploma Level
Certificate Level
Not applicable
Total Numbers
Qualifications of Lebanese & Turkish 2+Generation
Youth (18-35) in Sydney & Melbourne, 2006
Lebanese
Turkish
All Australian Born
Sydney Melb. Sydney Melb. Sydney
Melb.
%
%
%
%
%
%
5
5
4
5
4
3
2
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
2
2
1
1
0
1
1
2
13
14
12
13
18
20
11
9
10
8
9
8
20
15
16
13
20
18
48
54
55
57
44
45
23,687 5,760
3,041 4,607 657,800 637,257
Source: Census CData 2006
Labour Force Participation
Two sets of available data are relevant to the labour force participation of the second
generation. The first relates to their labour force status and whether or not they are
unemployed. The second relates to their incomes. Employment status, and in particular
evidence of unemployment are crucial elements in most discussions of labour market
inequality. Given the highly gendered nature of the Australian labour market, Table 2.9 is
relevant as it provides information relating to gender differences. In general it is apparent
that men are more likely to be unemployed than women. However, the women are more
likely to not be in the labour force. This raises the possibility that their being outside the
labour force is a way of avoiding unemployment. The Turkish men are most likely to be
not in the labour force and, also, unemployed when compared with the Lebanese and all
the Australian born who have the highest rate of participation and employment. Although
Turkish women also have very high rates of unemployment the Lebanese women are
more likely than the Turkish not to be in the labour force. Since the Lebanese women’s
level of educational participation is lower than that of the Turkish the reason for them
being more likely to be outside the labour force may be because they are more involved in
childcare and household duties. Some evidence for this explanation is evident in
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TIAS Final Project Report
Table 2.10 where there is a much greater disparity between the married and the never
married in the workforce among the Lebanese than among the Turkish or Australian born
groups.
Table 2.9
Employed, worked full-time
Employed, worked part-time
Employed, away from work
Unemployed, looking for f/t work
Unemployed, looking for p/t work
Not in the labour force
Not stated
Total
Labour Force Status of Lebanese & Turkish 2+
Generation Youth (18-35) by Sex, 2006
Lebanese
Turkish
Male Female Male Female
%
%
%
%
54
33
49
33
14
19
12
19
7
5
6
6
7
3
10
5
1
2
2
3
16
36
19
33
2
1
2
1
15,746 16,243 4,383
4,262
All Australian Born
Male
Female
%
%
63
39
14
28
5
5
4
2
1
2
11
23
1
1
1,746,262 1,766,905
Source: Census CData 2006
Table 2.10
Employed, worked full-time
Employed, worked part-time
Employed, away from work
Unemployed, looking for f/t work
Unemployed, looking for p/t work
Not in the labour force
Not stated
Total
Labour Force Status of Lebanese & Turkish 2+
Generation Youth (18-35) by Marital Status, 2006
Lebanese
Turkish
All Australian Born
Never Married Never Married
Never
Married
Married
Married
Married
%
%
%
%
%
%
45
42
38
49
50
53
18
14
17
14
21
21
7
5
6
5
5
6
6
3
9
4
4
1
2
1
3
1
2
1
21
34
26
26
16
18
2
1
2
1
1
1
18,972 11,604
5,330
2,752 2,443,177 933,510
Source: Census CData 2006
Table 2.11 compares the labour force status of Christians and Muslims, an issue which is
at the heart of much debate about differences within the Lebanese community. A pattern
evident in the whole Australian born population for this critical youth age group is that
Christians are less likely to be unemployed or outside the labour market than are
Muslims. Since the Turkish and Lebanese are the largest component of the Muslim
population it is not surprising to find that their levels of unemployment resemble those of
the whole Australian born Muslim population. In contrast, the level of unemployment
among the Christian Lebanese is lower and equates with that of the general Australian
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TIAS Final Project Report
born Christian population of which they are a very small percentage. Among the Christian
Lebanese their non-participation in the labour force is, however, slightly higher than for
the whole Australian born group. Although the Turkish and Lebanese Muslims have very
similar levels of unemployment, the non-participation rate of the Muslim Lebanese in the
labour force is far higher. Given the patterns of gender differences already noted in labour
force participation and marital status one reason for this may be that the Turkish women
are less likely to leave the labour force than are Muslim Lebanese women.
Table 2.11
Employed, worked full-time
Employed, worked part-time
Employed, away from work
Unemployed, looking for f/t work
Unemployed, looking for p/t work
Not in the labour force
Not stated
Not applicable
Total Number
Labour Force Status of Lebanese & Turkish 2+ Generation Youth
(18-35) by Religious Affiliation, 2006
Lebanese
Turkish
All Australian Born
Christianity Islam Christianity Islam Christianity Islam
%
%
%
%
%
%
51
32
40
41
52
35
18
14
19
15
22
15
6
6
9
6
5
6
3
7
4
7
3
7
1
2
4
2
1
2
19
38
24
27
16
33
1
2
0
2
1
2
0
0
0
0
0
0
18,161 11,828
159 7,309
2,199,159 35,542
Source: Census CData 2006
If unemployment is significant for the way it indicates that an individual or group is
marginalised from the labour market, income is important for the way in which it
provides an indication of the level of employment obtained both financially and often in
terms of social prestige. Given the role of gender in labour market participation it is not
surprising to find in Table 2.12 that the incomes of women are generally lower than men.
From the perspective of the second generation the lowest level of income is obtained by
the Turkish, although the pattern is more marked among the Turkish men than the
Turkish women whose levels of income are closer to those of the Lebanese women. The
pattern of incomes among the Lebanese men at the upper levels approaches that of all the
Australian born population, although there is a more substantial ‘tail’ who have either nil
or a negative income.
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TIAS Final Project Report
Table 2.12
Negative income
Nil income
$1-$149
$150-$249
$250-$399
$400-$599
$600-$799
$1,000-$1,299
$1,300-$1,599
$1,600-$1,999
$2,000 or more
Not stated
Not applicable
Total
Income of Lebanese and Turkish 2+ Generation Youth (18-35) by Sex, 2006
Lebanese
Male
Female
%
%
1
1
8
9
8
13
10
15
10
14
16
17
14
12
9
5
4
2
3
1
3
1
5
4
0
0
15,745
16,244
Turkish
All Australian Born
Male
Female
Male
Female
%
%
%
%
1
1
0
0
10
10
4
5
9
14
5
11
13
15
9
13
10
12
9
15
17
18
16
19
15
13
16
13
6
4
11
7
2
2
6
3
1
1
3
1
1
0
3
1
5
3
4
3
0
0
0
0
4,384
4,261 1,746,264 1,766,903
Source: Census CData 2006
The local economy can play an important role in the levels of income and this is apparent
from Table 2.13 which compares the second generation living in Sydney and Melbourne.
The pattern of higher incomes in Sydney can be seen by comparing the incomes of all
those born in Australia. The role of Sydney as a global city with a large financial services
sector in its economy is an important factor in this evidence of higher incomes in Sydney.
However a corollary also associated with a global city is that there is a demand for many
low skilled workers, potentially also low paid, to supply services for the elite groups.
Among the Turkish second generation there is certainly further evidence that, when
compared with the Lebanese, their incomes are generally lower. However, comparisons
between the Turks and Lebanese living in Sydney and Melbourne suggest that while in
both groups there are individuals in Sydney with higher incomes than in Melbourne, there
is still a substantial number in both groups with incomes well below the levels reported
for all those born in Australia.
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TIAS Final Project Report
Table 2.13
Income of Lebanese & Turkish 2+ Generation Youth (18-35) by
Sydney & Melbourne, 2006
Negative income
Nil income
$1-$149
$150-$249
$250-$399
$400-$599
$600-$799
$1,000-$1,299
$1,300-$1,599
$1,600-$1,999
$2,000 or more
Not stated
Not applicable
Total
Lebanese
Turkish
All Australian Born
Sydney Melbourne Sydney Melbourne Sydney Melbourne
%
%
%
%
%
%
1
1
1
1
0
0
9
8
11
9
6
5
10
12
9
13
8
9
12
15
12
15
8
10
12
12
11
10
10
11
17
17
17
18
15
16
13
12
15
13
14
15
7
6
6
5
11
10
3
2
3
2
6
4
2
1
1
1
3
2
2
1
1
1
4
2
5
6
4
4
3
3
0
0
0
0
0
0
23,687
5,759
3,041
4,608 657,801
637,256
Source: Census CData 2006
The Educational and Labour Market Outcomes for Second Generation
Lebanese and Turks Using Sample Data
The 2001 study
As part of an international comparative study examining the experiences of second
generation immigrants in Western labour markets an analysis was undertaken of the 2001
Australian census data (Heath & Cheung, 2007). This analysis involved a comparison of
the labour market outcomes across generations of the major ethnic groups in the
Australian population (Inglis & Model, 2007). It began by looking at the distribution of
these ancestry groups across educational outcomes, economic participation and
occupation to determine the extent of gross disadvantage which separated them.
Following this, three regression analyses were undertaken to determine (i) the likelihood
of avoiding unemployment, (ii) access to professional and managerial and avoidance of
semi- and unskilled employment and (iii) the relationship of earnings to occupation. The
purpose of these analyses was to determine the extent to which, after controlling for key
variables such as age, qualifications, marital status, proficiency in English, and residential
location there was evidence of unequal outcomes involving particular ethnic groups.
Where these outcomes were negative they were viewed as indicative of ethnic penalties
which pointed to the existence of factors such as the nature of the economy, social class
fluidity, racism and xenophobia, immigration and citizenship policies (Heath, 2007).
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TIAS Final Project Report
Because of the nature of the data used in the study it was not possible to explore in any
detail the reasons for the existence of the ethnic penalties. The key findings of the
comparative study were that Australia and Canada emerged as the two countries where
there was least evidence of the existence of ethnic penalties affecting second generation
immigrant minorities. However, both displayed patterns of ethnic penalties affecting their
indigenous minorities comparable to those characterising immigrant minorities in
continental Europe (Heath, 2007, p.661).
Against this background of lower levels of ethnic penalties being evident in Australia
among those of immigrant background, the findings relating to the Lebanese group in
2001 are particularly relevant to the present project. In particular, the regression analyses
showed that the markedly high levels of unemployment which were evident in the first
generation Lebanese continued into the second generation among both men and women.
However, an examination of the occupations of those employed showed that the Lebanese
second generation men were overrepresented in the professional and managerial
occupations as well as among the self-employed and employers. Among the Lebanese
women the first generation group were less likely to be employed in the routine nonmanual clerical type of occupations. In the case of the second generation women there
was no marked difference between their occupational patterns and that of the comparison
group who were the third generation ‘Australians’. These findings were interpreted as
pointing to the existence of a bipolar pattern of labour market involvement among the
second generation Lebanese. On the one had, there was a group who experienced high
levels of unemployment but, among those men who were employed, there was an above
average participation in the high status and well paying professional and managerial
occupations as well as in self-employment where there had been a long historical tradition
for Lebanese involvement. When the third analysis was undertaken examining the levels
of income among those employed in particular occupational classes the only significant
result involving the Lebanese was that the first generation men were likely to receive a
lower income. This suggests that they were working in the lower levels of the professions
and management. Evidence of such a pattern was not present among the second
generation men. The income of the Lebanese women did not differ significantly except
that the first generation working in skilled, manual occupations received higher incomes
than the norm among the third generation comparison group.
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TIAS Final Project Report
This analysis of the 2001 census data raises two questions which are directly pertinent to
the present project. One is whether the patterns found in the 2001 data were still evident
in the 2006 data. In the intervening five years a number of factors had changed. These
included the increasing numbers of second generation Lebanese youth entering the labour
market; the improving state of the Australian economy which underwent considerable job
expansion associated with economic growth; and, also, the impact of the events of 9/11
which led to a variety of local and international initiatives which effected local Australian
Muslim populations who were often depicted in the media and public discourse as closely
associated with Islamic fundamentalist terrorist groups.
The second question was, if the patterns did continue, how could the bipolar pattern be
explained? A common suggestion was that the bipolar pattern was associated with the
divisions which existed between the Christian and non-Christian, predominantly Muslim
Lebanese population (Betts & Healy, 2006). However, such studies, relying as they did
on frequency data which illustrated gross differences in outcomes, could not explain the
impact of other factors examined in the regression analyses described above. If there are
such divisions then there is a need to seek an explanation for them. Such explanations
might include the effects of religion or other cultural factors, the patterns of immigration
and settlement in Australia, or the educational and social capital brought from Lebanon.
The Replication of the 2001 Study
In order to answer these questions, the analysis of the 2001 census data was replicated
using the 2006 Australian census data. There were two stages in this replication process.
The first involved analysing the 2006 data using the same measures and population as had
been used in the earlier analysis. This provided the basis for determining whether the
patterns found in 2001 involving the Lebanese were also evident in 2006. The second
stage was to then re-analyse the 2006 census data distinguishing between the Christian
and non-Christian Lebanese to determine whether religious affiliation as stated on the
census was significantly related to the findings.
The first stage of the replication involved recreating precisely the categories used in the
international comparative study. Details of these categories and their construction are
contained in Appendix 1 of this report. As in 2001, the census data used for the 2006
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TIAS Final Project Report
analysis was derived from the 1% sample of the Confidentialised Unit Record Files
(CURF) prepared by the Australian Bureau of Statistics (ABS). This file includes the
responses to the questions individuals answered concerning their ancestry. Individuals
were assigned to particular ethnic groups based on their replies to the ancestry question
which allowed up to two responses. Not all ancestry groups were separately identified in
the CURF data which included several categories reflecting geographically based
ancestries. There were also several ancestry categories where the numbers of second
generation individuals were too small to be able to reliably include them in the analysis.
These included Filipinos and Vietnamese. For these reasons it was necessary to combine
certain ancestry categories to arrive at the ‘ethnic’ groups used in the analysis. Individuals
were included in an ethnic group such as Lebanese if they indicated that their only
ancestry was ‘Lebanese’. Individuals one of whose ancestries was ‘Australian’ would
have been included in the ‘Australian-Other’ ethnic group. The category of ‘Other’ was
used to combine together all those from the smaller ancestries. Thus it was highly diverse
including those with stated ancestries such as New Zealand, Canadian, Congolese,
Filipino and Indian. The distinction between Christian and non-Christian Lebanese was
based on their answers to the question on religious affiliation. Whereas 50 % of the
Lebanese indicated they belonged to a Christian religion, 40% indicated they were
affiliated to Islam and 10% indicated either that they belonged to another religion such as
Druse, or had no religion. All those who did not indicate a specific affiliation with a
Christian religion have been combined together to form the non-Christian Lebanese
ancestry group.
The sample population includes those aged between 18 and 59 because this was the age
group defined in the 2001 study as the major age group for labour market participation. In
the case of the second generation Lebanese we know that they are generally younger.
Thus, whereas 150 males and 169 females are aged between 18 to 59 in the CURF
sample, in fact, the majority of these men (77 %) and women (81%) are aged between 1834. The generation of individuals was based on their and their parents’ birthplaces. The
first generation were defined demographically as those born overseas. The second
generation were defined as Australian born with at least one parent born overseas. The
third generation were those born in Australia with both parents also born in Australia. As
the numbers of Lebanese who were third generation in the CURF data was very small
they were excluded from the analyses.
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TIAS Final Project Report
The definitions of educational level and economic activity remained unchanged between
2001 and 2006. However, the Australian Bureau of Statistics undertook a major revision
of its occupational classifications between the 2001 and 2006 census. Particularly affected
by this change was the category of Associate Professionals which was abolished with the
occupations which had been included in it distributed widely across other major
occupational groupings to the point where it was not possible to recreate precisely the
2001 category of the salariat. This had been based on all those who described themselves
as either Professionals, or Managers and Associate Professionals who were not selfemployed. For this reason care is needed in making comparisons between the
occupational categories between 2001 and 2006, particularly the salariat and petty
bourgeoisie as in 2006 it could have been expanded by the inclusion of self-employed
former Associate Professionals. In particular, the effects of the ABS reclassification
appear to be that the ‘salariat’ will now involve professional occupations with higher
levels of educational requirements.
Results from the 2006 Census
Table 2.14 shows the relative size of the ancestry groups used in the analysis by their
generational depth. In the case of the Lebanese they are 0.82% of the Australian
population aged between 18 to 59 years. The first generation (0.49%) is larger than the
second generation (0.32%) while the third generation is very small (0.01%). Within the
Lebanese group, the percentages of Christian Lebanese, who have a longer history of
migration, is higher than for the non-Christian Lebanese.
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TIAS Final Project Report
Table 2.14 Australian Population (aged 18-59) from different origins (table %), 2006
Australian Only
Oceanian
British & Irish Only
Dutch Only
German Only
Italian Only
Maltese Only
Greek Only
Chinese Only
Balkan
Central & Eastern European
Australian-Other
Other
Lebanese Total
Lebanese Christian
Lebanese Non-Christian
Total percent
Total Number
First
Generation
0.09
0.59
7.53
0.37
0.43
0.72
0.20
0.46
3.62
1.11
0.70
0.24
10.67
0.49
0.28
0.21
27.23
27,429
Second
Generation
1.02
0.05
4.30
0.46
0.32
1.86
0.35
1.03
0.31
0.62
0.56
4.83
3.56
0.32
0.19
0.13
19.59
19,728
Third
Generation
22.41
0.36
17.86
0.04
0.47
0.19
0.02
0.08
0.02
0.03
0.08
7.92
3.69
0.01
0.01
0.00
53.18
53,561
Row
Totals
23.52
1.01
29.69
0.87
1.22
2.77
0.58
1.57
3.95
1.76
1.34
12.98
17.92
0.82
0.48
0.34
100.00
100,718
Source: Census 1% CURF, 2006
Human Capital
Human capital as defined on the basis of level of completed education typically increases
from first to second generation. In the case of the Lebanese men, almost half of those
born overseas have not completed their secondary education (Table 2.15A). This is a
substantially poorer educational outcome than reported among the comparison group
which are those with third generation Australian ancestry (30.6%). It is also double the
figure for the population as a whole (25.3%). By the second generation, there has been a
substantial improvement in secondary completion rates so that those with incomplete
secondary education have declined to 19.2%. However, a substantial proportion of the
second generation Lebanese still only report having completed secondary education
(36.9%). Those with either vocational or tertiary qualifications in the second generation
are higher than among the first generation, at 30.8% for those with vocational and 13.1%
for those with tertiary qualifications, they are an improvement on those of the first
generation. When the differences between the Christian and non-Christian Lebanese men
is considered the educational levels of the non-Christian in both the first and second
generation are lower than those of the Christians with one important exception. That is
that, in the first generation, the non-Christians (12.5%) report a higher level of tertiary
qualifications than do the Christians (11.29%). By the second generation, the percentage
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TIAS Final Project Report
of non-Christians with tertiary qualifications is lower (10.87%). In contrast, the
percentage reported among the Christians (14.29%) is higher although still slightly below
the level found in the Australian third generation comparison group.
Table 2.15A. Highest educational qualification, by ancestry and generation: Men (row %), 2006
Post
Incomplete
Completed
Secondary
Sample
Secondary
Secondary
Vocational
Tertiary Number
Third-generation
Australian
30.57
18.38
36.27
14.78
10,606
First generation
British & Irish
20.60
14.28
41.33
23.80
3,719
German
14.74
7.89
50.53
26.84
190
Italian
37.26
9.59
35.62
17.53
365
Dutch
24.71
8.82
41.76
24.71
170
Maltese
42.00
12.00
38.00
8.00
100
Greek
38.39
21.43
31.25
8.93
224
Lebanese Total
48.25
17.11
22.81
11.84
228
Lebanese Christian
44.35
20.16
24.19
11.29
124
Lebanese Non-Christian
52.88
13.46
21.15
12.50
104
Chinese
13.51
27.32
15.06
44.11
1,614
Balkan
25.96
22.92
35.50
15.62
493
Central & Eastern European
11.33
16.67
36.67
35.33
300
Oceanian
42.06
23.41
30.16
4.37
252
Second generation
Australian
28.08
26.35
31.15
14.42
520
British & Irish
26.11
19.38
37.84
16.67
2,064
German
25.52
15.17
42.76
16.55
145
Italian
17.78
18.97
45.91
17.35
928
Dutch
19.34
13.99
48.56
18.11
243
Maltese
29.07
14.53
48.26
8.14
172
Greek
18.03
22.58
32.64
26.76
527
Lebanese Total
19.23
36.92
30.77
13.08
130
Lebanese Christian
21.43
32.14
32.14
14.29
84
Lebanese Non-Christian
15.22
45.65
28.26
10.87
46
Chinese
3.18
42.04
17.20
37.58
157
Balkan
18.84
30.82
34.25
16.10
292
Central & Eastern European
18.09
19.50
37.94
24.47
282
Australian-Other
23.01
23.23
35.07
18.69
2,247
Third generation
British & Irish
28.14
16.69
38.19
16.98
8,615
35.71
17.65
36.55
10.08
German
238
Italian
22.83
21.74
44.57
10.87
92
Oceanian/Aboriginal
74.84
8.81
16.35
0.00
159
Australian-Other
27.50
17.24
37.59
17.67
3,509
Other
18.73
21.91
30.82
28.53
8,124
Total
25.28
19.06
35.37
20.17
47,063
Source: Census 1% CURF,
36
TIAS Final Project Report
Among the Lebanese women, incomplete secondary education is even more common
than among the comparable generations of men although by the second generation there
has also been a decline from 53.7% to 21.8% which is better than either in the comparison
group or the population as a whole (Table 2.15B). As among the men the second
generation have a higher level of qualifications than the first, including at the tertiary
level where the rate of 14.1% is above that reported by the second generation Lebanese
men. Precisely the same pattern of differences between the Christian and the nonChristian men is repeated among the women. At all levels of education, the performance
of the Christian is better than among the non-Christian. The one exception is that the first
generation non-Christian women are more likely to have a tertiary qualification than are
the Christian women. The difference disappears by the second generation which suggests
that it may be the result of the arrival of more highly qualified Lebanese non-Christian
immigrants.
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TIAS Final Project Report
Table 2.15B. Highest educational qualification, by ancestry and generation: Women (row %), 2006
Post
Incomplete Completed Secondary
Sample
Tertiary
Secondary Secondary Vocational
No.
Third-generation
37.22
19.10
24.66
19.02
Australian
10,886
First generation
28.73
17.83
29.03
24.41
British & Irish
3,421
27.27
15.66
31.82
25.25
German
198
57.79
11.36
21.10
9.74
Italian
308
36.72
14.69
26.55
22.03
Dutch
177
67.07
10.98
18.29
3.66
Maltese
82
53.74
17.29
18.22
10.75
Greek
214
53.71
25.76
11.35
9.17
229
Lebanese Total
50.38
27.82
13.53
8.27
Lebanese Christian
133
58.33
22.92
8.33
10.42
Lebanese Non-Christian
96
17.04
25.08
17.04
40.83
Chinese
1,854
33.14
23.95
25.86
17.05
Balkan
522
12.36
18.10
29.89
39.66
Central & Eastern European
348
37.63
32.06
24.74
5.57
Oceanian
287
Second generation
34.31
26.41
22.12
17.16
Australian
443
30.38
19.94
27.69
21.99
British & Irish
2,051
35.00
13.13
21.25
30.63
German
160
27.26
20.65
30.05
22.04
Italian
862
34.90
20.31
27.08
17.71
Dutch
192
39.52
17.37
28.14
14.97
Maltese
167
15.62
22.34
31.24
30.80
Greek
461
21.79
33.97
30.13
14.10
156
Lebanese Total
21.59
23.86
37.50
17.05
Lebanese Christian
88
22.06
47.06
20.59
10.29
Lebanese Non-Christian
68
2.19
31.39
16.79
49.64
Chinese
137
20.27
26.25
27.57
25.91
Balkan
301
25.97
18.22
22.09
33.72
Central & Eastern European
258
26.44
22.42
27.48
23.66
Australian-Other
2,413
Third generation
35.66
18.02
25.25
21.07
British & Irish
8,345
37.04
12.96
29.17
20.83
German
216
25.51
26.53
16.33
31.63
Italian
98
72.35
10.00
14.12
3.53
Oceanian/Aboriginal
170
31.81
18.41
27.01
22.77
Australian-Other
4,080
22.45
23.33
23.91
30.32
Other
8,758
30.99
20.21
25.21
23.59
48,179
Total
Source: Census 1% CURF, 2006
In the five years between 2001 and 2006 among the second generation Lebanese men
their level of human capital had improved, particularly at the tertiary level which had
increased from 9.2% to 13.1% and, to a lesser extent at the level of postsecondary
38
TIAS Final Project Report
vocational qualifications (from 28.4% to 30.8%). A somewhat similar pattern of
improving human capital was evident also among the first generation where those with
tertiary qualifications had increased from 7.5% to 11.8%. However, there had been a
decline in those with post-secondary vocational qualifications from 25.4% down to 22.8%
as the percentage with incomplete secondary schooling increased from 46.7% to 48.2%.
Among the women there was a slightly stronger trend for the human capital of both the
first and second generations to have improved. In the first generation the level of those
with incomplete secondary had dropped while there had been increases in the percentages
with post-secondary vocational education (from 8.3% to 11.4%) and tertiary
qualifications (from 5.7% to 9.2%). The same trends were evident among second
generation women with comparable increases in the vocational qualifications from 27.9%
up to 30.1% and tertiary levels improving from 11.8% to 14.1%.
Economic Activity
Participation in the labour market is a key indicator of labour market status. Using the
Australian data it was possible to group individuals as being either ‘economically active’,
‘full-time students’ or ‘other’. It was not possible to determine reasons why the ‘other’
category were not participating in the labour market although it might be because of
retirement, home duties or some other explanation such as disability and ill health. Those
who described themselves as being ‘unemployed’ were included in the category of
‘economically active’. The first point to note when examining the status of the Lebanese
men is that both the first generation (75%) and the second generation (82.8%) reported a
level of activity below that of the third generation Australian comparison group (88.4%)
and the average for the population (87.9%) (Table 2.16A). The explanation for this in the
first generation was not related to there being a substantial percentage of men studying
full-time. The figure of full-time students in the first generation was only 1.3%, although
by the second there was a substantial increase to 7.6% which was only exceeded in the
second generation by the figure for Chinese (14.63%). Nearly a quarter of the first
generation men (23.8%) were not economically active but by the second generation the
figure of 9.7% was closer to that for the comparison group and the general population.
When we turn to examine the differences between the Christian and non-Christian
Lebanese groups in the first generation the participation in the labour market is much
39
TIAS Final Project Report
higher among the Christians although still below that of the comparison and national
average. By the second generation the situation is reversed with the difference related to
the larger percentage of Christian Lebanese who are full-time students (9.68%) compared
with the non-Christians (3.85%).
Table 2.16A. Economic activity, by ancestry and generation: Men (row %), 2006
Full-time Sample
Active
Other
Student
No.
Third-generation
%
%
%
88.44
9.74
1.82
Australian
10,986
First generation
British & Irish
89.88
9.19
0.93
3,875
German
85.29
12.75
1.96
204
Italian
84.87
14.62
0.51
390
Dutch
89.27
8.47
2.26
177
Maltese
83.50
15.53
0.97
103
Greek
81.82
18.18
0.00
231
Lebanese Total
75.00
23.75
1.25
240
Lebanese Christian
82.09
16.42
1.49
134
Lebanese Non-Christian
66.04
33.02
0.94
106
Chinese
75.87
7.19
16.95
1,670
Balkan
77.07
19.92
3.01
532
Central & Eastern European
84.16
12.42
3.42
322
Oceanian
88.52
9.26
2.22
270
Second generation
Australian
82.79
12.68
4.53
552
British & Irish
89.28
8.80
1.92
2,136
German
91.61
7.74
0.65
155
Italian
92.41
6.32
1.26
949
Dutch
93.25
6.35
0.40
252
Maltese
95.53
4.47
0.00
179
Greek
90.74
7.99
1.27
551
Lebanese Total
82.76
9.66
7.59
145
Lebanese Christian
80.65
9.68
9.68
93
Lebanese Non-Christian
86.54
9.62
3.85
52
Chinese
76.22
9.15
14.63
164
Balkan
90.13
7.24
2.63
304
Central & Eastern European
87.89
8.30
3.81
289
Australian-Other
89.32
7.75
2.93
2,322
Third generation
89.29
9.56
1.15
British & Irish
8,993
91.50
8.10
0.40
German
247
89.25
4.30
6.45
Italian
93
66.87
32.52
0.61
Oceanian/Aboriginal
163
89.59
8.38
2.03
3,651
Australian-Other
87.04
8.11
4.84
Other
8,528
87.90
9.28
2.82
Total
49,058
Source: Census 1% CURF 2006
40
TIAS Final Project Report
The situation of the women reflected extremely low levels of economic activity with only
one-third (33.1%) being economically active in the first generation although by the
second generation the participation rate had doubled to 67.5% (Table 2.16B). Even so, the
quarter of the women who remained in the ‘other’ category of participation in the second
generation was higher than the comparison group or the national average. Among the first
generation women the percentage of full-time students (1.7%) was slightly higher than
among the men. When the distinction between the Christian and non-Christian groups is
examined, the Christian women are far more likely to be economically active than are the
non-Christian among both the first and second generation. The one area where the nonChristian do better than the Christian is that they have a higher percentage of the second
generation studying full-time, the reverse of the pattern among the second generation
non-Christian men.
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TIAS Final Project Report
Table 2.16B. Economic activity, by ancestry and generation: Women (row %),2006
Full-time Sample
Active
Other
Student
No.
Third-generation
%
%
%
75.50
22.56
1.94
Australian
11,352
First generation
77.06
21.78
1.15
British & Irish
3,645
74.19
23.96
1.84
German
217
63.50
36.20
0.31
Italian
326
68.95
30.00
1.05
Dutch
190
56.04
43.96
0.00
Maltese
91
59.36
39.27
1.37
Greek
219
33.05
65.27
1.67
239
Lebanese Total
40.58
57.25
2.17
Lebanese Christian
138
22.77
76.24
0.99
Lebanese Non-Christian
101
63.81
22.56
13.63
Chinese
1,937
66.31
30.84
2.85
Balkan
561
67.03
28.38
4.59
Central & Eastern European
370
64.44
29.84
5.71
Oceanian
315
Second generation
75.70
20.82
3.47
Australian
461
76.41
21.27
2.33
British & Irish
2,149
71.17
26.38
2.45
German
163
79.56
19.44
1.00
Italian
900
73.66
24.88
1.46
Dutch
205
80.11
18.75
1.14
Maltese
176
78.91
18.79
2.30
Greek
479
67.48
25.77
6.75
163
Lebanese Total
78.49
16.13
5.38
Lebanese Christian
93
52.86
38.57
8.57
Lebanese Non-Christian
70
81.38
8.28
10.34
Chinese
145
79.38
17.19
3.44
Balkan
320
80.44
18.08
1.48
Central & Eastern European
271
77.69
19.93
2.38
Australian-Other
2,519
Third generation
76.81
21.46
1.73
British & Irish
8,810
79.37
20.18
0.45
German
223
72.73
25.25
2.02
Italian
99
52.22
45.00
2.78
Oceanian/Aboriginal
180
75.99
22.08
1.93
Australian-Other
4,253
70.75
24.29
4.97
Other
9,284
74.13
22.91
2.96
50,664
Total
Source: Census 1% CURF 2006
When compared with 2001, the patterns of economic participation among the first
generation men have only increased slightly (from 72.6% to 75%). But this has been
accompanied by a fall in the proportion of full-time students from 2.8% in 2001 to 1.3%
in 2006. A similar fall in the percentage of students among the second generation men
from 11% to 7.6% was associated with a fall in those not involved in economic activity
and, also, an increase in those who were economically active, from 75.3% up to 82.8% in
the five years from 2001 to 2006. As this was a period of economic growth and
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TIAS Final Project Report
population growth it raises the possibility that some of the men chose to go into the labour
force rather than continue to study and improve their human capital. In the case of the
first generation women the most noticeable change between 2001 and 2006 was an
increase in those who were neither studying full-time nor economically active (from
61.5% up to 65.3%). Much of this change was at the expense of the number of full-time
students. Among the second generation women the most evident change was the
increasing percentage who were economically active (from 59.9% up to 67.5%) which
went along with a decline of those who were neither active nor full-time students (from
8.6% down to 6.7%).
Occupational Class and Unemployment
The occupational groups used in the 2001 study were based on the Erikson/ Goldthorpe
classification model widely used in comparative studies (Heath, 2007, p.29). One
occupation of particular interest in this classification is the ‘Salariat’, a term used to refer
to participation in professional and managerial occupations which carry both prestige and
privilege associated with good earnings and a degree of security. A second term of special
interest is the ‘Petty Bourgeoisie’ which refers to the self-employed and employers. Its
interest in the study of minority groups is that it has been noted that certain minorities use
self-employment to avoid unemployment. Hence it provides a way of exploring if there is
evidence for this over the more general trends for a growing number of individuals to
become self-employed. This has been noted as a way of avoiding the effects of changing
labour market structures involving the reduction of
‘jobs for life’ and permanent
employment. The changing occupational classification adopted by the ABS between 2001
and 2006 as noted above makes a direct replication of the previous individual
‘occupational classes’ impossible. A comparison of the individual percentages in each
occupational class between the 2001 and 2006 categories indicates that, as was
anticipated, the class which has suffered greatest decline at a national level is the
‘Salariat’ which is not surprising given that it was the Associate Professionals group of
occupations which had been part of it which was most affected by the ABS
reclassification. For this reason it is not possible to make a direct comparison between the
findings in 2001 and those in 2006. However, it does remain possible to make
comparisons between groups included in the 2006 analysis.
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TIAS Final Project Report
Labour market outcomes have two main ways of being assessed in occupational terms.
The first is whether individuals can obtain employment. The second is the type of
employment which they do obtain. This includes in its simplest form the actual job. More
complex matters include whether those in employment are able to use their skills or
whether they are effectively ‘underemployed’. Here the focus is on the first two
dimensions: employment/unemployment and the type of occupation among those who are
employed. In the case of the Lebanese men it is clear that there is a decline in the actual
level of unemployment between the first and second generation from 12.6% to 9.3%,
although these are still high levels well above the figure for the third generation
comparative group and the national average of 5.08% (Table 2.17A). These levels of
unemployment have also declined since 2001 when the figure for the first generation
Lebanese men was 19% and 15.8% for the second generation. However, the intervening
five years were a period of economic growth and over that period the national average of
unemployment based on census data declined 63.5% from a figure of 8.0% in 2001 to
5.08% in 2006. While the decline over the same period for the first generation Lebanese
was slightly less at 65.7%, the comparable figure for the second generation was slightly
better at 58.9%.
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TIAS Final Project Report
Table 2.17A. Current occupation, by ancestry and generation: Men (row %), 2006
Salariat
Routine nonPetty
manual
bourgeoisie
Skilled
manual
Semi- and
unskilled
Unemployed
Sample
No.
%
%
%
%
%
%
24.44
11.53
15.60
18.18
25.81
4.45
9,533
British & Irish
33.40
10.04
17.93
15.23
19.31
4.08
3,407
German
33.93
5.36
19.05
16.67
16.67
8.33
168
Italian
22.46
8.92
31.38
14.46
19.38
3.38
325
Dutch
30.77
9.62
23.72
14.74
16.67
4.49
156
Maltese
22.50
3.75
17.50
21.25
28.75
6.25
80
Third-generation
Australian
First generation
Greek
19.02
7.61
33.15
13.59
19.57
7.07
184
Lebanese Total
14.29
7.43
36.57
8.57
20.57
12.57
Lebanese Christian
13.08
7.48
41.12
7.48
19.63
11.21
175
107
Lebanese Non-Christian
16.18
7.35
29.41
10.29
22.06
14.71
68
Chinese
31.12
11.38
16.63
14.17
18.18
8.52
1,221
Balkan
18.37
4.85
24.23
16.84
28.57
7.14
392
Central & Eastern European
31.32
4.91
23.02
16.23
20.00
4.53
265
9.52
4.76
5.63
12.99
61.04
6.06
231
23.60
14.16
11.01
16.18
26.74
8.31
445
Oceanian
Second generation
Australian
British & Irish
25.70
11.94
13.44
19.52
24.62
4.78
1,860
German
25.90
12.23
20.14
19.42
18.71
3.60
139
Italian
23.37
13.37
26.16
18.49
15.47
3.14
860
Dutch
24.57
11.21
22.41
19.83
18.97
3.02
232
Maltese
20.48
9.64
19.88
19.88
28.31
1.81
166
Greek
30.86
14.20
21.40
10.08
17.90
5.56
486
Lebanese Total
20.34
13.56
24.58
16.95
15.25
9.32
Lebanese Christian
24.66
9.59
28.77
12.33
17.81
6.85
118
73
Lebanese Non-Christian
13.33
20.00
17.78
24.44
11.11
13.33
45
Chinese
40.98
27.05
7.38
7.38
9.84
7.38
122
Balkan
27.88
11.52
20.07
16.36
20.45
3.72
269
Central & Eastern European
39.52
10.89
18.55
17.74
10.89
2.42
248
Australian-Other
Third generation
British & Irish
26.43
12.97
13.71
18.60
23.30
4.99
2,043
26.13
11.73
18.06
16.55
23.07
4.45
7,841
German
20.00
10.91
20.45
17.27
29.09
2.27
220
Italian
16.25
11.25
22.50
27.50
16.25
6.25
80
Oceanian/Aboriginal
17.00
6.00
3.00
6.00
57.00
11.00
100
Australian-Other
28.33
11.36
14.71
16.82
23.89
4.90
3,223
29.26
12.05
14.32
14.72
23.13
6.52
7,255
26.98
11.48
16.57
16.58
23.30
5.08
42,137
Other
Total
Source: Census 1% CURF, 2006
Among the Lebanese women, the decline in unemployment between the first generation
(12.8%) and second generation (8.5%) in 2006 was slightly better than among their
menfolk (Table 2.17B). But, for the first generation, this figure of unemployment was
actually an increase on the 2001 figure of 12.3%. In the case of the second generation the
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TIAS Final Project Report
2006 figure was only 68% of their 2001 level, which was a better outcome than evident in
the national rate of decline by 75% from 6.7% in 2001 to 5.03% in 2006.
Table 2.17B. Current occupation, by ancestry and generation: Women (row %), 2006
Salariat
Routine nonPetty
manual
bourgeoisie
Skilled
manual
Semi- and
unskilled
Unemployed
Sample
No.
%
%
%
%
%
%
26.99
33.70
10.09
3.64
21.17
4.41
8,441
British & Irish
33.09
30.01
11.26
3.37
18.83
3.44
2,762
German
31.68
29.81
13.04
5.59
18.63
1.24
161
Italian
18.91
32.34
18.41
2.49
23.38
4.48
201
Dutch
25.78
27.34
19.53
3.91
18.75
4.69
128
Maltese
10.20
34.69
10.20
2.04
36.73
6.12
49
Greek
14.84
32.03
21.88
3.13
20.31
7.81
128
Lebanese Total
78
56
Third-generation
Australian
First generation
17.95
33.33
19.23
2.56
14.10
12.82
Lebanese Christian
16.07
33.93
21.43
3.57
16.07
8.93
Lebanese Non-Christian
22.73
31.82
13.64
0.00
9.09
22.73
22
Chinese
33.16
25.84
11.03
3.20
17.09
9.68
1,188
Balkan
19.78
22.01
13.09
4.18
34.82
6.13
359
Central & Eastern European
37.19
22.31
9.50
7.02
19.01
4.96
242
Oceanian
198
15.66
25.25
3.03
2.53
43.94
9.60
Second generation
Australian
25.22
39.47
4.75
2.37
21.66
6.53
337
British & Irish
29.26
33.13
9.79
3.93
18.71
5.18
1,603
German
36.61
23.21
12.50
7.14
16.07
4.46
112
Italian
28.85
39.75
11.03
3.25
14.14
2.97
707
Dutch
27.21
31.29
10.88
1.36
25.85
3.40
147
Maltese
23.91
42.03
16.67
3.62
13.04
0.72
138
Greek
34.69
36.86
10.30
2.98
10.57
4.61
369
Lebanese Total
106
70
26.42
36.79
10.38
4.72
13.21
8.49
Lebanese Christian
25.71
35.71
11.43
7.14
12.86
7.14
Lebanese Non-Christian
27.78
38.89
8.33
0.00
13.89
11.11
36
Chinese
47.01
29.06
2.56
4.27
10.26
6.84
117
Balkan
26.10
42.57
8.03
3.21
14.06
6.02
249
Central & Eastern European
36.79
31.13
8.96
4.25
16.51
2.36
212
Australian-Other
29.56
34.99
7.65
3.67
19.22
4.91
1,935
Third generation
British & Irish
29.36
33.10
9.83
3.35
20.07
4.28
6,631
German
32.37
31.79
10.98
3.47
18.50
2.89
173
Italian
20.83
47.22
5.56
6.94
16.67
2.78
72
8.99
24.72
2.25
0.00
49.44
14.61
89
31.22
33.64
8.17
3.26
19.20
4.51
3,193
29.72
30.18
9.05
3.85
20.49
6.70
6,461
29.19
32.41
9.75
3.57
20.05
5.03
36,770
Oceanian/Aboriginal
Australian-Other
Other
Total
Source: Census 1% CURF, 2006
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TIAS Final Project Report
The most striking feature of the occupational patterns among the Lebanese men was the
way in which their major activity involved them participating in the petty bourgeoisie
where over one-third of the first generation and a quarter of the second generation were
employed. This was far in excess of the rates for the third generation comparison group
(15.6%) and the national average (16.57%). In the first generation the next most
important occupational grouping involved semi-and un-skilled jobs followed by working
in the salariat. In the second generation, participation in the salariat ranked behind
working as a petty bourgeoisie. There had also been a decline in participation in semiand unskilled occupations. Religious differences were evident among both generations,
although the patterns differed. In the first generation Christian Lebanese were more
prominent among the petty bourgeoisie while the non-Christian had a higher presence in
the Salariat and, at the other end of the scale, in semi- and unskilled jobs. By the second
generation the Christian Lebanese still dominated the petty bourgeoisie, but were now
also more prominent than the non-Christians in the Salariat and semi-and unskilled jobs.
Routine non-manual and skilled manual jobs had become more the preserve of the nonChristians in what appears as a complex intergenerational shift in occupational
preferences. While in the first generation the non-Christians are divided between the most
prestigious salariat jobs and the semi-or unskilled jobs. In the second generation it is the
Christian Lebanese who are characterised by this bipolarity.
Among the Lebanese women of both generations their major type of work was in nonmanual routine occupations at a level similar to that for the third generation Australians.
Participation in the petty bourgeoisie was the next most important area for the first
generation followed by jobs in the salariat and semi-or unskilled work. By the second
generation, a quarter of all employed Lebanese women had moved into the salariat, at a
rate in excess of their menfolk, with smaller numbers employed in semi-or unskilled
occupations and the petty bourgeoisie. Again, religious differences exist among the
women. Just as among the men, the non-Christian women are less likely to be petty
bourgeoisie. In the first generation, but also the second generation, they are also more
likely to be employed in the salariat than are Christian women. The other main difference
is their absence from skilled manual occupations.
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TIAS Final Project Report
Avoidance of Unemployment
Now that the patterns of actual differences in the levels of human capital, economic
activity and occupation, have been outlined and discussed particularly in relation to the
Lebanese, the next sections of this chapter will consider the extent to which they continue
to be evident after controlling for factors such as age, education and marital status. The
analysis will begin by considering the extent to which employment, or, its opposite,
unemployment, is more or less likely among individual groups after possible differences
in these three factors. The analysis begins with unemployment since it is widely seen as
the clearest sign of exclusion from the labour market. The values which are significant are
indicated in bold (Table 2.18). Where the values are positive it indicates that those with
that characteristic are more likely to be employed i.e. avoiding unemployment. This is the
case for both men and women with tertiary education. Conversely, where the boldened
value is negative, it indicates that it is counter indicative of employment. Thus,
incomplete secondary education is shown to be unhelpful in gaining employment and
avoiding unemployment. Married or formerly married men are also shown as more likely
to avoid unemployment but in the case of women it is only those who are married who
are ‘protected’ from unemployment.
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TIAS Final Project Report
Table 2.18.
Logistic regression of employment and unemployment (parameter
estimates: contrasts with unemployment),2006
Men
Women
Model A
Model A
Intercept
-11.30
(4.48)
13.28
(5.00)
Ancestry
Australian 3
0.00
0.00
British & Irish 1
-0.18
(0.11)
0.00
(0.12)
German 1
(0.30)
0.82
(0.72)
-1.11
Italian 1
-0.11
(0.33)
-0.28
(0.37)
Dutch 1
-0.52
(0.40)
-0.62
(0.43)
Maltese 1
-0.73
(0.47)
-0.68
(0.61)
Greek 1
(0.30)
-0.73
(0.37)
-0.87
Chinese 1
(0.12)
(0.12)
-1.22
-1.26
Balkan 1
(0.21)
(0.24)
-1.01
-0.60
Central and Eastern European 1
-0.59
(0.30)
(0.31)
-0.70
Oceanian 1
-0.17
(0.29)
(0.25)
-0.85
Australian 2
(0.19)
-0.29
(0.23)
-0.51
British & Irish 2
-0.01
(0.12)
-0.20
(0.13)
German 2
0.20
(0.52)
-0.22
(0.47)
Italian 2
0.10
(0.21)
0.30
(0.24)
Dutch 2
0.06
(0.39)
0.03
(0.46)
Maltese 2
0.77
(0.59)
1.72
(1.01)
Greek 2
-0.43
(0.22)
-0.33
(0.26)
Chinese 2
-0.65
(0.36)
-0.38
(0.40)
Balkan 2
0.17
(0.35)
-0.42
(0.28)
Central and Eastern European 2
0.29
(0.42)
0.56
(0.51)
Australian-Other 2
-0.03
(0.12)
-0.04
(0.12)
British & Irish 3
-0.04
(0.08)
-0.03
(0.08)
German 3
0.89
(0.51)
0.28
(0.46)
Italian 3
-0.39
(0.47)
0.75
(0.72)
Aboriginal, Indigenous 3
-0.57
(0.35)
(0.31)
-0.98
Australian Other 3
-0.07
(0.10)
-0.05
(0.10)
Other
(0.07)
(0.08)
-0.61
-0.61
Lebanese Total 1
-1.52
(0.25)
-1.26
(0.37)
Lebanese Christian 1
(0.33)
(0.48)
-1.35
-1.01
Lebanese Non-Christian 1
(0.36)
(0.58)
-1.74
-1.69
Lebanese Total 2
-0.74
(0.35)
-0.65
(0.36)
Lebanese Christian 2
-0.65
(0.48)
-0.55
(0.47)
Lebanese Non-Christian 2
-0.84
(0.49)
-0.80
(0.55)
Age
(0.18)
(0.20)
-0.49
0.61
Age-squared
(1.80)
(2.01)
5.25
-5.14
Qualifications
Incomplete secondary
(0.07)
(0.07)
-0.74
-0.74
Completed secondary
0.00
0.00
Post-secondary vocational
(0.07)
(0.07)
0.14
0.00
Tertiary
(0.09)
(0.09)
0.58
0.54
Marital Status
Single
0.00
0.00
Married
(0.07)
(0.07)
1.15
0.50
Formerly Married
(0.08)
-0.13
(0.09)
0.20
Chi-squared (d.f.)
1,255.84 (38)
802.70 (38)
N
40,329
34,850
Note: Emboldened coefficiants indicate significance at the 0.05 level or better, standard errors are given in
parentheses
The patterns of significance involving the different ancestry groups show that both the
first and second generation Lebanese men are more likely to experience unemployment
49
TIAS Final Project Report
than the comparison group of third generation Australians. While several first generation
ancestry groups also have the same experience, the only other second generation group
reporting a significantly greater inability to avoid unemployment is the relatively small
second generation Australian ancestry group. It, along with first generation Greeks, was
the only ancestry group to experience significant unemployment in 2006 but not in 2001.
Indeed, between 2001 and 2006 there was a decline in the number of groups which
experienced significant levels of unemployment suggestive of ethnic penalties. This may
suggest that in a tightening labour market as occurred over this period employers were
less likely to discriminate against particular groups of workers.
When we examine the situation of women we note that it again is mainly first generation
groups, including the Lebanese, whose ancestry is associated with an above average
likelihood of experiencing unemployment after controlling for age, education and marital
status. By the second generation, neither the Lebanese women nor those from other
ancestry groups are more prone to experience unemployment. This suggests that, among
women in particular, longer residence in Australia is likely to be associated with declining
penalties associated with ethnic background. The exception is found in the case of the
third generation of the Aboriginal, Indigenous population where aboriginality is clearly
linked to a greater likelihood of unemployment. When we examine the significance of
religious differences among the Lebanese it is apparent that regardless of whether they
are Christian or non-Christian, it makes no difference to the way in which they experience
a greater likelihood of being unemployed over and above that expected on the basis of
their age, education or marital status. Interestingly, when the male Lebanese second
generation is divided on the basis of religion their above average tendency to experience
unemployment disappears.
Occupational Attainment
For those who succeed in gaining employment the next step is to gain a job
commensurate with their skill and experience. In the regression analysis of the 2006
census data the focus is on comparing employment in the salariat and the petty
bourgeoisie against the likelihood of being employed semi-or unskilled manual work. The
analysis of the likelihood of being employed in the salariat or the petty bourgeoisie was
assessed by considering the extent of participation after controlling for age, education and
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TIAS Final Project Report
marital status. Tertiary qualifications and post-secondary vocational qualifications were
positively associated for men with being employed in all the four occupational classes
with the exception of the routine non-manual occupations (Table 2.19A). In this instance,
the possession of post-secondary vocational qualifications was negatively associated with
employment in a range of occupations which would place less weight on such
qualifications. Married men also were more likely not to be employed in semi- or
unskilled occupations. In the case of men who had formerly been married there was a
positive relationship with being in the petty bourgeoisie but the relationship was reversed
in skilled manual occupations.
Not surprisingly given the extensive concentration noted among the Lebanese for
employment in the petty bourgeoisie we find that for both the first and second generation
Lebanese men there is a positive relationship between their ethnicity and their
employment in the petty bourgeoisie where, by definition, they are self-employed or
employers. In none of their other occupations is there a significant relationship, either
positive or negative, with being Lebanese. When religious differences within the
Lebanese are considered we find that both first and second generation, Christian and nonChristian, are significantly overrepresented in the petty bourgeoisie. The Lebanese nonChristian second generation are also significantly overrepresented in routine non-manual
and skilled manual occupations. In contrast, the first generation and the second generation
Christians are underrepresented in the skilled manual occupations. This new pattern
compared with 2001 may be connected with the removal of the Associate Professional
occupational grouping and reflect the way some of these occupations are now classed as
routine non-manual. This could also account for the increased number of ancestry groups
which, between 2001 and 2006 have become significantly overrepresented in the petty
bourgeoisie. New ‘entrants’ include first generation Italians and Greeks and second
generation Dutch, Chinese, Balkan, Central and Eastern European and Australian and
Other ancestry groups as well as third generation Italians.
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TIAS Final Project Report
Table 2.19A. Logistic regression of occupational class: Men (parameter estimates; contrasts with semi- and
unskilled class)
Intercept
Salariat
(4.19)
-23.49
Routine non-manual Petty bourgeoisie
(3.65)
(6.16)
11.90
-52.74
Skilled manual
(3.39)
12.12
Ancestry
Australian 3
British & Irish 1
0.00
0.17
(0.07)
0.00
0.08
(0.08)
0.00
0.06
(0.07)
0.00
0.06
(0.07)
German 1
0.17
(0.28)
-0.60
(0.43)
0.21
(0.28)
0.25
(0.29)
Italian 1
-0.05
(0.21)
0.14
(0.24)
0.61
(0.18)
0.27
(0.21)
Dutch 1
0.18
(0.28)
0.22
(0.34)
0.25
(0.27)
0.32
(0.30)
Maltese 1
-0.21
(0.37)
-1.04
(0.62)
-0.51
(0.37)
0.37
(0.34)
Greek 1
-0.07
(0.27)
-0.07
(0.32)
0.62
(0.22)
0.27
(0.27)
Chinese 1
-0.77
(0.10)
-0.15
(0.12)
0.16
(0.11)
0.21
(0.11)
Balkan 1
-1.04
(0.19)
-1.11
(0.26)
-0.08
(0.15)
-0.15
(0.17)
Central and Eastern European 1
-0.39
(0.22)
-0.77
(0.32)
0.25
(0.21)
0.24
(0.22)
Oceanian 1
-1.42
(0.26)
-1.55
(0.32)
-1.82
(0.31)
-1.00
(0.22)
Australian 2
-0.05
(0.16)
0.08
(0.17)
-0.19
(0.19)
-0.17
(0.16)
British & Irish 2
0.11
(0.08)
0.09
(0.09)
0.03
(0.09)
0.11
(0.08)
German 2
0.05
(0.30)
0.31
(0.32)
0.33
(0.28)
0.22
(0.29)
Italian 2
0.21
(0.13)
0.56
(0.14)
0.87
(0.12)
0.38
(0.13)
Dutch 2
0.06
(0.23)
0.28
(0.26)
0.48
(0.22)
0.22
(0.23)
Maltese 2
-0.07
(0.26)
-0.31
(0.31)
0.10
(0.24)
-0.12
(0.24)
Greek 2
0.08
(0.16)
0.42
(0.17)
0.58
(0.16)
-0.27
(0.19)
Chinese 2
1.05
(0.40)
1.59
(0.38)
1.03
(0.49)
0.03
(0.48)
(0.22)
Balkan 2
0.29
(0.21)
0.17
(0.23)
0.65
(0.21)
0.11
Central and Eastern European 2
1.01
(0.24)
0.70
(0.28)
0.77
(0.25)
0.89
(0.26)
Australian-Other 2
0.14
(0.08)
0.13
(0.09)
0.19
(0.09)
0.05
(0.08)
British & Irish 3
0.13
(0.05)
0.17
(0.06)
0.23
(0.05)
0.05
(0.05)
German 3
-0.04
(0.23)
-0.07
(0.25)
0.22
(0.21)
-0.05
(0.22)
Italian 3
0.16
(0.43)
0.32
(0.44)
0.88
(0.38)
0.72
(0.37)
Aboriginal, Indigenous 3
-0.19
(0.32)
-0.96
(0.44)
-2.04
(0.60)
-1.42
(0.45)
Australian Other 3
0.19
(0.07)
0.08
(0.08)
0.06
(0.07)
-0.04
(0.07)
Other
(0.05)
(0.40)
-0.03
-0.15
(0.06)
(0.43)
-0.04
Lebanese Christian 1
-0.26
-0.58
1.02
(0.05)
(0.28)
-0.16
-0.39
(0.05)
(0.45)
Lebanese Non-Christian 1
-0.39
(0.48)
-0.15
(0.53)
0.79
(0.37)
-0.26
(0.52)
Lebanese Christian 2
0.51
(0.43)
0.06
(0.51)
1.20
(0.41)
-0.02
(0.46)
0.55
(0.73)
1.25
(0.62)
1.99
(0.66)
1.14
(0.61)
Age
-0.69
(0.16)
0.43
(0.14)
-1.51
(0.22)
0.33
(0.13)
Age-squared
7.99
(1.63)
-4.62
(1.45)
17.77
(2.34)
-4.27
(1.35)
Incomplete secondary
-1.44
(0.06)
-1.03
(0.05)
-0.47
(0.05)
-0.27
(0.05)
Completed secondary
Post-secondary vocational
0.00
0.11
(0.05)
0.00
-0.35
(0.05)
0.00
0.54
(0.05)
0.00
1.49
(0.05)
Tertiary
2.58
(0.06)
0.70
(0.07)
0.45
(0.07)
0.43
(0.08)
Married
0.00
0.55
(0.04)
0.00
0.26
(0.05)
0.00
0.75
(0.05)
0.00
0.18
(0.04)
Formerly Married
0.02
(0.07)
-0.02
(0.07)
0.25
(0.06)
-0.16
(0.07)
Lebanese Non-Christian 2
Qualifications
Marital Status
Single
17,700 (152)
Chi-squared (d.f.)
Number
38,295
Note: Reference category is unskilled manual work. Emboldened coefficients indicate significance at the
0.05 level or better; standard errors are given in parentheses
52
TIAS Final Project Report
Those women with tertiary qualifications are more likely to be employed outside the
semi-or unskilled occupations (Table 2.19 B). Among those who have post-secondary
qualifications, the direction of the significant relationships vary. Such qualifications are
positively related to being over-represented in the salariat or skilled manual occupations
but they are negatively related to employment in either routine non-manual occupations
or the petty bourgeoisie. Incomplete secondary education also is significantly related to
underrepresentation in all except skilled manual occupations. Married and formerly
married women are overrepresented in both the petty bourgeoisie and routine non-manual
occupations but in the salariat it is only the married women who are overrepresented.
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TIAS Final Project Report
Table 2.19B. Logistic regression of occupational class: Women (parameter estimates; contrasts with semi- and
unskilled class)
Intercept
Salariat
(4.60)
-39.67
Routine non-manual
(3.14)
-8.12
Petty bourgeoisie
(8.16)
-57.60
Skilled manual
(6.53)
-18.35
Ancestry
Australian 3
British & Irish 1
0.00
0.07
(0.08)
0.00
0.03
(0.07)
0.00
-0.02
(0.09)
0.00
0.10
(0.13)
German 1
0.12
(0.28)
0.21
(0.26)
0.20
(0.32)
0.82
(0.40)
Italian 1
-0.35
(0.26)
-0.09
(0.20)
0.09
(0.23)
-0.18
(0.48)
Dutch 1
-0.43
(0.32)
-0.01
(0.28)
0.35
(0.31)
0.41
(0.50)
Maltese 1
-0.89
(0.58)
-0.26
(0.37)
-0.89
(0.57)
-0.70
(1.04)
Greek 1
-0.58
(0.34)
-0.12
(0.26)
0.35
(0.29)
0.08
(0.54)
Chinese 1
-0.65
(0.11)
-0.18
(0.10)
0.06
(0.13)
-0.04
(0.20)
Balkan 1
-1.07
(0.18)
-0.96
(0.15)
-0.55
(0.19)
-0.37
(0.30)
Central and Eastern European 1
-0.62
(0.22)
-0.42
(0.21)
-0.31
(0.27)
0.63
(0.31)
Oceanian 1
-0.86
(0.24)
-1.00
(0.19)
-1.82
(0.43)
-1.14
(0.52)
Australian 2
0.09
(0.20)
0.16
(0.16)
-0.47
(0.30)
-0.40
(0.38)
British & Irish 2
0.14
(0.09)
0.12
(0.08)
0.13
(0.11)
0.15
(0.16)
German 2
0.32
(0.33)
-0.07
(0.31)
0.27
(0.38)
1.02
(0.44)
Italian 2
0.28
(0.14)
0.52
(0.12)
0.33
(0.16)
0.20
(0.25)
Dutch 2
-0.17
(0.27)
-0.20
(0.23)
-0.42
(0.34)
-1.75
(1.02)
Maltese 2
0.58
(0.34)
0.76
(0.29)
0.94
(0.34)
0.37
(0.56)
Greek 2
0.71
(0.22)
0.91
(0.20)
0.79
(0.25)
0.58
(0.36)
Chinese 2
0.73
(0.39)
0.53
(0.37)
0.27
(0.68)
0.80
(0.55)
Balkan 2
-0.05
(0.25)
0.59
(0.21)
0.21
(0.30)
0.23
(0.40)
Central and Eastern European 2
0.16
(0.24)
0.11
(0.22)
-0.12
(0.30)
0.34
(0.40)
Australian-Other 2
0.10
(0.09)
0.10
(0.07)
0.09
(0.11)
0.03
(0.15)
British & Irish 3
0.06
(0.06)
0.05
(0.05)
-0.05
(0.07)
0.01
(0.10)
German 3
0.19
(0.26)
0.09
(0.23)
-0.02
(0.30)
0.09
(0.45)
Italian 3
0.18
(0.44)
0.54
(0.34)
0.08
(0.60)
0.77
(0.54)
Aboriginal, Indigenous 3
-1.32
(0.45)
-1.11
(0.27)
-2.69
(1.02)
-19.46
(6649.29)
Australian Other 3
0.12
(0.07)
0.09
(0.06)
-0.14
(0.09)
-0.02
(0.12)
Other
(0.06)
(0.05)
(0.44)
0.81
(0.07)
(0.48)
0.01
(0.55)
-0.14
0.09
-0.13
Lebanese Christian 1
-0.38
-0.12
0.52
(0.10)
(0.80)
Lebanese Non-Christian 1
0.61
(0.92)
0.69
(0.80)
0.68
(1.01)
-17.38
(0.00)
Lebanese Christian 2
0.74
(0.49)
0.73
(0.43)
1.06
(0.55)
0.91
(0.63)
(7563.35)
0.87
(0.64)
0.31
(0.54)
1.15
(0.77)
-17.70
Age
-1.29
(0.17)
-0.40
(0.12)
-1.76
(0.29)
-0.71
(0.26)
Age-squared
14.28
(1.79)
3.75
(1.25)
19.95
(3.09)
6.83
(2.60)
Incomplete secondary
-1.04
(0.06)
-0.38
(0.04)
-0.31
(0.06)
0.05
(0.11)
Completed secondary
0.00
Post-secondary vocational
0.23
(0.05)
-0.46
(0.04)
-0.24
(0.06)
0.83
(0.09)
Tertiary
2.84
(0.06)
0.15
(0.06)
0.34
(0.08)
0.85
(0.12)
0.00
0.00
(0.08)
(0.11)
Lebanese Non-Christian 2
Qualifications
0.00
0.00
0.00
Marital Status
Single
0.00
0.00
Married
0.12
(0.05)
0.23
(0.04)
1.25
(0.07)
-0.15
Formerly Married
0.05
(0.06)
0.16
(0.06)
0.30
(0.09)
-0.18
Chi-squared (d.f.)
Number
13,660 (152)
33,092
Note: Reference category is unskilled manual work. Emboldened coefficients indicate significance at the
0.05 level or better; standard errors are given in parentheses.
54
TIAS Final Project Report
When we examine the role of ancestry in occupational class it is only among the second
generation Lebanese women that we note a significant relationship. This involves their
overrepresentation in the petty bourgeoisie. This was a new development since 2001 and
is similar to the significant emergence in the petty bourgeoisie also of the second
generation Maltese and Greek women. When we divide the Lebanese into Christian and
non-Christian their participation in the petty bourgeoisie however loses its significance.
One of the features of women’s employment patterns in general is that, in contrast to
men, there is very little evidence of the various ancestry groups departing significantly
from the patterns of employment found among the third generation Australians. One
explanation for this is that women in Australia tend to be part of a segmented labour
market in which women have fewer occupational choices, regardless of ancestry.
Income
In contrast to occupation which provides an indicator of social class linked primarily to
status rather than economic position or power, income constitutes a direct measure of the
material rewards individuals have attained in the labour market and whether they are
experiencing material disadvantage. Furthermore, it can point to the existence of glass
ceilings or similar barriers which transfer discrimination from hiring to promotion
practices. It also directly affects life chances and opportunities for consumption related to
participation in diverse cultural and status oriented groups. The present regression
analysis on income differences within each of the five broad occupational classes is
intended to show whether ethnic minorities secure the same levels of income as the
members of the third generation Australian comparison group within the same social
class.
In this analysis, the factors controlling for difference have been extended to also include
two additional factors which are often suggested as directly affecting income potential.
The first is knowledge and fluency in English since, in Australia’s very diverse society, it
is rare to find self-contained ethnic niche economies where individuals can advance
significantly without using English in their day to day work. In the analysis presented in
Tables 2.20A and 2.20B, two measures of English proficiency are used. The first
compares individuals who only speak English in their homes thus approximating a
measure of ‘native speaker’, with individuals who speak languages other than English in
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TIAS Final Project Report
their homes and report they either speak ‘no English’ or ‘do not speak it well’. The
second measure compares those who speak languages other than English in the home, and
also indicate they speak English either ‘well’ or ‘very well’ with the same comparison
group as those who have either limited or no English.
Table 2.20A. Re gre s s ion of Incom e w ithin Occupational Clas s e s : M e n (param e te r e s tim ate s ), 2006
Intercept
Salariat
-1.17 (0.21)
Routine non-m anual
(0.15)
-0.62
Pe tty bourge ois ie
0.60
(0.48)
Sk ille d m anual
(0.21)
-1.31
Uns k ille d m anual
-0.20
(0.23)
Ancestry
Oceanian/Aboriginal 3
-0.32
(0.14)
-0.17
(0.08)
-0.21
(0.23)
-0.27
(0.19)
-0.25
(0.20)
Italian 1
-0.10
(0.13)
-0.08
(0.04)
-0.26
(0.15)
-0.28
(0.18)
-0.09
(0.20)
Maltese 1
-0.19
(0.14)
-0.10
(0.11)
-0.36
(0.17)
-0.27
(0.19)
-0.16
(0.21)
Chinese 1
-0.12
(0.13)
-0.14
(0.02)
-0.37
(0.15)
-0.28
(0.18)
-0.12
(0.20)
Other 1
-0.09
(0.13)
-0.05
(0.01)
-0.24
(0.15)
-0.25
(0.18)
-0.12
(0.20)
Lebanese Total 1
-0.06
(0.04)
0.05
(0.06)
-0.11
(0.05)
0.01
(0.05)
-0.11
-(0.04)
Lebanese Christian 1
-0.15
(0.14)
0.00
(0.07)
-0.36
(0.16)
-0.24
(0.19)
-0.20
(0.20)
Lebanese Non-Christian 1
-0.13
(0.14)
0.14
(0.10)
-0.40
(0.17)
-0.23
(0.19)
-0.21
(0.21)
-0.09
(0.15)
0.03
(0.11)
-0.43
(0.19)
-0.23
(0.19)
-0.12
(0.21)
Age/10
1.64
(0.12)
1.25
(0.11)
0.53
(0.32)
1.83
(0.09)
1.03
(0.09)
(Age/10)²
-0.26
(0.02)
-0.20
(0.02)
-0.09
(0.06)
-0.31
(0.02)
-0.18
(0.02)
-0.07
(0.01)
-0.05
(0.01)
-0.02
(0.01)
-0.01
(0.01)
-0.02
(0.01)
Post-secondary vocational
-0.01
(0.01)
0.01
(0.01)
0.03
(0.01)
0.06
(0.01)
0.03
(0.01)
Tertiary
0.07
(0.01)
0.07
(0.01)
0.08
(0.02)
0.10
(0.01)
0.04
(0.01)
Married
0.00
0.05
(0.00)
0.00
0.06
(0.01)
0.00
0.01
(0.01)
0.00
0.05
(0.01)
0.00
0.06
(0.01)
Formerly Married
0.02
(0.01)
0.02
(0.01)
0.02
(0.02)
0.02
(0.01)
0.03
(0.01)
English at home
0.09
(0.03)
-0.01
(0.04)
0.10
(0.03)
0.12
(0.02)
0.07
(0.02)
Dif f erent language at home,
English spoken w ell
0.06
(0.03)
-0.03
(0.04)
0.04
(0.03)
0.10
(0.02)
0.04
(0.02)
Australian 1
Qualif ications
Incomplete secondary
Completed secondary
Marital Status
Single
English-speaking
Dif f erent language at home,
English not spoken w ell
0.00
0.00
0.00
0.00
0.00
Residence
Non-urban
Other large city
0.00
0.04
(0.00)
0.00
0.04
(0.01)
0.00
0.08
(0.01)
0.00
-0.01
(0.01)
0.00
0.00
(0.01)
Sydney
0.06
(0.01)
0.06
(0.01)
0.10
(0.01)
0.01
(0.01)
0.00
(0.01)
Melbourne
0.04
(0.01)
0.04
(0.01)
0.04
(0.01)
-0.02
(0.01)
-0.01
Adjusted R-squared
Number
(0.01)
0.185
0.241
0.042
0.323
0.106
10,421
4,364
6,040
6,283
8,437
Note: Reference category is unskilled manual work. Emboldened coefficients indicate significance at the
0.05 level or better; standard errors are given in parentheses. Only ancestries with significant results are
shown.
The second type of variable which is used in analysing the income data is geographical
residence. This allows us to explore the potential influence on income of differences
56
TIAS Final Project Report
related to the operation of regional labour markets. Australia’s population is concentrated
in a small number of major cities, the largest of which are Sydney and Melbourne, with
populations in 2006 of respectively 4.1 million and 3.6 million out of a total population of
19.9 million. These are also the two cities which have the largest number of individuals
speaking a language other then English in the home. Using non-urban residence as the
comparison, the analysis examines the effects of living respectively in Sydney,
Melbourne and other urban areas.
The impact of the factors is in the direction expected. For men residence in Sydney,
Melbourne and other state capitals, is associated with an above average income in the
salariat, non-manual routine occupations and the petty bourgeoisie. However, for those in
the skilled manual area residence in Melbourne has a negative effect on income. Being
from a home in which only English is spoken has a positive impact on incomes in all
occupations except, interestingly, in routine non-manual occupations which have a largely
clerical component. Marital status has a varied relationship to income across occupations.
However, tertiary qualifications and, to a lesser extent post-secondary vocational
qualifications have a positive impact whereas for those with incomplete secondary the
impact is generally negative.
The impact of ancestry on income is only to a limited extent significant. One of the
groups where the relationship is significant involves the Lebanese first generation
working in the petty bourgeoisie. Here the relationship is in a negative direction which
means that for this group, involvement in the petty bourgeoisie is associated with lower
levels of income. When we relate this to religious differences within those of Lebanese
ancestry the effects hold for both Christian and non-Christian. By the second generation,
however, the relationship is not significant. Another interesting relationship involving the
Lebanese is that in the first generation there is a significant negative relationship between
working in an unskilled manual occupation and income. However, when religious
differences are taken into account the relationship is no longer significant.
57
TIAS Final Project Report
Table 2.20 B. Regression of Income within Occupational Classes: Women (parameter estimates).
Salariat
Routine non-manua Petty bourgeoisie
Skilled manual
Unskilled manual
Intercept
(0.29)
0.23
-1.05
0.79
0.35
0.16
-1.85
-0.63
-1.58
-0.50
Ancestry
Australian 3
No data
No data
No data
0.53
(0.21)
-0.27
(0.21)
German 3
(0.21)
-0.30
(0.21)
0.02
(0.10)
0.02
(0.09)
0.00
(0.04)
0.49
Italian 3
(0.22)
-0.28
(0.21)
(0.19)
-0.06
(0.11)
-0.13
(0.07)
0.57
-0.39
Chinese 3
No data
No data
0.13
(0.16)
(0.26)
-0.21
(0.25)
0.58
Central & Eastern European 3
(0.22)
-0.21
(0.22)
0.07
(0.22)
(0.12)
0.10
(0.12)
0.57
0.36
Australian-Other 3
(0.21)
-0.27
(0.21)
0.04
(0.03)
-0.01
(0.03)
0.00
(0.01)
0.53
British & Irish 2
0.53
(0.21)
-0.26
(0.21)
0.07
(0.04)
-0.01
(0.03)
0.01
(0.02)
Dutch 2
0.42
(0.21)
-0.30
(0.21)
-0.14
(0.12)
(0.21)
0.07
(0.04)
0.49
German 2
(0.21)
-0.38
(0.21)
(0.11)
-0.02
(0.08)
0.10
(0.06)
0.51
0.31
Italian 2
(0.21)
-0.24
(0.21)
0.02
(0.05)
-0.07
(0.05)
0.01
(0.03)
0.52
Maltese 2
(0.22)
-0.28
(0.21)
-0.02
(0.09)
-0.15
(0.12)
0.11
(0.06)
0.52
Greek 2
(0.21)
-0.26
(0.21)
0.02
(0.07)
0.05
(0.07)
-0.02
(0.05)
0.55
Chinese 2
(0.21)
-0.24
(0.21)
-0.24
(0.22)
0.05
(0.10)
-0.14
(0.08)
0.51
Balkan 2
(0.21)
-0.26
(0.21)
0.08
(0.09)
0.03
(0.08)
0.02
(0.04)
0.54
Central & Eastern European 2
(0.21)
-0.29
(0.21)
-0.07
(0.10)
-0.06
(0.08)
0.03
(0.04)
0.50
Australian-Other 2
(0.21)
-0.26
(0.21)
0.02
(0.04)
0.05
(0.03)
0.02
(0.01)
0.51
British & Irish 1
(0.21)
-0.26
(0.21)
-0.01
(0.03)
0.03
(0.03)
0.01
(0.01)
0.53
Dutch 1
(0.22)
-0.31
(0.21)
0.11
(0.08)
0.04
(0.10)
0.05
(0.05)
0.56
German 1
(0.21)
-0.25
(0.21)
0.09
(0.10)
-0.10
(0.07)
-0.03
(0.05)
0.55
Italian 1
(0.21)
-0.26
(0.21)
-0.03
(0.07)
0.03
(0.11)
0.05
(0.04)
0.48
Greek 1
(0.22)
-0.26
(0.21)
-0.02
(0.10)
-0.10
(0.11)
0.00
(0.05)
0.50
Chinese 1
(0.21)
-0.31
(0.21)
(0.05)
0.03
(0.05)
(0.02)
0.51
-0.11
-0.06
Balkan 1
(0.21)
-0.27
(0.21)
0.05
(0.07)
0.03
(0.07)
0.00
(0.03)
0.50
Central & Eastern European 1 0.47
(0.21)
-0.24
(0.21)
0.01
(0.09)
-0.03
(0.06)
0.01
(0.04)
Australian-Other 1
(0.22)
-0.28
(0.21)
0.02
(0.13)
-0.01
(0.15)
-0.01
(0.06)
0.50
Oceanian/Aboriginal 1
(0.22)
-0.25
(0.21)
(0.16)
-0.09
(0.11)
0.01
(0.03)
0.46
-0.47
Other 3
(0.21)
-0.27
(0.21)
0.04
(0.04)
0.04
(0.03)
0.01
(0.02)
0.54
Other 2
(0.21)
-0.26
(0.21)
(0.04)
0.02
(0.03)
0.02
(0.02)
0.53
0.09
Other 1
(0.21)
-0.26
(0.21)
-0.06
(0.03)
-0.03
(0.03)
(0.01)
0.51
-0.04
Lebanese Total 1
-0.06
(0.06)
-0.01
(0.05)
(0.11)
0.08
(0.15)
0.13
(0.08)
-0.25
Lebanese Christian 1
(0.22)
-0.25
(0.21)
(0.12)
0.08
(0.15)
0.10
(0.09)
0.50
-0.33
Lebanese Christian 2
(0.22)
-0.21
(0.21)
-0.14
(0.16)
0.01
(0.13)
0.15
(0.10)
0.60
Lebanese Non-Christian 2
No data
0.02
(0.12)
(0.22)
-0.24
(0.22)
-0.13
(0.23)
0.55
British & Irish 3
(0.21)
-0.27
(0.21)
-0.01
(0.02)
0.02
(0.02)
0.02
(0.01)
0.52
Greek 3
(0.22)
-0.37
(0.23)
-0.03
(0.27)
-0.13
(0.21)
-0.05
(0.12)
0.61
Balkan 3
No data
0.14
(0.21)
No data
(0.24)
-0.50
(0.25)
0.54
Australian 1
0.43
(0.23)
-0.29
(0.25)
No data
-0.07
(0.22)
(0.07)
0.15
Oceanian/Aboriginal 2
No data
No data
-0.05
(0.10)
(0.24)
-0.25
(0.23)
0.55
Age/10
(0.14)
(0.08)
(0.56)
(0.27)
(0.12)
1.75
1.47
1.47
1.85
1.24
(Age/10)²
(0.03)
(0.02)
(0.10)
(0.05)
(0.02)
-0.29
-0.25
-0.25
-0.31
-0.22
Qualifications
Incomplete secondary
(0.01)
-0.03
(0.01)
-0.01
(0.02)
-0.03
(0.02)
(0.01)
-0.07
-0.02
Completed secondary
0.00
0.00
0.00
0.00
0.00
Post-secondary vocational
(0.01)
0.00
(0.01)
-0.02
(0.02)
0.03
(0.02)
0.01
(0.01)
0.02
Tertiary
(0.01)
(0.01)
0.05
(0.03)
(0.02)
(0.01)
0.10
0.06
0.09
0.07
Marital Status
Single
0.00
0.00
0.00
0.00
0.00
Married
(0.01)
(0.01)
0.05
(0.03)
0.02
(0.02)
(0.01)
0.03
0.01
-0.02
Formerly Married
(0.01)
(0.01)
0.03
(0.03)
0.02
(0.02)
(0.01)
0.03
0.03
0.04
English-speaking
English at home
0.02
(0.04)
0.05
(0.03)
(0.05)
0.10
(0.05)
0.02
(0.02)
0.12
Different language at home,
0.00
(0.04)
0.01
(0.03)
0.07
(0.05)
0.07
(0.05)
0.00
(0.02)
Different language at home,
0.00
0.00
0.00
0.00
0.00
Residence
Non-urban
0.00
0.00
0.00
0.00
0.00
Other large city
(0.01)
(0.01)
(0.02)
(0.02)
0.00
(0.01)
0.03
0.03
0.11
0.04
Sydney
(0.01)
(0.01)
(0.02)
(0.02)
0.01
(0.01)
0.06
0.04
0.13
0.06
Melbourne
(0.01)
(0.01)
0.03
(0.02)
0.02
(0.02)
0.00
(0.01)
0.01
0.03
Adjusted R-squared
0.126
0.118
0.036
0.185
0.055
Number
9,588
10,569
2,950
1,173
6,314
Note: Reference category is unskilled manual work. Emboldened coefficients indicate significance at the
0.05 level or better; standard errors are given in parentheses. Only ancestries with significant results are
shown.
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TIAS Final Project Report
Among women, the effects of the various control factors are similar to those noted among
men. With regard to geographical residence the advantages of living in Melbourne are
less than among men. Also, the effects of language background are restricted only to
those from an English-speaking home who are employed in the petty bourgeoisie. Marital
status also retains some of its significance as do tertiary qualifications. But the effects of
post-secondary and incomplete secondary education are less evident.
Taken together
these findings point to a flattening out in the relationship between women’s occupations
and these various control factors. As among men the effects of ancestry are extremely
limited and suggest that, once employment is gained, the variation and existence of ethnic
penalties or advantages is non-significant. One of the most interesting observations is the
positive relationship between employment in the salariat and income for women from
virtually all the ancestry groups. In the case of the Lebanese although involvement in the
salariat is not significant for all Lebanese women, in the second generation there is a
significant positive effect among both Christian and non-Christian women as well, also,
as among Christian first generation women. There is also a negative relationship between
income and employment in the petty bourgeoisie among first generation Lebanese
women. This appears to be directly affecting those of Christian background.
The prominence of the Lebanese, especially the men, in the petty bourgeoisie is evident
from the regression analyses. What is particularly interesting about this pattern which was
also evident in 2001 is that it continues although, for the first generation men in
particular, it is associated with a statistically significant lower level of income. This trend
was apparent, although not statistically significant in 2001. However, it does raise the
question about their involvement in the petty bourgeoisie if it is not financially
particularly rewarding. As noted in Chapter 1 there is a long tradition for the Lebanese to
be self-employed in Australia, albeit in retail industries such as textiles which are not
necessarily so common now. Another possibility is that individuals, particularly men,
enter the petty bourgeoisie as a means of avoiding unemployment because of
discrimination, real or anticipated, elsewhere in the labour market.
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TIAS Final Project Report
Conclusion
The purpose in using two complementary analyses of the 2006 census data was to explore
both the differences over time in the experiences of the second generation Lebanese
group and to ascertain what differences there might be between the three second
generation groups consisting of Christian Lebanese, Muslim Lebanese and Turks. The
analysis of population data for those aged 18-35, the age groups included in the TIAS
survey demonstrated several broad patterns. On the one hand, all three groups tended to
do less well when compared with all those born in Australia of the same age. However,
the patterns were not consistent. The Christian Lebanese were more likely to have postschool qualifications, particularly at the level of diplomas and certificates than the
Australian born but not at the tertiary level. The Muslim Lebanese and Turks were less
likely to have post-school qualifications. The Turks were more likely to have tertiary
qualifications than the Lebanese Muslims (and indeed all Australian born Muslims)
although less than the Christian Lebanese. From other evidence it appeared that this might
reflect the extent to which Turkish women had much higher levels of tertiary
qualifications than the Turkish men who were far less likely to have post-school
qualifications.
The participation of the second generation in the labour force also revealed a pattern in
the population data where their level of participation in the labour force was below that
for the total Australian born. The difference between both the Muslim Lebanese and the
Christian Lebanese and Turks appeared as though it was related to the much higher rates
of non-participation among Muslim Lebanese women than in other groups, including the
Turks. However, for those in the labour force, the Christian Lebanese levels of
employment and unemployment were comparable to those among the total Australian
born. In contrast, the Muslim Lebanese and Turks had much higher levels of
unemployment than the Christian Lebanese and total Australian born.
The income levels reflected a typical gender based pattern in which women had lower
incomes than men. The Turkish group had the lowest levels of income although the
differences between the Turkish men and other men were much greater than between the
Turkish women and the Lebanese women. The question this raises is the extent to which
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TIAS Final Project Report
this pattern can be explained by differences between Christian and Muslim Lebanese
women which were subsequently revealed when analysing the sample census data.
The census sample data allows a more detailed comparison between the Lebanese and
other second generation groups. The regression analyses showed that although first
generation Lebanese men and women from both religious backgrounds were significantly
more likely to be unemployed than others, this did not hold for the individual second
generation groups. This could be a reflection of the way in which between 2001 and 2006
the second generation had reduced their levels of unemployment more substantially than
the comparison groups. The most striking feature of the occupational attainment of all the
first and second generation Lebanese men and the second generation women was their
over representation in the petty bourgeoisie. What was more concerning about this over
representation was that, for the first generation, except for the non-Christian women, it
was characterised by markedly lower incomes than received by most other groups
employed in that occupational area. One more positive finding however was that those
second generation Muslim and Christian women and the first generation Lebanese
Christian women who were employed in the salariat actually received above average
levels of income.
While the census data has identified these patterns characterising the second generation, it
cannot provide definitive explanations for them. To assist in gaining an understanding of
these outcomes, it is necessary to turn to the TIAS survey.
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TIAS Final Project Report
CHAPTER 3. TIAS SURVEY DESIGN AND IMPLEMENTATION
Background
The second part of the TIAS (The Integration of the Australian Second Generation)
project involves the replication of the TIES (The Integration of the European Second
Generation) survey in Australia. The opportunity to replicate the TIES survey provides a
valuable opportunity to directly compare the Australian findings with those from a
number of European countries. The content of the TIES survey is extremely
comprehensive as it uses 12 modules to examine diverse aspects of the young people’s
experiences. In Europe, the TIES survey was designed to examine the experiences of two
second generation immigrant groups in two cities in each country and to compare their
experiences with those of their ‘native’ peers. The survey design thus allows for
comparison within each country of cities, as well as of ethnic background defined
demographically on the basis of parents’ birthplace. The TIES study has been undertaken
in 15 cities in eight European countries. In seven of the eight European countries in which
the study has been conducted one of the two second generation groups has been youth
(18-35 years old) of Turkish background which is one of the groups examined in
Australia. The second group has been either of Moroccan or “Yugoslavian” background.
The survey was also undertaken in Estonia where the comparison was made between
Russian and Estonian background youth (Crul & Heering, 2008).
Adaptation of the TIES Project to Australia
The two sample second generation groups interviewed in the Australian TIAS project are
Australian born Turkish and Lebanese (both Christian and Muslim) background young
people (18-35 years). The definition of Turkish or Lebanese was based on them having at
least one parent born in either Lebanon or Turkey3. The comparison group has been
identified as those born in Australia with both parents born in Australia. Thus they are at
3
The terms ‘Lebanese’ and ‘Turkish’ are used here to refer to individuals with at least one parent born in
either Lebanon or Turkey. As indicated in Chapter 1 these terms are demographically defined and are not
meant to imply that these individuals necessarily identify as belonging to a Lebanese or Turkish ethnic
group. In both countries, there are numerous minorities as ‘ethnically’ Lebanese or Turkish. This includes
groups such as Kurds and Armenians small numbers of whom appear in the second generation sample
groups.
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TIAS Final Project Report
least third generation in Australia. As anticipated given the long-standing preference for
Anglo-Celtic immigrants the majority of the third generation group are from this
background. All except one (who spoke Chinese as a child) grew up speaking English at
home. Another member of the third generation group also indicated in a response that she
had a Dutch heritage.
The selection of Sydney and Melbourne for the survey is because they are the major
residential centres for those of Lebanese and Turkish background in Australia. In contrast
to the European studies which aimed to sample a total of 1500 young people (250 young
people from the 3 ethnic groups in each of 2 cities), the Australian sample was limited to
300 young people (150 in each of Sydney and Melbourne). The Lebanese group was also
evenly divided between Christian and Muslim background youth given an interest in
examining the extent to which there are similarities and differences in these two major
groups within the Lebanese population.
Ten TIES modules were selected for adaptation to reflect Australia’s different
institutional and social circumstances and issues of particular relevance. These were:•
Personal details of the individual and their household
•
School career and educational attainment
•
Labour market experiences
•
Partner’s background and educational and labour market experiences
•
Parents’ migration history, educational and labour market experiences
•
Social relations and political participation
•
Identity, language and transnationalism
•
Religion and religiosity
•
Income
•
Additional material concerning perceptions and values
Examples of the modification of the content of these modules included changes relating
to the structures of education in Australia, the terminology used in reference to ethnic
groups and legal differences. These legal differences related to the existence of
compulsory voting in Australia and the fact that Australian nationality is automatically
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TIAS Final Project Report
available to all those born in Australia to legally resident parents as is dual citizenship.
The full survey questionnaire is contained in Appendix 2.
The Population and Sample Frame
The sample frame was developed using a quota sampling model designed to ensure
adequate representation by gender, age group, city and ethnic group (Table 3.1). The final
sample outcomes included a slightly larger than planned participation by the Lebanese
background group. This was because the religious group to which the respondents
belonged was not always clear prior to the commencement of interviews. However, the
additional interviews were retained since it was considered useful to have a slightly larger
sample size among these groups which were otherwise half the size of the samples from
the two other ‘ethnic’ groups included in the survey4.
Table 3.1. Interview Sample Frame
Group
3+ Generation
2nd Generation
Christian Lebanese
Muslim Lebanese
Turkish
Total
Sydney
Melbourne
Total
Male Female Male Female Proposed
Final
24
25
25
26
100
100
17
9
25
75
10
16
24
75
14
17
26
82
11
13
25
75
50
50
100
300
52
55
100
307
In 2006, the Census reports that 23,687 Australian born with Lebanese as their first
ancestry aged 18-35 years old lived in Sydney with another 5760 in Melbourne. Among
the Turks the census showed that 3042 of the same second generation group lived in
Sydney and 4606 in Melbourne. On the basis of this ancestry data the sample
approximately represents 1 in 456; 1 in 105; 1 in 62 and 1 in 90 respectively of each of
the 2nd generation groups5.
4
The term ‘ethnic groups’ will be used in this project for brevity in referring to the four sample groups: the
third generation group and the three second generation groups.
5
More precise estimation is not possible since the census does not collect information on the actual
overseas birthplace of parents. It only collects information on whether the parents were born in Australia or
overseas. In the absence of information about parents’ birthplace it was thus necessary to use ancestry
information which, as already indicated in Chapter 1, excludes 18% of those born in Lebanon and 21% of
those born in Turkey. However, it includes those of Lebanese or Turkish ancestry whose parents were born
overseas but not in Lebanon or Turkey.
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TIAS Final Project Report
Table 3.2
Australian Born (18-35) with Lebanese or
Turkish 1st Ancestry Sydney Local
Government Areas
Local Government Area
Ashfield (A)
Auburn (A)
Bankstown (C)
Baulkham Hills (A)
Blacktown (C)
Botany Bay (C)
Burwood (A)
Camden (A)
Campbelltown (C)
Canada Bay (A)
Canterbury (C)
Fairfield (C)
Holroyd (C)
Hornsby (A)
Hunter's Hill (A)
Hurstville (C)
Kogarah (A)
Ku-ring-gai (A)
Lane Cove (A)
Leichhardt (A)
Liverpool (C)
Manly (A)
Marrickville (A)
Mosman (A)
North Sydney (A)
Parramatta (C)
Penrith (C)
Pittwater (A)
Rockdale (C)
Ryde (C)
Strathfield (A)
Sutherland Shire (A)
Sydney (C)
Warringah (A)
Waverley (A)
Willoughby (C)
Woollahra (A)
Total Sydney
Christian
%
1.2
2.3
15.2
4.4
4.5
0.5
2.1
0.4
1.2
2.1
12.6
3.0
12.2
2.2
0.2
1.4
1.2
0.4
0.1
0.3
3.1
0.1
2.0
0.0
0.2
15.1
1.5
0.1
2.0
2.4
2.0
1.7
1.3
0.3
0.2
0.4
0.3
Lebanese
Muslim
%
0.1
8.5
30.3
0.4
2.1
0.3
0.3
0.2
2.8
0.3
11.4
4.6
3.4
0.2
0.0
2.3
2.0
0.2
0.1
0.0
8.2
0.0
1.5
0.0
0.0
8.0
0.9
0.0
8.4
0.6
0.9
0.9
0.3
0.1
0.0
0.5
0.0
100.0
100.0
%
0.8
4.7
21.1
2.8
3.5
0.4
1.4
0.3
1.8
1.4
12.0
3.6
8.5
1.5
0.1
1.8
1.5
0.3
0.1
0.2
5.2
0.0
1.9
0.0
0.2
12.1
1.3
0.1
4.6
1.6
1.6
1.4
1.0
0.3
0.2
0.4
0.2
Turkish
Total
%
0.6
22.5
2.9
1.7
12.4
3.3
0.3
0.2
1.2
1.4
3.5
7.3
9.3
0.4
0.1
0.7
0.5
0.0
0.2
0.5
7.1
0.3
2.4
0.1
0.0
8.0
4.2
0.0
2.1
1.0
0.7
1.0
2.6
0.4
0.6
0.3
0.2
100.0
100.0
Total
Source: Census CData 2006
Although there are certain local government areas such as Parramatta in Sydney and
Moreland and Hume in Melbourne where all three second generation groups tend to be
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TIAS Final Project Report
located, Tables 3.2 and 3.3 indicate how in Sydney and Melbourne the three groups are
widely dispersed across both cities, often involving different population concentrations.
Table 3.3
Australian Born (18-35) with Lebanese or Turkish 1st
Ancestry Melbourne Local Government Areas, 2006
Local Government Area
Banyule (C)
Bayside (C)
Boroondara (C)
Brimbank (C)
Cardinia (S)
Casey (C)
Darebin (C)
Frankston (C)
Glen Eira (C)
Greater Dandenong (C)
Hobsons Bay (C)
Hume (C)
Kingston (C)
Knox (C)
Manningham (C)
Maribyrnong (C)
Maroondah (C)
Melbourne (C)
Melton (S)
Monash (C)
Moonee Valley (C)
Moreland (C)
Mornington Peninsula (S)
Nillumbik (S)
Port Phillip (C)
Stonnington (C)
Whitehorse (C)
Whittlesea (C)
Wyndham (C)
Yarra (C)
Yarra Ranges (S)
Total Melbourne
Christian
%
4.5
1.0
1.8
4.6
0.1
3.5
12.5
1.3
1.4
2.5
3.3
10.0
2.4
1.2
6.2
1.6
0.7
0.7
1.7
2.2
4.6
19.0
0.4
0.8
0.9
1.0
1.2
6.0
1.5
1.0
0.3
Lebanese
Muslim
%
1.6
0.3
0.3
6.2
0.0
1.3
8.2
0.1
0.6
2.5
12.4
22.2
1.0
0.7
1.2
0.5
0.5
0.4
1.6
0.1
0.7
23.5
0.0
0.1
0.3
0.2
0.2
9.8
2.9
0.3
0.0
100.0
100.0
%
3.1
0.7
1.2
5.0
0.1
3.0
10.3
0.9
1.1
2.9
7.0
14.9
2.0
1.2
3.7
1.1
0.7
0.7
1.8
1.5
2.8
20.1
0.3
0.5
0.7
0.7
0.8
8.0
2.0
0.8
0.4
Turkish
Total
%
0.6
0.3
0.5
11.9
0.1
4.6
1.8
0.5
0.4
5.4
0.4
39.4
3.1
0.7
1.0
1.5
0.3
0.5
3.4
0.9
1.8
9.3
0.1
0.4
1.1
0.9
0.4
5.7
1.6
1.0
0.2
100.0
100.0
Total
Source: Census Cdata 2006
Sample Identification and Contacts
In Australia, unlike in many European countries, there are no detailed household registers
which can be used to identify the sample (Crul & Heering, 2008). In their absence the
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TIAS Final Project Report
Australian sample was obtained by using surname recognition methodology for the
second generation groups. This methodology was applied to the publically available
telephone directories and complemented by random sampling from within the households
identified as potentially including appropriate second generation participants. For the
third generation comparison groups in both Sydney and Melbourne names were also
chosen at random from the publicly available metropolitan telephone directories. The
whole metropolitan area rather than specific suburbs with a concentration of the second
generation populations thus constituted the population frame.
Once the sample was drawn all households were sent a letter indicating the details of the
study and inviting them to indicate if they were willing to participate should they fit the
criteria (see Appendix 3). This letter was then followed up by a telephone contact which
determined the presence in the household of an individual who fitted the study criteria
and, if there was, his/her willingness to participate in the study. Arrangements were then
made for the interview at a time and place convenient to the sample member. Participants
were also able to identify if they wished to be interviewed by a male or female
interviewer. The sample member was also offered the opportunity to identify other
individuals who might wish to be included in the study. However, less than 10% of the
sample was obtained through this ‘snow ball’ methodology. The study was also
publicised on Lebanese and Turkish radio and in newspapers as well as through
community organisations.
These procedures were undertaken in accordance with the requirements of the University
of Sydney Human Ethics Research Committee which involved additional requirements
being met after contacts had commenced with the potential sample6. Thus interviewing
for the study was delayed from February until May 2008. Interviews were concluded by
November 2008. This period was slightly longer than had been anticipated in part because
it overlapped with Ramadan/Ramzan when there are many family and community
activities in the evening which make organising interviews more difficult. Over the
duration of the interview period there were no significant social, political or economic
6
As part of the requirements all participants were provided with a range of information and required to sign
a form that they consented to participate in the study. Copies of these documents are contained in
Appendix 3.
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TIAS Final Project Report
events which might have affected individual’s responses. In particular, the effects of the
global financial crisis had not been felt to any great extent during this period.
Data Collection and Processing
Following the selection of Mc Nair Ingenuity Research as the social survey consultant to
undertake the interviews, the interview questions were piloted using Computer Assisted
Personal Interviewing (CAPI). The CAPI methodology involves the responses of the
interviewees being directly typed into the pre-existing questionnaire schedule. It was
particularly valuable given the complex nature of the questionnaire. As anticipated from
the European study the interviews took approximately one hour. Following the pilot
survey minor modifications were made to the content and computer programming to
allow for the correct flow of questions.
After the completion of the interviews McNair Ingenuity was able to supply preliminary
data counts and, also, cleaned data files which are the basis for the statistical analysis
reported in the remainder of this Report.
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TIAS Final Project Report
CHAPTER 4. THE INTERVIEWEES AND THEIR
BACKGROUNDS
FAMILY
Earlier chapters have provided a brief overview of the Lebanese and Turkish migration to
Australia and the size of the populations in Sydney and Melbourne. The focus now shifts
to information gathered from the TIAS survey. Given the important role played by
families in individuals’ lives, especially in the case of migrants who are separated from
their existing communities and friends, it begins by describing the household and family
backgrounds of the participants who were interviewed for the survey. This overview sets
the context for later chapters which focus on the individuals’ own experiences. After
considering their age and their household arrangements, this chapter will provide more
information about the residential location of other relatives and contacts with them. How
the family came to Australia and their educational and economic experiences and
resources are then discussed. Not all the interviewees are married or living with a partner.
However, for those who are, the chapter then concludes by describing their family
backgrounds and personal experiences.
The sample design of the study discussed in Chapter 3 established the criteria for the
selection of participants including gender, age, ethnic background and city of residence.
Table 4.1 provides information on the actual ages of the interviewees who were selected
within these sampling quotas. It shows that the actual distribution of ages across each of
the four groups varies with the third generation having a larger proportion of older
interviewees. This age disparity should be borne in mind when considering other areas
which are often affected by age. These include family formation, education and
involvement in the labour market.
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Table 4.1
Age and Sex of Interviewees
Age
18-19
20-24
25-29
30-35
Total sample
Christian Lebanese
Male
Female
%
%
21
15
27
38
12
15
42
34
34
21
Muslim Lebanese
Male
Female
%
%
13
17
35
37
35
27
17
15
23
29
Turkish
Male
Female
%
%
18
26
40
20
22
28
22
24
51
49
3+ Generation
Male
Female
%
%
4
20
20
30
28
36
44
49
51
Note: Because of rounding the percentages in this and subsequent tables may not always equal 100
The Individual’s Household
The interviewees’ households vary in size and composition. Three-quarters of the third
generation have left the parental home compared with half of the Turks and Muslim
Lebanese and only a third of the Christian Lebanese. By comparison with the second
generation groups the third generation are also much more likely to live either alone or
with another person, usually their partner. Their greater likelihood of leaving home than
that of the second generation fits the common perception that the second generation
groups are more likely to remain in their parents’ household until they marry. Certainly
marriage or living with a partner was the reason more than half of all the second
generation, especially the women, gave for leaving the family home (71% of the Muslim
Lebanese, 63% of the Christian Lebanese and 51% of the Turks). In contrast, less than a
quarter of the third generation gave this reason. More important for their departure was
that they wanted to live on their own (29%) or because of work or study (31%). Wanting
to live on their own was also mentioned by the Christian Lebanese (21%) and Turks
(14%) but rarely by the Muslim Lebanese (4%).
The larger numbers of the third generation who left the parental home because of work or
study is linked to their apparently higher levels of internal geographical mobility. A
quarter of them attended secondary schools outside Sydney or Melbourne which is much
higher than among the second generation groups. They are also more likely to have
relatives living in another part of Australia than in the same city. This internal mobility
indicates how the major Australian cities, because of their more extensive range of higher
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education and job opportunities, attract young people from the smaller cities and country
areas where the third generation often grew up.
Although in all the groups less than 10% of all the mothers and fathers have died, another
factor affecting the household composition of the third generation is that one-third of
them are from families where the parents have either divorced or separated. This is far
higher than among the second generation groups (15% for the Turkish, 12% for the
Muslim Lebanese and 7% for the Christian Lebanese).
There is variation between the second generation groups. Lebanese second generation are
more likely to live in large households, especially the Muslim Lebanese where the largest
household consisted of 10 persons. This tendency is associated with the particularly large
number of children in some Muslim Lebanese families (Table 4.2). A majority of the
household members in all four groups were born in Australia, except in the second
generation Turkish households where less than half (44%) were Australian born. Among
the Lebanese and Turks a sizable percentage of all the household members were born in
the parents’ countries of origin which, in the case of the Turkish families, also included
individuals from the Turkish diaspora in Cyprus and Bulgaria. Even in these second
generation households there were individuals born in third countries, although not to the
same extent as in the third generation households where 11% of all household members
were also unrelated.
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Table 4.2
Size of Household
Single person
Two persons
Three person
Four persons
Five persons
Six + person
Household Characteristics
Christian
Muslim
Lebanese Lebanese
%
%
4
13
13
13
15
24
23
31
19
17
30
3+
Generation
%
%
1
9
9
33
21
18
34
20
20
14
13
6
Turkish
Birthplace of Household Members
Australia
Lebanon or Turkey/Cyprus/Bulgaria
Other
58
40
2
58
39
3
44
52
5
90
Number of Interviewee's Siblings
None
One
Two
Three
Four to 12
47
25
18
5
4
27
35
17
8
14
42
33
17
5
3
41
28
21
6
4
Total sample size
55
52
100
100
11
A partial explanation for the size of some households is that they include members apart
from the nuclear family consisting of parents and unmarried children (Table 4.3). Among
the married interviewees in all four groups were several who were living with either their
own or their partners’ parents. Siblings and other relatives also lived in some households
as did a few unrelated individuals. The diverse composition of households was
particularly evident among the unmarried interviewees living with their parents. In
addition to three generation family households and those involving other relatives, both
the Turkish and the third generation groups also included unrelated individuals. Among
the third generation this reflects the common practice of a group of young unmarried and
unrelated people sharing a house or apartment. Among the Turkish households it may
also involve cases where housing is provided to family friends and associates. This was a
practice that was very common in the early days of Turkish immigration while
individuals were getting established in Australia. The inclusion of unrelated individuals in
households highlights the social ties between them and other family members which
extend beyond the financial relationship involved in renting a room.
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Table 4.3
Non-Nuclear Family Members in Household
Married Interviewee's
Brother/Sister
Brother/sister-in-law
Mother/Father
Mother/Father-in-law
Grandparent
Other Related
Unrelated
Total Persons
Total sample size
Christian
Muslim
Lebanese Lebanese
No
No
2
1
2
1
Turkish
3+
Generation
No
No
5
6
1
1
2
3
4
7
12
1
1
5
18
19
31
43
2
3
2
44
51
57
Unmarried Interviewee's
Brother/sister-in-law
Mother/Father-in-law
Grandparent
Other Related
Unrelated
Total Persons
4
7
1
12
1
1
2
1
5
1
5
2
8
14
30
Total sample size
37
33
70
Contacts with Relatives
One of the findings of the study was that the second generation groups were not only
more likely to be living in the same household as their parents (two-thirds compared with
a quarter of the third generation); they were also more likely to maintain close contacts
with their relatives. Whereas over a half of the second generation group, particularly the
women, reported having daily or weekly contacts with relatives who did not live with
them, only a quarter of the third generation group had such frequent contacts with
relatives. This was not necessarily related to the location of these relatives since the
majority of the interviewees had relatives living elsewhere in the same city. Most third
generation and Christian Lebanese also had relatives living elsewhere in Australia unlike
two-thirds of the Muslim Lebanese and less than half of the Turks for whom their
Australian kinship ‘base’ was centred on either Melbourne or Sydney. At the same time,
between 80 and 95% of the second generation interviewees had relatives living overseas.
This was more than double the percentage of the third generation with relatives overseas
and reflects their families’ more recent history of migration.
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Migration and Citizenship
The second generation group all had at least one parent born overseas. Given the criteria
for participation in the survey it is not surprising to find that the majority of fathers were
born in either Lebanon or Turkey. However, a small number of Christian Lebanese (7%)
and Turks (3%) had a father born in Australia. Among the Turks, some fathers were born
in former parts of the Ottoman Empire in either Cyprus (6%) or Bulgaria (3%). Among
the Lebanese 4% of both Christian and Muslim fathers were born in countries other than
Lebanon or Australia. A somewhat similar pattern of birthplace is found among the
mothers the majority of whom were born in either Lebanon or Turkey. Another 8% of the
Turkish mothers were born in Cyprus. In addition, as with the fathers, a small number of
the Christian Lebanese (5%) and Turkish ( 3%) mothers were born in Australia. Other
countries accounted for the birthplaces of 6% to 7% of the Lebanese and 1% of the
Turkish mothers.
The majority of parents arrived as young adults aged between 16 and 25 (Table 4.4). As
compulsory schooling ended in Australia at 15 few would have continued with their
education. However, there were also a number of parents who had arrived when babies or
when young enough to attend either primary school (up to the age of 11 or 12) or
secondary school (11 or 12 to 18 years). There was a tendency for the fathers to have
been slightly older than the mothers on arrival in Australia. The oldest mother arrived at
40 and the oldest father at 46.
Table 4.4
Age Parents Arrived in Australia
Age
1 to 5
6 to 11
12 to 15
16 to 25
26 to 35
36+
Australian born
Don't know
Christian Lebanese Muslim Lebanese
Turkish
Father
Mother Father
Mother Father
Mother
%
%
%
%
%
%
6
6
2
2
7
5
6
2
6
8
6
9
9
4
10
4
6
62
68
45
71
45
69
16
8
38
10
28
9
2
6
2
4
0
5
5
0
0
2
1
4
4
0
0
4
1
Total sample size
55
55
52
74
52
100
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TIAS Final Project Report
Since a number of parents migrated to Australia as young children, the percentages
growing up to the age of 15 in either Lebanon or Turkey and Cyprus were slightly below
that for those born outside Australia. Half of the Turkish mothers and fathers grew up in
large cities with fathers slightly more likely than mothers (29%:23%) to have grown up in
villages rather than big cities or towns. Much higher percentages of the Lebanese had
grown up in villages, especially those from Christian Lebanese backgrounds (58% of the
fathers and 60% of the mothers). The comparable figure for the Muslim Lebanese was
42% for the fathers and 40% for the mothers. Indicative of the highly urbanised nature of
Australian society is the way in which three-quarters of the Australian born parents of the
third generation comparison group grew up in big cities.
A variety of reasons were given for migrating to Australia (Table 4.5). The most common
reason for the fathers to migrate was related to work. In contrast, for the mothers it was
related to marriage. However, this does not necessarily mean that the mothers had come
to Australia to get married. It may simply mean that as their husband was migrating they
came with him, a common pattern in countries such as Australia which encourage family
migration. Not surprisingly as some parents migrated as children, a number of
interviewees indicated their parents had come to Australia with their own parents. The
Lebanese parents were more likely than the Turkish to have migrated as refugees or
seeking asylum. This relates to the extensive and prolonged civil war in Lebanon which
had a more extensive impact than did the political coup and other causes of civil unrest in
Turkey at the time the parents migrated in the late 1960s to the 1980s.
Table 4.5
Reason
Marriage
Family Reunion
Partner Reunion
Work
Study
Seeking Asylum/Refugee
Came with Parents
Better Life
Other
Don't Know
Total sample size
Parents' Reasons for Migrating
Christian Lebanese
Father
Mother
%
%
4
38
8
10
0
6
44
18
0
0
22
12
14
12
2
0
2
4
4
2
50
Muslim Lebanese
Father
Mother
%
%
2
44
10
4
6
8
52
12
0
2
21
13
4
12
2
0
2
4
2
2
55
52
75
52
Turkish
Father
Mother
%
%
17
44
3
4
0
2
45
20
1
1
6
2
15
23
2
0
7
3
3
0
94
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TIAS Final Project Report
In conjunction with the objective of Australia’s immigration program to attract and retain
migrants, access to Australian citizenship through naturalisation has always been
relatively easy by comparison with other countries. Since the 1960s, there have been
some changes as the citizenship laws vary the length of residence necessary before the
overseas born can apply for naturalisation as an Australian citizen. The period has varied
between two and three years and most recently has increased to four years (Klapdor,
Coombs, & Bohm, 2009). While Australia grants citizenship to those overseas born who
meet eligibility requirements it also allows these individuals to retain their former
nationality. Whether they do this may depend on whether these other countries allow their
citizens to have dual nationality. An indication of the attractiveness and accessibility of
Australian citizenship is indicated by the way almost all the overseas born parents of the
interviewees have acquired Australian citizenship. The only exceptions are 4% of Turkish
fathers and 1% of Turkish mothers. As Australia allows dual citizenship it is not
surprising to find that a very high percentage of parents also retain the citizenship of their
country of origin. The highest levels are among the Muslim Lebanese (98% of both
mothers and fathers), followed by the Turkish (94% of mothers and 91% of fathers) and
the Christian Lebanese (87% of mothers and 85% of fathers)
The Australian born children of legal residents are automatically given Australian
citizenship. Many of them have also taken advantage of the opportunities which exist to
acquire additional citizenship. The highest rate was amongst those holding Turkish
citizenship (70%) which was slightly higher among the women (76%) than men (65%)
for whom military service is a requirement. Half of the Muslim Lebanese held Lebanese
citizenship as did one-third of the Christian Lebanese. Among the Lebanese, individuals
also held, respectively, French, Romanian and Syrian citizenship. For the second
generation who had not acquired dual citizenship, between 73% to 86% said this was
because they were not interested and another 4% to 10% said it was unnecessary. These
views were weakest among the Lebanese Muslims, 12% of whom either had, or were in
the process of acquiring, Lebanese citizenship.
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Parents’ Education and Language Usage
When the parents of the second generation groups are compared with those of the third
generation it is clear that the latter are far more highly educated (Table 4.6). Two-thirds
of the men and almost half of the women have either university or post-school vocational
qualifications. Among the second generation fathers, the Muslim Lebanese men have the
highest level of university qualifications and a somewhat higher level of education than
either the Turkish or Christian Lebanese men for whom the modal level of education is
primary school. Among the mothers of the second generation, there is greater diversity.
The Turkish mothers have much lower levels of educational attainment with 45% either
having no or only primary school education. The mothers of Christian Lebanese are most
likely to have university education but, at the same time, there are also over a quarter with
no more than primary education.
Table 4.6
Highest Level of Parents' Schooling
Highest Level of Schooling
No schooling
Primary or religious school
Lower secondary
Upper secondary
Post-school vocational
University
Don’t know
Fathers
Lebanese
Turkish
3+
Christian
Muslim
Generation
%
%
%
%
0
2
2
0
28
12
28
2
24
29
16
6
16
15
27
23
11
6
12
30
9
19
9
34
13
15
6
5
Total sample size
Highest Level of Schooling
No schooling
Primary or religious school
Lower secondary
Upper secondary
Post-school vocational
University
Don’t know
Total sample size
55
52
100
100
Mothers
Lebanese Lebanese Turkish
3+
Christian
Muslim
Generation
%
%
%
%
4
12
4
0
25
14
41
1
22
21
20
8
20
37
21
39
4
4
6
18
16
4
6
30
9
10
2
4
55
52
100
100
Among the Christian Lebanese half of both parents are reported as speaking English in
the home as they were growing up compared with a third of the Muslim Lebanese and
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quarter of the Turkish parents (Table 4.7). Their level of English usage is obviously
connected to the way a number of the parents arrived in Australia as children. Turkish and
Arabic were more extensively used in the homes than English although in the case of the
Christian Lebanese this only involved four-fifths of the families. Apart from these
languages only a small number of other languages were spoken in the parents’ homes as
they were growing up.
Given the level of English usage in the parents’ childhood homes, between a half (in the
case of Turkish parents) and two-thirds of the Lebanese parents are said to speak English
either ‘well’ or ‘very well’. But, again, there is also a group of parents with more limited
knowledge of spoken English and, as is clear, ability to read and write English. This
inability to read and write English is also associated with levels of general illiteracy.
Again, this is more marked among the mothers, who also had lower levels of educational
attainment which clearly affects literacy.
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Table 4.7 Parents' Language Experience
Fathers
Home Language(s) Growing Up
English
Turkish/ Arabic
Kurdish
French
Chinese
Other
Don't know
Inability to Read and Write
Lebanese
Christian
Muslim
%
%
49
33
82
98
0
0
4
6
0
0
0
0
5
2
Turkish
%
24
94
2
0
0
3
3
3+
Generation
%
97
0
0
0
1
0
2
5
10
0
0
Spoken English Ability
Very well
Well
Reasonably
A little bit
Hardly
Don't know
44
25
18
11
2
0
37
25
23
13
2
0
25
22
30
18
3
2
96
3
1
0
0
0
Ability to Read and Write English
Only read
Only write
Read and write
Neither
Don't know
16
0
97
5
0
0
0
87
13
0
4
1
73
20
2
3
0
97
0
0
Mothers
Home Language(s) Growing Up
English
Turkish/ Arabic
Kurdish
French
Chinese
Other
Don't know
%
51
80
0
2
0
1
0
%
31
96
0
8
0
0
0
%
28
92
1
0
0
1
2
%
99
0
0
0
0
0
1
Inability to Read and Write
12
22
12
0
Spoken English Ability
Very well
Well
Reasonably
A little bit
Hardly
Don't know
42
31
18
9
0
0
35
19
23
13
10
0
32
15
31
16
5
1
99
0
1
0
0
0
Ability to Read and Write English
Only read
Only write
Read and write
Neither
Don't know
Total sample size
4
0
89
7
0
55
10
2
69
19
0
52
12
0
67
21
0
100
0
0
100
0
0
100
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TIAS Final Project Report
Parents’ Involvement in the Labour Market
The involvement of parents in the labour market has varied considerably over time. When
the interviewees were 15 their parents, who were then younger, were more likely to be
working as either employees or in their own businesses than at the present time (Table
4.8). The second generation fathers, especially those of the Muslim Lebanese, were more
likely to be self-employed and employers than the third generation fathers which may be
related to their ownership of small businesses. This pattern of business ownership and
self-employment replicates the above average involvement of the first generation
Lebanese noted in the 2006 census analysis reported in Chapter 2. The parents of the
second generation, particularly the mothers, were less likely to be working than the
comparison, third generation parents. A particularly noticeable pattern was the greater
likelihood that the mothers of the second generation, especially the Muslim Lebanese,
remained at home looking after their families. Again, this replicates the pattern found in
the census analysis in Chapter 2. By the time of the interviews a large percentage of all
parents had entered retirement. Among the Turkish and Muslim Lebanese mothers this
meant that they were also less likely to be described as staying at home to mind their
families.
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Table 4.8
Current Economic Status of Parents
Has one or more jobs
Own business or self-employed
Has a job & studies/ is an apprentice
Unpaid family work
Retired
Unemployed
Takes care of children, family, home
Sick or disabled and unable to work
Full-time student without a job
On unemployment benefits
Don't know
Economic Status of Fathers
Lebanese Lebanese
Christian
Muslim
%
%
41
18
22
18
0
2
Turkish
%
32
25
0
3+
Generation
%
53
15
2
31
0
1
2
35
6
0
16
32
5
0
4
24
1
0
4
2
0
2
1
1
0
0
1
Total sample size
51
49
93
89
Economic Status When Child Was 15
Has one or more jobs
Own business or self-employed
Has a job & studies/ is an apprentice
Did unpaid family work
Retired
Unemployed
Takes care of children, family, home
Sick or disabled and unable to work
Full-time student without a job
On unemployment benefits
Had already died
Don't know
56
23
0
0
5
2
0
2
7
0
0
4
42
34
0
0
4
6
6
4
2
0
0
2
48
27
2
2
5
0
0
5
8
1
0
2
63
17
1
0
1
2
0
0
7
0
4
5
Total sample size
55
52
100
100
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TIAS Final Project Report
Table 4.9
Economic Status of Mothers
Current Economic Status of Parents
Has one or more jobs
Own business or self-employed
Has a job & studies/ is an apprentice
Unpaid family work
Retired
Unemployed
Takes care of children, family, home
Sick or disabled and unable to work
Full-time student without a job
On unemployment benefits
Don't know
Lebanese Lebanese
Christian
Muslim
%
%
19
9
4
4
0
0
4
2
26
23
2
10
41
43
2
6
2
0
0
1
0
0
Turkish
3+
Generation
%
%
29
65
5
5
1
0
4
1
27
18
2
3
25
5
5
2
0
1
2
0
0
0
Total sample size
54
47
100
97
Economic Status When Child Was 15
Has one or more jobs
Own business or self-employed
Has a job & studies/ is an apprentice
Did unpaid family work
Retired
Unemployed
Takes care of children, family, home
Sick or disabled and unable to work
Full-time student without a job
On unemployment benefits
Had already died
Don't know
29
8
1
9
5
7
31
0
9
0
0
0
25
12
2
2
0
6
50
2
0
0
0
2
36
5
1
6
6
1
35
1
7
1
0
0
66
6
1
2
0
0
14
1
9
0
1
0
Total sample size
55
52
100
100
As many of the parents of the second generation came to Australia as children, this
limited the opportunities for them to have worked prior to emigration. Only a few
mothers, especially among the Lebanese, had been in paid work. Among the fathers, there
was little difference in their participation rate which involved at least half of them and
was highest amongst the Turkish fathers. For the fathers, the modal occupations were
those involving skilled technical and trade work.7 Those mothers who had been in paid
employment were more likely to have worked as professionals than was the general
situation in Australia among other second generation parents when their Australian born
children were 15 (Table 4.10). Indeed, at this time in their children’s growing up, the
second generation parents, both fathers and mothers, were significantly underrepresented
7
These occupational groupings are based on the Australian and New Zealand Standard Classification of
Occupations (ANZSCO), First Edition used in the 2006 census analysis in Chapter 2.
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Table 4.10
Occupation of Parents
Father
Occupation When Child was 15
Managers
Professionals
Technical & Trade Workers
Community Professional Service Workers
Clerical & Administrative W orkers
Sales
Machinery Operators & Processors
Labourers
Lebanese Lebanese
Christian
Muslim
%
%
20
29
9
3
39
34
5
3
0
0
4
3
18
8
5
27
Turkish
%
20
6
26
0
0
0
24
21
3+
Generation
%
19
31
23
9
3
6
0
5
81
Total sample size
44
40
75
Paid Work Before Migration
54
54
59
Occupation of Father Before Migration
Managers
Professionals
Technical & Trade Workers
Community Professional Service Workers
Clerical & Administrative W orkers
Sales
Machinery Operators & Processors
Labourers
15
8
37
7
0
11
0
4
15
12
29
4
0
8
8
18
11
15
26
14
0
6
11
16
Total sample size
27
28
55
Mothers
Occupation When Child was 15
Managers
Professionals
Technical & Trade Workers
Community Professional Service Workers
Clerical & Administrative W orkers
Sales
Machinery Operators & Processors
Labourers
%
15
5
25
15
5
15
0
15
%
10
5
20
10
10
15
5
20
%
11
5
22
6
12
4
12
24
%
8
34
3
11
19
7
1
8
Total sample size
20
20
42
73
Paid Work Before Migration
14
8
23
Occupation of Mother Before Migration
Managers
Professionals
Technical & Trade Workers
Community Professional Service Workers
Clerical & Administrative W orkers
Sales
Machinery Operators & Processors
Labourers
0
29
43
0
14
0
0
14
0
25
0
0
50
25
0
0
4
27
4
4
12
0
4
38
7
4
23
Total sample size
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in the professions and overrepresented in unskilled and semi-skilled occupations when
compared to the parents of the third generation group.
Spouses, Partners and Boyfriend or Girlfriends
At the time of the interviews just over one-third of the interviewees were either married
or living with a partner. European researchers such as Akgonűl have noted a trend for
European born Turks to be extensively involved in marriage migration, to the point where
they question whether it is feasible to speak of the second generation in social, as opposed
to demographic, terms. Among the interviewees only a quarter of the Turks and half of
the Lebanese had partners born in Australia compared with four-fifths of the third
generation (Table 4.11). Among the second generation the overseas born partners were
typically born in Turkey or Lebanon. Even where the partners were Australian born,
many of them had parents born overseas. This was particularly evident among the Turks
where two-thirds of the parents were born in either Turkey or Cyprus and only a third had
ever lived in Australia. The comparable figure was half for the Muslim and nearly twothirds for the Christian background Lebanese. Second generation Turks, both men and
women, were very similar in the extent to which they had Turkish born partners. The
majority (88%) of these overseas born partners arrived in Australia as young adults. This
suggests that ‘marriage migration’ also plays an important role in the local Australian
Turkish community.
Table 4.11
Country
Australia
Turkey
Lebanon
New Zealand
England
Other
Don't know
Total sample
Birthplace of Partners and Boyfriends or Girlfriends
Lebanese
%
56
33
6
6
18
Spouses or Partners
Boyfriend or Girlfriend Christian
Muslim Turkish
3+
Christian
Muslim
Turkish
3+
Lebanese
Generation Lebanese Lebanese
Generation
%
%
%
%
%
%
%
47
26
81
71
72
63
83
58
14
47
3
17
5
3
5
3
7
5
13
7
18
11
18
12
6
4
19
31
43
34
18
51
Among the second generation who were not yet married many reported having a
boyfriend or girlfriend. While a number of these friends had been born in their parents’
84
42
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home countries, and a few of them were living there at the time of the interviews, these
friends were more likely than the spouses to be Australian born and were not always from
Lebanese or Turkish backgrounds. Whether these friendships will lead to permanent
relationships is uncertain. However, it is frequently noted that when the issue of marriage
arises then both the Lebanese and Turkish communities have a preference for partners
from their own background.
In Turkey and other parts of the Middle East there has been a strong traditional preference
in rural areas for marriage between cousins, although the Turkish government has sought
to discourage the practice for medical reasons. Despite this the practice still occurs.
However, among the second generation groups this practice is far less common among
the Turks (4%), despite their strong preference for overseas born spouses, than the
Muslim (29%) or Christian (12.5%) Lebanese. These patterns of foreign born marriage
preferences are consistent with other studies of inter-marriage patterns in Australia
(Khoo, Birrell, & Heard, 2009). Despite the traditional social preferences which exist for
such marriages, within the Australian Turkish community there is also awareness that
difficulties of social adjustment involving language, employment and social customs can
occur for the newly arrived spouse. These difficulties can exist even in marriages between
cousins. Among the very small number of cases where relationships had broken down
those involving overseas born were as common as those with Australian born spouses and
there were instances where the former partner was a cousin.
Although there was evidence that those with a partner who was a relative were often
introduced by relatives and at family events, the most frequent way in which individuals
met their partners was through the intervention of friends. Family introductions were
more important for the second than the third generation for whom public venues played a
larger role. For all the groups, the workplace was an important location for meeting their
partners (Table 4.12).
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Table 4.12
Location
School, TAFE, University
Workplace
Through friends
At an organisation
Public venue
Family party or parents
Holiday in parents' country
Holiday elsewhere
My neighbourhood
Other
Where Partners Were Met
Christian
Muslim
Turkish 3+
Lebanese Lebanese
Generation
%
%
%
%
11
6
9
11
16
10
19
33
16
48
33
6
17
11
21
6
27
10
2
11
5
10
11
10
2
2
11
5
6
12
Total sample size
18
19
31
43
Although educational locations were rarely reported as being where individuals met their
partner, this is not because the young people did not attend university or post-school
training institutions. As Table 4.13 shows, especially for the Turks and Lebanese
Muslims, compared with the third generation and Christian Lebanese, their partners (male
and female) are highly educated, with over 40% having university qualifications.
However, there are also a number of second generation spouses, especially among the
Christian Lebanese, who have not completed secondary school which suggests the
existence of different levels of educational capital existing within the second generation
groups. The relationship between partners’ country of birth and their educational
qualifications is not a simple one. Certainly among all the second generation groups those
partners with the lowest levels of education were more likely to have been born overseas.
Among the Muslim Lebanese and especially among the Turks, those partners with tertiary
education were as likely to have come from Turkey as to be born in Australia. Hence,
while these two groups may find their marriage partners in their parents’ birthplace, it is
not necessarily the case that their partners are poorly educated or from rural areas. Instead
in some cases it appears that the partner is from a more urban and elite educational
background. This is in contrast to Europe, where part of the argument concerning Turkish
‘marriage migration’ is that the spouses brought from the homeland are from the rural
areas of origin of the parents.
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Table 4.13
Highest Level of Partners' Education
Highest Level of Schooling
Primary or religious school
Lower secondary
Upper secondary
Post-school vocational
University
Don’t know
Lebanese Lebanese
Christian
Muslim
%
%
5
17
5
33
26
23
21
22
42
Total sample size
18
19
Turkish
3+
Generation
%
%
6
6
9
29
19
16
42
42
28
31
43
The involvement of the partners in economic activity resembles that of the interviewees’
parents with the third generation more likely to be employees and active in the workforce
than the second generation (Table 4.14). However, perhaps reflecting their youth, a larger
percentage of the partners of the Muslim Lebanese and Turks are studying.
Table 4.14
Economic Status of Partners
Current Economic Status of Partners
Has one or more jobs
Own business or self-employed
Has a job & studies/ is an apprentice
Unpaid family work
Unemployed
Takes care of children, family, home
Sick or disabled and unable to work
Full-time student without a job
Other
Don't know
Lebanese Lebanese
Christian
Muslim
%
%
61
42
17
10
16
11
6
6
Total sample size
18
16
5
3+
Generation
%
%
58
84
3
13
1
3
19
9
2
2
2
19
31
5
5
Turkish
43
Conclusion
As the early 1970s were the high point of migration from both Turkey and Lebanon it is
not surprising to find that not only the second generation from these backgrounds but,
also, some of their parents have grown up in Australia. This pattern has clearly
contributed to the number of parents who are judged by their children to be competent in
English. It is especially evident among the Christian Lebanese where there has been ongoing migration for over a century. In fact there is evidence of a division within the
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second generation groups in terms of the educational and economic capital of the parents.
While a majority have only limited education and low levels of literacy a smaller, but
nevertheless important, group are highly educated and work in professional occupations.
Among the Christian Lebanese the numbers working in unskilled and semi-skilled
occupations is lower than for the other groups and suggests that they have been able to
benefit from the traditions of self-employment existing within the longer established
community. Despite this internal diversity, it is clear that, in general, the parents’ levels of
educational and economic capital are more limited than those of the third generation
comparison group. This is particularly the case among the mothers as evident in the much
lower proportion who worked prior to migration. They also are now far more likely than
the third generation mothers to work in unskilled and semi-skilled occupations. Even
taking into account the possible effects of discrimination, their limited education would
have prevented them seeking jobs requiring more extensive qualifications and fluency in
English.
The interview data indicates that to a greater extent than among the third generation the
second generation have close connections with their immediate families in Sydney and
Melbourne, both through living in the same households and neighbourhoods. This spatial
proximity has the potential to constitute a form of social capital, even while it may
sometimes limit the individuals’ ability to move outside the family’s social orbit.
Certainly it is interesting to note how the Lebanese households in particular have a much
more homogenous composition consisting as they do almost entirely of those born in
Lebanon or Australia. Among the Turks there is the highest level of household members
coming from Turkey and its diaspora. This contrasts with the households of the third
generation which include individuals from many more birthplace groups. The parental
background of the second generation appears to influence them to the extent that their
partners typically come from the same ethnic backgrounds whether or not they are born in
Australia. While this pattern is strongest among the Turks, it does not necessarily extend
to the continuation of more traditional marriage patterns involving cousin marriages
which are more evident among the Lebanese. While these household and family patterns
speak to the importance of family and sustaining links with Lebanon and Turkey, it is
noteworthy that both parents and children typically have acquired Australian citizenship
even while they also take advantage of the opportunity to retain dual citizenship based on
their parents’ birthplace.
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The implications of the disparities in educational and economic capital available to the
second generation will be considered in the following chapters which examine their
educational and economic outcomes. Also relevant to these discussions are the patterns of
social networks and socio-cultural capital linked to the household and family ties. Do
they, as sometimes suggested, constitute a basis for social isolation which is counterproductive in terms of extensive incorporation? Alternatively, do they provide a support
framework for the second generation youth? In addressing these questions it will also be
important to take account of the indications of socio-economic differences between the
second generation groups. This is a complex task as the divisions within the second
generation groups are not as sharp as those which differentiate them from the families of
the third generation comparison group.
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CHAPTER 5.
EXPERIENCES OF EDUCATION
The defining characteristic of the second generation of immigrant background is that they
have been born and grown up in their country of residence. A significant part of their
experience which differentiates them from the majority of their overseas born peers is that
they have been locally educated. In Australia, as in many other countries, schooling is
viewed as a primary means by which the society not only provides skills and knowledge
to young people but, also, draws them into the larger nation and extends their horizons
beyond their families to those of the wider community. In doing so it contributes to the
on-going task of nation building. This role is especially significant in instances where the
family has migrated from another country with its own, often different, sets of
knowledge, understandings, cultures and values. While society assigns these tasks to
education, for individuals and their families education’s importance may be more
instrumental; the school provides the skills and tools needed for the child’s intellectual
growth and ability to access a wider adult world, albeit within a framework of moral
development. Given that in many cases the desire to provide a better future for their
children has spurred family migration, their children’s educational experiences become an
important concern for immigrant families. Before examining the educational outcomes
and experiences of the second and third generation youth the next section of this chapter
provides a brief summary of the institutional framework setting the parameters for their
educational participation. This is because, as the TIES project has identified, the
institutional framework of education and training plays an important role in setting the
parameters affecting educational outcomes and experiences.
The Institutional Context of Australian Education
School education in Australia is still controlled by the individual States despite moves to
establish a common curriculum and institutional framework. While government schools
remain the main providers of school education they co-exist with an established system of
relatively inexpensive Catholic diocesan systemic schools as well as an increasingly
diverse range of other fee-paying private schools, many of which enjoy high academic
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TIAS Final Project Report
and social status8. Differences between government schools in Sydney (New South
Wales) and Melbourne (Victoria) include the greater number of single sex and selective
government high schools in NSW. Although both states offer comprehensive schooling,
entry to the selective schools, which are widely seen as fostering academic success, is
based on entry examinations at the end of primary school. Primary school lasts for seven
years followed by six years of secondary schooling ending in Year 12. An increasing
number of children attend pre-school before continuing to primary school. School
attendance is compulsory between the ages of 5 and 15 years.
Entrance to university is competitive and based on marks obtained in state-wide
examinations and assessments held at the end of secondary schooling which is normally
at age 17 or 18. This differs from the non-competitive entry requirements for TAFE
(Technical and Further Education) colleges which, despite the growth of private
providers, remain the major suppliers of technical and vocational training.
Originally
developed to provide apprenticeship training for the trades, TAFE now offers a much
wider range of courses for accountancy, IT and other white collar occupations. Alongside
this expansion, an increasing number of women now also attend TAFE courses. TAFE
qualifications progress from certificates to diplomas and in some areas these
qualifications are accepted as providing credits towards university degrees.
Educational Participation and Outcomes
Secondary Schooling
As the young people interviewed were aged between 18 and 35 only 2% are still
attending secondary school. Of those who had left school, the majority of the
interviewees (85%) had completed their secondary schooling and gained either a NSW
HSC or Victorian VCE certificate. As the estimation on the retention rate of students in
all Australian secondary schools until Year 12 was 74% in 2007, this indicates that the
sample were performing slightly above the national average9. A further 10% had received
8
In 2007, 66.4% of Australian students were studying in Government schools, 20.2% in Catholic systemic
schools and 13.4% in Independent private schools. Over the previous decade there has been an increase in
enrolments in non-Government schools.(Australian Bureau of Statistics, 2008)
9
(Australian Bureau of Statistics, 2008). School retention rates have been rising in Australia for several
decades.
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TIAS Final Project Report
a certificate for completing lower secondary school. Thus only 5% of the interviewees
had left school without gaining some type of qualification. This level of completion is
consistent with the increasing levels of school participation and completion over three
decades in Australia. The lowest rate of completion and of leaving without obtaining a
secondary qualification was found among the third generation group, 7% of whom had
not received any qualification. The group most likely to have received a secondary school
qualification were the Muslim Lebanese (98%). Together with the Christian Lebanese
they were also most likely to have gained the important Year 12 certificate (89%)
followed by the Turks (84%) and the third generation (82%). Apart from the Year 12
certificate opening the door to university studies it is also widely used by employers when
selecting staff.
Among the small number of interviewees who left school before completing year 12, the
major reasons given by all groups were that they wanted to do another type of education
such as a vocational course (26%) or that they wanted to get a job (20%). Dislike of the
school or teachers came third as a reason for early school leaving.
Post-Secondary Education
As the majority of Australian students now complete secondary school, post-secondary
educational participation decisions are increasingly important in determining future
labour market opportunities. School teachers and careers counsellors are an important
source of information about the opportunities available after leaving school. They are
particularly important for families with limited knowledge of the job market which has
become more complex as technological developments affect job opportunities in IT and
other areas and as the Australian economy has become increasingly reliant on the tertiary
sector for jobs. Those who were least likely to receive continuing educational advice from
their schools were the Christian Lebanese (64%) while the most likely were the Muslim
Lebanese (78%). Three-quarters of this advice related to attendance at University while
participation in TAFE was less frequently the focus of advice. The highest level of TAFE
advice was given to Turks (45%), followed by the third generation (42%), Muslim (33%)
and Christian (24%) Lebanese. Whether advice about TAFE was requested by students or
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provided by teachers encouraging students towards vocational rather than university
education is unclear10.
While the precise content of the advice is not known, only 15% of the young people did
not continue with their education after leaving secondary school with the highest noncontinuation rate (29%) being among the third generation (Table 5.1). In all the second
generation groups women were equally or more likely than men to continue studying
after leaving school, a reverse of the pattern among the third generation where women
were less likely to continue with their studies. Nearly half of the interviewees (45%)
continued on to University and one third (33%) to TAFE. A notably lower level of
university education was reported among the Muslim Lebanese (35%), more of whom
studied at TAFE.
Table 5.1
Post-Secondary Study After Leaving School
3+ Generation
Lebanese
Christian
Male
Female
Qualification
%
%
None
16
TAFE
35
Adult/community college
Female
Male
Female
Male
Female
%
%
%
%
24
9
10
18
14
20
4
22
39
30
23
48
42
29
2
3
5
14
10
2
6
47
50
45
50
45
28
34
59
1
2
2
1
50
49
Don't remember
Total sample size
Muslim
%
Private vocational
University
Male
Turkish
1
%
1
49
50
33
20
22
29
In Australia women are now more likely to enrol in University courses then men. This
pattern is found among the interviewees, except in the case of the Muslim Lebanese
women. Historically, TAFE courses have more often attracted men than women because
of their focus on the trade areas dominated by men. This pattern is replicated among the
interviewees with the exception of the Muslim Lebanese where women were more likely
than men to study at TAFE. Among Turkish women there appears to be a particular
commitment to further education. Only 4% of them did not continue with studies after
leaving school and they have enrolled at University (59%) at a rate nearly double that of
10
Previous research has found this tendency (Inglis et al., 1992). Also noted below is the high rate of TAFE
qualifications among Turkish men.
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the Turkish men (34%). Indeed, they have the highest rate of university enrolment of all
groups and double that of the Muslim Lebanese women.
At the time of the interviews 40% of interviewees were still studying in post-secondary
courses. There are variations between groups with the highest continuation (48%)
reported by the Muslim Lebanese and the lowest by the third generation who are also
older. Younger interviewees and women were more likely to be continuing with their
studies. The gender disparity within groups is greatest between third generation women
(40%) and men (17%) and least between second generation Turkish women (47%) and
men (44%).
Enrolment in courses does not necessarily lead to completion. Among the interviewees
some had enrolled in as many as 6 different post-secondary courses with completion rates
and the award of credentials ranging from 61% to 83%. The reasons for non-completion
were similar to those reported at the school level with the major reason being the desire to
change to another type of education. This was followed by a desire to earn more money
through working. What was different, however, was the desire to spend less time
studying, an option given that post-secondary education is not compulsory.
During the interviews we asked the young people what was their highest qualification.
Their answers (Table 5.2) tend to follow the patterns of current enrolments in postsecondary education. The group most likely to lack post-secondary qualifications are the
Turks while the third generation are least likely. Gender differences are observable with
the third generation and Turkish men more likely to have TAFE qualifications than are
Turkish women, although this pattern is reversed among the Muslim Lebanese.
Completion of a university degree was most widely reported by the third generation and
the Christian Lebanese (37% and 35%) respectively with somewhat lower figures for the
Muslim Lebanese (25%) and Turkish (27%). These outcomes are of interest in so far as
the Christian Lebanese were least likely to report receiving advice on post-secondary
education while the Muslim Lebanese were most likely to have done so. This suggests
that, while advice may be important, it is only part of the story about factors affecting
completion of tertiary studies. These figures for the whole group conceal gender
differences. Except among the Muslim Lebanese, women were more likely than men to
have university degrees. This is similar to the findings on educational outcomes which
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TIAS Final Project Report
was obtained from the census analysis undertaken in Chapter 2. This gender disparity was
least among the third generation.
Table 5.2
Highest Qualification
3+ Generation
Lebanese
Christian
Turkish
Muslim
Male Female Male Female Male Female Male Female
Qualification
%
%
%
%
%
%
%
%
Incomplete secondary
2
8
15
4
7
6
8
Completed secondary
24
20
18
24
13
28
39
33
TAFE certificate
31
18
24
14
17
21
24
16
TAFE diploma
6
8
9
19
13
24
10
4
University undergraduate
20
14
12
33
13
14
6
16
Univ. graduate & post-grad
14
26
18
10
26
12
20
2
8
6
49
51
34
Still studying
Other
Total sample size
21
4
3
9
3
4
1
23
29
51
49
Taken in conjunction with the enrolment patterns of those still studying the third
generation and Christian Lebanese appear to be closest in their levels of educational
participation and outcomes. The educational outcomes for the Muslim Lebanese and the
Turks contrast in several ways. In both groups, there are major gender differences.
Among the Turks, the women are better qualified than the men, particularly at the
university level. The opposite is the case among the Muslim Lebanese where the men
have high rates of tertiary qualifications and are participating in tertiary studies on a par
with all except the Turkish men whose participation rate is much lower. The Muslim
Lebanese women, however, are more likely to have received further education in the
technical and vocational colleges than at University.
These varied outcomes in post-secondary education enrolments and qualifications
indicate that for large numbers of the second generation tertiary study and the gaining of
post-school qualifications are an important and achievable objective. To the extent that
class, ethnic and religious differences play a part in these outcomes, they preclude easy
generalisations about the educational outcomes of the second generation group when
compared with those from third generation backgrounds. These findings are positive for
those who are succeeding in gaining educational qualifications. But for the Turkish men
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and Muslim Lebanese women, in particular, there is evidence of a potentially growing
division between the well-educated and those whose educational qualifications are not
keeping up with the structural changes associated with the rising level of educational
credentials and qualifications which is affecting structural mobility.
In contrast to earlier periods, young people are now growing up at a time when the old
concept of a job for life is disappearing. The emergence of new occupations alongside the
decline of others and the potential for job losses gives individuals a particular motivation
to undertake additional studies and retraining. Giving a particular impetus to this
awareness for many of the second generation is that they have seen their own parents lose
their jobs as the factories where they worked were closed as the Australian economy
underwent major restructuring involving the shift to the tertiary sector in the 1980s. An
indication of an awareness that educational requirements are changing is evident in the
way nearly half of all respondents (48%) said that they were considering doing further
study with reasons including “It will help me in my career” (54%), “I am now ready to do
this” (33%) and dissatisfaction with their current level of education (13%). Most planned
to undertake university studies but TAFE courses were mentioned by a quarter of all
students. These plans to continue studying were most evident among the second
generation, particularly the women. This is particularly interesting in view of the way
one-in-five of these women also reported that at some stage they had curtailed their
educational plans for a variety of family related reasons such as: “I got married”, “my
parents made me stop” and “I had to take care of the children or family”. Another
commitment to further education is also indicated by the way nearly half those
interviewed had undertaken more than one educational course since leaving school. This
finding suggests that, whatever may have been their earlier school experiences and the
often limited educational experiences of their parents, many in the second generation
have a substantial appreciation of the practical importance of education for their future.
Educational Pathways and Experiences
Many of the young people interviewed have spent more than half of their lives in schools
and other educational institutions. The pathways they have followed and their
experiences, especially as this relates to the support and advice they have received on
their journey, are the focus of this section.
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Type of School Attended
At primary level, most of the interviewees studied in government schools.
This was
especially the case for the Turkish (89%) and Muslim Lebanese (81%), only a small
proportion of whom attended Muslim or other private schools. Those who had done so
were mostly younger which reflects the more recent availability of these schools. The
highest level of private, religious education was reported by the Christian Lebanese
(80%), who far exceeded the third generation whose enrolment of 22% was somewhat
below the national average of 30% at the primary level (Australian Bureau of Statistics,
2008).
At secondary level in Australia there is a tendency for parents to move their children into
private schools as they think this will provide them with more rigorous academic
education. With their already high levels of participation in Christian schools, usually run
by Catholic or Lebanese Christian groups, the Christian Lebanese maintained their
enrolment levels in these schools at 78%. The third generation did, however, almost
double their enrolment in the private school system to 39% which matched exactly the
2007 national enrolment pattern for secondary schooling (Australian Bureau of Statistics,
2008). Lower participation rates in private Christian schools were reported by Muslim
Lebanese (13%) and Turks (4%). Their attendance in Christian schools reflects the
influence on parents of the popular perception that these schools provide academic rigour
and success while emphasising discipline and homework in a manner absent from the
public schools, especially those in disadvantaged areas where many migrants live. A
similar percentage (12%) of Lebanese Muslims also attended Islamic schools. Although
only 6% of the Turks have done so, another 7% attend other private non-Christian schools
with a strong Turkish, and sometimes Muslim, orientation. These are schools such as Sule
in Sydney and Işik in Melbourne which have stressed their commitment to ensuring their
graduates can enter university. As they have developed only since the mid-1990s it is the
younger interviewees who are more likely to have attended these schools.
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Disruptions in Schooling
Educational qualifications provide information on only one aspect of individuals’
educational experiences. The type of educational institution attended and experiences
during schooling play an important role in children’s socialisation. They are often also
cited as important factors affecting children’s commitment to schooling and their
educational success. One common factor referred to as contributing to poorer educational
outcomes and indicating that children are ‘at risk’ is attendance at a number of schools.
Among those interviewed there was limited evidence of instability. Four out of five
children had attended one or, at the most, two primary schools. At secondary level two
thirds had attended only one secondary school.
While the growing popularity of school-organised international exchange programs
indicates a perception that they can providing an enriching learning and cultural
experience, another more negative discourse also surrounds overseas schooling. Here, the
attendance of young people from immigrant backgrounds at overseas schools is perceived
to have negative effects on their learning outcomes. This is because of the perceived
disruption associated with changing schools to new learning environments involving
linguistic and cultural differences. Actually, only a very small number of interviewees
had attended primary or secondary school in Turkey (3%), Lebanon (2%) or other
countries (1%). In the case of the Turks this in marked contrast to the 1970s and early
1980s when many families sent their children back to Turkey to be raised by relatives.
The reason for this practice was that the parents who initially planned only a short stay in
Australia, struggled to find adequate and affordable child care (Inglis et al., 1992; Inglis
& Manderson, 1984). As families decided to remain in Australia and recognised the
disruption caused to family life associated with re-incorporating the overseas reared
children, the practice of sending young Turkish children overseas to stay with relatives
was discontinued.
If overseas education is now unusual, many children still have their schooling interrupted
by going overseas for periods longer than three months. The practice is particularly
common among the Turks. At the primary level, only 8% of the third generation had gone
overseas compared with a quarter of the Lebanese and nearly half of the Turkish second
generation. At secondary level when examinations become more important, the same
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TIAS Final Project Report
patterns of travel are evident although at reduced levels. A quarter (24%) of the Turkish
group had gone overseas during secondary school, followed by the Lebanese (Muslims
19% and Christians 13%) and the third generation (7%). Year 10, which marks the end of
lower secondary schooling and where the end of school year often is often filled with a
range of non-academic work including job experience programs, was the most popular
time for these interruptions to schooling.
Educational Support Mechanisms
Despite such travel interruptions, there is little evidence that they are associated with
major problems in educational performance. Only 7% reported having to repeat a grade.
Similarly, only 7% had attended special ESL (English as a Second Language) classes or
received special educational support. However, the special coaching classes which have
become extremely popular among Australian parents concerned or ambitious for their
child’s educational success in the competitive examination system, were attended by a
third of the Turkish (36%) and third generation (34%) interviewees. Participation in such
classes was lowest among the Christian (24%) and Muslim Lebanese (21%). As there is a
very high enrolment of the Christian Lebanese students in private schools their parents
may feel that the schools are providing them with sufficient academic support. However,
this is less satisfactory for explaining the lower attendance at private coaching classes by
the Muslim Lebanese. Tuition fees in the colleges are expensive but there is little to
suggest that the Muslim Lebanese families are less well off than their Turkish
counterparts who make extensive use of such assistance.
Supplementing the potential contribution of special classes to educational success is the
home environment. On two common measures of a supportive home environment: the
presence of a quiet space for doing homework and the availability of a collection of
reading material, the third generation students fare better than the second. 94% lived in
homes with a quiet space for homework compared with 85% of the Turks and threequarters of the Lebanese. Similarly over half of the third generation (55%) came from
houses with over 100 books compared with a quarter of the Turks (24%) and even smaller
numbers of Lebanese (18% of the Christians and 12% of the Muslims).
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On a more personal note, parents, siblings, school teachers and friends can also play an
important part in encouraging and helping students. When asked about the source of
educational support, teachers and mothers were rated as most important (72%) followed
by fathers (59%), peers (48%) and older siblings (28%). One reason for the limited
support reported from older siblings was that over a third of the young people lacked
older siblings. When this is taken into account the importance of the siblings (45%) is
much closer to that of peers. Because many of the parents themselves had only limited
levels of education, they were rarely able to provide practical assistance with homework
or in making decisions about subject choices and further study. Instead, their support was
expressed in the way they talked with their children about their studies and in speaking
with teachers. Another important area of support where the Turkish mothers were
particularly active was controlling the time children spent on homework. Interestingly,
and contrary to many stereotypes of migrant parents, the third generation mothers were
much more likely to ask their children to do household tasks or help with minding
children than were the overseas born mothers of the second generation. The involvement
of older siblings appeared to be most common among the Turks where they quite often
helped with homework and talked about school studies with the interviewees.
Even if siblings do not play an active role in assisting their brothers or sisters with their
schooling, they can play an important part as role models. At the beginning of this chapter
it was noted that the third generation had a lower level of secondary school completion
than the second generation. It is thus interesting to note that they are also more likely to
have a higher proportion of older siblings who have not completed secondary school
(22%) compared with the Turkish (17%) and Muslim Lebanese (18%). An even lower
level of non-completion of secondary school (7%) was reported for the older siblings of
the Christian Lebanese. They also had a substantial number of both older and younger
siblings who after completing secondary school continued to further studies. Incomplete
secondary schooling was more common among the brothers than the sisters of all the
interviewees with one exception. This was among the third generation women, who were
more likely to have younger sisters who had left school without completing Year 12.
Women, rather than men, in all the families were thus more likely to provide a role model
and to have higher basic levels of educational capital than did their brothers.
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When the criterion for a positive role model shifts to be completion of university, the
situation of the groups change. The highest level of qualifications among older siblings
was reported by the Muslim Lebanese men who reported that three quarters (74%) had a
university degree. At the other end of the spectrum Turkish men were the least likely to
have had siblings who had completed university (42%). Interestingly in the case of
women the numbers with siblings who had completed university was reversed with the
highest levels among Turkish women (59%) and the lowest among the Muslim Lebanese
women (50%). These findings reinforce a picture of substantial, but opposing, gender
differences within the two predominantly Muslim background groups reinforced by
family differences in educational capital.
When asked whether they had close friends who had left school without completing
Year 12, half the women reported this was the case. Higher levels were reported by the
young men. These ranged from 75% among Turkish men down to 56% among the
Christian Lebanese with the third generation reporting 71% and the Muslim Lebanese
(65%). In general, it appears that while their families may have provided our interviewees
with role models for continuing with their education, their immediate peers were less
likely to do so.
The School’s Social Environment
Frequently heard references about ‘disadvantaged’ or ‘failing’ schools highlights the way
the school culture is widely seen as playing an important role in educational outcomes.
Many factors contribute to the culture of the school ranging from the background of the
student population to the part played by teachers in setting the tone for the school. When
asked about how they got along with teachers and students during their school days, 80%
to 90% agreed that they got along very well with them. They were not quite so likely to
feel that teachers had really listened to what they had to say or that they would give them
extra help when they needed it. The group most likely to indicate reservations about the
support and interest received from teachers were the Turks (12%) compared with 8% for
the other second and third generation groups.
When we asked the interviewees about the ethnic composition of the other students in
their schools we found considerable variation between the groups. The third generation
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group, a quarter of whom had lived outside Sydney and Melbourne during their secondary
schooling, had attended more ethnically homogeneous schools at primary (63%) and,
particularly at secondary level than had the second generation groups. At the secondary
level, nearly three-quarters of the third generation (70%) had attended schools with no
more than a quarter of the other students being from non-English speaking backgrounds.
A factor in this increase in the homogeneity of their school’s student population at
secondary level is their shift into private schools. These schools which do not restrict
enrolments to students from the local neighbourhood typically attract students with
comparable social backgrounds from across a wider geographical area.
But private schooling was not always associated with homogeneity and the absence of
NESB students. While 78% of the Christian Lebanese attended private schools these were
often the less expensive Catholic systemic schools rather than the elite private schools
attended by some of the third generation. Consequently it is not surprising to find that, as
among other second generation groups, only a quarter of the Christian Lebanese attended
schools where a quarter, or less, of the school population was of NESB background.
Often their schools had an ethnically very mixed enrolment. Whereas only 9% of the third
generation attended schools where more than three-quarters of students came from an
NESB background, the figure increased to 31% for the Christian Lebanese and was
higher for the Muslim Lebanese (44%) and rose to over half for the Turkish students
(54%) who were least likely to attend private schools.
Despite the prominence of NESB students in many of the schools attended by the second
generation, not all found the school environment to be supportive. Certainly 80% reported
that non-Anglo-Celtic students felt just as welcome in their schools. Furthermore, half of
the second generation groups reported never experiencing hostility or discrimination
because of their origins or background. From the opposite perspective 20% felt less
welcome and half did experience hostility and discrimination. The absence of such
discrimination and hostility was more likely to be reported by the third generation group
who were also were most likely to be in ethnically homogeneous schools. When hostility
was reported the source was particularly likely to be other students. But among the
second generation a substantial number also reported experiencing hostility and
discrimination from teachers. In contrast to the 14% of the third generation who reported
them as being the source of hostility and unfair treatment, the figures more than doubled
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among the second generation (28% for the Christian Lebanese, 36% for the Turkish and
46% for the Muslim Lebanese).
Given these negative experiences it is not altogether surprising that the Muslim Lebanese
(34%) were most likely to disagree with the statement that the Australian school system
provides equal opportunity. They were followed by the third generation (whom it will be
remembered had the highest level of incomplete secondary schooling), the Turkish and
the Christian Lebanese. Within the groups there were also marked gender differences.
Thus Muslim Lebanese men felt strongest of all groups about the lack of equality (45% vs
31% of women) whereas among the Turkish, the feeling was strongest amongst the
women (32% vs 20%). In both cases, the group most likely to disagree were the ones who
actually had higher levels of educational attainment. This raises the possibility that on the
path to educational success they had had to overcome many difficulties.
When asked to reflect on their level of education, 60% reported they were satisfied while
21% were largely dissatisfied. The highest rate of dissatisfaction was reported by the
Lebanese (32% of the Muslims and 27% of the Christians) with lower rates among the
Turkish (17%) and third generation (15%). Given that the Christian Lebanese have the
highest second generation rate of university completion this pattern of dissatisfaction
points to a need to explore the extent of diversity within, as well as between, the four
ethnic groups in terms of educational aspirations.
Conclusion
The most obvious conclusion to draw from this examination of educational experiences
and outcomes is that the second generation group as a whole have demonstrated
extremely high levels of intergenerational educational mobility. Whereas many parents
had not even completed primary school, let alone secondary school or university (see
Table 4.6), all the interviewees had received some secondary education which most had
completed. Even more impressive were the numbers with university degrees or studying
for university. With the exception of Muslim Lebanese women and Turkish men, the
second generation were well on track to equal the educational levels of the third
generation.
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This finding contrasts with the educational outcomes of the first generation Lebanese and
Turkish entering Australian schools in the 1970s but is consistent with the results from
the analysis of census data contained in Chapter 2. Before examining the more specific
explanatory models which focus on the educational, social and cultural capital of the
family, the role of peers or the culture of the school, one other area to consider is the
institutional structure of Australian education. In contrast to certain European countries
where students are often streamed into relatively inflexible educational pathways based
on assessment of their educational ability in primary schooling, the Australian school
system is less rigid. Its comprehensive schools rarely require students to choose, or be
placed into, an academic or vocational stream in secondary school which can then
constrain their subsequent educational career. Even in the post-secondary levels, the
pathways between vocational and university education are more fluid. Although entrance
to university is based on competitive examinations at the end of secondary school, options
also exist for ‘mature age’ entry which is usually available for those aged over 20 who
show satisfactory performance in special ‘pre-university’ courses. While examinations are
important in the final years of schooling, assessment is rarely used as a reason for
requiring students to repeat a class. This may mean that students do progress through
school with certain important gaps in their educational knowledge and skills. On the other
hand, they do not get significantly behind their age cohort which can lead to educational
discouragement and discontinuation.
Explanations of unequal educational outcomes are diverse and involve different foci: the
individual, the school, the family and community, or the whole society. While concepts of
individual ‘ability’, ‘intelligence’ or ‘aptitude’ play a major part in popular discussions of
educational outcomes, educators highlight how school careers and educational outcomes
are influenced by a range of social influences. Among these are the cultural and
educational capital acquired from the families and local social environment and
experiences in school involving teachers and fellow students. With regard to the latter
variations exist among the interviewees in the extent to which the school’s culture was
perceived as supportive and encouraged further study. However, among those who
reported high levels of hostility and unfair treatment or who expressed dissatisfaction
with their education the majority have still obtained post-secondary qualifications, albeit
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in the vocational rather than tertiary sector. This suggests other factors may come into
play which relate to their family and social networks.
While educational and cultural capital has often been defined in terms of completed levels
of education and familiarity with the cultural norms of the society, an important
dimension can be the commitment to education attainment as a way to a better life.
Within migrant families including those of Lebanese and Turkish background such
capital is often higher than is commonly appreciated (Chafic, 1994; Inglis et al., 1992).
This may help account for the way in which young people have overcome more negative
experiences in the school.
Nevertheless, the evidence of continuing differences within all groups in educational
attainment is a concern. Young people who lack post-school qualifications may be more
vulnerable to unemployment or low incomes and other measures of disadvantage. In the
case of the Muslim Lebanese it is the women who are more likely to be unqualified while
among the Turks it is the men. These findings highlight that it is overly simplistic to seek
explanations in differences linked to a single factor such as religious background.
While education has a particularly important role to play in gaining employment in
Australia, the next chapter will explore the experiences of the young people in the world
of work in more detail with a view to exploring the interrelationships between education
and labour market outcomes.
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CHAPTER 6.
THE WORLD OF WORK
This chapter examines the extent of inequality and economic disadvantage in the labour
market outcomes and experiences of the second and third generation young people.
Explanations for labour market inequality vary depending on whether the focus is on the
individual’s human resources such as educational and social capital or on the existence of
personal or institutional discrimination affecting particular social groups. Hence, after
considering the labour market involvement of the young people, this chapter will examine
in more detail their job and work experiences for information relevant to understanding
their current economic circumstances. This will include the experiences of those who are
unemployed or not currently active in the work force. Included in this discussion will be
information on their occupations, sector of employment, and financial circumstances as
well as such issues as job satisfaction, experiences of hostility and unfair treatment and
plans for the future.
Labour Market Involvement
The Employed
Australia’s labour market like that in many other countries is extensively segmented by
gender. This is evident from Table 6.1 which outlines the patterns of economic
participation which show, in particular, the extent to which it is women who are most
likely to be involved in home care duties. Their involvement in these duties is at the
expense of employment. Another factor affecting their employment is that they are more
likely than men to be studying either full-time or while working. Only a very small
number of individuals (2%) were unemployed at the time of the interviews which took
place in 2008 before the major impact of the global financial crisis on the Australian
economy and labour market. Most people were employees except among the Muslim
Lebanese men, one in five of whom were either self-employed or employers. Christian
Lebanese, both men and women, were the ethnic group most likely to be employees. A
quarter of Turkish men and women were studying, slightly ahead of the third generation
women. An even larger percentage of Muslim Lebanese women were studying. One in
five of them were also involved in home duties like the third generation women.
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Table 6.1
Economic Status
Male
Lebanese
Christian
Female
Turkish
Lebanese
3+
Muslim
Gen'n
Christian
Turkish
3+
Muslim
Gen'n
Current Economic Status
%
%
%
%
%
%
%
%
Has one or more jobs
85
61
69
80
62
34
53
55
Own business or self-employed
6
21
4
8
5
3
2
Has a job & studies/ is an apprentice
3
9
12
6
14
21
14
7
4
Unpaid family work
Unemployed and not looking for work
Unemployed and looking for work
Takes care of children, family, home
Sick or disabled and unable to work
Full-time student without a job
Total sample size
2
5
3
4
2
5
21
10
1
2
22
22
2
6
9
12
2
10
10
12
34
23
51
49
21
29
49
51
Among those who are employed, over 80% in all groups work in the private sector. Most
of the remainder work in the public sector where the Turks are most prominent. Only a
handful of individuals are employed in the not-for-profit sector. There is considerable
diversity in the occupations of those who are employed. The current occupations of those
who are employed are characterised by gender differences which cross ethnic groups.
There is a tendency for men to be overrepresented among managers, technical and trade
occupations as well as machinery operators and labourers. Women are prominent in the
professions, community and professional services and particularly in the white collar
clerical and sales occupations. The third generation men are relatively overrepresented in
the professions and underrepresented in the technical and trades occupations. Muslim
Lebanese men and women are more likely than other groups, particularly the Christian
Lebanese, to work as managers, which is linked to the self-employed status of Muslim
Lebanese men. Whereas Turkish and third generation women are prominent in clerical
positions, the Lebanese women are prominent in sales occupations. With professional and
managerial occupations widely recognised as well paid and carrying significant social
status, the main indicator that the second generation lack equality in the labour market is
that the second generation men are underrepresented in these areas, especially in the
professions. However, this disparity is not evident among the women.
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Table 6.2
Current Occupation
Males
Lebanese
Christian
Females
Turkish
Lebanese
3+
Muslim
Gen'n
Christian
Turkish
3+
Muslim
Gen'n
Main Occupation
%
%
%
%
%
%
%
%
Managers
12
25
21
19
12
18
15
15
Professionals
24
15
21
31
24
24
24
21
Technical & Trade W orkers
34
25
25
13
12
6
3
12
15
4
10
12
18
9
18
33
24
15
11
Community Professional Service W orkers
Clerical & Administrative Workers
6
5
4
8
12
Sales
3
10
16
4
24
Machinery Operators & Processors
9
Labourers
9
35
2
10
7
11
6
3
Don't know
Total sample size
1
32
21
43
46
17
17
34
39
By comparison with their parents there is also evidence of intergenerational mobility (see
Table 4.9) among the second generation. When their current occupations are compared
with those of their parents when they were 15, the major changes are the much lower
numbers of the second generation who are now employed in unskilled and semi-skilled
manual occupations and, conversely, the larger number now employed as professionals.
Among the men there has been a decline in the number employed as managers even while
their involvement in the professions has increased.
Casual employment carries with it the potential for financial precariousness. One fifth of
the interviewees are employed as casual workers with the highest rates occurring among
the Christian Lebanese (31%), where 59% of the women are concentrated and the lowest
rates among the Muslim Lebanese (16%), where it is the men who have a notably low
rate of casual employment. A major factor accounting for the high level of casualisation
is that those who are studying are particularly likely to be employed in casual, rather than
permanent, jobs. This trend in student employment is now widely entrenched in
Australian society where it is the norm for university students to have at least one, if not
more, casual jobs while they are studying. Among the Christian Lebanese for example
half of all those studying have casual jobs. In these circumstances the concerns about
financial insecurity are minimised since the employment is not necessarily needed to
cover all living expenses and is viewed as a short-term arrangement. However, among the
Turks and the Muslim Lebanese half of all those in casual employment are not studying
which may create potential financial problems. Certainly most of them are earning less
than $550 per week. This was at a time when, in June 2008, the estimated ‘poverty line’
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in Australia was set at $714.27 per week for a household consisting of a couple with two
children and one wage earner, and $508.71 where the household consisted of a couple
(Melbourne Institute of Applied Economic and Social Research, 2008).
In contrast to those in permanent employment whose major method for finding their
present job had been using advertisements, followed by a private job agency, a colleague
or friend and then the internet, almost half of those in casual employment had found their
work through a colleague or friend, followed by responding to an advertisement (24%)
and only then using relatives. The third generation was far less likely than the second
generation groups to have made use of relatives, or, indeed of friends and colleagues in
finding their current job. However, in the case of their first job which was much more
likely to involve casual employment, one fifth of them had used relatives, which was a far
larger percentage than among the second generation. These variations in the importance
of different methods of finding jobs highlight how, in the contemporary labour market,
the social capital inherent in a social network of relatives, friends or colleagues has more
or less currency depending on the type of employment which is being sort and the supply
of labour. Among professionals, educational qualifications are particularly important
whereas, among managers, the cultural capital associated with networks of colleagues,
friends and relatives can be more important. At the lower end of the labour market where
low level skills are in greater supply relatives and friends can play a more important role
in finding jobs.
As the ages of the interviewees ranged from 18 to 35, over this 18 year period a number
of them would have finished their studies at a time when there was relatively high
unemployment in Australia. Nevertheless, 45% said that they had found work
immediately upon finishing their studies and 19% were either still studying or had
worked during their studies. Others either went on holidays or took up odd jobs or
assisted in the family business in the case of a few second generation. Only 15% said they
were unemployed and actively looking for a job in this period. Women were slightly
more likely to describe their situation in this way with a quarter of the Muslim Lebanese
women describing their situation in this way.
Over half of all the currently employed interviewees said they had never been
unemployed since leaving school. The highest experience of unemployment was among
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the third generation and the lowest among the Christian Lebanese (Table 6.3). This
pattern was largely consistent across men and women except that slightly more Turkish
women had never experienced unemployment of this kind than the Lebanese. Women in
general were also less likely to report being unemployed for more than one month.
Table 6.3
Experience of Unemployment After Leaving School
Male
Lebanese
Christian
Female
Turkish
Lebanese
3+
Muslim
Gen'n
Christian
Turkish
3+
Muslim
Gen'n
%
%
%
%
%
%
%
%
None
65
48
53
43
59
59
62
54
Yes, but less than one month
16
10
7
17
24
12
9
18
Yes, more than one month
19
43
40
39
18
29
29
28
Total sample size
31
21
43
46
17
17
34
39
The Unemployed
In addition to the small number of individuals who described themselves as unemployed,
the interviewees included a number who were currently outside the labour market. In
total, 19% of the interviewees were not currently in paid employment. This was for a
variety of reasons, the chief of which was that they were involved in home care duties.
This is not surprising since three-quarters of those not currently in paid employment were
women. However, only 16% of the women and 33% of the unemployed men had never
had a paid job. The men were, however, less likely to be currently looking for work then
the women, 30% of whom said they were looking for paid work. None of the third
generation men or women was looking for paid work. Among the second generation, a
quarter of the Turkish men, a third of the Muslim Lebanese women and a half of the
Christian Lebanese and the Turkish women were looking for work
In their last paid work the majority had been employed in the private sector and half of
them had been working as casuals; a figure which is higher than the 20% reported among
those currently in paid work. Only 15% of the group had worked as managers or
professionals and, given the high proportion of women, it is not surprising that the
majority had worked in clerical positions. Given this work profile it is interesting that the
internet was the major method used by three-quarters of the interviewees in their current
search for work. Much less common was the use of advertisements or a direct approach to
potential employers. None was using personal relationships involving family and social
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networks as their success is often greater when individuals are seeking less skilled jobs or
have employers within their social network.
Experiences in the World of Work
The workplace is not only a source of income. As the place where individuals spend a
significant part of their daily lives, it is also an important part of workers’ social life and
can be an important source of self esteem, personal satisfaction and friendship.
Alternatively, it can be perceived more negatively as a place whose major value is that it
provides the income necessary for other activities. The TIAS project collected a variety of
information about perceptions of the workplace. These provide information relating to its
role as a social setting as well as factors pertinent to assessing the extent to which there
are barriers to occupational mobility facing the Lebanese and Turkish second generation.
Perceptions of the Relationship Between Human Capital and Current Job
An important factor in assessing and accounting for labour market inequality is whether
occupations reflect the individuals’ human capital. A key component of this is their
educational capital consisting of their educational qualifications and skills. Among all
those employed, three-quarters felt that their job corresponded well with their education
and skill level. The Turks (23%) were most likely to disagree compared with the third
generation (16%), the Christian Lebanese (15%) and the Muslim Lebanese (11%). When
level of satisfaction was compared with the individuals’ highest educational qualification,
those with university qualifications were found to be the least satisfied that their present
job made use of their education and skills and this trend existed among the four ethnic
groups (Table 6.4). However, there was also considerable dissatisfaction among those
who had completed secondary school as well as TAFE. Contributing to this
dissatisfaction is likely to be the impact of ‘credential inflation’ where increased
educational qualifications are being required for many occupations.
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Table 6.4
Job is Below Education
3+
Generation
Lebanese
Christian Muslim
Turkish
Highest Qualfication
%
%
%
%
Completed secondary
28
22
20
29
TAFE
10
31
14
38
University
44
34
33
37
Total sample size
85
48
38
77
Career Satisfaction and Aspirations
One indication of the characteristics that individuals are looking for in their careers comes
from the reasons they give for leaving their previous job. Given the youth of the
interviewees and the way many of them are still studying, the TIAS survey asked them
only about the reasons why they left their first job. Although these reasons may not
provide information relevant to later on in their lives when they have established more
clearly the type of career path they wish to follow, they nevertheless provide a picture of
their thinking at a very significant point in their working lives. This is because their first
job provides them, and future employers, with a framework against which to evaluate
future job options. The major reasons why the interviewees left their first job was because
they found a better paid or more interesting one or had gone back to study (Table 6.5).
These reasons point to the importance of work being part of a larger set of objectives
which include a level of personal satisfaction as well as fitting with longer term career
objectives. The second generation, especially the men, were most likely to say simply that
“I didn’t like the job”. The third generation and a quarter of the second generation men
were likely to indicate that they had actively sought a better paid or more interesting job.
In a small number of cases the second generation also had left to start their own business
or to work in the family business. Some indication of the constraints in women’s working
is provided by the way only they indicated that they had changed jobs because they had
found one closer to home. Similarly it was almost entirely women who spoke of
experiencing personal conflict as the reason why they left their first job. Particularly
among the women there was little evidence of major differences between the ethnic
groups in terms of why they left their first job.
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Table 6.5
Reasons for Leaving First Job
Male
Christian
Female
Turkish
Lebanese
3+
Muslim
Gen'n
Christian
%
%
%
%
%
I didn't like it
38
25
29
8
22
6
6
4
I had a personal conflict
I found a better or more interesting job
5
25
30
29
47
I went back to study
8
20
13
17
Change in family situation or illness
4
I sold my business; business closed
4
5
Job was temporary; I was laid off
4
10
6
5
3
I found a job closer to home
Gen'n
%
Other
13
Total sample size
24
%
%
26
13
11
8
6
11
15
3
8
11
31
19
34
10
18
13
11
11
Boss was dissatisfied with my work
3+
Muslim
Reasons for Leaving First Job
I thought I was not really suited to it
Turkish
Lebanese
11
8
6
20
6
8
14
16
3
3
8
8
13
3
22
8
13
5
31
36
9
13
31
38
When asked to assess whether their careers had lived up to their expectations, one-fifth of
the third generation and the Muslim Lebanese and Turks indicated it had been worse than
their expectation, although Christian Lebanese were slightly more positive with only 16%
saying this. Among the second generation, women were less likely to say their career had
been worse than expected although in the third generation the women were far more
negative about this (26% compared to 15% among the men). Interestingly there was not a
clear correlation between the extent to which their career aspirations were met and
whether or not they felt their educational skills were being used in their present job. This
indicates that a variety of other factors contribute to job satisfaction. Among the
unemployed the men were far more sanguine with the majority saying it had been as
expected. Among the women it was only among the Christian Lebanese and Turkish
women that such positive views were expressed.
An indication of aspirations was gained by asking about future career plans. The replies
of the currently employed that slightly over a third indicated that they were planning to
continue with their current job and another third indicated that they were looking for
promotion or a more challenging job. The idea of changing jobs or seeking promotion
was stronger among the second generation women than their menfolk. A slightly lower
proportion was almost equally divided between starting their own business (favoured by
the men) or returning to further study (a stronger preference among the women). (Table
6.6). The third generation were the group most likely to indicate they planned to continue
with their current job, although this option was most frequently mentioned by the
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Christian Lebanese men. Among the unemployed interviewees, almost half indicated they
planned to look for a job, while a quarter of the women indicated they planned to
undertake further study. Among the Turkish women nearly half (47%) identified this as
their major plan for their future. Another one-in five planned to start their own business.
The choice of starting their own business was particularly strong among the Muslim
Lebanese men and women 43% of whom mentioned it.
Table 6.6
Future Career Plans
Male
Lebanese
Christian
Female
Turkish
3+
Muslim
Turkish
Lebanese
Gen'n
Christian
3+
Muslim
Gen'n
%
%
%
%
%
%
%
%
Continue current work
47
33
28
39
24
12
32
44
Seek promotion or a more challenging job
28
33
35
39
47
41
38
28
6
6
Work shorter hours
Start own business
13
14
21
13
6
6
6
8
Extra education
6
10
12
9
18
29
18
18
Become full-time homemaker
3
5
Expand business
3
34
39
Other
Total sample size
32
2
5
2
21
43
6
3
46
17
17
Income
Given the importance of income as a factor in the career planning and job changes of
individuals it is useful to consider how income is distributed across the four ethnic
groups. Questions about income are often quite sensitive and this seems more likely to be
the case for the Lebanese. In June 2008, the poverty level established for a single wageearner in a four person household was $714.27 (Melbourne Institute of Applied Economic
and Social Research, 2008). From October 2008, the minimum weekly wage set by the
Australian Fair Pay Commission was $543.78. Two-thirds of the Turkish and third
generation men reported weekly incomes below $1000 but the percentage of all women
earning in this range was much higher (Table 6.7). The Lebanese second generation men,
especially the Christians, were most likely to report incomes above $1500. Information on
partners’ incomes was less complete but it appeared that the partners of third generation
and Turkish women had higher incomes than those of the Lebanese women. The men’s
partners were all lower which is consistent with the pattern for women to receive lower
incomes.
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Table 6.7
Weekly Income
Males
Christian
Females
Turkish
Lebanese
Muslim
Turkish
Lebanese
3+
Christian
Generation
3+
Muslim
Generation
Individual's Income
%
%
%
%
%
%
%
%
Less than $ 550 AUD
25
10
16
28
47
24
35
31
$550 to $999 AUD
13
24
49
37
24
53
41
46
$1000 to $1499 AUD
19
19
16
24
6
6
9
10
$1500 to $1999 AUD
6
10
5
4
6
3
8
$2000+AUD
14
2
Don’t know, not stated
22
36
14
4
18
18
12
5
Total sample size
32
21
43
46
17
17
34
39
Less than $ 550 AUD
71
25
22
18
13
$550 to $999 AUD
14
25
33
50
44
29
50
33
29
8
6
8
6
4
12
16
17
24
Partner's Income
8
$1000 to $1499 AUD
$1500 to $1999 AUD
57
17
14
17
17
14
$2000+AUD
Don’t know, not stated
Total sample size
7
50
50
8
28
4
6
12
7
9
While no one in the study admitted to receiving any investment income, about one-in-five
did receive some form of social benefit income, although the figure for Muslim Lebanese
women was much higher at 45%, which was related to the way they received a diverse set
of social benefit payments. Social welfare payments (58%) were the most usual type of
benefit received followed by disability payments (14%), student scholarships and
unemployment benefits (12% in each case). Alimony and insurance payments accounted
for only a small proportion of the benefits received.
The major financial commitment for the interviewees were home loans. The highest level
was reported by the third generation (37%) and the lowest by the Turks (22%). In
between were the Christian Lebanese (35%) and the Muslim Lebanese (29%). While
many of those with home loans were married, there were also a number of single
individuals who also had taken out loans to purchase property. Car loans were less
common among the interviewees but, again, they were more common among the third
generation (22%) than the second. The lowest levels existed among the Christian
Lebanese followed by the Turks (12%) and Muslim Lebanese (15%). Since there are
many options for funding the cost of a motor vehicle including leasing and having them
as part of a salary package it is difficult to interpret the significance of this information.
The use made by the third generation of loans was also evident in the way they were the
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group most likely to have organised a loan for other purposes (17%), slightly above the
Turks and Christian Lebanese (13%) and Muslim Lebanese (10%).
Given the use the third generation make of loans it is not altogether surprising that a
number of them report that they find difficulty in managing on their income (Table 6.8).
Of all the groups, the third generation men were least likely to say that they were living
comfortably on their present income. This contrasted with the Lebanese men and the
Turks. There was less difference between the various groups of women although fewer
women in general reported they were comfortable. Men, particularly the third generation
and the Muslim Lebanese, perhaps because of their domestic responsibilities, were more
likely to report some difficulty in living on their present incomes. What is more difficult
to assess is whether the difficulties are related to actual variation in income or, instead, to
different patterns of consumption and saving.
Table 6.8
Adequacy of Present Income
Male
Lebanese
Christian
Female
Turkish
3+
Muslim
Lebanese
Gen'n
Christian
Turkish
3+
Muslim
Gen'n
%
%
%
%
%
%
%
%
Living comfortably on present income
68
52
47
35
38
48
41
41
I am coping with presen income
Sometimes I have difficulty with present
income
I am regularly having difficulties with
present income
I am having great difficulty with present
income
24
22
39
41
43
21
37
31
3
17
8
16
19
28
10
18
3
9
6
8
3
8
10
Total sample size
34
3
4
23
51
49
21
29
49
51
Discrimination and Prejudice
One of the most obvious factors which can affect job satisfaction is the existence of
prejudice and discrimination. These can manifest themselves or be perceived in different
situations. Especially in circumstances where they affect job recruitment they constitute a
major barrier to equality. To explore different dimensions of these issues the TIAS survey
began by asking about the difficulty facing someone from non-Anglo-Celtic background
in finding a good job when compared with people of Anglo-Celtic background and
similar age and qualifications. As might be expected the second generation men were
more likely than the third generation men to say it was ‘more’ or ‘much more’ difficult
for the non-Anglo-Celtic job seekers (Table 6.9). However in the case of the Christian
Lebanese 19% actually said it was less difficult. The women had, however, a different
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perception of the difficulty. A small percentage of the Lebanese women said it was less
difficult but, in general, the women were more likely than the men to say the non-AngloCeltic job seekers faced ‘more’ or ‘much more’ difficulty. What was particularly
interesting was that the group saying this most strongly were the third generation women
over half of whom held this view. A similar finding involving the third generation was
also found in the Dutch TIES project survey data (Crul & Heering, 2008, p.102). Whether
this was because they were actually involved in such practices or had heard about them
from the media or other sources is an interesting issue which receives some partial
support from responses to other parts of the interview. When the unemployed were asked
for their views there was a slight trend towards emphasising the difficulty facing those of
non-Anglo-Celtic background except among the Muslim Lebanese women.
Table 6.9
Perceived Discrimination Involving Anglo-Celtic Group
Male
Lebanese
Christian
%
Female
Turkish
Muslim
%
3+
Lebanese
Generation
Turkish
Muslim
%
%
%
2
6
12
65
74
59
43
35
24
21
43
46
Less/much less difficult
19
As difficult
50
57
More/much more difficult
31
Total sample size
32
%
Christian
3+
Generation
%
%
41
68
46
35
47
32
51
17
17
34
39
3
The explanations which were given for these views were quite varied and only a small
number of individuals said they ‘don’t know’ (Table 6.10). The two most common
negative explanations referred to language and communication barriers and cultural or
religious differences. Language skills were particularly favoured by the third generation.
Muslim Lebanese and Turks particularly emphasised cultural or religious differences as
also did the third generation men. Interestingly, the Christian and to a slightly lesser
extent the Muslim Lebanese placed little emphasis on such differences. Instead, they
referred to equal opportunity and the importance of ‘merit’ in recruitment. The second
generation groups were also more likely than the third generation to say that there was no
problem.
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Table 6.10
Reasons for View on Discrimination
Male
3+
Female
Lebanese
Gen'n
Christian
Turkish
3+
Muslim
Lebanese
Gen'n
Christian
%
%
%
%
%
Language/communication skills
38
16
13
15
40
Cultural/ religious differences
Turkish
Muslim
%
%
16
18
18
31
3
13
22
11
Employers prefer Anglo-Celtic
5
3
4
2
6
5
Negative media/stereotypes
2
3
13
5
9
11
Differing qualifications/skills
2
3
Equal opportunity in Australia
5
22
22
10
Experience & skills are more important
5
16
13
Through personal experience
7
6
4
5
9
Depends on type of work/industry
5
3
4
2
3
8
None, No problems
7
16
9
17
3
23
9
11
14
19
9
24
14
38
18
21
9
3
22
38
Other
8
%
14
5
Don't know
8
9
9
9
15
42
32
23
41
11
9
16
3
3
9
Total sample size
14
35
13
Note: more than one response was possible
When the interviewees were asked about their own experiences in job seeking and in the
workplace, a majority of all groups, except for the Muslim Lebanese women, said they
had ‘never’ experienced discrimination in job seeking (Table 6.11). While for some the
level of discrimination based on their ethnic background or national origins declined
when they were actually in the workplace it was also evident that, for a small, but
significant, minority of Muslim Lebanese women there were frequent experiences
involving hostility and unfair treatment. This was also evident in the responses of the
unemployed Muslim Lebanese women.
Table 6.11
Personal Experience of Workplace Discrimination
Male
Lebanese
Christian
Female
Turkish
Muslim
3+
Lebanese
Generation
Christian
Turkish
3+
Muslim
Generation
In Job Seeking
%
%
%
%
%
%
%
%
Never
63
71
74
89
76
47
85
90
Rarely
19
5
19
9
12
18
3
8
Occasionally
19
24
2
2
6
24
12
Regularly
2
Frequently
2
6
6
6
3
In the Workplace
Never
81
52
79
87
82
59
76
87
Rarely
13
19
19
7
12
12
21
8
6
19
7
6
12
3
5
34
39
Occasionally
Regularly
5
Frequently
5
Total sample size
32
21
2
6
12
43
46
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17
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TIAS Final Project Report
The general impression is that the second generation group who are most positive about
the absence of discrimination in the workplace are the Christian Lebanese, followed by
the Turks and then the Muslim Lebanese. Even in the last group there are, however, a
substantial number with less problematic experiences.
Conclusion
The Australian labour market has undergone major changes in recent decades. The
decline of old and the emergence of new occupations continually leads to changes in the
type of qualifications needed to gain employment. Together with increasing casualisation
in the workforce, the idea of a job for life is gone. Young people are particularly aware of
these changes. Already the second generation have exceeded the occupational level of
their parents as they move particularly into the professions. Gender segmentation is an
ongoing feature of the Australian labour market and this is replicated among our
interviews with women more likely to be found in clerical and sales occupations with
men in the skilled trades areas. None of the second or third generation groups are
homogeneous but, to some extent, it appears that, in their occupations, the third
generation are somewhat more likely to be located in the more prestigious, white collar
occupations than the second generation. Particularly in sections of the Lebanese groups
there are self-employed business people and there is evidence that, for some in these
groups, to own their own business is an aspiration. Whether it is to avoid the effects of
discrimination or to compensate for limited human capital is difficult to determine.
In addition to occupational differences within the groups there are also income
differences. Here there is little indication that, compared with the third generation, the
second generation are financially disadvantaged either in terms of their actual incomes or
their perceived ability to cope financially. The third generation are more likely to be
involved in loans and have a tendency to indicate that they are having difficulty coping.
Whether this reflects real differences in their earning situation or in their consumption
patterns would require more detailed research. However, for those who are married and
living independently from their families of origin, the costs of everyday life are often
more than those who are studying and living with their parents.
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While evidence of gross economic inequality is absent from this study it is difficult to
determine precisely whether this is because the human capital of the groups is similar..
Although the two are not necessarily opposed, an alternative way of accounting for
economic inequality relates to social and institutional barriers which affect the economic
participation of particular groups. Here it is interesting to note that a majority of the
second generation groups see a limited amount of discrimination against those of nonAnglo-Celtic background. Consistent with this is the way a majority report never having
personally experienced discrimination in applying for jobs or in the workplace. That said,
there remains a substantial section, some 20% in each group, who do report negative
experiences and perceive discrimination against non-Anglo-Celts, primarily because of
cultural and religious differences.
Variations between the second generation groups suggest that the Turks, particularly the
men, are perhaps more likely to have a less well established economic position, although
it is not clear whether this is related to their being young and/or more likely to be still
studying. Among the Lebanese the Christians appear to be in general somewhat more
‘established’. Certainly, they appear to be more satisfied with their economic situation
than the other groups. There is some indication that, among the Muslim Lebanese there
are young people who have already become satisfactorily incorporated into the labour
market and world of work. Others, however, are less satisfactorily incorporated.
One issue in assessing the circumstances of the four groups is the extent to which we find
that they have rather different circumstances including the number of students and their
relative youth. For many of the interviewees they have yet to finish the major phase of
their post-school education and to establish their own families. However, there is an
indication that many are well on the way of achieving these goals.
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CHAPTER 7. THE NEIGHBOURHOOD,
SOCIAL
DISCRIMINATION
LIFE AND
Social relationships with the opportunities they provide for emotional support,
entertainment and friendship complement the more instrumentally oriented worlds of
work and education. Already Chapter 4 has discussed the close contacts maintained
between the second generation and their relatives living outside their households. This
chapter begins by looking at how the young people view their local neighbourhoods
where they are now living and where they often grew up and attended school. After
looking at who were their friends during school the focus shifts to their present group of
close friends to determine how these groups have changed as they have grown up. In
particular, the focus is on the extent to which individuals have friendships which span the
spectrum of Australia’s ethnically diverse population. Social contacts and friendships are
an important potential source of social capital which can also be extended by participation
in a variety of community organisations and associations. These social contacts and
experiences at the personal and community level potentially direct them towards support
for more organised political activity at the national level. Even those not actively
participating in political organisations nevertheless have the chance to influence the
national political process in elections. After exploring these dimensions of the
interviewees’ social life characterised by their voluntary participation and initiatives, the
remainder of the chapter turns to examining their experiences of hostility and unfair
treatment in a variety of different settings.
The Neighbourhood
In Australia, as elsewhere, regions and suburbs often acquire a distinctive social identity
which extends to their populations. These images reflect class as well as ethnic identities.
Thus in Sydney the term ‘Westie’ brings to mind young people with a particular set of
social and cultural characteristics (Collins & Poynting, 2000). In Melbourne, the
reference to someone being a ‘Broadie’ boy’ conjures up the image of a man coming
from a working class background in Broadmeadows. Often in using the term the point
being made is that he has ‘made good’, as in the case of Eddie McGuire a prominent
sporting and media figure, or John Ilhan, a young man of Turkish background who made
his fortune in retailing mobile phones and became a role model for young Turks. The
neighbourhood is thus a marker of social identity and status as well as being the social
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setting where individuals develop social contacts including those made at school and as
they grow up.
Social Class
The educational and occupational levels of the second generation discussed in previous
chapters suggest that the groups as a whole cannot easily be stereotyped as working class
or disadvantaged. Certainly the majority described themselves as living in middle class
residential neighbourhoods (Table 7.1). Even allowing for the tendency in social surveys
of people describing themselves as ‘middle class’ the levels are very high. The variations
between the ethnic groups are also in the direction that might be expected from their
educational and occupational levels. The third generation more frequently perceive their
neighbourhoods as upper or middle class in contrast to the Turks who tend to describe
their neighbourhoods as lower class. The interviewees under 25 are least likely to
describe their neighbourhood as lower class as are those living in Sydney. However, more
of the Melbourne second generation, though not the third generation, also describe their
neighbourhood as being upper class.
Table 7.1
Perceived Social Class of Residential Neighbourhood
Lower class
Middle class
Upper class
Don't know
Lebanese
Turkish
3+
Christian Muslim
Generation
%
%
%
%
15
10
21
9
84
83
73
81
2
6
5
10
2
1
Total sample size
55
52
100
100
Ethnic Diversity
Just as residential areas acquire a particular social image so individual suburbs also
become identified with specific ethnic groups as happens when they are described as
“Little Italy” or “Chinatown”. However, in contrast with North American and European
cities, it is difficult to identify Australian suburbs as constituting ethnic ghettos since their
populations are often extremely heterogeneous (Jupp, McRobbie, & York, 1990). At the
same time in Australia, following the growth in middle class, skilled migration, there is a
growing recognition that living in a middle class neighbourhood need not be inconsistent
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TIAS Final Project Report
with living in a neighbourhood which has a substantial non-English speaking background
population.
As shown in Chapter 3 (Tables 3.2 and 3.3) even though the Lebanese and Turkish live in
many local government areas of Sydney and Melbourne, there are certain areas of
concentration. Yet even though these areas are widely associated with the Lebanese or
Turkish, their populations are extremely diverse including many people from non-English
speaking backgrounds as well as substantial Anglo-Celtic populations. Auburn in Sydney
is widely identified with the Turkish community and in 2006 its residents comprised 24%
of Sydney’s population with Turkish ancestry. Nevertheless the Turks who were 6.3% of
Auburn’s population are outnumbered in Auburn by people with Chinese (18.0%),
Australian (9.1%), Lebanese (7.5%) and English (7.1%) ancestries. Similarly the largest
concentration of Sydney’s Lebanese live in Bankstown (22%). While they are 16% of
Bankstown’s population other large ancestry groups include Australians (22%), English
(15.5%) and Vietnamese (7.2%). Fewer Turks live in Bankstown where they are 0.4% of
the population. In Melbourne, Hume (which includes Broadmeadows and nearby suburbs)
was home in 2006 to 40.3% of Melbourne’s Turkish population yet the Turkish were only
7.3% of its total population. Other major ancestry groups living in Hume included
English (19.6%), Australian (19.3%) and Italian (9.2%). The Lebanese were also the sixth
largest ancestry group living in Hume with 3.2% of the population. The largest
concentration of Lebanese in Melbourne is in Moreland which is home to 19.2% of the
Lebanese. Yet, in 2006, the Lebanese were the sixth largest ancestry group with 4.1% of
the population which ranked them behind the English (17.8%), Australian (16.2%),
Italian (17.4%), Greek (6.5%) and Irish (5.1%). Those with Turkish ancestry (2%) were
the ninth largest group.
In this context it is interesting to see how the interviewees perceive the ethnic diversity in
their own residential areas (Table 7.2). The third generation are much more likely to
report living in areas with very low levels of ethnic diversity based on the numbers of
individuals from non-English speaking backgrounds in their populations. The Muslim
Lebanese are particularly likely to describe their neighbourhood as being predominantly
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NESB11 in character and this trend is more marked in Sydney (39%) than in Melbourne
(11%). This fits with census data which shows that in Sydney 30% of the Muslim
Lebanese live in Bankstown while in Melbourne the highest concentration is in
Broadmeadows (22%) although both areas have comparable levels of Australian and
English background people. As this highlights, the perceptions of the ethnic diversity in
the local neighbourhood may be influenced as much by individuals’ immediate social
circle and the visibility of NESB retailers and service providers as by the demographic
reality of the area.
Table 7.2
Perceived Ethnic Diversity of Residential Neighbourhood
Almost everyone is NESB
Around 75% are NESB
Around half are NESB
Around 25% are NESB
Almost nobody is NESB
Don't know
Turkish
3+
Lebanese
Christian Muslim
Generation
%
%
%
%
9
21
11
10
29
15
38
16
27
37
25
21
25
15
17
28
4
10
9
25
5
2
Total sample size
55
52
100
100
When asked about the preferred extent of ethnic diversity in their neighbourhood the most
common response was that it did not matter with this view being more likely to be
expressed in Melbourne than in Sydney (Table 7.3). Those who had a view were more
likely to nominate a neighbourhood with an equal population mix of NESB and others.
However, one in ten of both the third generation and the Christian Lebanese did express a
preference for living in a neighbourhood where there was almost no ethnic diversity. This
similarity fits with an impression that some of the Christians have a preference to
disassociate themselves from other migrant groups. Only among the Muslim Lebanese,
particularly those in Sydney (20%), was there a preference for living in a neighbourhood
where almost everyone was of NESB background.
11
While the government policy term non-English speaking background (NESB) has now been replaced by
CALD (Culturally and linguistically diverse), the survey questionnaire retained NESB since the distinction
between the English, Anglo-Celtic population and other ‘migrants’ remains at the heart of popular
perceptions of ethnic difference in Australia.
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Table 7.3
Almost everyone is NESB
Around 75% are NESB
Around half are NESB
Around 25% are NESB
Almost nobody is NESB
Makes no difference
Don't know
Preferred Ethnic Diversity of Residential Neighbourhood
Lebanese
Turkish
3+
Christian
Muslim
Generation
%
%
%
%
5
10
6
1
9
14
3
27
25
14
14
7
12
13
12
9
2
2
10
42
48
51
60
4
Total sample size
55
52
100
100
Perceptions of their Current Neighbourhood
Interviewees were asked to rate their current neighbourhood on a range of topics which
are often of concern to residents. These ranged from their attachment to the area and their
contacts with direct neighbours to issues involving liveability, vandalism, crime and
garbage. Here the picture that comes through is that people view their local
neighbourhood’s social and physical environment very positively. The issues which
raised most concern related to the lack of good schools and the presence of vandalism
while of least concern were problems with garbage and the likelihood of change in the
area’s liveability (Table 7.4). The group who expressed strongest attachment to their
neighbourhood were the third generation who were also the group least likely to be living
in a lower class area. However, it is interesting that in this assessment the importance of
social relations with neighbours did not rate very highly as they were less likely to report
good contacts and to disagree with the view that people did not know each other. In
contrast, the Christian Lebanese who were only slightly less attached to the area were
most positive about the quality of contacts with direct neighbours and the knowledge
people had about each other.
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Table 7.4
Assessment of Current Neighbourhood
Lebanese
Turkish
3+
Christian Muslim
Generation
%
%
%
%
Strongly/disagree that there is a lot of
garbage in the street
Strongly/disagree that liveability will
change
Strongly/agree about good contacts with
neighbours
Strongly/agree that attached to
neighbourhood
81
82
75
79
73
65
67
72
78
57
72
56
71
56
53
74
Strongly/disagree there is a lot of crime
Strongly/disagree that people don't know
each other
Strongly/agree there is a lack of
vandalism
Strongly/disagree that there is a lack of
good schools
62
67
55
57
60
59
54
50
55
57
48
52
51
50
45
53
Total sample size
55
52
100
100
The Muslim Lebanese and the Turks were least attached to the neighbourhood. The Turks
were least happy about the quality of schools, the extent of vandalism, people knowing
each other, the level of crime and the amount of garbage in the streets. Even in terms of
having good contacts with their neighbours only the Muslim Lebanese were likely to
report a lower level of agreement. Whether the Turks more negative assessment of the
neighbourhood springs from the fact that it is perceived as a lower class area, or is the
reason they assign this lower class status to it is a question which cannot be answered. In
terms of the role of ethnic diversity in this assessment it is pertinent to note that nearly
half of the Turks live in areas with 75% or more of NESB people. Such areas also appear
to be attractive to them since 20% say this is their preferred level of diversity and another
half of them (51% ) indicate that the percentage of NESB people in their preferred area is
not important; these preferences are higher than among the Lebanese or the third
generation.
Friendship Groups
The time they spend in school means that it plays a central role in the life of teenagers and
that fellow students are a potentially important source of their close friends. Where the
school serves a homogeneous population, friends are also likely to be from similar
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TIAS Final Project Report
backgrounds. This may well be why we find differential diversity in the ethnic
backgrounds of those the interviewees identified as close friends. Consistent with the
reports by the third generation in Chapter 5 that their primary, and especially their
secondary, schools had only small populations of NESB students it is clear from Table
7.5 that the majority of their three best friends are Anglo-Celtic, a much higher figure
than reported by the second generation. Among the second generation the Muslim
Lebanese were least likely to have Anglo-Celtic friends and more likely to have Lebanese
friends. While some Turks reported that they had Lebanese best friends the other ethnic
groups rarely mentioned Turkish friends. The ethnic backgrounds of best friends who
were not from the second generation or Anglo-Celtic group were extremely varied and
included those from Asian, Southern European and Pacific Island backgrounds. The
Christian Lebanese were just as likely to mention having Italian best friends as AngloCeltic ones doubtless because they often met them in the Catholic schools which both
attended.
Table 7.5
Backgrounds of School Friends
Lebanese
Turkish
3+
Christian Muslim
Generation
%
%
%
%
First best friend
Anglo-Celtic
Lebanese
Turkish
Other
Second best friend
Anglo-Celtic
Lebanese
Turkish
Other
Third best friend
Anglo-Celtic
Lebanese
Turkish
Other
Total sample size
16
44
19
9
49
23
79
40
8
50
2
40
13
49
2
36
10
50
6
34
18
8
42
32
79
1
27
42
31
21
42
2
35
19
8
41
32
73
1
1
25
55
52
100
100
21
20
After leaving school, there are usually wider opportunities for meeting new friends which
may lead to rather different friendship groups as individuals move into new social circles.
In fact there are only limited changes in the background of best friends (Table 7.6).
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Among the third generation there was a slight increase in the numbers of non-AngloCeltic friends. However, among the second generation the move was in the opposite
direction being most marked among the Muslim Lebanese and least evident among the
Turks although in all second generation groups there was a trend toward more of their
best friends being from the same background. The backgrounds of the other current best
friends often appeared similar which suggests that friends from school years may remain
good friends after leaving school.
Table 7.6
Current Best Friends
Lebanese
Turkish
3+
Christian Muslim
Generation
%
%
%
%
First best friend
Anglo-Celtic
Lebanese
Turkish
Other
7
55
2
36
6
60
8
26
15
6
59
20
76
2
1
21
Second best friend
Anglo-Celtic
Lebanese
Turkish
Other
18
49
2
31
10
56
4
30
13
11
48
28
76
1
Third best friend
Anglo-Celtic
Lebanese
Turkish
Other
25
42
2
31
17
50
2
31
16
5
43
36
75
2
1
22
Total sample size
55
52
100
100
23
The patterns of friendship evident when interviewees reported on the background of their
best friends are repeated when individuals indicated the importance of Anglo-Celtic
friends in their friendship circles. The majority of the third generation’s friends are
Anglo-Celtic although there was a slight decline in their importance after leaving school.
A slight increase in their Anglo-Celtic friends also was reported by the second generation
between their school days and currently. The level of increase was greatest among the
Christian Lebanese but less among the other two groups. The extension of their circle of
friends to include more Anglo-Celtics remained lowest among the Muslim Lebanese. The
clear picture which emerges from this information on friendship groups is that the third
generation are far less likely to have a circle of ethnically diverse friends than are the
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second generation. To the extent that having friendships crossing ethnic boundaries is an
indicator of incorporation in a multicultural society, then the third generation,
paradoxically, are less incorporated than are the second generation groups.
Table 7.7
Number of Anglo-Celtic Friends
Lebanese
Turkish
3+
Christian Muslim
Generation
%
%
%
%
At school
None/very few
Some
Many/most
36
40
24
41
38
21
47
22
31
8
7
85
Currently
None/very few
Some
Many/most
33
33
34
39
38
22
37
31
32
5
15
80
Total sample s
55
52
100
100
Involvement in Community Organisations
While community groups are rarely the focus for most people’s social lives there are
various occasions when young people may become involved in a range of special interest
organisations. For some people, involvement with organisations such as sporting clubs, is
restricted to attendance at set matches. For others, the same organisations may become a
focus of their lives and an important source of their friends. While we do not have
information about the extent of involvement with formal organisations we do,
nevertheless, have information about the type of organisations with which the young
people have had recent contacts.
The first finding is that between 31% and 38% of all the interviewees did not participate
in organisational activities in the previous year (Table 7.8). Among those who did
participate in activities we find that across all groups the organisations which are most
likely to attract the young people, particularly the young men, are sporting organisations
(Table 7.8). The next two most popular types of organisations are those involving arts,
music or cultural activities followed by those with a religious orientation. Women are
more likely than men to be involved in religious organisations and, with the exception of
the third generation, they are also more likely to be involved in the arts and cultural
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organisations. Among the second generation ethnic organisations attract some
participation but not to the same level as other organisations. The only other type of
organisations which have any general attraction are professional associations where
women appear quite active.
Table 7.8
Participation in Community Organisations
Sports club or team
Arts, music or cultural activities
Religious organisations
Turkish/Lebanese organisation
Professional associations
Local community issues
Student union
Women's groups
Political groups, parties
Trade unions
Parent school organisations
Conservation
Third world development
Human rights or peace
Other
None
Turkish
3+
Lebanese
Christian Muslim
Generation
%
%
%
%
51
37
35
36
11
17
23
32
16
29
21
9
9
16
18
1
5
10
6
10
2
13
6
8
5
8
3
2
13
3
5
2
2
4
1
4
4
4
2
2
5
5
8
2
3
2
2
1
2
6
2
1
2
2
1
3
31
38
37
31
Total sample size
55
52
100
100
When the second generation were asked about the extent to which they were involved in
organisations oriented mainly to the Lebanese or Turkish community the highest figure
(96%) was not surprisingly reported among those involved in Lebanese or Turkish
organisations. Next highest was religious organisations (59%).
Whereas among the
Turks, only one-quarter were involved in non-Turkish oriented groups, among the
Muslim Lebanese the comparable figure was 80%. One reason for the disparity may be
that the Muslim Lebanese are more active in pan-Islamic, or Arabic language
organisations than are the Turks who have developed an extensive range of Islamic
organisations with a strong Turkish national orientation, fostered in part by the role of the
Turkish government in supplying imams to many of the Turkish mosques. The only other
organisations which had a reasonable level of ethnic community orientation were arts and
cultural organisations and third world development activities. Even among these,
however, only a third of the participation was in such activities and the figure was only
slightly over a quarter (28%) for the most frequently reported sporting organisations. In
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contrast, participation in politically and economically oriented organisations was almost
entirely in those which lacked an ethnic dimension.
Political Participation
Although involvement in political organisations was of little importance in the life of
most of the interviewees, as Australian citizens all were eligible, and indeed required, to
vote in Australian elections. In late 2008, shortly before the commencement of the
interviews six months later, national elections were held which were strongly contested as
the major opposition Australian Labor Party (ALP) sought to regain office after 11 years
of rule by the Liberal-National Party, conservative coalition government. During these
years Australia became involved in sending troops to Iraq and Afghanistan and also took
a hard line towards terrorism and asylum seekers, many of whom were from the Middle
East. In the event, Labor regained office as the national government following very strong
voter support. The strength of the support for Labor saw not only the loss of many Liberal
and National party sitting members but also the demise of the Australian Democrats, a
middle of the road party. The only political group which had any success in the elections
apart from Labor were the environmentally oriented Greens.
Apart from those interviewees who had not yet reached 18, the legally voting age, or had
not managed to register to vote in time, there are certain different patterns of political
preference evident in Table 7.9. In particular, two-thirds of the Muslim Lebanese and
Turks supported the ALP which has a traditional constituency among working class
voters, including many from immigrant backgrounds. Nearly half of the third generation
also supported Labor but the lowest level of support was from the Christian Lebanese.
This is somewhat surprising since in both New South Wales and Victoria there have been
a number of prominent state Labor politicians from Christian Lebanese backgrounds. The
support of a sizable number of Christian Lebanese for the Liberal party, which has a
strong upper-middle class support base, may reflect a particular view of their own socioeconomic status. Whether they also supported its actions in supporting the ‘War on
Terror’ is unclear from the data available.
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Table 7.9
Voting Behaviour at 2007 Federal Elections
Australian Labor Party
Liberal
National Party
Greens
Democrats
Not old enough
Not registered in time
Other
Did not vote
Don't know/ donkey vote
Refused to answer
Lebanese
Turkish
3+
Christian Muslim
Generation
%
%
%
%
38
67
62
47
38
12
11
27
2
7
8
6
14
2
1
4
2
3
8
8
3
4
4
4
2
1
3
5
2
2
2
Total sample size
55
52
100
100
Support for the Greens was particularly strong among the third generation whereas the
second generation favoured the traditional major political parties. Support for the ALP
was strongest amongst those aged between 25 and 35. This older age group also showed a
greater tendency to support the Liberal party. Support for the ALP was stronger in
Melbourne than in Sydney among the second generation. Conversely, with the exception
of the Muslim Lebanese, support for the Liberal party in Sydney was far stronger than in
Melbourne.
Discrimination and Prejudice
An important dimension of successful incorporation is the ability of individuals and
groups to be accepted in society without being subjected to discrimination or prejudice. In
the Introduction to this Report reference was made to how, in the last decade in particular,
groups variously described as Lebanese, Muslim or Middle Eastern have been targeted by
media and politicians for perceived anti-social or criminal behaviour. Taken in
conjunction with heightened community and media concerns targeting Islam in the wake
of the 9/11 events and the ‘War on Terror’, the last decade has been associated with
significantly heightened reports of discrimination and prejudice targeting those in some
ways perceived to be linked with these events. The extent of these experiences of
discrimination and vilification were documented in a report prepared by the Human
Rights and Equal Opportunity Commission. In this report the Acting Race Discrimination
Commissioner also noted:132
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Yet not all participants experienced discrimination or vilification and those who
did often qualified their comments by explaining that in the majority of
circumstances, they were treated with respect ((Human Rights and Equal
Opportunity Commission, 2004) p.iii
The rioting in summer 2005 at Cronulla Beach in Sydney introduced an apparently new
dimension into the hostility with its focus on the allegedly ‘un-Australian’ behaviour
attributed by a rabble of Anglo-Celtic youth to those variously identified as ‘Lebanese’,
‘Muslim’ or ‘Middle Eastern’. In fact, this was not an entirely new example of social
rejection emerging only after 9/11. A study on social distance undertaken in the late
1980s had found that the groups who were most likely to be viewed with prejudice were
Muslims, followed by Lebanese, Turks and Vietnamese (McAllister & Moore, 1989).
Although overlooked during the 1990s when the focus of prejudice shifted to ‘Asians’ as
they were targeted by Pauline Hanson and her One Nation Party, the pre-existing hostility
to Muslims obviously provided a fertile ground for the emergence of more overt hostility
when combined with the concerns about national security and flash point incidents as
characterised by the Cronulla riots and their aftermath.
Table 7.10
Negative Feelings Towards Other Ethnic Groups
Turkish
Lebanese
Christian Muslim
%
%
Anglo-Celts
0
2
Turks
4
6
Lebanese
5
15
Muslims
22
13
Christians
2
0
NESB
2
0
Asians
11
6
Pacific Islanders
13
0
Aborigines & Torres Strait Islanders
9
12
Africans
4
6
People with darker skins
4
0
55
Total sample size
52
%
2
5
14
1
2
0
5
7
12
7
0
3+
Generation
%
3
5
15
19
14
5
4
3
15
3
1
100
100
One of the most striking findings when we asked the interviewees about their feelings
towards a number of different ethnic and religious groups was the strength of the negative
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or very negative feelings which all expressed concerning Muslims; and this even from
groups such as the Muslim Lebanese. The negative feelings were most commonly
expressed by the Christian Lebanese although this degree of negativity towards Christians
was not reciprocated by the Muslim Lebanese. Instead negativity was strongest among
the third generation groups. Almost equally strong feelings against Lebanese were
expressed by all except the Christian Lebanese. In contrast, the Turks were the object of
relatively limited feelings of negativity. That these patterns are not random is suggested
by the extensive negative feelings expressed by all groups towards the Indigenous
population which is a finding which has been noted in many opinion polls. How to
explain the negativities towards Muslims and Lebanese, including from individuals
connected to these groups, raises a number of important questions. Does it reflect a
concern that certain members of the group are bringing disrepute or problems onto ‘their’
group? Certainly it seems that the Turks as a group are seen in a different light to the
Lebanese both by themselves, and other groups. They also have a pattern of negative
responses very similar to those of the third generation who actually attract very few
negative feelings.
Previous chapters looking at education and work have already described the differential
experiences of hostility and unfair treatment affecting young people. Although less
structured, the prevalence of such experiences in everyday life involving ad hoc and
informal encounters is equally important to examine. When asked whether they had
experienced hostility or unfair treatment because of their origins or background, the
second generation groups reported higher levels than the third generation. Nevertheless
53% of the Christian Lebanese and over 40% of the Muslim Lebanese and Turks said
they had never had such experiences (Table 7.11).
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Table 7.11
Experiences of Hostility and Unfair Treatment
Respondents
Gender
Have you ever experienced hostility or unfair treatment?
never
3rd Generation
Male
76
Female
75
Total 3rd Generation %
75
Christian Lebanese
Male
47
Female
62
Total Christian Lebanese %
53
Muslim Lebanese
Male
39
Female
48
Total Muslim Lebanese %
44
Turkish
Male
41
Female
45
Total Turkish %
43
Total %
55
In the neighbourhood?
3rd Generation
Male
82
Female
88
Christian Lebanese
Male
76
Female
76
Muslim Lebanese
Male
78
Female
76
Turkish
Male
71
Female
71
Total %
78
Going out?
3rd Generation
Male
71
Female
82
Christian Lebanese
Male
50
Female
71
Muslim Lebanese
Male
26
Female
66
Turkish
Male
51
Female
61
Total %
62
In Encounters with police?
3rd Generation
90
Male
Female
96
Christian Lebanese
Male
59
Female
86
Muslim Lebanese
Male
57
Female
83
Turkish
Male
59
Female
84
Total %
78
In secondary school?
3rd Generation
Male
69
Female
75
Christian Lebanese
Male
53
Female
48
Muslim Lebanese
Male
48
Female
52
Turkish
Male
45
Female
55
Total%
57
At work?
3rd Generation
Male
87
Female
87
Christian Lebanese
Male
81
Female
82
Muslim Lebanese
Male
52
Female
59
Turkish
Male
79
Female
76
Total %
78
Response %
Number
rarely
18
16
17
26
14
22
22
28
25
25
33
29
23
occasionally
6
8
7
21
19
20
26
3
13
24
22
23
16
16
8
15
14
13
14
20
16
15
2
2
6
2
9
10
8
8
6
18
12
26
14
35
14
24
27
21
10
4
15
5
17
17
18
10
12
regularly
2
1
3
frequently
49
51
3
5
5
2
13
3
8
8
17
10
2
4
3
1
3
307
0
49
51
34
21
23
29
51
49
307
2
3
2
4
2
2
3
10
17
2
3
6
4
3
8
3
10
4
26
14
17
14
20
10
14
9
6
9
3
14
6
5
4
13
4
4
2
2
14
18
12
33
17
31
25
18
20
14
4
29
19
30
14
20
20
18
2
2
7
8
13
12
19
12
19
21
13
7
5
6
6
19
12
135
3
6
34
21
4
3
6
6
3
2
6
4
2
5
6
2
5
12
3
1
23
29
51
49
49
51
34
21
23
29
51
49
307
49
51
34
21
23
29
51
49
307
49
51
34
21
23
29
51
49
307
46
39
32
17
21
17
43
34
TIAS Final Project Report
The women were less likely to report such experiences than the men which raises
questions about the location of such experiences. In particular, are women less likely to
venture outside their own circle of friends than the young men? Certainly the
neighbourhood was rarely reported as the venue for experiencing hostility or unfairness
by our interviewees. This was in contrast to when they went out for entertainment or to
restaurants. Muslim Lebanese young men were especially likely to report negative
experiences in such circumstances. It was also noteworthy that there were far fewer
reports of hostility or unfair treatment involving contacts with the police than occurred
when the young people went out socially.
Muslim Lebanese men were the group least likely to report they had ‘never’ had
discriminatory experiences but even 39% of them still reported the absence of such
discrimination. It appears that within this group there is an important divergence of
experience since 17% of them also reported that they regularly or frequently experienced
hostility or unfair treatment from the police. This was a far higher rate than for the other
second generation groups of Turkish (8%) and Lebanese Christians (6%).
The two main reasons given for the hostility and unfair treatment were ethnic origin or
background, and religion (Table 7.12). The latter reason was most likely to be mentioned
by Lebanese Muslims and Turks and, in particular, the young women from these groups.
Among the women who wore headscarves 71% of the Lebanese Muslims and 67% of the
Turks mentioned religious discrimination as a key factor with the next most common
response being ethnic origin or background (43 % and 33% respectively).
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Table 7.12
Reasons for Experiences of Hostility and Unfair Treatment
Gender
Response %
Ethnic
Language
Skin
origin
or accent
colour
Number
Religion
Social
Other
class
Don't
know
3rd Generation
Male
59
Female
50
6
6
17
12
12
25
6
17
17
12
Lebanese Christian
Male
95
5
Female
57
14
Male
82
12
Female
50
58
21
14
14
7
6
17
Lebanese Muslim
12
Turkish
Male
72
7
Female
56
48
Total %
68
1
1
21
7
3
7
10
29
12
4
25
6
6
140
When considering the experiences of the interviewees in education and the workplace we
discussed their experiences of discrimination and prejudice in these settings. To assist
comparison with experiences of discrimination and hostility in the present group of less
structured, settings the findings on discrimination and hostility in education and the
workplace are reported again in Table 7.11. Interestingly secondary school was the most
likely location for all reported experiences of hostility and unfair treatment. Thus, some
half of all the second generation groups and almost three-quarters of the third generation
group reported that they had never experienced such treatment in their secondary
schooling. When those who were currently employed were asked about such experiences
at work a higher percentage reported that they had never experienced such hostility or
unfair treatment. The highest rates of hostility and unfair treatment in the workplace were
reported by those from Muslim Lebanese backgrounds only just over half of whom
reported never experiencing work related discrimination. Here, the highest levels of
discrimination were reported by the women rather than the men. Indeed, in terms of the
frequency of such experiences, for Muslim Lebanese women the workplace was a more
hostile environment than was the school.
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Conclusion
The nature of social relations and their ability to involve individuals from diverse ethnic
backgrounds harmoniously and without conflict is a key dimension in assessing the nature
of incorporation. Neighbourhoods, schools and workplaces are the locations where people
meet on a daily basis. As this chapter has shown these sites do provide meeting points for
young Australians. Yet it is also evident that spatial and social mobility has not resulted in
a situation where contacts and social relations are spread evenly throughout these areas.
The third generation emerge from this survey as the group who are most isolated from
individuals with non-English speaking backgrounds. This applies to their friendship
groups which involve relatively few non-Anglo-Celts. Where they have non-Anglo-Celtic
friends few of them are of Lebanese or Turkish backgrounds. There is little to suggest that
they are being actively exclusive in this outcome. Indeed, there has been some widening
of their friendship networks since leaving school and they indicate an acceptance and
interest in living in more diverse residential areas. More important is the lack of ethnic
diversity in their social environments including their residential neighbourhoods and
schools.
Housing affordability determines the suburbs where housing is available and the character
of the local schools. While the majority of the second generation refer to living in middle
class neighbourhoods fewer of them live in the more homogenous upper class areas
which remain the preserve of the longer established Anglo-Celtic population and more
successful recent immigrants. In contrast to the socio-economic status of the second
generation, a larger percentage of the third generation are from family backgrounds which
gave them the resources to afford housing in the upper class areas whose attractions
include their physical amenities, access to better schools and other services. While the
distinction is not so great that one would speak of a divide and there is in fact
considerable merging and blending, it does indicate that the chances of having contacts,
especially with those of Lebanese or Turkish background are less than they are with other
groups. In this sense it raises the question of who is more, or less, integrated into the
wider Australian society?
Among the second generation there are differences in their social networks. Thus the
Muslim Lebanese are almost as likely to live in exclusively NESB areas as the third
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generation are to live in exclusively non-NESB areas. The difference of course is that
within the NESB areas there is considerable diversity in the ethnic background of the
populations. This is reflected in the friendship groups of the second generation which
include Anglo-Celts as well as individuals from other backgrounds. What is interesting is
that after school there is a tendency for a contraction in the ethnic diversity of the
friendship groups which is opposite to the trend noted among the third generation. It does
not necessarily indicate a retreat into isolation since among the second generation who do
participate in community organisations’ activities only some are oriented to their ethnic
community. One of the interesting issues is the effects of this ‘consolidation’ of social
contacts. In particular, to what extent do they provide a resource which allows the
respective communities to provide encouragement and support to the youth which assists
them in achieving their educational and occupational goals as suggested in the revisions
of the segmented assimilation thesis.
An explanation for the consolidation of friendship networks whose core consists of
individuals from the same ethnic background is beyond the scope of this study. As in any
group of friends, common backgrounds and shared experiences play an important role.
One such experience can involve experiencing hostility and unfair treatment. While many
of the second generation do not report such experiences personally, there is a widespread
awareness that groups with Middle Eastern or Islamic connections have been the target of
hostility. Certainly as the replies of the interviewees from all backgrounds indicated there
is a not insignificant core of negative feelings directed against Muslims and Lebanese,
although not Turks. Explanations for this in terms of ethnic and national origins or
religious affiliation dominate the thinking of the young people and certainly provide a set
of shared experiences which can contribute to forging friendships within the group. How
these experiences also affect individuals’ identities and sense of belonging is the topic
discussed in the next chapter.
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CHAPTER 8.
LANGUAGE,
RELIGION AND IDENTITY
A MULTICULTURAL SOCIETY
IN
An important element in discussions about incorporation and integration and one which
strikes a particular chord with the media, politicians and the general public relates to
whether individuals identify with their society. Particularly when there are concerns about
national security, issues of ‘loyalty’ come to the fore. Allegiance, willingness to adopt the
national identity, to offer support in various situations whether it be on the field of battle
or at international sporting events, have all been used as indicators that individuals
identify with the nation. There has also been a focus on cultural practices including
language. English is, in Australia, not only the national language but also the pathway to
equitable participation in education, work and other areas of everyday life. Since the
1980s and the National Policy on Languages (Lo Bianco, 1987) there has been a
recognition that knowledge of other languages is an important national resource. The
second generation from non-English speaking backgrounds have the potential to grow up
speaking their family language. Apart from providing an important national resource their
language skills can enable them to maintain contact with their family and community in
Australia and elsewhere. These contacts provide access to a wide range of cultural
experiences and knowledge. Such linguistic resources are, however, sometimes called
into question by those concerned about the commitment and loyalty of those who use
languages other than English. Just as language may become the focus of concern about
identification with Australia, religion too, especially Islam, has become a focus of recent
concern which has called into question the loyalty and allegiance of Muslim Australians.
To provide a context for the subsequent discussion of how the second and third
generations identify themselves, this chapter will begin by looking at information about
their language usage and their transnational ties to their parents’ homeland and their
religious involvement.
Language Background and Usage
Bilingualism characterised the households of many of the second generation we
interviewed. The majority grew up speaking the language of their parents’ home country
although this was the case for only three-quarters of the Christian Lebanese (Table 8.1).
However a small number of them, as with the Muslims and Turks, later on acquired some
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knowledge of spoken Arabic or Turkish. In addition some of the Lebanese grew up
speaking French which had been the administrative language under French rule, while
among the Turks one grew up speaking German which was a major destination for
Turkish emigrants in the 1960s and 1970s, some of whom then migrated to Australia
where the 2006 census shows the percentage of Turks born in Germany is equal to those
born in Cyprus. At the same time, the majority of the young people also grew up speaking
English. Among the third generation all the interviewees grew up speaking English and
one also spoke Chinese while another acquired knowledge of Dutch which was a parental
language.
Table 8.1
Home Language(s) Growing Up
English
Turkish/ Arabic
German
French
Chinese
Other
Language Background
Lebanese
Turkish
Christian Muslim
%
%
%
80
71
79
73
90
91
1
4
2
3+
Generation
%
100
1
2
Other Languages from Parents' Country
Turkish/Arabic
Armenian
Romanian
French
Egyptian/ Farsi
Dutch
10
4
5
2
2
2
5
1
1
1
Total sample size
55
52
100
100
Among those who grew up speaking Turkish or Arabic/Lebanese12 in the home, the
majority of Turkish speakers (86%) said their spoken Turkish was good to excellent.
However, among the Lebanese, only two-thirds (66%) said this, with a quarter (24%)
saying it was moderate and the remainder that it was ‘bad’ or ‘not so good’. The Muslim
Lebanese who spoke Arabic were less confident than the Christians about the level of
their spoken Arabic. When asked about their reading ability those who indicated they
could read well or excellently declined to 80% for the Turkish and 29% for the Lebanese
12
Arabic has many different dialects. In Australia, where Arabic was first widely spoken by Lebanese, the
terms Arabic and Lebanese are often used interchangeably but for simplicity the term Arabic will be used
throughout the report.
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and there was a further decline to 79% and 26% respectively when asked about their
estimate of their written Turkish or Arabic. Not surprisingly given their birth and
education in Australia the young people rated their knowledge of English as being from
good to excellent.
When the second generation were asked for more detail about the languages they used in
particular situations the patterns they described were similar to those from other studies.
Siblings and friends were typically spoken to in English while parents were mainly
spoken to in Arabic or Turkish. A closer examination however reveals that the Christian
Lebanese made much greater use of only English in all these situations as well as when
speaking to their spouse or partner (Table 8.2). This fits with their reported lower usage
of Arabic when they were growing up at home. In contrast to the Lebanese the Turkish
second generation were less likely to use only English when speaking to their siblings and
friends. This may reflect their greater reported fluency in Turkish and/or the way that
many of their friends are also Turkish language speakers. Among the second generation
who were married or had partners, the majority used mostly English in speaking with
them. However, this was less frequent among the Muslim Lebanese. Whether this is
because their spouses are less fluent in English as they have grown up in Lebanon is
unclear. However, among the Turks whose spouses are more likely to have been born in
Turkey, the level of English use is higher.
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Table 8.2
When speaking to siblings
Mostly English
More English than Arabic/Turkish
More Arabic/Turkish than English
Mostly Arabic/Turkish
Not applicable
Language Usage
Lebanese
Turkish
Christian Muslim
%
%
%
80
50
52
7
40
36
4
4
2
4
5
11
2
3
When talking to mother
Mostly English
More English than Arabic/Turkish
More Arabic/Turkish than English
Mostly Arabic/Turkish
Neither
Not applicable
36
16
26
13
2
7
15
21
19
33
12
16
14
25
42
1
2
When talking to father
Mostly English
More English than Arabic/Turkish
More Arabic/Turkish than English
Mostly Arabic/Turkish
Not applicable
33
16
27
13
11
12
15
27
37
10
13
13
28
39
7
82
9
2
83
10
6
7
2
73
18
4
3
2
69
7
24
40
8
10
12
31
48
12
8
8
24
55
52
100
When talking to friends
Mostly English
More English than Arabic/Turkish
More Arabic/Turkish than English
Mostly Arabic/Turkish
Not applicable
When talking to current/last partner
Mostly English
More English than Arabic/Turkish
More Arabic/Turkish than English
Mostly Arabic/Turkish
Not applicable
Total sample size
Television and internet usage
Australians now have access to a wide range of television programs from local and
international service providers and almost all of the second generation said they did watch
television. Nevertheless their preference for using English in their social contacts is also
evident in their patterns of television usage (Table 8.3). Again, the Christian Lebanese are
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most likely to watch English stations. A quarter of the Turkish do, however, watch
stations which use Turkish as well as English.
Table 8.3
Language of Television Viewing
Only English speaking stations
Mostly English speaking stations
As much English as Arabic/Turkish/other
Mostly Arabic/Turkish/other
As much to English as other language
Mostly other language
Turkish
3+
Lebanese
Christian Muslim
Generation
%
%
%
76
56
54
64
18
25
21
36
2
10
18
4
5
2
4
2
2
Total sample size
50
48
95
96
The impact of the internet is clear among the interviewees more of whom use the internet
than actually watch television. Indicative of the extent to which they have embraced the
internet was the finding that in all four of the ethnic groups there were individuals who
used it in a search for a partner. The highest levels of internet usage for most of the
purposes listed in Table 8.4 are reported by the third generation. The exception is for
religious purposes where the Muslim Lebanese and Turkish have a higher usage rate. The
usage of the internet among Muslims creates opportunities for them to explore the many
new variants and forms which have emerged in recent decades as Islam becomes
associated in new ways with nationalism but, also, with a focus on its spiritual rather than
more formal dimensions (Eid, 2007). The Turks rank closely behind the third generation
in their usage of the internet for leisure activities, keeping in contact with friends and for
general information. Their greater fluency in Turkish also gives them greater potential
than the Lebanese to access sites in their home language of Turkish if they wish.
Table 8.4
Internet Usage
For work
For study
For religious matters
To keep in contact with friends
For leisure
For general information
To find a partner
Lebanese
Turkish
3+
Christian Muslim
Generation
%
%
%
%
58
50
56
62
49
65
56
55
13
21
21
12
68
46
72
89
75
71
85
95
15
17
27
21
4
2
1
4
Total sample size
53
48
144
97
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Transnational Linkages
Just as fluency in a language other than English or attachment to a non-Christian religion
can lead to questioning about loyalty and allegiance so, too, can the maintenance of social
and cultural links with overseas individuals and societies (Inglis, 2007b). These ties can
take many forms but among the major contacts are personal visits and financial
investments and contributions. Table 8.5 summarises the extent of these contacts which
the second generation have been involved in over the last five years. Half of the Turks
have visited Turkey in the last five years with smaller numbers of the Lebanese. When
considering the smaller numbers of Lebanese who have made visits it should be
remembered that in the previous five years there was considerable fighting which
potentially discouraged many people from visiting. The majority of the second generation
have been on only one visit in this time but almost half of the Muslim Lebanese have
been at least twice. Holidays are by far the most frequent reason given followed by family
visits. In reality, often holidays are combined with family visits.
More instrumental reasons including business or studies are uncommon. Except among
the Muslim Lebanese the sending of remittances is less common than actually paying a
visit. In general the sums sent are relatively small and resemble the type of amount
involved in buying presents for special occasions or, in the case of Muslims, donations
sent to assist poor members of the community at the time of the Eid celebrations. The
young age of the second generation may be a factor accounting for the very small number
who actually have sent money back to buy property or invest. However, it does signal that
at present the contacts with the parents’ homeland are based primarily on personal ties
and cultural interest. Consistent with this view is the way a majority of all groups
indicated that they ‘certainly did not’ have intentions to live in the country for more than
one year. This was especially so in the case of the Christian Lebanese who were also the
group which had been less likely to visit. Again, it is the Turks who not only most
frequently made visits but were more likely to be possibly contemplating a future visit for
more than a year.
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Table 8.5
Transnational Linkages
Lebanese
Christian Muslim
%
%
Turkish
%
Visits to Parents' Homeland in Last 5 Years
Yes
29
38
50
Number of Visits
Once
Twice
Three times
Four times
Five+ times
56
19
13
6
6
55
25
20
62
28
6
88
38
75
65
5
Reasons for Visits
Holidays
Family visits
Business
Studies
Other
4
6
76
62
5
2
6
Total sample size
16
20
50
Remitted Money to the Parents' Homeland in last 5
Years
Yes
22
40
26
Amount Sent
Less than 500 AUD
Between 500-1000 AUD
Between 1000-2000 AUD
More than 2000 AUD
Do not want to say
Don't know
33
8
8
8
33
8
33
38
10
14
5
58
4
8
15
8
8
Total sample size
12
21
26
5
4
1
Do You Intend to Live in Parents' Homeland in the
Future for More Than 1 Year
Certainly Not
Possibly
Likely
Certainly
Don't know
76
15
2
2
5
67
13
8
6
6
56
26
7
5
6
Total sample size
55
52
100
Invested in Property or Business in Last 5 Years
Yes
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The Role of Religion
During the 19th and first half of the 20th century one of the major fault lines in Australian
society was that between Irish Catholics and British Protestants. Class and political
differences over Irish independence were reinforced by separate institutional structures
affecting education, employment, politics and social life. After World War II, mass
migration played a role in the gradual replacement of the ethnic divide based on
Protestant and Catholic by new divides between the Anglo-Celtic population and
European immigrants. Underlying the bilateral migration agreement between Australia
and Turkey in 1967 was an awareness and concern about how a non-Christian population
would be accepted into Christian Australia. Although Australia is now viewed as a
secular society where religious observance is not strong, developments over the last
decade have led to a situation where Islam with 1.7% of the population as adherents
attracts more attention than other rapidly increasing non-Christian religions such as
Buddhism (2.1%) and Hinduism (0.7%). Much of the media attention on Islam has
focussed on negative situations involving individuals from Muslim backgrounds and
international developments where Islamic fundamentalism has replaced the Cold War as
the major national security issue in Australia as in many other countries. What is often not
appreciated in the media focus on Islam is that the events of 9/11 were as much a shock to
Muslims as they were to others. Many Muslims had grown up in Islamic countries where
their religion was ‘taken for granted’ much as Christianity is for many in Australia. For
these individuals the terrorism committed in the name of Islam was a major shock which
caused them to explore and seek to understand what it actually meant to be a Muslim. It is
important to appreciate that this project was undertaken against this background of
renewed questioning and interest in Islam among those who had grown up as Muslims.
The majority of the interviewees had been raised in a particular religion. In Australia by
2006 there had been an increase in those saying they had ‘no religion’ at the census to
18.7% of the population. Reflecting this trend to secularisation only slightly more than
half of the third generation said they had had a religious upbringing (Table 8.6). Given
the strong secular tradition underlying the establishment of modern Turkey it was not
surprising to find that Turks with a religious upbringing were fewer than among the
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Lebanese where religious differences have been enshrined in the constitution and
parliamentary institutions. Among those reporting a religious upbringing the patterns of
religious adherence were as anticipated.
Table 8.6
Religious Observance
Lebanese
Turkish
3+
Christian Muslim
Generation
%
%
%
%
Raised according to a certain religion
93
Religion in which raised
Catholic
Protestant
Orthodox
Maronite
Pentacostal
Other Christian
Other
Druse
Sunni
Shia
Alevi/Alawi
Other Muslim
96
84
57
1
47
42
2
35
18
41
2
2
2
2
5
2
2
2
66
14
10
6
92
1
4
2
Total sample size
51
50
84
57
Do you currently practice a religion?
Yes
82
77
56
21
2
24
43
5
Current religion
Catholic
Protestant
Orthodox
Maronite
Pentacostal
Other Christian
Other
Druse
Sunni
Shia
Alevi/Alawi
Other Muslim
38
2
13
40
7
10
14
5
5
68
15
8
5
Total sample size
45
40
93
4
2
56
21
What was surprising was that, by the time of the interviews, substantial numbers no
longer were practising their birth religion. The secularisation was most marked among the
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third generation only 21% of whom were still religiously observant. The least evidence of
secularisation was among the Christian Lebanese, 82% of whom still practised a religion.
Most had retained their birth religion but there was a slight increase in those belonging to
Christian Pentecostal groups as had also happened among the third generation. Among
the two predominantly Muslim second generation groups there had been a reduction of
20% among the Muslim Lebanese and 33% among the Turks. Clearly these findings call
into question the ‘easy’ assertions which link religious observance to particular ethnic
groups.
Religious Observance
An examination of what the young people who had a religious upbringing told us about
their involvement in religious observances also points to the need to temper easy
assumptions about the links between religious identity and religious observance. Table
8.7 summarises the pattern of observances involving the second and third generation who
as children were brought up in a religion. For the third generation and the Christian
Lebanese these were Christian religions while for the Muslim Lebanese and Turks the
data relates to those who were brought up as Muslims. Because of different religious
traditions and patterns of observance care must be taken in interpreting the measures
relating to religious practice. Thus, attendance at the mosque does not have the same
theological requirements attached to it as attendance at church, particularly a Catholic
church. As between the observant Lebanese and Turkish Muslims, there was a
continuation in the trend seen more generally in the two groups for the Muslim Lebanese
to have attended Koranic classes and the mosque more frequently than the Turks. Among
the Christians the third generation were 50% more likely to have attended religious
instruction outside school than the Lebanese. However, this needs to be contextualised by
remembering that 80% of the Christian Lebanese had attended Christian private schools
which their parents would have seen as an important contribution to their religious
upbringing which reduced the need for additional religious classes outside school.
Certainly it is clear that whereas three-quarters of the Lebanese attended church at least
weekly less than half the third generation did so. This may reflect the smaller numbers of
Protestants among the Christian Lebanese. However, the differential participation in
weekly religious services also is associated with differential contacts with co-religionists
which can be very important when the churches attended are also closely linked to the
community’s social structures and networks as is the case with the Maronite churches.
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Table 8.7
Religious Practice as a Child
Lebanese
Turkish
3+
Christian Muslim
Generation
%
%
%
%
Attended Koran classes
77
65
Visits to Mosque
Never
Seldom
Only on religious holidays or festivals
Once or twice a month
Once or more a week
10
8
21
19
42
14
12
29
13
31
Attended Religious Instruction Outside School
46
68
2
13
19
9
11
47
Church Attendance
Never
Seldom
Only on religious holidays or festivals
Once or twice a month
Once or more a week
12
12
74
Total sample size
50
48
83
The small numbers of the young people who are still observing their religious traditions
means that only very general observations can be made about the nature of their religious
practices which are shown in Table 8.8. Again there is an indication that the Turks are
less actively observant in their practice of Islam than are the Lebanese who are more
involved in all the areas of fasting, eating halal food, praying and mosque attendance.
Within both groups women are more likely to pray frequently than are the men but, at the
same time, they are also less likely to attend mosques as frequently. This difference is one
which exists throughout Islamic communities and is not unique to groups in Australia.
When comparisons are made between the currently observant Christian Lebanese and
third generation groups there is considerable similarity in their practices. Differences
relating to fasting relate to theological differences rather than to differences between the
individuals.
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Table 8.8
Current Religious Observance
Fasting During Ramadan/Ramzan
Never
Occasionally
Depends on the situation
Most of the time
Always
Lebanese
Turkish
3+
Christian Muslim
Generation
%
%
%
%
5
13
11
5
11
11
20
79
45
Do You Eat Halal Food
Never
Occasionally
Depends on the situation
Most of the time
Always
3
5
8
21
63
2
9
16
20
53
How Often Do You Pray
Never
Only on religious holidays
Once a week
Daily
Five times a day or more
8
8
3
16
66
9
31
22
16
22
How Often Do You Attend Mosque
Never
Seldom
Only on religious holidays
Once or twice a month
Once a week or more
13
11
18
21
37
2
16
33
27
22
Fasting in Your Religion Last Year
Not at all
Partly
Depends on the situation
Almost completely
Completely
Not applicable
18
16
9
18
40
43
19
38
How Often Do You Pray
Never
Seldom
Only on religious holidays
Once or twice a month
Once a week or more
2
7
4
13
73
10
How Often Do You Attend Church
Never
Seldom
Only on religious holidays
Once or twice a month
Once a week or more
2
11
16
27
44
10
10
10
29
43
Total sample size
45
151
29
62
38
55
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The Role of Religion in Personal Identity
Among the religiously observant it was evident that commitment to their own religion
was of less direct personal importance to the third generation than it was to the second
generation groups (Table 8.9). Among all the groups the level of agreement was closest
when they were asked whether their religion was an important part of their identity.
However, here there were differences evident throughout the rest of the responses. In
particular, the Muslim Lebanese were most likely to totally agree with this statement
while the Turks were least likely to express this view. Interestingly, the one area where
they were most likely to be in agreement with the Muslim Lebanese was over the extent
to which they felt personally hurt when someone said something bad about their religion.
This contrasted with the way less than half of the third generation either ‘agreed’ or
‘totally agreed’ with this view. Given the very different responses to this question by the
Christian Lebanese group it is clear that the role of religion in the lives of the
interviewees is related not so much to the specific religion but to its social context. In
Lebanon religion has played a major role in the way the society is structured and for
many young Lebanese in Australia this seems to be still true. While the situation of Islam
has been different in modern Turkey, its role in Australia must be seen for many in the
context of the way it provides an institutional focus for many community activities.
Heightening its significance for individuals is that, especially in the current social climate,
their involvement in Islam may take on an additional dimension of commitment. That
said, it is interesting to see that the strength of the Turks’ commitment to most of the
statements about the role of their religious identity is less than that among the Lebanese.
In particular, they are less likely to see themselves as resembling other Muslims; indeed,
it seems that for many of them, their Muslim identity plays a less prominent role in their
identities than does religion among the Lebanese.
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Table 8.9
Personal Importance of Religious Affiliation
Being an X is an Important Part of My Identity
Totally agree
Agree
Neither agree nor disagree
Disagree
Totally disagree
Lebanese
Turkish
3+
Christian Muslim
Generation
%
%
%
%
64
83
45
48
31
13
50
38
2
4
10
2
3
2
5
3
The Fact That I am an X is Something I Often
Think About
Totally agree
Agree
Neither agree nor disagree
Disagree
Totally disagree
47
24
22
7
63
20
5
8
5
38
46
11
4
2
33
38
19
5
5
40
47
11
2
60
20
5
10
5
36
43
14
7
33
57
5
5
In Many Respects I am Like Other X
Totally agree
Agree
Neither agree nor disagree
Disagree
Totally disagree
38
49
4
4
4
53
23
8
13
5
13
41
32
13
2
10
57
19
14
When Somebody Says Something Bad About
Xs I Feel Personally Hurt
Totally agree
Agree
Neither agree nor disagree
Disagree
Totally disagree
40
31
11
13
4
55
18
20
8
41
41
5
7
5
19
29
19
29
5
Total Sample Size
45
40
56
21
I See Myself as a Real X
Totally agree
Agree
Neither agree nor disagree
Disagree
Totally disagree
The Role of Religion in Society
Views about the role of religion in society have been debated in various arenas including,
in Australia, in relation to government funding for religious schools. With Islam drawing
increasing attention the role of religion in society has gained renewed currency, especially
as it relates to themes where Islamic practices are assumed to vary from Christian ones. In
the interviews, information was collected about all the interviewees’ agreement (or
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disagreement) with a number of different statements concerning the role of religion in
society. On many of the five statements there was markedly little difference between the
four ethnic groups (Table 8.10). Certainly over 80% in all groups agreed that religion was
a private matter between a religious person and god. In contrast to the two Lebanese
groups only a quarter of the Turks and Third generation agreed that religion should be
represented in politics and society. While the majority of all groups disagreed with the
view that ‘religion should be the only and ultimate political authority’ the Muslim
Lebanese were slightly less likely to disagree. The majority of all the interviewees
disagreed with the view that ‘all religious symbols or signs should be banned from
Australian schools’. It was interesting to see however that the Turks and Muslim
Lebanese were most likely to support this position. Whether they take this position
because in Australian schools the signs and symbols which are most pervasive are
Christian ones is unclear. The major topic on which the third generation differed from all
the second generation groups was in the way one-third ‘totally disagreed’ with the view
that Islamic women should wear head coverings outside the house. The Muslim Lebanese
were most likely to support this view but, even among them, less than half did so. A third
of the other two second generation groups either ‘disagreed’ or ‘strongly disagreed’ with
the need to wear a headscarf.
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Table 8.10
Views on the Role of Religion in Society
Religion Should Be a Private Matter
Totally agree
Agree
Neither agree nor disagree
Disagree
Totally disagree
Turkish
3+
Lebanese
Christian Muslim
Generation
%
%
%
%
46
65
54
34
36
15
33
45
7
15
5
15
6
4
7
6
6
1
Religion Should Be Represented in Politics &
Society
Totally agree
Agree
Neither agree nor disagree
Disagree
Totally disagree
9
24
20
26
22
25
19
21
21
14
9
16
21
27
27
1
22
23
28
26
Religion Should Be the Only & Ultimate
Political Authority
Totally agree
Agree
Neither agree nor disagree
Disagree
Totally disagree
7
2
6
26
60
14
4
19
29
35
3
3
8
40
46
2
3
22
73
All Religious Symbols or Signs Should Be
Banned from Australian Schools
Totally agree
Agree
Neither agree nor disagree
Disagree
Totally disagree
7
6
6
38
44
8
14
17
29
33
13
4
16
38
29
3
9
17
38
38
Islamic Women Should Wear Headscarves or
Cover Their Heads Outside the House
Totally agree
Agree
Neither agree nor disagree
Disagree
Totally disagree
7
6
56
15
16
33
10
33
12
14
10
13
43
17
17
2
5
48
13
32
Total sample size
55
52
100
100
The Wearing of the Headscarf
The issue of the headscarf has become a rallying point for debates about Islam and, in
particular, the role of women in Islamic society. Although not as heated in Australia
where public institutions such as schools have avoided the bans imposed in European
societies including France and Germany, the debate does arouse strong feelings among
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the third generation as the responses to the last question showed. We therefore asked
practising Muslim women and their menfolk whether they actually did wear the headscarf
outside the home. 83% of the Muslim Lebanese women and 57% of the Turkish women
were currently practising Islam yet not all of them wore headscarves. Among the Muslim
Lebanese women, two thirds (67%) wore the headscarf but less than a third of the Turkish
women did so (29%). Among the practising Muslim men who were married or with
partners only 29% of the Lebanese and half of the Turkish said their spouses did so.
When we asked the unmarried but observant Muslim men their views, almost all the
Turkish men (91%) but less than half (43%) of the Lebanese said they would want their
wife to wear a headscarf outside the house. As this pattern of responses indicates, the part
played by the headscarf in Muslim religious observance is far from being agreed within
the Muslim community.
While the numbers of observant Muslims in the study is limited, Tables 8.11 and 8.12
compare the three reasons given for decisions to wear, or not wear, the headscarf by
women, and the men. Among those supporting the wearing of the head scarf, the first
reason most likely to be given was that it was a religious obligation. But women were
more likely than men to also mention that the decision was the women’s choice and that it
was part of the women’s Muslim identity.
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Table 8.11
Three Reasons for Wearing Headscarves
Because it is a religious obligation
1st
2nd
3rd
Total
Muslim Lebanese
Turkish
Male Female Male Female
%
%
%
%
67
50
100
50
33
44
13
6
38
100
100
100
101
Because it is personal choice
1st
2nd
3rd
Total
83
31
50
19
100
25
50
75
25
50
25
100
1st
2nd
3rd
Total
17
50
47
19
6
63
88
50
25
75
25
38
38
101
Because I want to avoid gossip or disrespect
3rd
50
6
Because it strengthens mutual trust in family
3rd
No other reason
3rd
Because it is part of my/her Muslim identity
Total sample size
33
50
6
25
6
16
4
8
A wider range of options was given to those not advocating the wearing of the head scarf.
Apart from 45% of the Turkish women, only a quarter of the others claimed that it was
not a religious obligation to wear the head scarf. That being said the major reason given,
except by the Lebanese men, was that the decision was essentially a personal choice.
Other major reasons included, in order, that ‘it is better to adapt to Australian society’, to
‘avoid discrimination or disrespect’ and that ‘men and women have equal rights’.
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Table 8.12
Three Reasons for Not Wearing Headscarves
Muslim Lebanese
Male
Female
%
%
13
13
13
13
26
26
Because it is not a religious obligation
1st
2nd
3rd
Total
Because it is personal choice
1st
2nd
3rd
Total
88
1st
2nd
3rd
Total
13
38
25
76
1st
2nd
3rd
Total
13
13
13
39
2nd
3rd
Total
25
25
50
It is better to adapt to Australian society
To avoid discrimination or disrespect
Because men and women have equal rights
No other reasons
2nd
3rd
Total
Total sample size
63
25
75
13
13
101
Turkish
Female
%
%
4
15
17
20
4
10
25
45
100
75
15
10
100
9
17
35
61
5
25
20
50
75
9
43
52
5
5
30
40
38
38
39
13
52
20
15
35
4
4
8
15
15
30
23
20
13
50
63
75
25
25
8
Male
8
87
13
Identities
All individuals have a range of social identities including ones based on age, gender,
work status, religion, ethnicity and geography. These are socially constructed and their
importance and relevance for the individual may change from one place or time to
another. The content of the identity, the cultural features and behaviour which accompany
the subjective identification, are also subject to change. The TIAS project focussed on
identities which can be construed as having an ethnic, or geographic dimension. Such
identities have been attracting considerable attention in international debates concerning
the incorporation of immigrant minorities. Most recently there has been a focus on how
those who have a minority religious identity relate to the national identity. In studying the
importance of a range of identities individuals were asked to indicate how strongly they
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TIAS Final Project Report
identified with them rather than being asked to choose between one or another of them.
The advantage of this approach is that it does not force individuals to choose one identity
over another. Rather they can acknowledge several co-existing identities which research
has shown is the way young Australians move between varied identities according to the
social setting and circumstances (Butcher & Thomas, 2003; Nilan & Feixa, 2006).
Before examining in detail the extent to which interviewees identified with particular
identities it is important to note that the four ethnic groups used in this research are based
on individuals’ and parents’ countries of birth. As a result there are instances in each of
the groups of individuals whose personal ethnicity may vary from that of the group.
Examples include individuals from Armenian or Kurdish backgrounds. There are also
individuals who have changed their religion. Because the numbers in these groups are
small they are not discussed in detail but their participation should be noted as they
constitute
part
of
the
sometimes
complex
patterns
of
diversity
within
Australia.
Three quarters of the third generation identify ‘very strongly’ with Australia (Table 8.13)
while the group least likely to do so are the Turks (32%). However, when those who
identify ‘strongly’ and ‘very strongly’ are combined, the differences between the second
and third generation groups are reduced and range from 79% for the Turks up to 90% for
the third generation. Interestingly, the Muslim Lebanese closely resemble the third
generation with 87% identifying strongly with Australia. Very few individuals reported
only weak identification. Instead, the Turks and Christian Lebanese indicated that they
identified neither strongly nor weakly.
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Table 8.13
Strength of Identification with Particular Ethnic and Social Groups
Identities
Response %
v.strongly
st rongly
Sample
not strongly
weakly
v. weakly
not at all
Size
not weakly
Australian
3rd+ Generation
72
18
8
2
Christian Lebanese
45
36
15
2
100
Muslim Lebanese
52
35
10
4
Turks
32
47
17
2
2
100
Total %
51
34
12
2
1
307
3rd+ Generation
53
32
6
7
1
Christian Lebanese
51
36
9
2
Muslim Lebanese
52
38
8
2
Turks
47
44
5
2
Total %
50
38
7
4
Christian Lebanese
38
45
13
2
Muslim Lebanese
48
31
13
2
Turks
38
50
8
2
Total %
27
30
7
1
5
7
9
5
Muslim Lebanese
10
19
13
8
8
42
52
Turks
14
17
13
8
3
45
100
7
10
8
5
5
65
307
2
55
52
Sydneysider/Melbournian
1
100
2
55
2
100
0
1
307
5
94
100
2
55
2
100
3
32
307
3
97
100
7
65
55
52
Lebanese/Turkish
3rd+ Generation
1
6
52
NESB
3rd+ Generation
Christian Lebanese
Total %
Muslim
3rd+ Generation
2
95
100
Christian Lebanese
5
98
55
Muslim Lebanese
54
27
10
2
2
6
52
Turks
36
34
16
3
2
9
100
Total %
21
16
7
1
3
53
307
3rd+ Generation
11
15
11
7
4
52
100
Christian Lebanese
49
35
4
7
5
55
4
Christian
Muslim Lebanese
4
4
Turks
1
2
Total %
13
11
6
4
2
2
87
52
97
100
64
307
All the second generation groups indicated that they identified more strongly with the city
where they were currently living than with Australia. In contrast, the figure for the third
generation was somewhat lower which may reflect the way that one-quarter of them in
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TIAS Final Project Report
fact grew up in other parts of Australia, unlike the majority of the second generation.
Contributing to the high levels of identification with their city is the way, as discussed
earlier, a majority of all groups also felt satisfied with their present neighbourhood.
Particularly for the second generation who have a wider range of national ‘options’
identification with the city where they live may be seen as less problematic than
identifying with a country or nation such as Australia. That said, however, the differences
between the groups are relatively small.
The survey explored two types of identity with what is widely recognised in Australia as
an ethnic dimension. The first was NESB which refers to non-English speaking
background. This policy term was widely used by government from the mid 1970s until
early in the 2000s. Widely criticised for its negative connotations it is clear that NESB
evokes little identification among the current young second generation even though they
would have been widely exposed to the term when filling in forms or in making reports in
their workplaces. As the Christian Lebanese were the second generation group most
likely to have grown up extensively speaking English, it is not surprising that they
identified least with the term. Among the second generation there was a much stronger
identification with Lebanese or Turkish identity. Except among the Muslim Lebanese
there was also a stronger identification with being Lebanese or Turkish than with being
Australian. As in the case of Australian identity very few individuals indicated a weak
identification with Lebanon or Turkey. In instances where this occurred it was where
individuals had alternative options such as Kurdish or Armenian identities.
Religious identities where also explored. One of the most interesting findings relates to
the debate about whether having a strong religious identity and being ‘Australian’ are
incompatible. There was no evidence for this among our interviewees. Among those who
had a ‘strong’ or ‘very strong’ Christian identity, 68% had a similarly strong Australian
identity. This trend was even more marked among those with a strong Muslim identity, as
79% also had a strong Australian identity. Even among the few people who said they had
only a ‘weak’ or ‘very weak’ Australian identity few had also a strong religious identity.
The figure was 4% for Christians and 5% for Muslims.
Another interesting finding was the relationship between practicing a religion and
identifying with that religion. When asked about the extent to which they identified with
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Christianity the two groups for whom this question was most relevant were the third
generation and the Christian Lebanese. Here there is a dramatic difference. Only a quarter
of the third generation (26%) identified either ‘strongly’ or ‘very strongly ’in contrast to
the vast majority of the Christian Lebanese (84%). Closely connected to this disparity is
the small percentage of the third generation (21%) (see Table 8.6 above) who currently
practise a religion. The comparable figure among the Christian Lebanese was 82%. In
both cases it is clear that even if individuals may not practise a religion, they nevertheless
have a residual attachment to it as part of their identity. The reasons why, in contrast to
the third generation, the Christian Lebanese have remained more committed to religious
observance were discussed earlier. The factors included the historical role of religion in
Lebanese social structure and the way the Christian Lebanese have established in
Australia their own congregations which are an important part of the community’s
institutional structure. How critical the role of religion actually is for the Christian
Lebanese is indicated by how the percentage of those with a strong identity to Christianity
(84%) is higher even than those who identify as Lebanese (83%) or Australian (81%).
A similar disjuncture between religious identity and religious practise exists among the
second generation groups most closely linked to Islam: the Muslim Lebanese and the
Turks. Whereas 81% of the Muslim Lebanese identified ‘strongly’ or ‘very strongly’ as
Muslims, the figure for the Turks was 70%. When asked about whether they were still
practising their religion 77% of the Muslim Lebanese answered ‘yes’ compared with only
56% of the Turks. In the case of the Turks the numbers who still identify strongly with
being a Muslim despite being non-observant points to the extent to which for many
Turks, being Turkish involves also being Muslim even if not a practising Muslim; a
position which is extensively enshrined in Turkey’s institutional structure although it is a
secular state. Among the Australian based second generation this is not always the case
since the numbers of those identifying as Turks is higher (88%) than those identifying
strongly with being a Muslim (70%). Nevertheless, a further 16% did indicate that they
‘neither strongly nor weakly’ identified as a Muslim. Whereas the Turks were more likely
to identify with being Turkish (88%) than with being Australian (79%), the opposite was
the case among the Muslim Lebanese. As well as 81% identifying ‘strongly or very
strongly’ as Muslims and 79% as Lebanese, a higher percentage identified ‘strongly’ or
‘very strongly’ as being Australian (87%). The tendency for identification to be higher
with being a Muslim rather than Lebanese is only small. However, it raises the possibility
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that in some instances, a pan-Islamic identity exists in which ethnic links are of lesser
significance.
Despite these diverse interrelationships between religious and ethnic or national identities
it is clear that, among all the second generation groups, individuals maintain a high level
of identification with their religion and ethnicity but not at the expense of also identifying
with Australia. Apart from the way interviewees were not asked to chose between one or
more identities, another reason for this level of identification as ‘Australian’ may be the
emphasis in official discourse on Australia as a multicultural society comprising
individuals from many diverse backgrounds. Such a formulation provides a ‘niche’ or
opportunity for acceptance of those who are not from the majority Anglo-Celtic
background. This is so even if in colloquial usage it is not uncommon for individuals
from other backgrounds to distinguish themselves vis-à-vis ‘the Australians’ or ‘Aussies’.
This occurs especially when referring to patterns of behaviour or cultural practices and
beliefs where they consider their own to be superior as in the widely heard ‘We have a
much stronger sense of family than do the Aussies’(Butcher & Thomas, 2003).
The Impact of Diversity on Life in the City
Sydney and Melbourne are Australia’s two largest and most ethnically diverse cities.
While diversity may in some cases constitute problems the interviewees’ strong
identification with their cities and their attachment to their local neighbourhood suggest
that their approach to the city’s diversity is not a cause of particular concern for them.
Indeed it is evident that in expressing their views about the impact of diversity on
religious and cultural life and on the economy there is a generally positive response. The
opportunities which exist in Sydney and Melbourne to have contact with people from
many diverse backgrounds in this way is viewed as adding to the quality of life. When
asked about living together with people from other cultures the third generation and the
Christian Lebanese (71%) were most likely to say they found this to be enriching rather
than threatening (Table 8.14). However, they were followed closely in this assessment by
the Turks (68%) and the Muslim Lebanese (65%).
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Table 8.14
Views on Diversity in Sydney & Melbourne
Lebanese
Christian
Muslim
Turkish
3+
Generation
Relationship Between Anglo-Celts & Lebanese/Turkish
%
%
%
Not friendly at all
2
6
2
2
Not so friendly
24
19
14
23
Indifferent
24
27
20
38
Friendly
45
46
59
37
5
2
5
Less friendly
13
17
11
6
Somewhat less friendly
31
38
25
41
Same
38
25
36
37
Somewhat more friendly
11
19
24
13
4
3
3
Very friendly
%
How Has the Relationship Changed Between Anglo-Celts &
Lebanese/Turkish Changed Over the Past Year
More friendly
7
Is Living Together with People from Different Origins
Threatening or Enriching for Your Own Culture
Threatening
2
4
1
Rather threatening
4
4
5
6
Makes no difference
24
27
26
20
Rather enriching
13
19
17
24
Enriching
58
46
51
47
Bad
2
2
Rather bad
2
2
4
4
Makes no difference
18
17
20
34
Rather good
11
12
17
14
Good
67
67
59
47
Totally agree
27
44
30
13
Agree
31
38
49
47
Neither agree nor disagree
18
13
14
22
Disagree
11
4
Totally disagree
13
Total Sample Size
55
Is the Presence of People of Different Origins Good or Bad for
the Local Economy
1
It is Good That There is a Variety of Different Religions
52
13
7
5
100
100
When asked about the impact of diversity on the local economy, the second generation
groups were more positive than the third generation (61%). This was not because the third
generation viewed the diversity as bad but, rather, because one-third of them indicated
they felt the diversity made no difference to the economy. In saying this they overlook
arguments that migration has provided an important stimulus for economic growth in
Australia. This is because it has contributed to job growth and been a major source of the
unskilled and semi-skilled labour which after World War II contributed to the
development of manufacturing and infrastructure. The third generation also seems to not
be particularly influenced by arguments that a major factor contributing to the
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development of global cities which rely on the tertiary service sector is their cultural
diversity and cosmopolitan life style associated with diversity (Florida, 2002). The second
generation, whose parents often played a major role in the Post World War II
restructuring of the Australian economy, may have a greater appreciation of the
contribution of immigrants such as their parents.
Following the end of the Cold War national security concerns shifted to the potential for
religiously based conflict, best epitomised in the writings of Samuel Huntington who
wrote on the ‘Clash of Civilisations’ based on religion as a major fault line in
international relations. For Huntington, domestic multicultural policies such as existed in
Australia were highly undesirable. This view receives little support among the
interviewees although it is interesting that those who currently practise a religion (76%)
are slightly more likely to agree that it is good that there are a variety of religions than do
those who are non-practising (63%). The third generation (18%) and Christian Lebanese
(24%) express slightly more negative views about religious diversity than do the Turks
and the Muslim Lebanese for whom a positive response to religious diversity has
facilitated their own religious practices or identities in which Islam is important.
Despite these generally positive views on diversity, it is evident that individuals’ opinions
can be affected by particular incidents. This is most clearly illustrated in responses to the
questions concerning relationships between Anglo-Celts and Lebanese/ Turkish people.
Although the interviews began two and a half years after the Cronulla riots, the events,
because of their largely unexpected nature, remain fresh in the minds of many people.
When asked whether or not relations between Anglo-Celts and Lebanese or Turkish
people were friendly, a quarter of all the groups apart from the Turks said they were
either ‘not so friendly’ or ‘not friendly at all’. Within the parameters of the answers
received to other questions in the survey this is an extremely negative view. The group
who viewed the relationship in the most negative light were the third generation who, as
noted elsewhere, may be particularly influenced by media reporting of events involving
contacts between the groups since they rarely have direct contact with Lebanese or Turks.
The most positive responses came from the Turks 64% of whom (double the percentage
of the third generation) felt that relations were ‘friendly’ or ‘very friendly’. In expressing
this view they are clearly thinking in terms of the relations between themselves and
Anglo-Celts. Factors potentially moderating their assessment include the way media
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accounts have targeted ‘Lebanese’, ‘Middle Easterners’ and ‘Muslims’ but not Turks.
Also, in recent years there have been extensive moves within the Turkish and the AngloCeltic community to emphasise the shared importance of Gallipoli to the national
development of Australia and Turkey. More negative views are expressed by all groups in
Sydney than in Melbourne which did not experience any associated rioting or violence
following the initial Sydney riots.
When asked whether relations had improved between Anglo-Celts and Lebanese or Turks
over the past year the majority felt that there had been a deterioration. This view was
particularly strongly expressed by the Muslim Lebanese who are often targeted in
imprecise media reporting. Again, 28% of the Turks, who tend to be on the sidelines of
the debate, were most likely to express the view that relations had become friendlier.
There was also little difference between Turks living in Sydney or Melbourne. However,
among the Lebanese and third generation, those in Sydney had a more pessimistic
perception about improvement compared with the same groups in Melbourne.
Approaches to Integration
A close relationship potentially exists between individuals’ assessment of diversity and
their views on the type of integration expected of immigrants. To explore this, a series of
questions which related to cultural practices and norms were asked. While there were
broad similarities across all groups in the direction of their responses, the Christian
Lebanese were least likely to agree that immigrants had the right to live in accord with the
cultural customs and norms of their parents, especially when this involved being outside
the home. Even there, however, a majority (53%) of them agreed with this statement
(Table 8.15). The Lebanese Muslims and Turks were most likely to agree with the
statements about the right to live in accord with parents’ cultural customs and norms both
inside and outside the home. However, whereas the Turks felt strongest about this right
when it was implemented inside the home (90%), when it came to being outside the home
they were less in agreement (72%) than were the Muslim Lebanese (76%).
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Table 8.15
Agreement with Approaches to Integration
Lebanese
Christian
Muslim
Turkish
3+
Generation
At Home Immigrants Have Right to Live in Accord with Parents'
Cultural Customs & Norms
%
%
%
%
Totally agree
25
62
48
37
Agree
53
25
42
46
Neither agree nor disagree
13
12
5
11
Disagree
2
2
5
3
Totally disagree
7
3
At Home Immigrants Have Right to Live as Much as Possible in
Accord with Australian Cultural Customs & Norms
Totally agree
35
46
38
45
Agree
51
35
44
51
Neither agree nor disagree
7
2
7
3
Disagree
2
10
6
1
Totally disagree
5
8
5
Totally agree
18
38
29
12
Agree
45
38
43
47
Neither agree nor disagree
18
13
16
16
5
8
10
18
13
2
2
7
Totally agree
40
37
37
36
Agree
40
40
40
60
Neither agree nor disagree
13
10
13
3
Disagree
4
8
8
1
Totally disagree
4
6
2
Totally agree
13
54
28
13
Agree
45
29
48
53
Neither agree nor disagree
20
12
20
25
Disagree
16
6
4
7
Outside the Home Immigrants Have Right to Live in Accord with
Parents' Cultural Customs & Norms
Disagree
Totally disagree
Outside the Home Immigrants Have Right to Live as Much as
Possible in Accord with Australian Cultural Customs & Norms
Government Should Do More to Improve the Position in
Australia of People of Immigrant Origins
Totally disagree
5
55
Total Sample Size
2
52
100
Even though the third generation were more likely than the Christian Lebanese to agree
that immigrants had the right to live according to their parents’ cultural customs and
norms at home and outside, they were almost unanimous (96%) that individuals should
also have the right to live in accord with Australian cultural customs and norms inside as
well as outside the home. One interpretation of this strong position of the third generation
167
100
TIAS Final Project Report
is that what is considered important is that individuals should have a choice as to whether
or not they adopt Australian or immigrant customs and norms. Clearly, however, they,
like the Christian Lebanese place more emphasis on the importance of individuals having
the right to also chose to adopt Australian cultural customs and norms. On face value it
does appear contradictory to agree both that individuals should have the right to live by
both their parents and Australian cultural customs and norms. However, given the abstract
and wide range of diversity in the type of customs and norms which are encompassed by
these statements, it is likely that the responses would be affected if particular examples of
customs and norms were provided.
The similarity in the pattern of the replies by the third generation and Christian Lebanese
to the set of questions about cultural customs and norms is also repeated in their
responses to a question asking whether the government should do more to improve the
position in Australia of people of immigrant origins. Both groups were less likely to agree
that governments should do more than the Turks or Muslim Lebanese. The greatest
disparity in views was between the Christian (58%) and the Muslim Lebanese (83%). The
pattern of the Christian Lebanese views indicates that they have somewhat less sympathy
with the development of policies or approaches supportive of those from diverse
backgrounds. Although the parents of this group are mainly overseas born they have
connections to the long established Christian Lebanese community which had already
achieved considerable progress towards assimilation before the introduction of
multicultural policies. Given what they see their community has achieved prior to these
policies may be a factor in their somewhat lower support for such policies. That said, a
majority of the Christian Lebanese indicate support for more pro-active support on
incorporation.
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Conclusion
One of the major themes to emerge from this examination of the cultural practices and
involvement of the second generation is the diversity which exists within the groups but,
also, between them. The Turks appear as the group who most extensively use their
parents’ language in family and social settings as well as for entertainment. Their
language usage coexists with a more extensive set of contacts with Turkey than are
maintained by the Lebanese. This is reflected in their greater tendency to visit Turkey as
well, as seen in earlier chapters, to marry spouses from Turkey and be more likely to
consider perhaps living there for a period of more than a year. An important factor
facilitating these contacts with Turkey is that it has not experienced the fighting and
political
instability
which
characterises
contemporary
Lebanon.
While
these
circumstances render contact with Lebanon difficult the Christian and Muslim Lebanese
differ in the way they relate to the parental country. Among the Christians the use of
English, even in their childhood has been greater than for the Muslims and is related to
lower levels of fluency in their knowledge of Arabic. They are also less likely to have
visited Lebanon or to have married spouses born there than have the Muslims. At the
same time, their views on diversity are closer to those expressed by the third generation
than to the other second generation groups suggesting that they have taken on many of the
same attitudes as the wider society.
However, it was the Muslim Lebanese who were most likely of the second generation
groups to identity strongly as Australians. The Christian Lebanese who ranked ahead of
the Turks in identifying strongly with Australia however reported strongest support for a
Christian identity even ahead of a Lebanese or Australian identity. Clearly important to
their religious identity is the close contacts they have with Christian religious practices
reflected in their high levels of observance which have been maintained from childhood
where they were often reinforced by attendance at Christian schools. While many of the
Muslim Lebanese still practice the Muslim faith in which they were reared this practice is
not for most buttressed by the extensive community and institutional supports available to
the Christian Lebanese.
Another illustration of the disjuncture which exists between a religious identity and actual
religious observance is provided by the second generation Turks. Not only do fewer
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TIAS Final Project Report
Turks say they were reared as Muslims, those who currently profess to be Muslims are
less actively involved than are the Lebanese in a variety of observances ranging from
observing halal restrictions to attitudes towards women wearing headscarves. This
highlights how there may be wide differences in the way Islam is practised in different
societies or Australian communities. However, the differences go further and relate to the
way a particular religious identity often can serve as a marker for other types of identities
and connections. This is seen in the way more Turks identify strongly with being Muslim
than actually are currently actively observant. A similar pattern exists among the third
generation group where the numbers saying they are Christians are much higher than are
the numbers of those who are actually practising Christians. Where there is a difference
between many Christians and Turks is that for many Turks one of the markers of their
Turkish identity is also being a Muslim in a way that Christianity rarely is at the core of
the third generation’s Australian identity. Appreciating these complex links between
different religious, ethnic and national identities helps explain the extensive acceptance of
diversity in daily life and in views towards integration which were evident among the
interviewees.
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TIAS Final Project Report
CHAPTER 9
CONCLUSION
This study has examined the experiences of young second generation Australians whose
parents were born in either Lebanon or Turkey. These are the two largest overseas
birthplaces of Australia’s Muslim population, 41% of whom are born in Australia. Much
has been said and written about the problems associated with Muslims in Australia.
However, to gain a basis for understanding their experiences and the role in it of religion,
it is important not to isolate Muslims from others of migrant background or from similar
geographical areas. The objective of the study was to examine the incorporation of the
second generation. This cannot be done in abstract or in isolation from the remainder of
the society. Rather than focussing on the experiences of the second generation because
they were perceived to be Muslims the intention was to examine their experiences within
the wider context of Australian society. Hence, not all of those studied are Muslims since
a majority of Australia’s population of Lebanese background are actually Christians,
some of whom belong to families which arrived in the 19th century. In addition to
exploring the experiences of these Christian Lebanese, the study also included a group of
third generation Australians both of whose parents were born in Australia. Consistent
with Australia’s early preference for settlers from the United Kingdom the majority of
these third generation youth were of Anglo-Celtic backgrounds. They provide a
comparison group whose longer residence and background constitutes them as a useful
proxy or benchmark for the majority group in contemporary Australian society.
Following a brief overview of some of the key findings from the TIAS study, the
Australian data will be compared with findings from the parallel TIES (The Integration of
the European Second Generation) study undertaken in Europe. The comparison of the
Australian findings with those from European countries provides the opportunity to
consider the part played by national differences in settlement policies and institutional
structures in contributing to the experiences of the Australian second generation. Such
national factors are, however, inadequate to account for the differences found between the
Australian-born youth from different backgrounds since the TIAS study also highlighted
the existence of differences between groups as well as within them. Given the all too
common erroneous tendency to speak of ‘Muslims’ or ‘Lebanese’ as large,
undifferentiated categories, the next section outlines the different patterns of
incorporation found in the four ethnic groups as well as noting their internal differences.
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TIAS Final Project Report
These variations point to the role of the local neighbourhood and ethnic community, as
well as family background as factors affecting the incorporation of the young people.
They also highlight opportunities for interventions to address negative aspects of
incorporation.
Patterns of Incorporation in Australia
Three dimensions of incorporation have been examined in this study. The first refers to
the socio-economic incorporation of the second generation particularly in relation to
educational and economic attainment, which provide individuals with human and
economic capital important to success in their daily lives. Arguments about inequality in
educational and labour market participation have played an important part in suggesting
that where young people are disadvantaged they are more likely to become disaffected
and marginalised. This may result in them either dropping out of society or becoming
involved in range of alternative, and potentially unsatisfactory, strategies to achieve
“success” (Hassan, 2008). In Europe one of these responses has been seen recently as
involving a turn towards more radical forms of Islam.
The second concerns the social dimension of incorporation. It involves the social
networks and contacts of individuals in their neighbourhood, friendship groups and
community organisations. These constitute forms of social and cultural capital which can
either facilitate individuals’ participation in the wider society or, in their absence,
contribute to their isolation within a narrow segment of that society. While some argue
that contact between different ethnic groups can result in conflict as values or interests
collide, the alternative of limited social interaction can all too easily result in the
continuity of inaccurate stereotypes. Such stereotypes play an important role in another
key area of incorporation. This concerns the extent to which the society discriminates
against individuals from particular backgrounds and, in this way, places barriers to their
participating fully in society.
The third identity and cultural dimension of incorporation relates to what is often seen
as the ultimate expression of incorporation which occurs when individuals identify with
their society. In a world where globalisation and the easy maintenance of transnational
linkages facilitate international contacts at the personal and the virtual level, precisely
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TIAS Final Project Report
how to define and understand ‘belonging’ and identification becomes problematic. Often
there is an important cultural dimension involved in which language can play an
instrumental as well as a symbolic role. Religion has most recently also been seen as
constituting a key force with international links, whether for good or ill. Much of the
current focus on the security threats associated with fundamentalist Islam have focussed
on religion as playing a key role in undermining loyalty and commitment to society.
Ultimately, a key aspect of incorporation is how individual’s identity and values relate to
those prominent among other Australians.
The dimensions of incorporation identified in this study relate to individual experience,
attitudes and values. The three dimensions distinguished for analytical purposes in reality
intersect and have the potential to influence each other. Thus, inequality and limited
socio-economic success may negatively affect social relations and the dimensions of
incorporation relating to identity and cultural practices. Furthermore, it is important to
appreciate that the individual dimensions do not exist in a social vacuum
In today’s
globalised world, four levels of society can affect the individual’s incorporation:
•
The first is the international level where developments in the country of the
individual’s heritage, or with a global reach such as the ‘War on Terror’, have the
potential to impact directly, or indirectly as they are filtered through the national
level, the community or the family.
•
The second national level (and, in Australia, the state level) is where major
policies and programs relating to immigration, settlement and citizenship are
enacted and determine many of the structures of key institutions relating to
education, the labour market, welfare and even religion despite Australia being
constitutionally a secular society.
•
The community is the third level and includes both the geographical community
in which the individual lives and the ethnic community to which individuals may
or may not be actively connected.
•
The family is the fourth level and the one which has potentially greatest influence
on young people.
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Given the open nature of contemporary society the interaction between each of these
levels and the three dimensions can be extremely complex. Instead of making simplistic
assumptions about the key influences on patterns of incorporation it is necessary to
examine the links empirically. The advantage of empirical examination is its ability to
highlight not only areas of difficulty but, also, appropriate access points for developing
strategies and programs to redress experiences which might otherwise lead to social
tension and conflict. It also is necessary since incorporation is not a static relationship but
one which can undergo considerable change as a result of sometimes unforeseen events
such as those precipitated by the attacks of 9/11 in the US and the subsequent ‘War on
Terror’ at the international level, or the Cronulla riots at the community level.
Socio-Economic Incorporation
The most striking and positive finding on the socio-economic incorporation of the
Lebanese and Turkish background students is the extent to which they have gone on to
successfully complete post secondary and tertiary studies and to obtain professional and
managerial positions dependent on this level of human resources. These findings evident
in the 2006 census data are corroborated by the experiences of the TIAS participants. The
second generation who participated in this study are the children of those who arrived in
Australia between the 1960s and 1980s when the Lebanese and Turkish were widely seen
as experiencing severe social disadvantage. Few of the parents of this cohort of young
people had received any secondary education. As recently as the 1986 census only
between 9 to 11 per cent of the Turkish born population, the parents of our second
generation young people, were working as managers or professionals with over 50 per
cent working in unskilled and semi-skilled occupations (Inglis et al., 1992). The present
study has shown that the majority of the Lebanese and Turkish youth came from families
where their parents had far lower levels of education and occupational attainment than the
parents of the third generation comparison group. Despite this, the majority of the second
generation have achieved remarkable levels of intergenerational mobility in education and
occupational mobility gaining post-secondary and tertiary qualifications and working as
professionals and managers. Another trend among Lebanese involves self-employment.
Nevertheless a number of young people remain behind the benchmark population in the
survey; a finding which is consistent with the analysis of recent census data which covers
the comparable Australia population. This highlights the desirability of pursuing
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strategies to lift the educational and labour market outcomes among the less successful
second generation youth.
Another important finding is that there was little evidence that this cross-section of young
people was experiencing significant levels of alienation or marginalisation. The majority
indicated that they were comfortable with their levels of schooling, their career and also
their income. The majority saw themselves as living in middle class areas with a good
quality of life. There were some who indicated concerns about inequality in Australian
society. Interestingly, they were often those who had been most successful in their
education and gained tertiary qualifications. Whether in order to do this they had to strive
harder than many others to overcome a variety of barriers or whether it was because they
had reached a particular level of education only to find that, as a result of credential
inflation, it no longer led to them realising their job aspirations is unclear.
A strong commitment to education and, in particular, to undertaking further studies is a
particularly encouraging response in the current job market where the demand for new
skills is ever-increasing. Educational ambitions were particularly strong among the young
Turkish women although less so among those from Muslim Lebanese backgrounds.
Indeed, there was little to suggest that being from a Muslim background was, in itself, a
factor influencing in a clear, unproblematic way, the educational and economic outcomes
of the group.
Social Incorporation
Given the importance of close knit social ties as a potential source of social capital a
finding of particular interest is that the social ties of the second generation youth are
opposite to those of the third generation in two significant areas. The first is that as the
second generation have attended schools and live in neighbourhoods characterised by
considerable ethnic diversity, their close friends come from far more diverse ethnic
backgrounds than do those of the third generation. While the third generation slightly
widened the diversity in the ethnic backgrounds of their good friends as they moved from
school to work, their close friends remain, like themselves, predominantly from AngloCeltic backgrounds. The third generation’s limited number of close social contacts
outside their own ethnic group means that, paradoxically, they can be viewed as more
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socially isolated and less socially incorporated into Australia’s multicultural society than
are the second generation.
A second difference in social ties is that the second generation’s social connections to
Sydney or Melbourne are of greater depth than are those of the third generation. Many of
the third generation have only migrated to these cities to study or find work after they
completed their schooling in regional areas. This partially explains their more limited
contacts with family members compared to many of the second generation youth who
speak to relatives several times a week, if not daily. In contrast, the second generation
groups have rarely lived outside Sydney or Melbourne. As a result they have ready and
immediate access to a strong set of family and friendship groups able to provide
information and support. Such links can be important for providing psychological
stability if individuals find themselves under stress as can occur if they experience
prejudice or discrimination.
Perhaps somewhat surprisingly given recent developments in which Muslims have been
depicted as threats to Australian society and security and have become targets of hostility
is that such personal experiences were less frequently reported than might have been
anticipated. In this, the TIAS findings are similar to the experience noted in the 2004
HREOC Report on eliminating prejudice against Muslims and Arab Australians. That is,
while a number of the second generation youth have experienced discrimination and
prejudice, such incidents have been irregular and infrequent (Human Rights and Equal
Opportunity Commission, 2004). Certainly some young men reported experiences of this
kind as did some young women, particularly those who wore headscarves. It was also
apparent that in terms of abstract sentiments towards various ethnic groups, ‘Muslims’
and ‘Lebanese’ attracted the most negative reactions. In contrast to research findings
from two decades earlier Turks no longer attract such hostility (McAllister & Moore,
1989). Since their circumstances are still very similar to those of the Lebanese this
highlights how national and international events can be couched in ways which create
negative, or positive, images of particular Australian groups.
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Identity and Cultural Incorporation
One of the most important and significant findings from the TIAS project is that, contrary
to much of the public discourse surrounding the ‘War on Terror’, the second generation
strongly identify themselves as Australian. This identification furthermore coexists
alongside a strong Muslim or Christian identity. Although the majority of the third
generation did not have a similar strong Christian religious identity, those who did also
displayed strong identification with Australia. Highlighting the complex nature of identity
and belonging in a diverse society, holding a strong Muslim identity did not necessarily
conflict with also reporting strongly identifying with Turkey or Lebanon. It was also
interesting to find that a significant proportion of those who identified as Muslims,
particularly among the Turks, were not actively practising this religion when they were
interviewed. These findings highlight how individuals have a number of social identities
and show considerable versatility and resilience in moving between them as the situation
or occasion warrants. These identities may also play a greater or lesser role in their daily
lives. The identities of the second generation youth also coexisted with views which
showed considerable acceptance of diversity as an integral part of Australian life.
Amongst this diverse group of young people, there was little evidence of any major
incompatibility between their range of personal identities and values and those which are
evident among the third generation and widely seen as indicative of ‘belonging’ in
multicultural Australia.
Inequality, Discrimination and Social Cohesion
In the interviews which were undertaken with a diverse range of young people, despite
the generally positive picture on levels of attainment and hostile experiences, we did find
evidence of inequality and discrimination. However, there were few signs that these
experiences were leading to alienation or marginalisation. While this is not a desirable
situation it does indicate that the second generation were finding ways of incorporating
these experiences into their daily lives in a neutral, rather than a negative manner. Most
expressed relative satisfaction with their lives and careers. Certainly there was little
evidence of a retreat into some form of anti-social hostility involving religious or other
behaviour, nor of dropping out of society and retreating into their family and
communities. Potential threats to social cohesion, if this is understood as involving social
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conflict, are unlikely to come from young people similar to those whom we interviewed.
As the Cronulla riots showed, such threats to social cohesion may be more likely to come
from Anglo-Celts and others whose images of young people from various Middle Eastern
or Muslim backgrounds is largely derived from the more sensational media accounts
which still exist. As has been often pointed out, all communities have individuals whose
behaviour is unacceptable, hence it is important to create opportunities where these
stereotypes can be challenged in ordinary daily life.
The Australian Experience in International Perspective
Before considering the implications of these findings it is relevant to situate the
Australian study in the context of international experiences of second generation
incorporation. This will provide a focus for understanding the role played in the TIAS
research findings by the national level of influences consisting of Australia’s policies on
settlement and its distinctive national and institutional structures relating to education, the
labour market and other areas pertinent to our research.
Turkish migration to Australia coincided with the large migrations of Turkish
guestworkers into Europe in the 1960s and early 1970s. Those who came to Australia
came from very similar backgrounds to those who went to Europe. The major difference
was that Australia was seeking permanent migrants and not guestworkers. This difference
which relates to what the The Integration of the European Second Generation (TIES)
project describes as the ‘citizenship’ approach has often been referred to as a factor
distinguishing the generally better settlement prospects of immigrant minorities in
Australia than European countries (Heath & Cheung, 2007; Reitz, 1998). Certainly,
visiting Turkish dignitaries often refer to this theme of the greater ‘success’ of Turkish
settlement in Australia than in continental Europe. In the case of Lebanese migration it is
not possible to identify similar close parallels since Lebanese emigration has a much
longer and more diverse history. In North America, as in France, the Lebanese are more
likely to have come from middle class rather than lower class backgrounds, as are the
Turks who have migrated to North America (Eid, 2007).
The development of this project as part of the larger, multinational TIES project was
intended to provide opportunities to explore the role of national level policies and
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institutions in determining the experience of incorporation in Australia for the second
generation youth from Lebanese and Turkish backgrounds. The TIES project is a
methodologically extremely amibitious example of cross-national research. As yet, only a
portion of the very rich research findings have been analysed. In particular, the Dutch
section of the survey has provided a broad overview of the experiences of Turkish and
Moroccan youth in the Netherlands (Crul & Heering, 2008). Also available are papers
which bring together some of the comparative data on education and the transition to the
labour market (Crul & Schneider, 2009) and develop in more detail the role which the
national context of migration and settlement plays in determining the patterns of
incorporation (Crul & Schneider, 2010).
While it is possible to detect many similar trends in the Dutch and Australian data, the
general picture appears more positive for the Turks, and by extrapolation the Lebanese, in
Australia. As in Australia, intergeneration educational mobility has been observed in the
Netherlands. However there still remain substantially fewer of the second generation with
university or post-secondary vocational qualifications on a relative basis in the
Netherlands, than in Australia. In the Netherlands, only 6.4% of the Turkish men and
1.7% of the women have a university degree when the figures for the Dutch third
generation comparison group are 24.9% and 31.8% respectively. Again in the
Netherlands there has been an intergenerational increase in economic participation
involving women but the Turks are still at the lower levels of the labour market with very
few in the upper level skilled professional areas. As in Australia, the social networks of
the third generation are more homogeneous than those of the second generation. The
Dutch third generation however seem to be less supportive of the idea of living in an
ethnically diverse neighbourhood as well as the enriching potential of living with other
cultures. On issues of identity the Dutch study does point to the co-existence of strong
identification with the Netherlands and with having a Muslim identity. However it is
apparent that only some 40% of the Turkish identify ‘strongly’ or ‘very strongly’ with
being Dutch while the figure for identifying strongly with being a Muslim is about 80%
across men and women. While the TIES study does not provide an explanation for these
findings, it is noteworthy that a much larger proportion of the second generation Turks
are observant Muslims than is the case in Australia. They also visit Turkey much more
frequently than do those living in Australia with nine out of ten reporting five or more
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visits in the last five years. Of course, geographic closeness plays an important part in this
pattern.
Recent comparative data from the TIES project suggests that, in terms of the highest level
of educational attainment, the European countries closest to Australia in terms of the
positive outcomes for second generation Turkish youth are France and Sweden where
39.6% and 37.1% respectively of Turkish youth are enrolled or already have gained post
secondary and university qualifications (Crul & Schneider, 2010). The comparable
figures in Australia for young Turkish Australians who have already gained TAFE or
university qualifications are 52% for men and 57% for women.
Preliminary explanations for the differences between Australia and these European
countries need to start by examining the countries’ respective policies on citizenship
policy. Multiculturalism in Australia has contributed to the experiences of the second
generation as well as to the attitudes towards diversity among the third generation. For
many years before its retreat following such events as the murder of Theo Van Gogh,
Dutch settlement policy was often described as being multicultural. However, Dutch and
Australian ‘multiculturalism’ were very different policies. As Ayan Kaya in a recent work
on Islam and integration in Europe has argued a distinctive feature of Dutch
multiculturalist policy was its basis on a post-colonial situation which is very different of
course from Australia (Kaya, 2009).
But another factor which may account for the differences between Australia and the
European countries is related to the specific institutional structures which effect
educational and, indeed, other dimensions of incorporation. Australia’s education system
is characterised by comprehensive schooling where student progress is rarely delayed by
repetition and selection for post-secondary and university study is delayed until Year 12
assessment. This favours educational progress, especially when supplemented by strong
English as a Second Language programs and other modifications of the curriculum
(Inglis, 2007a). As further results become available from the European research, it may be
that differences between Australian and European institutions relating to areas such as the
labour market or religion also will explain differences which become apparent in the
incorporation of the second generation.
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Differences Between Groups
While the TIAS data has shown that there are many similarities in key areas of
incorporation among the second generation youth, the three groups also have distinctive
characteristics. These are significant since their existence shows that it is inappropriate to
group individuals or communities together because of assumed commonalities based on
nationality, religion or other common markers of ethnicity. These differences also
highlight that in developing policies and programs it is important that these recognise the
variations which exist between groups. Explanations for these variations also need to take
account of the group’s special characteristics, which may relate to the country from which
parents’ came and the nature of the community in Australia and family background.
Although each of the second generation groups is, itself, heterogeneous (an issue to be
returned to below) certain general features characterise the way they fit the three key
dimensions of incorporation: socio-economic, social and identity.
The Christian Lebanese are the group whose incorporation most closely resembles that of
the third generation group. Both the census and survey data show that they have attained
the highest levels of educational and economic success which brings them closest to the
third generation group in terms of their socio-economic incorporation.. Associated with
this they also reported higher levels of English language usage when they were growing
up, although each of the three groups report that they are now fluent in English. It was
also noted that they often came from families where older siblings had provided role
models of educational success. In terms of social incorporation they also were less likely
to live in ethnically diverse neighbourhoods and to have more Anglo-Celtic friends
compared with the other second generation groups. At the same time, however, many
appeared to be part of a close-knit community focussed around Lebanese churches and
schools. The group strongly identified as Lebanese but at almost as high a level they also
identified as Christians and Australians. However, their ethnicity, as with their
community participation, seemed more to be based in Australia than to involve extensive
transnational contacts with their parents’ birthplace as occurs among the Muslim
Lebanese and the Turks. Of the four ethnic groups they displayed the most negative
feelings towards Muslims and in general were closer to the views of the third generation
concerning various Australian ethnic groups. In part this resembles evidence from
overseas, where ethnic communities with links to Islam seek to distance themselves from
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the anti-social behaviour of “problem” groups of Muslims. In the case of the Christian
Lebanese, it is other Lebanese from whom they appear most distant. Given the
importance of constitutional differences enshrined in the Lebanese constitution, and the
on-going conflict and hostilities there between Christians and other Lebanese, their views
concerning Muslims may be influenced by this feature of their Lebanese heritage.
The incorporation of the Turkish second generation contrasts in many respects to the
patterns among Christian Lebanese. Their socio-economic outcomes and incorporation
involves a lower level of attainment although this general pattern masks a considerable
difference between men and women. The women have successfully used education to
gain a high level of socio-economic mobility, in contrast to their menfolk who have the
lowest levels of socio-economic incorporation of all three second generation groups. The
social incorporation of the Turkish youth involved them living in neighbourhoods with a
higher level of non-English speaking background neighbours than the Christian Lebanese.
However, they reported having almost as high levels of Anglo-Celtic friends as did the
Christians as well as other friends from non-Turkish backgrounds. In terms of their
identification and cultural practice, except for religious observance, they were more likely
than either of the Lebanese background groups to have retained extensive personal,
linguistic and transnational links with Turkey. Often these ties are related to the
maintenance of family ties which, in Australia, strongly affect their social incorporation
and identity. Compared with the Muslim Lebanese, far fewer were raised as Muslims and
those who were are less likely to now be so actively involved in Islamic religious
practices. Although a substantial number say they identify as Muslims, more identify
strongly as ‘Turkish’ and then ‘Australian’ with ‘Muslim’ only third in importance as an
identity. This de-emphasis on religion reflects Turkish’s history as a modern state based
on a strongly secular ideology. This may partially explain why they are the group to
express the lowest level of negative feelings towards either Muslims or Christians.
Despite political, ideological and religious divisions within the Turkish communities,
there is a strong sense of solidarity around Turkish identity. And a striving for success is
seen as reflecting positively on the success of the community as well as on the individual.
This has been very evident in the last year as the community actively celebrates the 40th
anniversary of their successful settlement in Australia.
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The pattern of incorporation of the Muslim Lebanese differs yet again from that of the
Christian Lebanese and the Turks. A feature of their socio-economic incorporation is an
extensive involvement as self-employed and business owners. The men’s level of
educational and economic attainment is higher than among the Turks. However, in
contrast to their Turkish sisters many young women do not participate in the labour
market and have notably lower levels of education. Whether this is attributable to Islamic
or Lebanese customs is uncertain. Certainly, the Christian Lebanese women are often
better educated and more actively involved in the workforce as indeed are the Turkish
women who also come from an Islamic society.. While this may be changing among
sections of the young people, the group as a whole appears to exist in some social
isolation from the wider Australian society. Nevertheless, this does not prevent the
Muslim Lebanese strongly stating that they identify with Australia, a claim which is
consistent with their views on a range of issues relating to ethnic diversity.
Differences Within Second Generation Groups
Differences within the second generation groups highlight the dangers involved in
generalisations about the particular group as a whole. They also flag problems in
generalising about larger social categories in which each of the groups potentially
participates. The best illustration of this is the role of gender. The differences in
incorporation of the Muslim and Christian Lebanese groups might, potentially, be
attributed to religious differences. However, once the frame of reference is extended to
include the Turkish second generation, it is evident that many of the differences between
the two Lebanese groups cannot necessarily be explained on the basis of religious
differences. Whereas Muslim Lebanese women have lower levels of educational
attainment and participation in the workforce than their menfolk, the Turkish women
have much higher levels of educational and occupational attainment than do their
menfolk. This disparity clearly cannot be accounted for simply by referring to the
different role of women in Islam. Other examples of internal difference in the groups
relate to the differential experiences of hostility and discrimination reported, albeit by a
minority of individuals, although it is more common for these experiences to be described
by young men. The exception is the experience of workplace discrimination among
young women who wear the hijab. Another area of differences within groups concerns
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the way in which a number of the more highly educated also indicate a dissatisfaction
with their education and subsequent careers.
Implications of the TIAS Project for Policy-Making and Service Delivery
The most important implication of this project for policy-makers and those involved in
service delivery is that it highlights the necessity for them to move beyond working in
terms of categories such as ‘Lebanese’ or ‘Muslims’. Both terms cover a very wide range
of experiences and differences in terms of incorporation and the social dynamics which
affect this. Not only should policy makers and those who deliver specific programs
addressing issues of incorporation move beyond such categories, they also need to take
active steps towards breaking down the simplistic stereotypes which characterise so much
of current negative public discourse and thinking about second generation groups such as
the Lebanese and the Turks.
In particular, it is important to develop programs which make the general public aware of
the extent to which the majority of individuals involved in each group are actually
incorporated in Australian society. As already noted, in all communities there are
individuals involved in anti-social if not criminal behaviour. However, in the groups
studied they are most definitely a minority. All too often the media and public debate
focuses on this minority while ignoring the substantial achievements and positive
experiences of the vast majority of each group in being incorporated into Australian
society. Even when individuals such as the prominent ARL footballer and practising
Muslim, Hazem El Masri, are held in high respect in their community, it is rare that their
achievements, other than his sporting prowess in El Masri’s case, are also publicised to
the wider society.
The first recommendation which flows from the TAIS project is the need to move away
from simplistic use of terms such as ‘Lebanese’, ‘Turk’, ‘Middle Eastern’ or ‘Muslim’ in
discussions of incorporation. The diversity in other ethnic groups such as those from
Great Britain or of Chinese background is already widely acknowledged. Now it is
necessary to extend this recognition to those of Lebanese, Turkish or Muslim background.
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The second recommendation concerns the need for a concerted effort to publicise the
positive experiences and responses of young second generation Australians from
Lebanese and Turkish backgrounds towards incorporation into Australian society. This is
particularly important given the widely held negative stereotypes about the young people
on the one hand, or the tendency to view them as passive victims on the other.
A related third recommendation is the need to foster a more sophisticated and complex
public understanding concerning the diverse forms of Islamic beliefs and practice. One of
the areas which attracts most public attention is the wearing by some Muslim women of
the hijab or head scarf. Often, these women are seen as being passive victims of male
control yet, as the young women in this study indicated, their main reason for wearing the
headscarf relates to a personal choice. This is not a new finding but it is often overlooked
by those criticising Islam in what is purported to be the interests of young women.
The preference for self-employment and owning their own business among Muslim
Lebanese youth co-exists with some evidence of lower income levels which calls into
question the viability of this strategy without managerial advice or support. A fourth
recommendation is therefore made to provide this by involving TAFE colleges in
establishing appropriate courses for small and medium business entrepreneurs in areas of
high Lebanese population concentrations.
Despite the substantial improvement in the human and economic capital which the second
generation groups have accumulated there are sections of these groups who are in need of
support to overcome their current disadvantage. The first are young men, particularly
those of Turkish background, who are experiencing lower levels of educational
attainment which is often related to relatively high levels of unemployment, or the risk of
being trapped into the precarious working world of casual, unskilled employment. Also
able to benefit from support which could assist them in becoming more extensively
incorporated and developing their human and economic capital are a segment of young
Lebanese women with relatively limited participation in education and the world of work.
To achieve this, it will be important to identify ways to contact them and their families
and support groups within the community who can address the factors which have been
limiting their incorporation. The experience of Turkish women in attaining high levels of
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socio –economic incorporation highlights that religious background is not, of itself, a
barrier to better incorporation.
The fifth recommendation is that attention should be given to developing support groups
based on other young members of the community who can provide mentoring to assist
with educational progress, especially in the transition from school to university or other
post-secondary education. Groups of young Turkish people have been active in
developing a range of activities. Given the need as identified by the Bradley report to
increase the participation of non-traditional groups in tertiary education, the universities
should be encouraged to work collaboratively with ethnically based student organisations
to increase the participation of young people of similar backgrounds.
Another area of need relating to socio-economic incorporation involves exploring the
reasons why many of those who are dissatisfied with their education and work careers are
actually those who have achieved at high levels in their education. It is also important to
consider whether this is related to another negative finding of the research. This concerns
the way in which for many individuals the highest level of discrimination and prejudice
was experienced in school. It came from both fellow students and teachers. The
involvement of teachers underlies the sixth recommendation which is the need to revisit
the preparation and on-going professional development of teachers so that they are better
equipped to avoid discriminatory behaviour and prejudice in their day to day work in
schools. The next, seventh, recommendation relates to the finding about the high levels
of hostile experiences associated with going out to evening entertainment. It is that
attention should be given to providing training to assist security personnel in
entertainment venues, as well as police, in handling ethnic tensions and conflicts
One of the most important implications to flow from this project is that there is a need to
focus on ways in which third generation youth may be assisted to overcome the relatively
limited diversity in their social relations. With two-thirds of young people reporting
involvement in organised community activities these provide a valuable access point for
promoting better relations and awareness. Sports clubs are an obvious location where
more can be done given that both the second and third generation groups, particularly,
men, report frequent involvement with club activities. The eighth recommendation is to
explore ways in which sporting and other organisations may be involved in developing
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personal relationships which can lesson the stereotypes about the second and third
generation groups. The program of Surf Life Saving Australia to include second
generation youth from Lebanese and Muslim backgrounds in their training programs
following the Cronulla riots is an example of the type of program which might be
developed.
A final ninth recommendation of this study is that there should be ongoing monitoring
of the progress towards incorporation among second generation youth. Part of this
involves monitoring individual ‘progress’ in incorporation. Another, important part is to
monitor the precise criteria which are appropriate to see as constituting ‘incorporation’
since, with changing patterns in education and the labour market, as well as other areas,
these may change. Hence the monitoring should target not only the ‘minority’ groups but,
also, the experiences of the third generation and other minority groups since these can be
at the forefront of redefining the relevant criteria to use in assessing incorporation.
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191
(6.53)
(8.16)
(3.14)
(4.60)
0.07
-0.09
(0.50)
0.41
-0.01
-0.43
(1.04)
-0.70
(0.57)
-0.89
0.35
-0.37
0.20
-1.75
-0.42
-0.20
(0.56)
(0.20)
(0.68)
0.53
(6649.29)
-19.46
(1.02)
-2.69
0.01
-0.13
-0.14
(0.78)
0.80
0.52
0.81
(0.00)
-17.38
(1.01)
0.68
(0.80)
0.69
(0.92)
(0.58)
0.46
(0.39)
(0.63)
0.91
(0.55)
1.06
0.73
0.74
(2.60)
(3.09)
(1.25)
(1.79)
(7563.35)
-17.70
(0.77)
1.15
(0.54)
(0.64)
0.00
-0.18
(3.39)
(6.16)
(3.65)
(4.19)
-0.60
(0.18)
0.37
-0.51
-0.21
0.27
(0.27)
(0.11)
(0.10)
(0.15)
-0.08
0.24
-0.17
0.09
(0.29)
0.31
(0.30)
(0.12)
0.21
0.28
-0.12
0.10
-0.31
(0.19)
(0.17)
0.03
(0.49)
0.29
(0.26)
(0.24)
(0.09)
0.14
0.05
-0.05
(0.21)
0.22
(0.25)
-0.07
0.72
0.32
0.16
(0.60)
(0.44)
(0.32)
-0.19
-0.03
-0.04
0.08
(0.34)
-0.33
(0.23)
(0.33)
(0.31)
-0.50
(0.45)
(0.28)
(0.40)
-0.58
(0.52)
(0.53)
-0.15
(0.48)
-0.39
(0.36)
(0.35)
(0.38)
(0.37)
0.57
(0.46)
(0.41)
(0.51)
0.06
(0.43)
0.51
(1.35)
(2.34)
(1.45)
(1.63)
(0.13)
(0.22)
(0.14)
(0.16)
(0.61)
(0.66)
(0.62)
(0.73)
(0.08)
(0.05)
(0.04)
(0.06)
(0.07)
0.02
-18.35
-57.60
-8.12
-39.67
0.82
-0.65
-0.55
-1.07
0.63
-0.62
-1.14
-0.86
0.76
0.71
0.59
-1.32
6.83
19.95
3.75
14.28
-0.71
-1.76
-0.40
-1.29
-0.38
0.85
0.34
0.15
2.84
0.83
-0.24
-0.46
0.12
0.30
12.12
-52.74
11.90
-23.49
0.61
0.62
-1.11
-1.04
-0.77
-1.00
-1.82
-1.55
0.38
0.87
0.56
0.48
0.58
0.42
1.03
1.59
1.05
0.65
0.89
0.77
1.01
0.23
0.17
0.13
0.88
-1.42
-2.04
-0.96
0.19
0.94
1.02
-0.26
0.79
1.47
1.20
-4.27
17.77
-4.62
7.99
0.33
-1.51
-0.69
1.14
1.99
1.25
-0.27
-0.47
-1.03
-1.44
0.43
0.45
0.70
2.58
1.49
0.54
-0.35
0.11
0.18
0.75
0.26
0.55
-0.16
0.25
-0.02
Logistic
Logistic
Central
and
13,660
33,092
Skilled
Salariat
Ancestry
Intercept
Oceanian
Dutch
Maltese
Greek
Chinese
Balkan
Australian-Other
British
German
Italian
Aboriginal,
Australian
Other
Lebanese
Incomplete
Qualifications
Age-squared
Age
Completed
Post-secondary
Marital
Tertiary
Formerly
Married
0.00
Single
Chi-squared
Routine
N
Petty
bourgeoisie
1
2
32
1
&manual
Status
(152)
1
2
non13
2
1Irish
2
Married
1NonTotal
Other
3 (d.f.)
2
1 2
2
3
132
Table
Salariat
2.19B.
2.19A.
38,295
regression
Indigenous
Christian
secondary
vocational
manual
1 of
2
3of
regression
Eastern
European
occupational
1
2
occupational
class:
Men
class: Women
(parameter
(parameter
estimates;
estimates;
contrasts
with
contrasts with
semi- and
semiand
TIAS Final Project Report
White, R., Perrone, S., Guerra, C., & Lampugnani, R. (1999b). Ethnic Youth Gangs in
Australia: Do they exist? Overview Report. Melbourne: Australian Multicultural
Foundation.
White, R., Perrone, S., Guerra, C., & Lampugnani, R. (1999c). Ethnic Youth Gangs in
Australia: Do they exist? Report no. 2: Turkish Young People. Melbounre:
Australian Multicultural Foundation.
Young, C., Petty, M., & Faulkner, A. (1980). Education and Employment of Turkish and
Lebanese Youth. Canberra: Commonwealth Dept of Education, AGPS.
Zhou, M. (2005). Ethnicity as Social Capital: Community-based institutions and
embedded networks of social relations. In G. C. Loury, T. Modood & E. S. Teles
(Eds.), Ethnicity, Social Mobility and Public Policy: Comparing the US and UK
(pp. 131-159). Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
190
APPENDIX 1.
CENSUS DATA SOURCES AND MEASURES USED IN THE
REPORT
The 2006 census is the source of two data sets used in this report. The first data set, derived
from the Australian Bureau of Statistics’ CData2006, is based on the entire Australian
population aged 18-35 excluding overseas visitors. It has been used to provide comparative
material for all Australians with Lebanese or Turkish as their first ancestry. The second data
set is the 1% Confidentialised Unit Record Files (CURF). This is sample data which allows
more complex statistical analysis to assess the effects of a range of factors on the labour
market outcomes for individual ancestry groups. At the 2006 census neither the CURF 1%
nor 5% samples separately identified those of Turkish ancestry. Separate data was, however,
available for those with Lebanese ancestry. This has allowed the updating and extension of a
previous analysis using 2001 CURF data (Inglis & Model, 2007).
The Use of CURF Data
The sample 1% Confidentialised Unit Record Files (CURF) from the 2006 Australian Census
is based on self-reported data from a resident population of 19.9 million persons on Census
night which was the 30 June 2006. The only exception is data collected by interview in
predominantly Indigenous settlements in remote and isolated areas. For the purposes of
present analysis, the individuals who were temporary visitors residing in Australia for less
than one year were excluded. Thus the present analysis potentially includes overseas students
studying in Australia for degrees and other courses longer than one year. The majority of
these students are from Asia, many of them ethnic Chinese. The version of the CURF used in
this analysis is the Basic 1% dataset rather than the more detailed RADL Expanded 5%
version which would have allowed examination of a wider range of ancestry groups.
However, the sample size of the additional ancestry groups identifiable in the RADL
Expanded dataset is typically less than 100 for the second-generation males and females in the
target age range of 18 to 59 years. Their inclusion hence would have created a problem of
statistical reliability in this analysis.
Measures1
Ancestry
The measure of ancestry used in this analysis is based on answers to the question: ‘What is
the person’s ancestry?Provide up to two ancestries only.’ A note on the form added that:
‘When answering this question, consider and mark the ancestries with which you identify
most closely. Count your ancestry back as far as three generations if known e.g. consider your
parents, grand-parents and great-grandparents.’
In order to meet the minimum requirements of 100 cases for males and females in the second
generation using the Basic dataset it was still necessary to combine some ancestries. As
coding was provided for the first two ancestries identified by individuals this was taken into
account in constructing specific individual ancestries. Where individuals gave only one
ancestry as their first, and in some cases, second response, this was taken as their ancestry.
These ancestries were ‘Australian’, British & Irish, Dutch, German, Italian, Maltese, Greek,
Lebanese and Chinese. Where individuals reported Australian and another ancestry they were
classified as ‘Australian Other’. Geographic names are used for countries and regions where it
1
¹ For more detailed information on the measures in the 2006 Census see Australian Bureau of Statistics, 2006
Census Directory (Canberra: Australian Bureau of Statistics, 2006).
TIAS, Root Questionnaire, part A (Personal details)
November 2007
1
was necessary to combine groups for purposes of analysis. ‘Balkan’ includes those such as
Albanians, Bosnians, Croatians, Macedonians, Romanians and Serbians, while ‘Central and
Eastern European’ includes Czechs, Hungarians, Poles, Ukrainians and ussians. The ‘Other
Oceanian’ category includes Indigenous ancestries from Australia and the Pacific. The final
category, ‘Other” includes a heterogeneous group of individuals including New Zealanders,
Other Europeans and individuals from the Middle East, Africa, and the Americas as well as
individuals with non-Australian mixed ancestries.
An addition to the ancestry coding in 2006 was to divide the Lebanese ancestry group into
‘Christians’ and ‘non-Christian/Other’. This was done by subdividing those classified as
Lebanese ancestry by their religious affiliation. In the case of the first generation Lebanese
aged 18-59, 57% identified as Christians, 38% as Muslims and 5% as either other religions,
not clearly defined or no religion. For second generation Lebanese aged 18-59, 60%
identified as Christian, 34% as Muslim, and 6% as other religions, not clearly defined or no
religion.
Generation
This was based on whether the individual was born overseas. Those who were born abroad
and whose birthplace was stated were classified as first generation if their parents were also
born overseas. Second generation were those persons born in Australia who had one or both
of their parents born overseas. Note that the census did not ask for country of parents’ birth
where they were born outside Australia. The third generation were those born in Australia
with both their parents also born in Australia.
Age
Up to 24 years, age was based on single year but after that only five-year age groupings were
available.
Marital Status
This measure was constructed from responses to replies concerning legally registered marital
status. Persons were coded as married if they described themselves as in a ‘registered’
marriage. Persons describing themselves as divorced, separated and widowed were coded as
formerly married. Persons describing themselves as single were coded as never married. This
measure differed slightly from the 2001 category which also took account of the social marital
status of individuals and thus included those in ‘de facto’ relationships as ‘married’.
Highest Educational Qualification
This measure was obtained by combining responses to ‘highest level of primary or secondary
schooling completed’ and the question asking ‘highest level of qualification obtained’ which
includes post-secondary qualifications. The lowest level of education available was for those
who did not complete secondary school by gaining a formal end of school certificate.
TIAS, Root Questionnaire, part A (Personal details)
November 2007
2
Economic Activity
This measure was obtained by combining information from the variable on student status,
which reported whether the individual was a full-time student, with the reply to the question
concerning labour-market status. The latter did not collect information to distinguish between
those who are not economically active because they are retired, involved only in looking after
the home or other reason.
Unemployment
Persons who reported that they were unemployed and looking either for full-time or part-time
work.
Occupation
This was based on the answers to two questions. The first was the main job held in the last
week coded as one of the eight major occupation categories of the Australian and New
Zealand Standard Classification of Occupations (ANZSCO), 2006. The second question asked
about employment status, distinguishing employees from owner managers and contributing
family workers. In order to approximate the Goldthorpe occupational class measure used in
the earlier analysis, the following variables were constructed:
Salariat consists of ‘Managers’ who are employees and ‘Professionals’ who are
employees as well as owner managers, or contributing family workers.
Petty Bourgeoisie consists of those in all the occupational groupings except the
‘Professional’ group who are not employees being either owner managers, or
contributing family workers.
Routine Non-Manual are ‘Clerical & Administrative Workers’ as well as ‘Sales
Workers’ who are employees.
Skilled Manual are ‘Technicians & Trade Workers’ who are employees.
Semi- and Unskilled are ‘Community & Personal Service’, ‘Machinery Operators &
Drivers’ and ‘Labourers’ who are employees.
This measure of Occupation is different to that used in the 2001 analysis which was based on
the Australian Standard Classification of Occupations, second edition. This classification had
included categories such as ‘Associate Professionals’ who had been placed in the Salariat
category. It did not include ‘Community and Personal Service Workers’ .
Income
The variable used in the analysis is the log of hourly income. This measure is constructed
from the gross weekly income (including pensions and allowances) which the individual
receives each week from all sources and the usual hours the individual worked each week.
The CURFs code weekly income as belonging to one of fifteen intervals, the first two of
which are, respectively, negative or none. Time worked is also coded as intervals to their
respective midpoints. Next, respondents’ hourly earnings were defined; this number is the
quotient of estimated weekly income divided by estimated weekly hours. Finally, the natural
log of this quotient was obtained. Note that this procedure renders meaningless the income of
persons without jobs.
TIAS, Root Questionnaire, part A (Personal details)
November 2007
3
Language Proficiency
This was defined on the basis of the replied to the question on English proficiency which
distinguishes between three groups: Those who speak only English in the home, those who
speak a language other than English in the home and speak English 'well' or 'very well', and
those who speak a language other than English in the home and speak English
'not well' or 'not at all'.
Inglis, C., & Model, S. (2007). Diversity and Mobility in Australia. In A. Heath & S. Y.
Cheung (Eds.), Unequal Chances: Ethnic minorities in Western labour markets.
Oxford: Oxford University Press for the British Academy.
TIAS, Root Questionnaire, part A (Personal details)
November 2007
4
APPENDIX 2 TIAS SURVEY QUESTIONNAIRE IN CAPI FORMAT
My name is ………… from McNair Ingenuity Research, the national research group. We are conducting an
important survey among people aged between 18 years and 35 about their family history and attitudes to life in
Australia.
You were recently contacted by a member of the McNair Ingenuity Research team and agreed to take part in this
survey.
It should take about an hour.
(IF NECESSARY SAY: “The answers that you give are combined with those of hundreds of other people that we
survey. After we have done our quality control checks, we do not keep your phone number or name, and you
cannot be identified. We do not sell the information or use it in any way other than in this research”.)
A. PERSONAL DETAILS
INTERVIEWER: READ INTRO: WE WOULD LIKE TO START THIS INTERVIEW WITH SOME QUESTIONS
ABOUT YOU AND THE PEOPLE YOU LIVE WITH IN THIS HOUSEHOLD.
A1 Can you tell me who lives in your household (definition IN THE MANUAL) with you? Start with yourself and
continue with the oldest person, the second oldest person and so on up to 10 people per household
A1a
A1b
A1c
A1d
A1e
Household
members
Sex
Age
Country of
birth
What is the
relationship with the
respondent?
Start with
yourself and
continue with
the oldest
household
member,
followed by
the second
oldest
member, etc.
1 = male
2 = female
1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
6.
7.
8.
9.
10.
11.
12.
13.
14.
15.
Respondent
Oldest other
member
Second
Oldest
member
Third oldest
member
Fourth oldest
member
Fifth oldest
TIAS, Root Questionnaire, part A (Personal details)
November 2007
Respondent
Husband or wife
Partner
Daughter or son
Step child
Adopted child
Brother or sister
Brother-in-law,
sister-in-law
Step brother, step
sister
Mother or father
Mother or fatherin-law
Grandchild
Grandparent
Other related
unrelated
1
5
member
Sixth oldest
member
Seventh
oldest
member
Eighth oldest
member
Ninth oldest
member
Tenth oldest
member
A1g
What is your date of birth?
Day
….
Month
…..
Year
…..
IF PARENTS OF RESPONDENT DO NOT LIVE IN THIS HOUSEHOLD, GO TO A3
A2
A3
Have you ever left your parents’ home to live somewhere else?
How old were you when you first left your parents’ home to live
somewhere else?
Yes
1
Æ A3
No
2
Æ A5
Age:
years
TIAS, Root Questionnaire, part A (Personal details)
November 2007
6
A4
Why did you
leave your
parents’
home? You
may give
more than
one answer.
1
1
1
1
1
Not
mentioned
2
2
2
2
2
1
2
1
1
1
1
2
2
2
2
Mentioned
A4a
A4b
A4c
A4d
A4e
A4f
A4g
A4h
A4i
A4j
I married
I started living with my partner
I wanted to live on my own
For my studies
For my work
My parents went back to [THEIR COUNTRY OF
BIRTH]
I did not get along with my parents
Other reasons
I wanted to go to my parents’ country of birth
I wanted to travel overseas
SIBLINGS
A5
How many older and how many younger brothers and sisters do
you have in total? Also include half-brothers and half-sisters.
Please include brothers and sisters who live with you, as well as
brothers and sisters who live somewhere else.
Number of older siblings
Number of younger
siblings
CHILDREN
A6.
A7a
Do you have any children who
are not living with you?
No
2
→ A8d
Yes
1
Æ A7a
How many of your children live somewhere else?
Number of children ………………………
CITIZENSHIP
A8d
Do you have various
citizenships?
You may give more
than one answer.
A8db
A8dc
A8dd
A8de
A8df
A8dg
A8dh
A8di
A8dj
mentioned
not
mentioned
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
2
2
2
2
2
2
2
2
Turkish
Lebanese
Other (specify each)
y:
If Turkish, Lebanese or parents’ country of birth is not mentioned go to A 11
If Turkish,Lebanese or parents’ country of birth is mentioned go to A12
A11
Why do you not have Turkish/Lebanese/ parents ‘
other country of birth citizenship?
Not eligible
Not Interested
Other (specify)
TIAS, Root Questionnaire, part A (Personal details)
November 2007
1
2
7
A12
Are you a citizen of any another country?
None
1
Other (specify)
Other (specify)
Go to part B
B. EDUCATION
SCHOOL CAREER AND ATTAINMENT
INTERVIEWER READ INTRO: NOW WE WOULD LIKE TO ASK YOU SOME QUESTIONS ABOUT YOUR
EDUCATIONAL CAREER. WE ARE TALKING HERE ABOUT FULLTIME EDUCATION IN SCHOOL DURING
WORKING DAYS.
B1
How old were you when you went to school for the first time?
B2a
Did you attend pre-school/ kindergarten ?
B2b
How long did you attend pre-school/ kindergarten?
Age in years:
Yes
1
Æ B2b
No
2
Æ B3A
Don't know
98
Æ B3A
one year or less
1
more than one year
2
INTERVIEWER READ INTRO: NOW I WOULD LIKE TO ASK YOU ABOUT PRIMARY SCHOOL.
B3A
Please list in order the name of each Primary
school you attended and the state/country where
it was located as well how long you spent there
ST
1 SCHOOL
ND
2 SCHOOL
RD
3 SCHOOL
TH
4 SCHOOL
TH
5 SCHOOL
B3
Time Attended
1 year or less
2 years
2
3 years
3
4 years
4
5 years
5
6 years
=6
State
=1
=
=
=
NSW= 1
Vic = 2
Other = 3
Country
Turkey
=
1
Lebanon
=
2
Other (specify)
=3
=
1
2
3
4
5
What kind of primary school did you spend
TIAS, Root Questionnaire, part A (Personal details)
November 2007
Public school
10
8
most time at?
Private school, Muslim
20
Private school, Christian
30
Private school, no particular religion or
philosophy
40
Other, ………………………………………….
50
Don't know
98
INTERVIEWER: SHOW CARD
TIAS, Root Questionnaire, part A (Personal details)
November 2007
9
B4
Why did you
attend this primary
school?
Because this was the local school for children who lived
in the area
1
2
B4b.
Because this school had no particular religion or
philosophy of life
1
2
B4c.
Because this school was known to be a better school
than others in the area.
1
2
B4d.
Because this school offered specific study programs
1
2
B4e.
Because this school had a particular religion or
philosophy of life
1
2
B4f.
Because my parents selected it
1
2
B4g.
Because my brother(s) / sister(s) attended it too
1
2
B4h.
Because in this school there were few children from
NESB (non-English speaking background )
1
2
B4i.
Because other schools in the area didn't accept children
of immigrant origin
1
2
B4j.
Other reason, ………………………………..
1
2
B4k.
Don't know
DO NOT READ
B5.
Around 25%
children were
of NESB
background
1
B10a
B10b
98
How many children of none-English speaking background (NESB) were there at this primary school?
Hardly any children
were of NESB
background
B8
Not
mentioned
B4a.
.
(MORE THAN
ONE ANSWER
POSSI BLE)
mentioned
Around half of the
children were of
NESB
background
2
Around 75% of the
children were of
NESB background
3
4
Did you ever interrupt your primary schooling in Australia to go abroad for
a period of more than three months?
Did you get any advice from your primary school about which secondary
school to attend?
What school advice were you
given at the end of primary
school? You may have been
advised about more than one
level or school.
INTERVIEWER: SHOW
ANSWER CARD.
Almost all
children were
of NESB
background
Don't
know
5
98
Yes
1
No
2
Æ B10b
Yes
1
No
2
Æ B11A
Don’ know
98
Æ B11A
Mentioned
Not
mentioned
Public school, non-selective
1
2
Public school, selective
1
2
Private school, Christian
1
2
Private school, Muslim
1
2
TIAS, Root Questionnaire, part A (Personal details)
November 2007
10
B11A
Private school, with no particular religion
or philosophy
1
2
Other (specify)
1
2
Don’t remember
96
No Advice
88
Please list in order the name of each
secondary school you attended and the
state/country where it was located as
well as how long you spent there
Time Attended
1 year or less
2 years
3 years
4 years
5 years
6 years
State
=1
=2
=3
=4
=5
=6
NSW= 1
Vic = 2
Other = 3
Country
Turkey
=
1
Lebanon =
2
Other (specify)
ST
1 SCHOOL
ND
2 SCHOOL
RD
3 SCHOOL
TH
4 SCHOOL
TH
5 SCHOOL
B12
B13
B14
Are you still attending secondary school?
Did you complete secondary school?
Why did you leave secondary
school before completing
year 12?
More than one answer is
possible
(MORE THAN ONE ANSWER
POSSIBLE)
Yes
1
No
2
Yes, completed and obtained the
HSC/ VCE
1
Did not complete but received the
School Certificate/ Intermediate
2
No, not completed and therefore
no diploma or certificate
3
Æ B32
Æ B15
Æ B14
Æ B14
mentioned
not
mentioned
B14a.
Level was too low
1
2
B14b.
Level was too high
1
2
B14c.
Wanted to do another type of education
1
2
B14d.
Did not like the school
1
2
B14e.
Parents thought the school was no good
1
2
B14f.
Had problems with teachers
1
2
B14g.
Had problems with other pupils
1
2
B14h.
Other reason:……………………….
1
X
B15.
How old were you when you left secondary school?
B16.
Did you get advice from the school about continuing your education when
TIAS, Root Questionnaire, part A (Personal details)
November 2007
Age in years:
Yes
1
Æ B17
11
you left secondary school?
B17.
What educational advice were
you given by your school? You
may have been advised about
different types of further
education
INTERVIEWER: SHOW
ANSWER CARD.
B18.
No
2
Æ B18
Don’ know
98
Æ B18
Mentioned
Not
mentioned
TAFE
1
2
Private vocational training
1
2
University
1
2
Adult/ community college vocational
1
2
Don’t remember
98
Not applicable
88
What type of education did you go to
next?
This was the last education I received
TAFE
2
Æ B20.
3
Æ B20
University
4
Adult /community college vocational
Don’t remember
Later on, did you return to attend school or get further education in a
course that was at least one year?
Æ B19.
Æ B20
Private vocational training
B19.
1
Æ B20
5
98
Æ B20.
Yes
1
Æ B19i
No
2
Æ B32.
NOW I WANT TO ASK YOU ABOUT YOUR POST SECONDARY SCHOOL EDUCATION
B19 i
How many courses have you done post secondary school?
TIAS, Root Questionnaire, part A (Personal details)
November 2007
One course
1
Two courses
2
Three
courses
3
Four Courses
4
Five or more
courses
5
12
B19A
Please list in order the name of each post secondary school TAFE/ University or other one
year or longer vocational course/program you
attended and the state/country where it was
located as well how long you spent there
ST
1 COURSE
ND
2 COURSE
RD
3 COURSE
TH
4 COURSE
TH
5 COURSE
B20.
Time Attended
1 year or less
2 years
2
3 years
3
4 years
4
5 years
5
6 years
=6
State
=1
=
=
NSW= 1
Vic = 2
Other = 3
=
Country
Turkey
=
1
Lebanon
=
2
Other (specify) =
3
=
1
2
3
4
5
Are you still studying?
TIAS, Root Questionnaire, part A (Personal details)
November 2007
Yes
1
No
2
IF B19i 1
and YES
ÆB32
13
B21
Did you complete this [NAME FIRST COURSE] and
receive a qualification ?
Yes, completed and did obtain a
diploma or certificate
What was the name of the
qualification?............
1
Yes, completed but did not obtain
a diploma or certificate
2
No, not completed and therefore
no diploma or certificate
3
Æ B23
Æ B23
Æ B22
INTERVIEWER:
-
Repeat B24-B31 as often as needed. Use Q19i for number of repetitions required. CODE 1 = 1
repetition, Code 2 = 2 repetitions etc
-
Fill in a copy for each additional educational level attended.
-
Number the copies (1,2,3 etc.) at the dots in front of the question number. OR RENUMBER AS
APPROPRIATE ED
-
After all educational levels that the respondent has attended ( includes post secondary courses including
TAFE, Undergraduate University and post-graduate university) have been discussed continue the
interview with B32.
TIAS, Root Questionnaire, part A (Personal details)
November 2007
14
START REPETION BLOCK (copy as often as needed)
…
B24
Did you get advice from teachers/ lecturers about continuing your
education at the end of this course/program?
Yes
1
Æ B25
No
2
Æ B26
98
Æ B26
Don’ know
…
B25
What educational advice were
you given? You may have been
advised about more than one
level or school.
INTERVIEWER: SHOW
ANSWER CARD.
…
B26
…
What type of education did you
go to next?
Mentioned
Not
mentioned
TAFE
1
2
Private vocational training
1
2
University
1
2
Adult/ community college vocational
1
2
University -postgraduate
1
2
Don’t remember
98
Not applicable
88
This was the last educational course I
attended
1
Æ B27
TAFE
2
Æ B28.
Private vocational training
3
Æ B28
University –undergraduate
4
Æ B28
University-postgraduate
5
Æ B28
Adult/ community college vocational
6
Æ B28
Other (specify)
7
Æ B28
Don’t remember
98
Æ B28.
Later in life did you return to get further education?
B27
…
Are you still attending this educational program/course?
B28
…
B29
Did you complete this
educational level and obtain a
diploma or certificate?
Yes
1
Æ B28
No
2
Æ B32
Yes
1
Æ B32
No
2
Æ B29
Yes, completed and did obtain a diploma or certificate
1
Æ B31
Yes, completed but did not obtain a diploma or certificate
2
Æ B31
No, not completed and therefore no diploma or certificate
3
Æ B30
TIAS, Root Questionnaire, part A (Personal details)
November 2007
15
…
B30
Why did you quit this
educational course/ level before
obtaining a qualification such
as a diploma or certificate?
More than one answer
possible.
(MORE THAN ONE ANSWER
POSSIBLE)
…
B31
mentioned
not
mentioned
B30a.
Level was too low
1
2
B30b.
Level was too high
1
2
B30c.
Wanted to do another type of education
1
2
B30d.
Did not like the educational institution
1
2
B30e.
Parents thought the course was not good
1
2
B30f.
Had problems with teachers
1
2
B30g.
Had problems with other pupils
1
2
B30i
Wanted to earn more money
1
2
B30j
Did not want to spend so much time
studying
1
2
B30h.
Other reason:……………………….
1
2
How old were you when you left this educational
program/course?
Age in years:
END REPETION BLOCK
B32
After all questions about study, I
want to ask one more question:
what is the highest educational
qualification you have obtained?
Incomplete secondary
1
Completed secondary
2
TAFE certificate
3
TAFE diploma
4
University undergraduate
5
University graduate diploma/ certificate
6
University postgraduate- masters level
7
University postgraduate-PhD
8
Other (specify)
9
IF RESPONDENT IS STILL STUDYING (B12 =1 OR B20 =1 0R …B28 =1), SKIP B33 AND GO TO B34
TIAS, Root Questionnaire, part A (Personal details)
November 2007
16
B33.
Why didn’t you continue beyond
this level?
(MORE THAN ONE ANSWER
POSSIBLE)
B33A
B33
B
not
mentioned
B27a.
I am satisfied with my education
1
2
B27b.
I did not want to do further study
1
2
B27c.
I wanted to work and earn money
1
2
B27d.
I had to work and earn money
1
2
B27e.
I got married
1
2
B27f.
My parents made me stop
1
2
B27g.
I had to take care of the children or
family
1
2
B27h.
Other reasons, ………………………
1
2
Do you have plans to do further study?
Yes
1
Æ B33B
No
2
Æ B34
Why is that?
(MORE THAN ONE ANSWER
POSSIBLE)
mentioned
mentioned
Not
mentioned
B.
I am dissatisfied with my education
1
2
B
I now feel ready to do more study
1
2
B.
It will help me in my career
1
2
B.
My employer is paying for it
1
2
B.
My spouse is encouraging me
1
2
B.
Other relatives are encouraging me
1
2
B.
My friends are encouraging me
1
2
B.
Other reasons, ………………………
1
X
TIAS, Root Questionnaire, part A (Personal details)
November 2007
17
B33
C
B34.
What type of course are you
planning to take
What was/ is the field or area of your
highest qualification or current study? Think
of the name of the diploma, or the most
important subjects, or the profession for
which you studied.
INTERVIEWER: SHOW CARD
TAFE p/t
1
TAFE f/t
2
University undergraduate p/t
3
University undergraduate f/t
4
University postgraduate p/t
5
University postgraduate f/t
6
Adult education
7
Other
8
Don’t Know
9
General
1
Education (teaching, training)
2
Arts (e.g. fine arts, performing, graphic design)
3
Humanities (languages, culture, history, religion)
4
Social and behavioural science
5
Journalism, communication and information
6
Business and administration
7
Law
8
Science (e.g. physics, chemistry, biology)
9
Computing and software
10
Engineering
11
Manufacturing and processing
12
Architecture and building
13
Agriculture and horticulture
14
Health or medicine
15
Social services or welfare
16
Personal services (e.g. hotel, catering)
17
Transport services
18
Environnemental protection
19
Security services and the military
20
Not known or unspecified
98
NOW I WANT TO ASK A FEW MORE QUESTIONS ABOUT YOUR SECONDARY SCHOOL AGAIN
B35.
B36.
Did you ever change schools in secondary
school?
Never
Once
More than once
1
2
3
Did you ever repeat a grade or class in
secondary school?
Never
Once
More than once
1
2
3
TIAS, Root Questionnaire, part A (Personal details)
November 2007
18
B37a
Did you ever interrupt your secondary schooling in Australia to go abroad for
a period of more than three months?
Yes
1
2
No
B37b
In which year?
(MORE THAN ONE ANSWER
POSSIBLE)
st
1 year/ year 7
2
nd
ÆB38
Mentioned
Not mentioned
1
2
year/ year 8
1
2
rd
3 year/ year 9
1
2
th
1
2
th
1
2
th
1
2
4 year/ year 10
5 year/ year 11
6 year/ year 12
SCHOOL CONTEXT AND CLIMATE
INTERVIEWER IF RESPONDENT IS STILL ATTENDING SCHOOL, READ INTRO AND ASK QUESTIONS IN
PRESENT TENSE.
INTERVIEWER READ INTRO: NOW WE WANT YOU TO THINK OF YOUR EXPERIENCE IN SCHOOL WHEN
YOU WERE IN SECONDARY SCHOOL. WE HAVE SOME QUESTIONS ABOUT THE SCHOOL YOU
ATTENDED IN THIS PERIOD. IF YOU ATTENDED SEVERAL SCHOOLS, WE WANT TO KNOW ABOUT THE
SCHOOL WHERE YOU SPENT MOST OF YOUR TIME.
B38
B39
What kind of secondary school did you
study at the longest?
Public school, non-selective
10
INTERVIEWER: SHOW CARD
Public school, selective
20
Private school, Christian
30
Private school, Muslim
40
Private school, with no particular religion or
philosophy
50
Other, ………………………………………….
60
Don't know
98
How many children of non-English speaking background were there at this secondary school?
Hardly any children
were NESB
1
Around 25%
children were
NESB
2
TIAS, Root Questionnaire, part A (Personal details)
November 2007
Around half of the
children were
NESB
3
Around 75% of the
children were NESB
4
Almost all
children were
NESB
5
Don't
know
98
19
B40
Why did you attend this
secondary school?
There may be more than
one reason
(MORE THAN ONE
ANSWER POSSIBLE)
B42
B43
Not
mentioned
B40a.
Because this was the local school for
students who live in this area
1
2
B40b.
Because this school was known to be a
better school than others in the area
1
2
B40c.
Because this school offered specific study
programs
1
2
B40d
Because this school had a particular
religion or philosophy of life
1
2
B40e
Because this school had no particular
religion or philosophy of life
1
2
B40f.
Because siblings or friends attended this
school
1
2
B40g.
Because class mates from my primary
school went to this school
1
2
B40h.
Because my parents decided it
1
2
B40i.
Because in this school there were/ are few
NESB children
1
2
B40j.
Because I passed the selection test
1
2
B40k.
Because of advice from my primary
school
1
2
B40l.
Other reasons
1
2
DO NOT READ
B41
Mentioned
During secondary school did you ever go to an ESL class or a specialist teacher
who helped students with learning problems to catch up?
During secondary school did you ever have get coaching or go to a tutoring class
outside school?
Yes
1
No
2
Yes
1
No
2
Thinking about the teachers and the students at the secondary school where you spent most time, to what extent
do you agree with the following statements? INTERVIEWER GIVE ANSWER CARD
Totally
agree
Agree
Neither
agree nor
disagree
Disagree
Totally
disagree
B43a.
I got along well with most of my
teachers
1
2
3
4
5
B43b.
I got along well with most
students in my class.
1
2
3
4
5
B43c.
Most teachers really listened to
what I had to say
1
2
3
4
5
B43d.
When I needed extra help, I
would receive it from my teachers
1
2
3
4
5
TIAS, Root Questionnaire, part A (Personal details)
November 2007
20
INTERVIEWER READ INTRO: THE FOLLOWING QUESTIONS ARE ABOUT THE ROLE OF YOUR PARENTS
AND FAMILY IN YOUR SCHOOL CAREER.
B44
B45
When you were in secondary school did you have a quiet place at home to do
your homework?
How many books were there at your home?
Yes
1
No
2
0 – 10 books
1
11 – 25 books
2
26 – 50 books
3
51 – 100 books
4
More than 100 books
5
Don’t know
98
IF CODE 6 AT A5 GO TO B50
B46
B47
B48
B49
Do you have one or more older brothers or sisters with the HSC/VCE?
Yesbrother(s)
1
->B47
Yessister(s)
2
Æ B47
No
3
Æ B48
What is the highest qualification obtained by any of
your older brothers or sisters?
TAFE certificate
1
TAFE diploma
2
University undergraduate
3
University graduate diploma/ certificate
4
University postgraduate- masters level
5
University postgraduate-PhD
6
Other (specify)
9
Do you have older brothers or sisters who have left secondary school without the
HSC/VCE?
Do you have younger brothers or sisters who left secondary school without the
HSC/VCE?
TIAS, Root Questionnaire, part A (Personal details)
November 2007
Yesbrother(s)
1
Yessister(s)
2
No
3
Yesbrother(s)
1
Yessister(s)
2
No
3
21
B50
When you were in secondary school did you have close friends who left
secondary school without the HSC/ VCE?
INTERVIEWER: WE MEAN FRIENDS FROM THAT PERIOD OF LIFE IN
GENERAL
B51
B52
Yes
1
No
2
When you were in secondary school how important were the following people in supporting you with your studies or
school work? INTERVIEWER: GIVE ANSWER CARD
Not important
at all
Not
important
Somewhat
important
Important
Very
important
Not
applicable
B51a
Mother
1
2
3
4
5
88
B51b
Father
1
2
3
4
5
88
B51c
Elder sibling(s)
1
2
3
4
5
88
B51d.
Peer(s)
1
2
3
4
5
88
B51e.
Teacher(s)
1
2
3
4
5
88
When you were in secondary school, how often did your parents...
INTERVIEWER: GIVE ANSWER CARD
B53
Often
Regularly
Sometimes
Rarely
Never
Not applicable
B52a
...control the time you
spent on homework?
1
2
3
4
5
88
B52b.
...help you with your
homework?
1
2
3
4
5
88
B52c.
...ask you do household
chores or look after
siblings?
1
2
3
4
5
88
B52d.
...talk with you about
school or studies?
1
2
3
4
5
88
B52e.
...meet with or talk to
your teachers?
1
2
3
4
5
88
When you were in secondary school, how often did your older brothers or sisters...
INTERVIEWER: GIVE ANSWER CARD
B54
Often
Regularly
Sometimes
Rarely
Never
Not applicable
B53a
...help you with your
homework?
1
2
3
4
5
88
B53b.
...talk with you about
school or studies?
1
2
3
4
5
88
When you were going to secondary school, do you think that people of non-Anglo-Celtic background felt just as
welcome, less or more welcome in school than students of Anglo-Celtic background? [IF RESP. IS STILL IN
SCHOOL, SAY: In your secondary school, do you think...]
INTERVIEWER: GIVE ANSWER CARD
Much less welcome
Less welcome
Just as welcome
More welcome
Much more welcome
1
2
3
4
5
TIAS, Root Questionnaire, part A (Personal details)
November 2007
22
B55
As a secondary-school student, how often did you personally experience hostility or unfair treatment because of
your origin or background? [IF RESP. IS STILL IN SCHOOL, SAY: How often do you experience...]
INTERVIEWER: GIVE ANSWER CARD
Never
Rarely
Occasionally
Regularly
Frequently
1
2
3
4
5
Æ B57.
B56
Æ B56.
From whom did you experience
hostility or unfair treatment? You
can give more than one answer.
DO NOT READ
B57
B58
Looking back, how
satisfied are you
with the final level of
education that you
have achieved?
INTERVIEWER:
GIVE ANSWER
CARD
According to your
own experiences,
what do you think of
the following
statement:
Mentioned
Not mentioned
B56a
Students
1
2
B56b.
Teachers
1
2
B56c.
Principal
1
2
B56d.
Teaching assistants
1
2
B56e.
Others
1
2
Completely
unsatisfied
Mostly
unsatisfied
Partly
satisfied
Mostly
satisfied
Completely
satisfied
Do not
know
(NOT ON
CARD!)
1
2
3
4
5
98
Totally
agree
Agree
Neither
agree nor
disagree
Disagree
Totally
disagree
Don't know
(NOT ON
CARD!)
1
2
3
4
5
98
“The school system
in Australia offers
equal opportunities
to everybody.”
INTERVIEWER:
GIVE ANSWER
CARD
GO TO PART C
C. LABOUR MARKET
INTERVIEWER NOW READ INTRO: I would now like to ask you about your
experience on the labour or job market.
C1
Can you indicate which statement best
describes your current situation?
INT: SHOW CARD
TIAS, Root Questionnaire, part A (Personal details)
November 2007
I have one or more jobs
1
I have my own business
2
I am self-employed
3
Æ C2a
23
Instruction for the interviewer:
Paid work for a few hours a week or a
temporary job counts as work as well!
SINGLE RESPONSE
C2a
I have one or more jobs, and I also study
4
I am an apprentice
5
I do unpaid family work/ family business
6
I am unemployed and not looking for a job
or paid work
7
I am unemployed and looking for a job or
paid work
8
I take care of/ look after children/ family/
home
9
I am sick or disabled and cannot work
10
I am a fulltime student without a job
11
I am on unemployment benefits
12
I am retired
14
Other (specify)
13
Don’t know (do not include in answer
card)
98
Æ C42
In your main job/business what is your
job title or role?
INTERVIEWER: IF MORE THAN ONE
JOB, WRITE DOWN THE MAIN ONE IN
WHICH THE RESPONDENT SPENDS
MOST WORKING HOURS.
BE SPECIFIC HERE ABOUT ROLE
Eg ACCOUNTANT
C2b
In your main job/business what kind of
work do you do?
INTERVIEWER: DESCRIBE AS
ACCURATELY AS POSSIBLE THE
PRECISE TASKS THE INDIVIDUAL
DOES
HERE SHOULD HAVE A NUMBER OF
TASKS THEY DO IN THI JOB
Eg Conduct tax returns, financial
planning, auditing
C3
When did you start working in
this job/business?
Fill in year
Year
INTERVIEWER ASK FOR YEAR
TIAS, Root Questionnaire, part A (Personal details)
November 2007
24
C4
In which industry is
your
company/organisation?
INTERVIEWER SHOW
CARD
1. Agriculture, hunting and forestry
2. Fishing
3. Mining and quarrying
4. Manufacturing
5. Construction
6. Electricity, gas and water supply
7. Wholesale and retail trade; repair of motor vehicles,
motorcycles and personal and household goods
8. Hotels and restaurants
9. Transport, storage and communications
10. Financial intermediation
11. Real estate, renting and business activities
12. Public administration and defence; compulsory social
security
13. Education
14. Health and social work
15. Other community, social, personal service activities
16. Private households with employed persons
17. Extra-territorial organizations and bodies
18. Other (Specify)…………….
C5
What kind of business is it?
INT.: READ OUT
C7
A private firm/ business
1
Governmental/ civil service organisation
2
Non-governmental/ non-profit organisation
3
How many hours per week do you usually work in your job/ business?
TIAS, Root Questionnaire, part A (Personal details)
November 2007
number of hours
25
C8
C9
Are you employed as
Casual employee
10
INT.: SHOW CARD
Permanent employee
11
Paid (family) worker
12
Apprentice
13
Independent worker/ professional
14
Freelance worker
15
Owner of a business, without employees
16
Owner of a business, employing others
17
Other specify_
18
Do you have responsibility for
supervising other employees?
INT.: If yes, read out options 2-4
C10
How many employees in total
work in this firm/ organisation?
Æ C9
Æ C11
Æ C9
No
1
Yes, for less than 10 employees
2
Yes, for 10 to 50 employees
3
Yes, for more than 50 employees
4
0-9 employees
1
10-24 employees
2
25-99 employees
3
100-499 employees
4
Over 500 employees
5
IF CODE 16 or 17 ON C8 GO TO C12
C11
How did you find your current job? INTERVIEWER: ASK FOR MOST IMPORTANT WAY
Replied to an advertisement
10
Approached business
11
Through subsidized job scheme
12
Through private job agency
13
Through public job agency
14
Did my apprenticeship there
15
I worked there as a student or intern
16
Through a friend / colleague
17
Through relatives
18
Through internet
19
Other, specify_
20
If C1= 5 and C8 = 13, [ [THE PERSON IS AN APPRENTICE] GO TO C15
C12
C13
Does your current job (or your work in your own business)
correspond well with your level of education and/or your
skills?
No, job is below my level
1
Corresponds well
2
Job is above my level
3
Did you receive on-the-job training(s) in your current job to improve your
TIAS, Root Questionnaire, part A (Personal details)
November 2007
Yes
1
26
skills?
C14
C15
No
Were you promoted to your current position, or are you
continuing to work at more or less at the same level?
Is your present job also your first job?
2
Got promoted
1
Stayed at the same level
2
Got demoted
3
Not relevant, short-term job,
own business, or apprentice
track
4
Yes
1
→ C32
No
2
Æ C16
C16
How many jobs did you have before this current job?
……… number of jobs
C17
How many of these jobs were full-time jobs of at least 35 hours
per week?
……… number of jobs
Interviewer read: I now would like to ask you some questions about your first job.
C18
What was the main
reason you left your
first job/ stopped
your first business?
DO NOT READ
C19a
I didn't like the job
01
I thought I was not really suited for the job
02
I had a personal conflict on the job
03
I found a better paid or more interesting job
04
I found a job closer to my home, or I moved
05
I went back to study
06
I became a full-time home maker/ got married/ pregnant/ had a child
07
I became ill
08
I sold my business
09
My company went bankrupt
10
The company I worked for went bankrupt
11
The job was only temporary
12
I was laid off
13
Boss was dissatisfied with my work
14
Other, specify_
15
In your first job/business, what was your
job title or role?
INTERVIEWER: IF MORE THAN ONE
JOB, WRITE DOWN THE MAIN ONE IN
WHICH THE RESPONDENT SPENT
MOST WORKING HOURS.
BE SPECIFIC HERE ABOUT ROLE
Eg ACCOUNTANT
TIAS, Root Questionnaire, part A (Personal details)
November 2007
27
C19b
In your first job/business what kind of
work did you do?
INTERVIEWER: DESCRIBE AS
ACCURATELY AS POSSIBLE THE
PRECISE TASKS THE INDIVIDUAL
DID
HERE SHOULD HAVE A NUMBER OF
TASKS THEY DO IN THI JOB
Eg Conduct tax returns, financial
planning, auditing
C20a
When did you start your first job
(your own business)?
Fill in year
C20b
How long did you work in your
first job (your own business)??
Fill in number of months
C21
In which industry
was your
business?
INTERVIEWER
SHOW CARD
1.
year
_months
Agriculture, hunting and forestry
2. Fishing
3. Mining and quarrying
4. Manufacturing
5. Construction
6. Electricity, gas and water supply
7. Wholesale and retail trade; repair of motor vehicles, motorcycles and
personal and household goods
8. Hotels and restaurants
9. Transport, storage and communications
10. Financial intermediation
11. Real estate, renting and business activities
12. Public administration and defence; compulsory social security
13. Education
14. Health and social work
15. Other community, social, personal service activities
16. Private households with employed persons
17. Extra-territorial organizations and bodies
18. Other (Specify)………..
C22
What kind of organisation was it?
TIAS, Root Questionnaire, part A (Personal details)
November 2007
A private firm/ business
1
Governmental/ civil service organisation
2
28
INT.: READ OUT
Non-governmental/ non-profit organisation
3
………… number of hours
C24
How many hours per week did you usually work in your first job/
business?
C25
Did you do this work as:
Casual employee
10
INT.: SHOW CARD
Permanent employee
11
Paid (family) worker
12
Apprentice
13
Independent worker/ professional
14
Freelance worker
15
Owner of a business, without employees
16
Owner of a business, employing others
17
Other specify_
18
C26
C28
Æ C26
Æ C28
Æ C26
Were you responsible for
supervising other employees?
And if so, for how many?
No
1
Yes, for less than 10 employees
2
INT.:If yes, read out options 2-4
Yes, for 10 to 50 employees
3
Yes, for more than 50 employees
4
How did you find your first job? INTERVIEWER: ASK FOR MOST IMPORTANT WAY
Replied to an advertisement
10
Approached firm directly
11
Through subsidized job scheme
12
Through private job agency
13
Through public job agency
14
Had done my apprenticeship there
15
I had worked there as a student or intern
16
Through a friend / colleague
17
Through relations
18
Through internet
19
Other, specify_
20
If C25 = 13, [ THE PERSON WAS AN APPRENTICE] GO TO C32
C29
C30
C31
Did your first job correspond well with your level of
education and/or your skills?
No, job was below my level
1
Corresponds well
2
Job is above my level
3
Did you receive on-the-job training(s) in your first job to improve your
skills?
Did you get promoted in your first job, or did you continue to
TIAS, Root Questionnaire, part A (Personal details)
November 2007
Yes
1
No
2
Got promoted
1
29
work more or less at the same level?
C32
Stayed at the same level
2
Got demoted
3
Not relevant, short-term job,
own business
4
How difficult do you think it is for someone of non-Anglo-Celtic background with the same age and
qualifications to find a good job compared with people of Anglo-Celtic background ?
Much less difficult
Less difficult
As difficult
More difficult
Much more
difficult
1
2
3
4
5
C32 a
Why is that? PROBE Why Else?
C33
When looking for a job, currently or in the past, how often have you personally experienced hostility or
unfair treatment because of your origin?
C34
C35
Never
Rarely
Occasionally
Regularly
Frequently
1
2
3
4
5
At your workplace, currently or in the past, how often have you personally experienced hostility or unfair
treatment because of your origin?
Never
Rarely
Occasionally
Regularly
Frequently
1
Æ C36
2
3
4
5
From whom did you
experience hostility or
unfair treatment?
INT.: MORE THAN ONE
ANSWER IS POSSIBLE.
Æ C35
Mentioned
Co-workers or colleagues
Foremen or supervisors
Your boss or director
Clients
Others
Don't know
1
1
1
1
1
1
Not
mentioned
2
2
2
2
2
2
If C1 = 5 and C8 = 13 , (ie the person is an apprentice)and respondent has an uninterrupted
educational career GO TO C40
C36
I want to ask you now about the transition from school to work. It often takes some time before people
find a job after they have finished school or full time study.
How many months did it take you to find your first job?
TIAS, Root Questionnaire, part A (Personal details)
November 2007
........... number of months
30
C37
C38
Which of these
statements best
describes your
situation during the
first period after
finishing school/
study?
INT: SHOW CARD
I did household work
10
I was unemployed but did not look for a job (e.g. on vacation)
11
I was unemployed but actively looking for work
12
I did all kinds of short-term odd jobs
13
I helped in the family business without pay
14
I worked in a family business for payment
15
I immediately found a job
16
Other (specify)
17
Have you been without paid
employment since you left
school?
No
2
Æ C40
Yes, but less than one month
1
Æ C40
Yes, more than one month
3
Æ C39
C39
What was your longest period without paid employment?
C40
Has your career so far lived up to
your expectations?
READ IF NECESSARY
C41
What are your future plans
concerning your working career?
READ IF NECESSARY
…… number of months
Far worse than I expected
1
Worse than I expected
2
As expected
3
Better than I expected
4
Far better than I expected
5
Continue current work
1
Look for promotion/ more challenging job
2
Part time work / work fewer hours
3
Start my own business
4
Follow (additional) training/ education
5
Become a full-time homemaker
6
Other, specify_
7
INTERVIEWER: GO TO PART D
TIAS, Root Questionnaire, part A (Personal details)
November 2007
31
FOR THOSE WHO ARE UNEMPLOYED
C42
C43
C44
Are you currently looking for work?
Yes
1
Æ C43
No
2
Æ C44
How are you looking for work? Please tell me your main way of trying to find work.
Advertisement(s)
10
Direct approaches to potential employers
11
Through friend(s) /former colleague(s)
12
Through subsidized job scheme(s)
13
Through private job agency/ agencies
14
Through public job agency/ agencies
15
Through my (former) apprenticeship(s)
16
Through my (former) work as a student or intern
17
Through internet
18
Through relations
19
Other, specify_
20
Have you ever had a paid job?
INSTRUCTION FOR INTERVIEWER: Paid work for a few hours a
week or a temporary job counts as work as well!
Yes
1
Æ C45
No
2
Æ C79
C45
How long have your been without paid employment since your last paid
job?
C46a
What was the job title or your role in
your last job/ business?
…… number of
months
If respondent had own business ask:
What was your position or function in
your own business?
BE SPECIFIC HERE ABOUT ROLE
Eg ACCOUNTANT
C46b
In your last job/business what kind of
work did you do?
INTERVIEWER: DESCRIBE AS
ACCURATELY AS POSSIBLE THE
PRECISE TASKS THE PERSON DID
HERE SHOULD HAVE A NUMBER OF
TASKS THEY DO IN THI JOB
Eg Conduct tax returns, financial
planning, auditing
TIAS, Root Questionnaire, part A (Personal details)
November 2007
32
C47a
When did you start your last job/
last business?
Fill in year
C47b
How long did you work in your
last job / last business?
Fill in number of months
C48
In which industry
was this business/
organisation?
INTERVIEWER
SHOW CARD
1.
year
_months
Agriculture, hunting and forestry
2. Fishing
3. Mining and quarrying
4. Manufacturing
5. Construction
6. Electricity, gas and water supply
7. Wholesale and retail trade; repair of motor vehicles, motorcycles and
personal and household goods
8. Hotels and restaurants
9. Transport, storage and communications
10. Financial intermediation
11. Real estate, renting and business activities
12. Public administration and defence; compulsory social security
13. Education
14. Health and social work
15. Other community, social, personal service activities
16. Private households with employed persons
17. Extra-territorial organizations and bodies
18. Other (Specify)………..
C49
What kind of organisation was it?
INT.: READ OUT
C51
A private firm/ business
1
Governmental/ civil service organisation
2
Non-governemental/ non-profit organisation
3
How many hours per week did you work usually in your job/ business?
TIAS, Root Questionnaire, part A (Personal details)
November 2007
number of hours
33
C52
C53
Did you do this work as:
Casual employee
10
INT.: SHOW CARD
Permanent employee
11
Paid (family) worker
12
Apprentice
13
Independent worker/ professional
14
Freelance worker
15
Owner of a business, without employees
16
Owner of a business, employing others
17
Other, Specify
18
Did you have responsibility for
supervising other employees?
INT.: If yes, read out options 2-4
C54
How many employees worked in
total in this firm/ organisation?
Æ C53
Æ C55
Æ C53
No
1
Yes, for less than 10 employees
2
Yes, for 10 to 50 employees
3
Yes, for more than 50 employees
4
0-9 employees
1
10-24 employees
2
25-99 employees
3
100-499 employees
4
Over 500 employees
5
IF CODE 16 or 17 on C52 GO TO C56
C55
How did you find your last job? INTERVIEWER: ASK FOR MOST IMPORTANT WAY SINGLE
RESPONSE
Replied to advertisement
10
Approached employer directly
11
Through subsidized job scheme
12
Through private job agency
13
Through public job agency
14
Had done my apprenticeship there
15
I had worked there as a student or intern
16
Through a friend / (former) colleague
17
Through family relations
18
Through internet
19
Other, specify_
20
If C52 = 13 (PERSON WAS AN APPRENTICE), GO TO C59
C56
Did your last job correspond well with your level of
education and/or your skills?
TIAS, Root Questionnaire, part A (Personal details)
November 2007
No, job was below my level
1
Yes, Corresponded well
2
No,Job was above my level
3
34
C57
Did you receive on-the-job training(s) in your last job to improve your
skills?
TIAS, Root Questionnaire, part A (Personal details)
November 2007
Yes
1
No
2
35
C58
C59
Did you get promoted in your last job, or did you continue
work at more or less at the same level?
Was your last job also your first job?
Got promoted
1
Stayed at the same level
2
Got degraded
3
Not relevant, short-term job,
own business
4
Yes
1
→ C76
No
2
Æ C60
C60
How many jobs did you have before your last job?
……… number of jobs
C61
How many of these jobs were full-time jobs of more than 32
hours a week?
……… number of jobs
Interviewer read: I now would like to ask you some questions about your first job.
C62
C63a
What was the main
reason you left your
first job / stopped
with your first
business?
I didn't like the job
01
I thought I was not really suited for the job
02
I had a personal conflict on the job
03
I found a better paid or more interesting job
04
I found a job closer to my home, or I moved
05
I went back to study
06
I became a full-time home maker/ got married/ pregnant/ had a child
07
I became ill
08
I sold my business
09
My company went bankrupt
10
The company I worked for went bankrupt
11
The contract had been temporary
12
I was laid off
13
Boss was dissatisfied with my work
14
Other, specify_
15
What was your job title or role in your
first job/ business?
INTERVIEWER: IF MORE THAN ONE
JOB, WRITE DOWN THE MAIN ONE IN
WHICH THE RESPONDENT SPENT
MOST WORKING HOURS.
TIAS, Root Questionnaire, part A (Personal details)
November 2007
36
C63b
In your first job/business what kind of
work did you do?
INTERVIEWER: DESCRIBE AS
ACCURATELY AS POSSIBLE THE
PRECISE TASKS THE PERSON DID
C64a
When did you start your first job
(your own business)?
Fill in year
C64b
How many months did you work
in your first job (your own
business)?
Fill in number of months
C65
In which industry
was this business/
organisation?
INTERVIEWER
SHOW CARD
1.
year
_months
Agriculture, hunting and forestry
2. Fishing
3. Mining and quarrying
4. Manufacturing
5. Construction
6. Electricity, gas and water supply
7. Wholesale and retail trade; repair of motor vehicles, motorcycles and
personal and household goods
8. Hotels and restaurants
9. Transport, storage and communications
10. Financial intermediation
11. Real estate, renting and business activities
12. Public administration and defence; compulsory social security
13. Education
14. Health and social work
15. Other community, social, personal service activities
16. Private households with employed persons
17. Extra-territorial organizations and bodies
18. Other (Specify)…..
C66
What kind of business/
organisation was it?
A private firm/ business
1
Governmental/ civil service organisation
2
Non-governemental/ non-profit organisation
3
INT.: READ OUT
TIAS, Root Questionnaire, part A (Personal details)
November 2007
37
………… number of hours
C68
How many hours per week did you work usually in your first job/
business?
C69
Did you do this work as:
Casual employee
10
INT.: SHOW CARD
Permanent employee
11
Paid (family) worker
12
Apprentice
13
Independent worker/ professional
14
Freelance worker
15
Owner of a business, without employees
16
Owner of a business, employing others
17
Other
18
C70
Were you responsible for
supervising other employees?
INT.: If yes, read out options 2-4
Æ C70
Æ C72
Æ C70
No
1
Yes, for less than 10 employees
2
Yes, for 10 to 50 employees
3
Yes, for more than 50 employees
4
IF CODE 16 or 17 on C69 GO TO C73
C72
How did you find your first job? INTERVIEWER: ASK FOR MOST IMPORTANT WAY
Application on advertising
10
Application on own initiative
11
Through subsidized job scheme
12
Through private job agency
13
Through public job agency
14
Had done my apprenticeship there
15
I had worked there as a student or intern
16
Through a friend / colleague
17
Through family relations
18
Through internet
19
Other, specify_
20
If C69 = 13,(AN APPRENTICE) GO TO C76
C73
C74
Did your first job correspond well with your level of
education and/or skills?
No, job was below my level
1
Corresponded well
2
Job was above my level
3
Did you receive on-the-job training(s) in your first job to improve your
skills?
TIAS, Root Questionnaire, part A (Personal details)
November 2007
Yes
1
No
2
38
C75
C76
C77
Did you get promoted in your first job, or did you continue
work at more or less at the same level?
Got promoted
1
Stayed at the same level
2
Got degraded
3
Not relevant, short-term job,
own business
4
At your workplace in the past, have you ever personally experienced hostility or unfair treatment
because of your origin or background and, if so, how often?
Never
Rarely
Occasionally
Regularly
Frequently
1
Æ C78
2
3
4
5
Æ C77
From whom did you
experience hostility or
unfair treatment?
INT.: MORE THAN ONE
ANSWER IS POSSIBLE.
Yes
1
1
1
1
1
1
Co-workers or colleagues
Foremen or supervisors
Your boss or director
Clients
Others
Don't know
No
2
2
2
2
2
2
If C1 = 11(FULL-TIME STUDENTS)and C44 = 2 NEVER HAD PAID WORK) GO TO C80
C78
I want to ask you now about the transition from school to work. It often takes some time before people
find a job after they have finished school/ study.
How many months did it take you to find your first job?
C79
Which of these
statements best
describes your
situation during the
first period after
finishing school/
study?
INT: SHOW CARD
C80
C81
........... number of months
I did household work
10
I was unemployed but did not look for a job (e.g. on vacation)
11
I was unemployed but actively looking for work
12
I did all kind of short-term odd jobs
13
I helped in the family business without pay
14
I worked in a family business for payment
15
I immediately found a job
16
Compulsory service in the army
17
How difficult do you think it is for someone of non-Anglo-Celtic background with the same age and
qualifications to find a good job compared with people of Anglo-Celtic background ?
Much less difficult
Less difficult
As difficult
More difficult
Much more
difficult
1
2
3
4
5
When looking for a job, currently or in the past, have you ever personally experienced hostility or unfair
treatment because of your origin or background and, if so, how often?
Never
Rarely
Occasionally
Regularly
Frequently
1
2
3
4
5
TIAS, Root Questionnaire, part A (Personal details)
November 2007
39
C82
Has your career so far lived up to
your expectations?
TIAS, Root Questionnaire, part A (Personal details)
November 2007
Far worse than I expected
1
Worse than I expected
2
As expected
3
Better than I expected
4
Far better than I expected
5
40
C83
What are your future plans
concerning your working career?
To look for a job
2
To start my own business
4
To start or follow (additional) training/ education
5
To become full-time homemaker
6
Other, specify_
7
INTERVIEWER: GO TO PART D
D. PARTNER
Throughout the questionnaire we narrow the term spouse, or partner with whom you live together to one word
only: ‘partner’; please use the term that is appropriate for this particular respondent
ED If there is a husband, wife or partner in the household (that is if A1e = 2 or 3) start with D1, otherwise go to
D28.
INTERVIEWER READ OUT INTRO: I would like to ask you a few questions about marriage and
relationships.
D1.
When did you begin living with your partner?
Month
Year…. ..
D3.
D4.
How did you meet your
partner?
At school, TAFE or university, or at a school party
10
At my workplace
11
Through friends
12
At an association, a sports-club, a political party
13
At a night club, pub
14
At a family celebration
15
My parents introduced us
16
During a holiday in my parents’ home country
17
During a holiday (not in my parents’ home country)
18
Through someone in my parents’ network of friends
19
In my neighbourhood, street
20
In a public place (commercial centre, park, street)
21
Other, specify_
22
Don’t know
98
In which country was your partner born?
Australia
Turkey
Lebanon
Cyprus
Italy
China
Other, specify
TIAS, Root Questionnaire, part A (Personal details)
November 2007
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
Æ D6
Æ D5
41
Don’t know_
D5.
How old was your partner when he/she
came to live in Australia for the first
time?
TIAS, Root Questionnaire, part A (Personal details)
November 2007
98
Age in years
42
D6.
In which country was your partner’s
mother born?
Australia
Turkey
Lebanon
Cyprus
Italy
China
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
Other, specify
Don’t know_
D7
D8.
Has she ever lived in
Australia?
Yes
1
No
2
Don’t know
98
In which country was your partner’s
father born?
Australia
Turkey
Lebanon
Cyprus
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
19
Don’t know_
D10.
D11a
Has he ever lived in Australia?
What countries is
your partner a citizen
of?
In which country did your partner
go to school?
Æ D10
Æ D9
98
Yes
1
No
2
Don’t know
98
mentioned
D10a
D10b
D10c
D10d
D10e
D10f
D10g
D10h
D10i
D10j
D10k
Æ D7
98
Other, specify
D9
Æ D8
Australia
Turkey
Lebanon
Other, specify
Don’t know
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
98
Australia
1
Turkey/Lebanon
2
Australia + Turkey/Lebanon
3
Other
4
Other + Australia
5
Don’t know
98
TIAS, Root Questionnaire, part A (Personal details)
November 2007
not
mentioned
2
2
2
2
2
2
2
2
2
2
98
43
D11
What is the highest l level of
education your partner has
received?
Primary school
14
Lower secondary:
21
Upper secondary
31
TAFE or vocational training
32
TAFE- certificate course
33
TAFE –diploma course
34
University Bachelors degree
42
University, higher degree
50
Don’t know
98
What is the highest
qualification, diploma or
certificate obtained by your
partner (so far)?
Primary school
14
Lower secondary:
21
Upper secondary
31
READ IF NECESSARY
TAFE or vocational training
32
TAFE- certificate course
34
TAFE –diploma course
41
University Bachelors degree
42
University, higher degree
50
Don’t know
98
INT: highest level attended, i.e.
irrespective of diploma
attained! Also refers to level
still attending.
READ IF NECESSARY
D12
D13
I now have some questions on your
partner’s work situation.
Can you indicate which statement
best describes his/her current
situation? A few hours a week or a
temporary job counts as work as well
If he/she has more than one job at
the moment, choose the one in which
most time is spend.
INTERVIEWER: SHOW ANSWER
CARD
TIAS, Root Questionnaire, part A (Personal details)
November 2007
He/she has one or more jobs
10
He/she has their own business
11
He/she is self-employed
12
He/she has a job and he/she also studies
13
He/she is an apprentice
14
He/she does unpaid family work/ family business
15
He/she is retired
16
He/she is unemployed and not looking for a job or paid
work
17
He/she is unemployed and looking for a job or paid
work
18
He/she takes care of/ look after children/ family/ home
19
He/she is sick or disabled and cannot work
20
He/she is a fulltime student without a job
21
He/she is on unemployment benefits
22
Other (specify)
23
Don’t know
98
44
Refuses to tell
D14.
D15.
D16.
D17.
97
Yes…………………………………..…….
1
No…..……………………………………. ..
2
Muslim: Sunni
14
Muslim: Shia
15
Muslim: Alevi
16
Muslim: General
17
Christian: Catholic
10
Christian: Protestant
11
Christian: Orthodox
12
Christian:Maronite
14
Christian: Melkite
15
Christian: Armenian Apostolic Church
16
Christian: Pentacostal
17
Christian: Other (specify)
18
Druse
13
Jewish
18
Other (specify)
19
Are you married to your partner?
Yes…………………………………..…….
1
INT: meant here is a legal marriage
No…..……………………………………. ..
2
Does your partner have a religion?
What is/was your partner’s religion?
When did you marry your partner?
Æ D16
Æ D22
Month…………………………………..…….
Year ………………………………………….
D18.
Are you and your partner
relatives?
Yes, cousins ……….……………………..
1
No ………………. …………….……………
2
Refuses to answer ………………………..
97
Don’t know …………………………………
98
Yes, other family relationship, specify:
D19
D20
D22.
_3
Was there strong opposition from your family or your family-inlaw to your marriage?
Yes
1
No
2
Did your family or your family-in-law strongly encourage your
marriage?
Yes
1
No
2
Do you want to marry your
partner?
TIAS, Root Questionnaire, part A (Personal details)
November 2007
Æ D27
Yes
1
No
2
Don’t know yet
3
45
D23
Are you and your partner
relatives?
Yes, cousins …
1
No ……………
2
Refuses to answer……..
97
Don’t know …………
98
Yes, other family relationship, specify:
D25
D26
D27
3
Is there strong opposition from your family or your family-inlaw to your marriage?
Yes
1
No
2
Has your family or your family-in-law strongly encouraged your
marriage?
Yes
1
No
2
Apart from your current partnership or marriage,
have you previously been married or had another
partner?
Yes
1
Æ D42
No
2
ÆE
Yes
1
Æ D29
No
2
ÆE
INT: note that D28 is only for those not currently married or living with a partner
D28
Have you ever been married or did you have a
previous partner?
TIAS, Root Questionnaire, part A (Personal details)
November 2007
46
INTERVIEWER READ INTRO: I WOULD LIKE TO ASK YOU A FEW QUESTIONS ABOUT YOUR
LAST/PREVIOUS PARTNER
D29.
When did you start to live with your last partner?
Month
Year…. ..
D30.
How old was your last partner when you started to live
together?
D31b
When did this relationship end?
D32
In which country was your last partner born?
Age in years
Year
Australia
Turkey
Lebanon
Cyprus
Other specify
D33.
In which country was this partner’s mother
born?
In which country was this partner’s father
born?
98
Australia
Turkey
Lebanon
Cyprus
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
19
Don’t know_
98
Australia
Turkey
Lebanon
Cyprus
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
19
Other, specify
Don’t know_
TIAS, Root Questionnaire, part A (Personal details)
November 2007
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
19
Don’t know_
Other, specify
D34.
10
98
47
D35
Were you and this partner relatives?
Yes, cousins …
1
No ……………
2
Refuses to answer
97
Don’t know
98
Yes, other family relationship, specify:
D36.
D37
D38
D41
3
Were you married to this partner?
Yes
1
INT: meant here is a legal marriage
No
2
Æ D41
Was there strong opposition to this marriage by
your family or your family-in-law?
Yes
1
No
2
Was this marriage strongly encouraged by your
family or your family-in-law?
Yes
1
No
2
Apart from your last partnership or marriage, have
you ever been married before or had a previous
partner?
Yes
1
Æ D42
No
2
ÆE
INT READ: NOW I WOULD LIKE TO ASK YOU A FEW QUESTIONS ABOUT YOUR FIRST PARTNER
D42.
When did you start to live with your first partner?
Month
Year…. ..
D43.
How old was your first partner when you
started to live together?
Age in years
D44
When did this relationship end
Year
D45
In which country was your first partner born?
Australia
Turkey
Lebanon
Cyprus
Other, specify
Don’t know_
TIAS, Root Questionnaire, part A (Personal details)
November 2007
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
19
98
48
D46.
In which country was this partner’s mother born?
Australia
Turkey
Lebanon
Cyprus
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
19
Other, specify
D47.
In which country was this partner’s father born?
Don’t know_
98
Australia
Turkey
Lebanon
Cyprus
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
19
Other, specify
Don’t know_
D48.
Were you and this partner
relatives?
98
Yes, cousins ……….……………………..
1
No ………………. …………….……………
2
Refuses to answer ………………………..
97
Don’t know …………………………………
98
Yes, other family ties, specify:
3
D49.
Were you married to this partner?
Yes………………………………..…….
1
INT: meant here is a legal marriage
No…..……………………………………. ..
2
INTERVIEWER: GO TO PART E
E. PARENTS
INTERVIEWER READ INTRODUCTION: Now I would like to ask you some questions concerning you
parents, starting with your father.
E1a
In which country was your father born?
Australia
10
Turkey
11
Lebanon
12
Cyprus
13
Italy
14
China
15
TIAS, Root Questionnaire, part A (Personal details)
November 2007
49
Other, specify:
Don’t know
......................................
16
98
……….……… year
E1b
When was your father born?
E2
In which country did your father grow up until he was 15 years old?
INTERVIEWER: IF HE MOVED PLACES A LOT CHOOSE THE COUNTRY WHERE HE LIVED
LONGEST
Australia
10
Turkey
11
Lebanon
12
Cyprus
13
Italy
14
China
15
Other, specify:
Don’t know
E3
.....................................
16.
98
In which province/region did your father mostly live until he was 15 years old?
INTERVIEWER: USE COUNTRY LIST OF PROVINCES AND/ OR MAP FOR
CODES
TIAS, Root Questionnaire, part A (Personal details)
November 2007
.................................
50
E4
Did he mostly live in a village, a town, or a big city until
he was 15?
INT: IF HE MOVED PLACES A LOT CHOOSE THE
ONE WHERE HE LIVED LONGEST
E5
Is your father still alive?
E6
When did your father die?
E7
Where does your father live now?
E8
Which statement best
describes your father’s current
situation?
INT: SHOW CARD
Instruction for the interviewer:
Paid work for a few hours a
week or a temporary job
counts as work as well
If he had more than one job
then, choose the one in which
most time was spent.
Village
1
Town
2
Big city
3
Don’t know
98
Yes
1
→ E7
No
2
→ E6
Don’t know
98
Æ E9
…………………. Year of death
Æ E9
Same house as respondent
1
Same neighbourhood as respondent
2
Same city as respondent
3
Same country as respondent
4
Turkey/Lebanon
5
Another country (specify)
6
Don’t know
98
He has one or more jobs
10
He has an own business
11
He is self-employed
12
He has a job and he also studies
13
He is an apprentice [!!]
14
He does unpaid family work/ family business
15
He is retired
16
He is unemployed and not looking for a job or paid work
17
He is unemployed and looking for a job or paid work
18
He takes care of/ looks after children/ family/ home
19
He is sick or disabled and cannot work
20
He is a fulltime student without a job
21
He is on unemployment benefits
22
Don’t know
98
TIAS, Root Questionnaire, part A (Personal details)
November 2007
51
E9
Which statement best
describes your father’s
situation when you were
15 years old?
He had already died
88
He had one or more jobs
10
He had an own business
11
INT: SHOW CARD
He was self-employed
12
Instruction for the
interviewer:
He had a job and he also studies
13
He was an apprentice
14
He did unpaid family work/ family business
15
He was retired
16
He was unemployed and did not look for a job or paid
work
17
He was unemployed and looked for a job or paid work
18
He took care of/ looked after the children/ family/ home
19
He was sick or disabled and could not work
20
He was a fulltime student without a job
21
He was receiving unemployment benefits
22
Don’t know
98
Paid work for a few hours
a week or a temporary job
counts as work as well
If he had more than one
job then, choose the one
in which most time was
spent.
E10
Æ E11a
→ E10
→ E11a
What was his job title or role name when you were
15 years old?
If he had more than one position then, choose the
one in which most time was spent.
E11a
In which country was your mother born?
Australia
10
Turkey
11
Lebanon
12
Cyprus
13
Italy
14
China
15
Other, specify:
Don’t know
E11b
When was your mother born?
TIAS, Root Questionnaire, part A (Personal details)
November 2007
......................................
16
98
……….……… year
52
E12
In which country did your mother grow up
until she was 15 years old?
Australia
10
Turkey
11
INTERVIEWER: IF SHE MOVED
PLACES A LOT CHOOSE THE
COUNTRY WHERE SHE LIVED
LONGEST
Lebanon
12
Cyprus
13
Italy
14
China
15
Other, specify:
......................................
16
Don’t know
98
16
E13
In which province/ region did your mother mostly live until she was 15 years
old?
............................
INTERVIEWER: USE COUNTRY LIST OF PROVINCES AND/ OR MAP FOR
CODES
E14
Did she mostly live in a village, a town, or a big city in
this period of her life?
INT: IF SHE MOVED PLACES A LOT CHOOSE THE
ONE WHERE SHE LIVED LONGEST
E15
Is your mother still alive?
E16
When did your mother die?
E17 g
Where does your mother live now?
TIAS, Root Questionnaire, part A (Personal details)
November 2007
Village
1
Town
2
Big city
3
Don’t know
98
Yes
1
→ E17
No
2
→ E16
Don’t know
98
Æ E19
…………………. Year of death
Æ E19
Same house as respondent
1
Same neighbourhood as respondent
2
Same city as respondent
3
Same country as respondent
4
Turkey/ Lebanon
6
Another country
5
Don’t know
98
53
E18
Which statement best
describes your mother’s
current situation?
INT: SHOW CARD
Instruction for the interviewer:
Paid work for a few hours a
week or a temporary job
counts as work as well.
If she had more than one job
then, choose the one in which
most time was spent.
E19
E20
She has one or more jobs
10
She has her own business
11
She is self-employed
12
She has a job and also studies
13
She is an apprentice
14
She does unpaid family work/ family business
15
She is retired
16
She is unemployed and not looking for a job or paid work
17
She is unemployed and looking for a job or paid work
18
She takes care of/ look after children/ family/ home
19
She is sick or disabled and cannot work
20
She is a fulltime student without a job
21
She is on unemployment benefits
22
Don’t know
98
Which statement best
describes your mother’s
situation when you were
15 years old?
She had already died
88
She had one or more jobs
10
She had her own business
11
INT: SHOW CARD
She was self-employed
12
Instruction for the
interviewer:
Paid work for a few hours
a week or a temporary job
counts as work as well
If she had more than one
job then, choose the one
in which most time was
spent.
She had a job and was studying
13
She was an apprentice
14
She did unpaid family work/ family business
15
She was retired
16
She was unemployed and did not look for a job or paid
work
17
She was unemployed and looked for a job or paid work
18
She took care of/ looked after children/ family/ home
19
She was sick or disabled and could not work
20
She was s a fulltime student without a job
21
She was on unemployment benefits
22
Don’t know
98
Æ E21a
→ E20
→ E21a
What was her job title or role when you were 15
years old?
If she had more than one position then, choose the
one in which most time was spent.
TIAS, Root Questionnaire, part A (Personal details)
November 2007
54
INT: NOW I WOULD LIKE TO ASK YOU SOME MORE QUESTIONS ABOUT YOUR PARENTS’ MIGRATION
AND LIVES
E21a
E21b
How old was your father when he came to live in
Australia] for the first time?
What was the main reason your
father migrated to Australia?
SINGLE RESPONSE DO NOT READ
……………..…………………..
Years
Æ E21b
Not applicable (father
was born and raised in
Australia)
88
Æ E23a
Don't know
98
Æ E23a
Marriage
1
Reunification with family
2
Reunification with partner
3
Work
4
Study
5
Seeking Asylum/refugee
6
Came with his parents
7
Don’t know
98
Other, specify
E22a
E22b
Before your father migrated to
Australia], did he have a paid job
or business?
8
Yes
1
→ E22b
No
2
→ E23a
Don’t know
98
→ E23a
What was his job title or role?
If he had more than one position then, choose the
one in which most time was spent.
E23a
E23b
How old was your mother when she came to live in
Australia for the first time?
What was the main reason your
mother migrated to Australia?
SINGLE RESPONSE DO NOT READ
Æ E23b
……………..………………….. Year
Not applicable (mother
was born and raised in
[Australia])
88
Æ E25a
Don't know
98
Æ E25a
Marriage
1
Reunification with family
2
Reunification with partner
3
Work
4
Study
5
Seeking Asylum/refugee
6
Came with her parents
7
Don’t know
98
Other, specify
TIAS, Root Questionnaire, part A (Personal details)
November 2007
8
55
E24a
E24b
Before your mother migrated to
Australia, did she have a paid job
or business?
Yes
1
→ E24b
No
2
→ E25a
Don’t know
98
→ E25a
What was her job title or role then?
If she had more than one position then, choose the
one in which most time was spent.
E25a
Are your parents still married or have they been
married?
E25b
How long have your parents been married?
E26
Have your father and mother always
stayed together?
E27
When did your parents divorce or separate?
E28
What was the highest
level of school your father
attended?
TURKE
Y
Yes
1
Æ E25b
No
2
→ E26
Don’t know
98
→ E26
…………………….. years of marriage
Yes
1
→ E28
No, they divorced /separated
2
Æ E27
……………………….. year of divorce/ separation
He did not go to school
10
He only went to a religious school
11
Ilk Okul (primary education)
aged 7 and over
Orta Okul (professional training - lower secondary
education)
→ E30
14
20
aged 11-12 and over
Lise (higher secondary education)
Aged 15-16 and over
Yüksek okul (Higher non-university education)
aged 18 and over
Universite (university education)
aged 18 and over
Don’t know
TIAS, Root Questionnaire, part A (Personal details)
November 2007
30
→ E29
40
50
98
→ E30
56
E28
LEBAN
ON
What was the highest
level of school your father
attended?
He has not gone to school
10
He only went to a religious school
11
Ecole primaire (primary education)
→ E30
14
Aged 7 and over
Complementary education years 69(lower secondary education)
20
Aged 11-12 and over
Baccalaureat (higher secondary
education)
30
Aged 15-16 and over
TS (Technique Superieur) ;Bac
technique ; Brevet technique (higher
non-university education)
→ E29
40
Aged 18 and over
Licence (university education)
50
Aged 18 and over
E28
Other
country
What was the highest
level of school your father
attended?
Don’t know
98
He has not gone to school
10
He only went to a religious school
11
Primary Education
→ E30
→ E30
14
Aged 7 and over
Lower secondary education
20
Aged 11-12 and over
Upper secondary education ; HSC,
VCE
30
Aged 15-16 and over
TAFE or similar post-secondary
vocational
→ E29
40
Aged 18 and over
University
50
Aged 18 and over
Don’t know
E29
E30
Did your father successfully finish
this school (level)?
Can/could your father read and write?
TIAS, Root Questionnaire, part A (Personal details)
November 2007
98
→ E30
Yes
1
Æ E31
No
2
Æ E30
Don’t know
98
Æ E30
Yes
1
No
2
Æ E31
57
Don’t know
E31
T
What language(s) did your father speak at home when he was
growing up?
98
mentioned
not mentioned
INTERVIEWER: MORE THAN ONE ANSWER POSSIBLE
E31
L
E31a
English
1
2
E31b
Turkish
1
2
E31c
Kurdish
1
2
E31d
Aramaic
1
2
E31c
Suryoye (or other spoken language derived from Aramaic)
1
2
E31d
Armenian
1
2
E31j
Other (specify)
1
2
E31k
Don't know
What language(s) did your father speak at home when he was
growing up?
?
98
mentioned
not mentioned
INTERVIEWER: MORE THAN ONE ANSWER IS POSSIBLE
E31
O
E31a
English
1
2
E31b
Lebanese (-Lebanese Arabic
1
2
E31c
1
2
E31d
1
2
E31e
Assyrian
1
2
E31f
Standard Arabic
1
2
E31g
French
1
2
E31h
Armenian
1
2
E31j
Other (specify)
1
2
E31k
Don't know
What language(s) did your father speak at home when he was
growing up?
?
98
mentioned
not mentioned
INTERVIEWER: MORE THAN ONE ANSWER IS POSSIBLE
E31a
English
1
2
E31b
Italian
1
2
E31c
Chinese
1
2
E31d
1
2
E31c
1
2
E31d
1
2
1
2
E31j
Other (Specify)
E31k
Don't know
TIAS, Root Questionnaire, part A (Personal details)
November 2007
98
58
E32
E33
E34
E35b
E36
T
How well would you say your father speaks or
spoke English?
Can/could your father read or write in English?
Does/did your father have Australian
citizenship?
Does/did your father have [COUNTRY OF
BIRTH OF FATHER] citizenship?
What was the highest
level of school your
mother attended?
Very well
1
Well
2
Reasonably
3
A little bit
4
Hardly
5
Not at all
6
Don’t know
98
Only read
1
Only write
2
Read and write
3
Neither
4
Don’t know
98
Yes
1
Æ E35b
No
2
Æ E35b
Refuses to tell
97
Æ E35b
Don’t know
98
Æ E35b
Yes
1
No
2
Refuses to tell
97
Don’t know
98
She has not gone to school
10
She only went to a religious school
11
Ilk Okul (primary education)
aged 7 and over
Orta Okul (professional training - lower
secondary education)
→ E38
14
20
aged 11-12 and over
Lise (higher secondary education)
Aged 15-16 and over
Yüksek okul (Higher non-university
education)
30
→ E37
40
aged 18 and over
Universite (university education)
aged 18 and over
Don’t know
TIAS, Root Questionnaire, part A (Personal details)
November 2007
50
98
→ E38
59
E36
L
What was the highest
level of school your
mother attended?
She has not gone to school
10
She only went to a religious school
11
Ecole primaire (primary education)
→ E38
14
Aged 7 and over
Complementary education years 69(lower secondary education)
20
Aged 11-12 and over
Baccalaureat (higher secondary
education)
30
Aged 15-16 and over
TS (Technique Superieur) ;Bac
technique ; Brevet technique (higher
non-university education)
→ E37
40
Aged 18 and over
Licence (university education)
50
Aged 18 and over
E28
O
What was the highest
level of school your
fmother attended?
Don’t know
98
He has not gone to school
10
He only went to a religious school
11
Primary Education
→ E38
→ E38
14
Aged 7 and over
Lower secondary education
20
Aged 11-12 and over
Upper secondary education ; HSC,
VCE
30
Aged 15-16 and over
TAFE or similar post-secondary
vocational
→ E37
40
Aged 18 and over
University
50
Aged 18 and over
Don’t know
E37
E38
Did your mother successfully finish
this school (level)?
→ E38
Yes
1
Æ E39
No
2
Æ E38
Don’t know
98
Æ E38
Can/could your mother read and write?
TIAS, Root Questionnaire, part A (Personal details)
November 2007
98
Yes
1
No
2
Don’t know
98
Æ E39
60
E39
T
IWhat language(s) did your mother speak at home?
mentioned
not mentioned
INTERVIEWER: MORE THAN ONE ANSWER POSSIBLE
E39
E39a
English
1
2
E39b
Turkish
1
2
E39c
Kurdish
1
2
E39d
Aramaic
1
2
E39c
Suryoye (or other spoken language derived from Aramaic)
1
2
E39d
Armenian
1
2
E39j
Other (Specify)
1
2
E39k
Don't know
98
What language(s) did your mother speak at home?
mentioned
not mentioned
INTERVIEWER: MORE THAN ONE ANSWER POSSIBLE
L
E39a
English
1
2
E39a
Lebanese(=Lebanese Arabic)
1
2
E39b
1
2
E39c
1
2
E39d
1
2
E39e
Standard Arabic
1
2
E39f
French
1
2
1
2
1
2
E39g
E39
O
E39j
Other (specify)
E39k
Don't know
98
What language(s) did your mother speak at home?
mentioned
not mentioned
1
2
E39a
1
2
E39b
1
2
E39c
1
2
E39d
1
2
E39e
1
2
E39f
1
2
E39g
1
2
1
2
INTERVIEWER: MORE THAN ONE ANSWER POSSIBLE
E39a
English
E39j
Other (specify)
E39k
Don't know
TIAS, Root Questionnaire, part A (Personal details)
November 2007
98
61
E40
E41
E42
E44
How well would you say your mother speaks
or spoke English?
Can/could your mother read or write in
English?
Does/did your mother have Australian
citizenship?
Does/did your mother have [COUNTRY OF
BIRTH OF MOTHER] citizenship?
Very well
1
Well
2
Reasonably
3
A little bit
4
Hardly
5
Not at all
6
Don’t know
98
Only read
1
Only write
2
Read and write
3
Neither
4
Don’t know
98
Yes
1
Æ E44
No
2
Æ E43
Refuses to tell
97
Æ E44
Don’t know
98
Æ E44
Yes
1
No
2
Refuses to tell
97
Don’t know
98
GO TO PART F
F. NEIGHBOURHOOD
INTERVIEWER READ INTRODUCTION: I would like to ask you now a few questions concerning the
neighbourhood you live in
NEIGHBOURHOOD
F5a.
When you were between 12 and 16 years old, what country did you
live in?
INTERVIEWER: IF RESPONDENT MOVED PLACES A LOT
CHOOSE THE ONE WHERE HE/ SHE LIVED LONGEST
F5b.
......……………………..
And in which place did you live (give name of city, town or village?
INTERVIEWER PROMPT FOR VILLAGE OUTSIDE OF MAIN CITY
TIAS, Root Questionnaire, part A (Personal details)
November 2007
......……………………..
62
F5c.
And in which neighbourhood or suburb idid you live if it was a large
town?
......……………………..
F6.
How would you describe the
neighbourhood or suburb you
currently live in?
Lower-class
neighbourhood
Middle-class
neighbourhood
Upper-class
neighbourhood
Don't know
1
2
3
98
INTERVIEWER: READ OUT
F7.
How would you describe the
neighbourhood you are currently living in?
INTERVIEWER: GIVE ANSWER CARD
F8.
What kind of
neighbourhood listed on
this card would you like to
live in?
INTERVIEWER: GIVE
ANSWER CARD
F9.
As a neighbourhood where almost everyone is
of NESB origin
1
As a neighbourhood where around 75% of the
people are of NESB origin
2
As a neighbourhood where around half of the
people are of NESB origin
3
As a neighbourhood where around 25% of the
people are of NESB origin
4
As a neighbourhood where almost nobody is
of NESB origin
5
Don’t know
98
In a neighbourhood where almost everyone is of NESB origin
1
In a neighbourhood where around 75% of the people are of
NESB origin
2
In a neighbourhood where around half of the people are of
NESB origin
3
In a neighbourhood where around 25% of the people are of
NESB origin
4
In a neighbourhood where almost nobody is of NESB origin
5
Makes no difference to me
6
Don’t know
98
To what extent do you agree with the
following statements:
INTERVIEWER: READ THE
STATEMENTS AND GIVE ANSWER
CARD
Totally
agree
Agree
Neither
agree
nor
disagree
Disagree
Totally
disagree
F9a.
I am attached to the neighbourhood I
currently live in
1
2
3
4
5
F9c.
There is a hardly any vandalism in this
neighbourhood
1
2
3
4
5
F9d.
There are not enough good schools in this
neighbourhood
1
2
3
4
5
F9f.
I have good contact with my direct
neighbours
1
2
3
4
5
F9h.
I expect that in the next year the liveability
of the neighbourhood will deteriorate
1
2
3
4
5
F9i.
There is a lot of garbage on the streets in
this neighbourhood
1
2
3
4
5
F9j.
People hardly know each other in this
neighbourhood
1
2
3
4
5
TIAS, Root Questionnaire, part A (Personal details)
November 2007
63
F9k.
There is a lot of crime in this
neighbourhood
1
2
3
4
5
GO TO PART G
G. SOCIAL RELATIONS AND POLITICAL PARTICIPATION
INTERVIEWER READ INTRO: Now I would like to ask you some questions about social relations and
political participation.
G1a.
Think of your three best friends when you were at secondary school. Think of your first
best friend at that time. What was his or her ethnic background?
Best friend No. 1
G1b.
Anglo-Celtic
10
Turkish
11
Lebanese
12
Italian
13
Greek
14
Chinese
15
Vietnamese
16
Serbian
17
Croatian
18
Other Specify
19
Don’t know
98
If you now think of the second one: What was his or her ethnic background?
Best friend No. 2
Anglo-Celtic
10
Turkish
11
Lebanese
12
Italian
13
Greek
14
Chinese
15
Vietnamese
16
Serbian
17
Croatian
18
Other Specify
19
Don’t know
98
There is no second best friend
88
TIAS, Root Questionnaire, part A (Personal details)
November 2007
64
G1c.
And if you now think of the third one: What was his or her ethnic background?
Best friend No. 3
Anglo-Celtic
10
Turkish
11
Lebanese
12
Italian
13
Greek
14
Chinese
15
Vietnamese
16
Serbian
17
Croatian
18
Other Specify
19
Don’t know
98
There is no third best friend
88
G1d.
G1da.
G1db.
G2a.
None
Very few
Some
Many
Most
When you were in
secondary school,
how many of your friends
were of Anglo-Celtic
background?
1
2
3
4
5
And currently: how many
of your friends are of
Anglo-Celtic background?
1
2
3
4
5
Thinking about your three best friends now. Think of your current first best friend: What
is his or her ethnic background?
Best friend No. 1
Anglo-Celtic
10
Turkish
11
Lebanese
12
Italian
13
Greek
14
Chinese
15
Vietnamese
16
Serbian
17
Croatian
18
Other Specify
19
Don’t know
98
TIAS, Root Questionnaire, part A (Personal details)
November 2007
65
G2b.
If you now think of the second one: What is his or her ethnic background?
Best friend No. 2
G2c.
Anglo-Celtic
10
Turkish
11
Lebanese
12
Italian
13
Greek
14
Chinese
15
Vietnamese
16
Serbian
17
Croatian
18
Other Specify
19
Don’t know
98
There is no second best friend
88
And if you now think of the third one: What is his or her ethnic background?
Best friend No. 3
Anglo-Celtic
10
Turkish
11
Lebanese
12
Italian
13
Greek
14
Chinese
15
Vietnamese
16
Serbian
17
Croatian
18
Other Specify
19
Don’t know
98
There is no third best friend
88
TIAS, Root Questionnaire, part A (Personal details)
November 2007
66
G3.
What educational level did these best friends complete?
G3a. Best
friend No. 1
G3b. Best
friend No. 2
G3c. Best
friend No. 3
14
21
31
32
33
34
14
21
31
32
33
34
14
21
31
32
33
34
41
41
41
University Bachelors degree
42
42
42
University, higher degree
50
50
50
Don’t know
98
98
98
Primary school
Lower secondary:
Upper secondary
TAFE or vocational training
TAFE- certificate course
TAFE –diploma course
G4a.
Do you have relatives living in this city?
By relatives I mean brothers and sisters, grandparents,
uncles, aunts, cousins, nephews, nieces who do not live in
your household.
G4b.
G4c.
G5.
Do you have relatives living elsewhere in Australia?
Do you have relatives living in countries other than
Australia and Turkey/Lebanon?
Yes
No
Don’t know
1
2
98
Yes
No
Don’t know
1
2
98
Yes
No
Don’t know
1
2
98
How often do you see the relatives (other than those living in your house) that you most frequently
have contact with?
Daily
Several times
per week
Several times
per month
Several times
per year
Once a year
Rarely or
never
1
2
3
4
5
6
TIAS, Root Questionnaire, part A (Personal details)
November 2007
67
G6.
Did you participate in one
or more activities of the
following organisations
this past year?
INTERVIEWER: GIVE
CARD WITH
ORGANISATIONS,
MORE THAN ONE
ANSWER IS POSSIBLE
In which of the
organisations you
just mentioned
are the activities
mostly oriented
towards the
Turkish/Lebanese
/Other community
in Australia?
INTERVIEWER:
GIVE SAME
CARD WITH
ORGANISATION
S, MORE THAN
ONE ANSWER
POSSIBLE
not
mentioned
G6a.
Sports club or team
1
2
G6b.
Student union
1
2
G6c.
Religious organisations
1
2
G6d.
Political parties or groups
1
2
G6e.
Arts, music or cultural activities
1
2
G6f.
Trade unions
1
2
G6g.
Women's groups
1
2
G6h.
Turkish/ Lebanese organisation or group
1
2
G6i.
Local community action on issues like poverty,
employment, housing, racial equality or alike
1
2
G6j.
Third world development
1
2
G6k.
Conservation, the environment, ecology,
animal rights
1
2
G6l.
Human rights or peace movement
1
2
G6m.
Professional associations
1
2
G6n
Parents organization in school
1
2
G6o.
Other, specify
G6
G7.
mentioned
……………………….1
→ G8
None
Yes
No
Not
Applicable
88
G6a.
Sports club or team
1
2
G6b.
Student union
1
2
G6c.
Religious organisations
1
2
G6d.
Political parties or groups
1
2
G6e.
Arts, music or cultural activities
1
2
G6f.
Trade unions
1
2
G6g.
Women's groups
1
2
G6h.
Local community action on issues like
poverty, employment, housing, racial
equality or alike
1
2
88
G6i.
Third world development
1
2
88
G6j.
Conservation, the environment, ecology,
animal rights
1
2
G6k.
Human rights or peace movement
1
2
88
G6l.
Professional associations
1
2
88
Parents organization in school
1
2
88
G6m.
Gn
Other (specify)
G6o
None
TIAS, Root Questionnaire, part A (Personal details)
November 2007
88
88
88
88
88
88
88
……………………….1
-> G8
68
G8
G9.
Have you ever experienced hostility or unfair
treatment towards you because of your origins or
background, either as a child or later in life?
Never
1
Rarely
Occasionally
Regularly
Frequently
2
3
4
5
Here are some situations or places. How often did you experience hostility or unfair treatment because of your
origin or background in these situations?
Never
Rarely
Occasionally
Regularly
Frequently
G9c
In my neighbourhood
1
2
3
4
5
G9d.
When going out or in
dancing’s, cafés, or
restaurants
1
2
3
4
5
G9f.
In encounters with the
police
1
2
3
4
5
INT.: If G9c.-G9f.
are all 1 (never)
Æ G11
G10.
In general, what would
you say was the
reason(s) for this hostility
or unfair treatment?
More than one answer is
possible.
DO NOT READ
G11.
If otherrwise Æ G10.
Yes
No
G10a
Ethnic origin or background
1
2
G10b
Language or accent
1
2
G10c
Skin colour
1
2
G10d
Religion
1
2
G10e
Social class or class origin
1
2
G10f
Other
1
2
G10g
Don't know
Have you ever been confronted with offensive
words because of your origin or background?
How often did you have this experience?
MULTIPLE RESPONSE
98
Never Rarely
1
Occasionally
2
Regularly
3
Frequently
4
Æ G13.
Æ G12.
5
G12.
From whom did you experience
this hostility and unfairness?
Was/were this/these persons(s)
of ….
mentioned
not mentioned
G12a.
Anglo-Celtic origin
1
2
G12b.
Turkish origin
1
2
INTERVIEWER READ:
G12c.
Lebanese origin
1
2
G12d.
Other immigrant origin
(specify)
1
2
TIAS, Root Questionnaire, part A (Personal details)
November 2007
69
G13.
G14.
G15b
In general, how often do you think that the following groups experience hostility or unfair treatment
because of their origin or background in Australia?
Never
Rarely
Occasionally
Regularly
Frequently
Don’t know
G13a. Anglo-Celts
1
2
3
4
5
98
G13b. Turks
1
2
3
4
5
98
G13c. Lebanese
1
2
3
4
5
98
G13d. Muslims
1
2
3
4
5
98
G13g. Anyone from
NESB
G.13h Asians
1
2
3
4
5
G13i Aborigines or
Torres Strait Islanders
1
2
3
4
5
G13j Pacific Islanders
1
2
3
4
5
G13k People of African
Origin
1
2
3
4
5
G13 l People with darker
coloured skin
1
2
3
4
5
98
98
98
98
98
Think about these situations. How often would you say that people of Turkish and Lebanese background in
Australia experience hostility or unfair treatment because of their origin or background in these situations? SHOW
CARD
Never
Rarely
Occasionally
Regularly
Frequently
Don’t know
G14a.
At school
1
2
3
4
5
98
G14b.
At the workplace
1
2
3
4
5
98
G14c.
Looking for work
1
2
3
4
5
98
G14e.
When going out or in
dancing’s, cafés, or
restaurants
1
2
3
4
5
98
G14g.
In their neighbourhood
1
2
3
4
5
98
G14j.
In encounters with the
police
1
2
3
4
5
98
How did you vote in the recent Federal elections?
ALP
1
Liberal
2
National Party
3
Greens
4
Democrats
5
Not old enough
6
Not registered in time
7
Other (specify)
8
Refused answer
97
GO TO PART J
J. IDENTITY, LANGUAGE AND TRANSNATIONALISM
TIAS, Root Questionnaire, part A (Personal details)
November 2007
70
Interviewer read introduction: People can think of themselves as members of various groups in the wider
society. The following questions are about how you think of yourself in this respect. How strongly do you
identify as…
J1
very
strongly
strongly
not
strongly,
not weakly
weakly
very
weakly
Not at
all
J1a
Australian
1
2
3
4
5
6
J1b
Sydneysider/Melbournian
1
2
3
4
5
6
J1c
J2
J3
J4
J5
1
2
3
4
5
6
J1d
Turkish / Lebanese
1
2
3
4
5
6
J1e
Kurd/
1
2
3
4
5
6
J1f
Armenian
1
2
3
4
5
6
J1g
NESB
1
2
3
4
5
6
J1h
Muslim
1
2
3
4
5
6
J1i
Christian
1
2
3
4
5
6
J1j
Other (specify)
1
2
3
4
5
6
In general, to what extent would you describe the relationship between people of Anglo-Celtic background
and people of Turkish/Lebanese background in Sydney/Melbourne as friendly? [INTERVIEWER: GIVE
CARD]
Not friendly at all
Not so friendly
Indifferent
Friendly
Very friendly
1
2
3
4
5
How would you say the relationship between people of Anglo-Celtic background and people of Turkish/
Lebanese background in Sydney/Melbourne changed over the last years? It has become [INTERVIEWER:
GIVE CARD]
Less friendly
Somewhat less
friendly
Same
Somewhat more
friendly
More friendly
1
2
3
4
5
Would you say that living together with people of different origins in Sydney/Melbourne is threatening or
enriching for your own culture? [INTERVIEWER: GIVE CARD]
Threatening
Rather
threatening
Makes no difference
Rather enriching
Enriching
1
2
3
4
5
Would you say that the presence of people of different origins is generally good or bad for the economy in
Sydney/Melbourne? [INTERVIEWER: GIVE CARD]
Bad
Rather bad
Makes no difference
Rather good
Good
1
2
3
4
5
TIAS, Root Questionnaire, part A (Personal details)
November 2007
71
J6
J7
To what extent do you agree with the statement that it is good for Sydney/Melbourne that there is a variety
of different religions? [INTERVIEWER GIVE CARD]
Totally agree
Agree
Neither agree nor
disagree
Disagree
Totally disagree
1
2
3
4
5
The integration of people of immigrant origin in Australia is an important topic in political debates and in the
media. To what extent do you agree or disagree with the following statements? [INTERVIEWER GIVE CARD]
J7a
J7b
J7c
J7d
J7g
J8
T
At home, people of immigrant origin
have the right to live as much as
possible in accordance with the
cultural customs and norms of their
parents’ country or region of origin.
At home, people of immigrant origin
have the right to live as much as
possible in accordance with the
Australian cultural customs and
norms.
Outside the home, people of
immigrant origin have the right to live
in accordance with the cultural
customs and norms of their parents’
country or region of origin.
Outside the home, people of
immigrant origin have the right to live
as much as possible in accordance
with the Australian cultural customs
and norms.
The government should do more to
improve the position in Australian
society of people of immigrant origin.
Totally agree
Agree
Neither
agree nor
disagree
Disagree
Totally
disagree
1
2
3
4
5
1
2
3
4
5
1
2
3
4
5
1
2
3
4
5
1
2
3
4
5
Which language(s) did you speak at home when you were growing up?
mentioned
not
mentioned
[INTERVIEWER: MORE THAN ONE ANSWER IS POSSIBLE]
J8
L
J8a
English
1
2
J8b
Turkish
1
2
J8c
Kurdish
1
2
J8d
Aramaic
1
2
J8e
Suryoye (or other spoken language derived from Aramaic)
1
2
J8f
Armenian
1
2
J8j
Other (specify)
1
2
mentioned
not
mentioned
Which language(sdid you speak at home when he was growing up?
?
[INTERVIEWER: MORE THAN ONE ANSWER IS POSSIBLE]
J8a
English
J8b
Lebanese(=Lebanese Arabic)
1
2
2
J8c
1
2
J8d
1
2
TIAS, Root Questionnaire, part A (Personal details)
November 2007
1
72
J8e
J8
O
1
2
J8f
Standard Arabic
1
2
J8h
French
1
2
J8i
Spanish
1
2
J8j
Other (specify)
1
2
mentioned
not
mentioned
Which language(s) did you speak at home when he was growing up?
?
[INTERVIEWER: MORE THAN ONE ANSWER IS POSSIBLE]
J9
T
J8a
English
1
2
J8b
Other (specify)
1
2
J8c
1
2
J8d
1
2
J8e
1
2
J8f
1
2
J8j
1
2
Are there any other languages from your
parents’ country of origin that you
understand? [IF LANGUAGE MENTIONED]
And how well do you understand them, well
to fairly well, or not so well?
Yes, I
understand it
well to fairly
well
Yes, I
understand it,
but not so well
No, not
mentioned
INTERVIEWER: MORE THAN ONE
ANSWER IS POSSIBLE, FILL IN FOR
EACH SPONTEANEOUSLY MENTIONED
LANGUAGE
J9
l
J9a
Turkish
1
2
3
J9b
Kurdish
1
2
3
J9c
Aramaic
1
2
3
J9d
Suryoye
1
2
3
J9e
Armenian
1
2
3
J9f
Other (specify)
1
2
X
Yes, I
understand it
well to fairly
well
Yes, I
understand it,
but not so well
No, not
mentioned
1
2
3
1
2
3
Are there any other languages from your
parents’ country of origin that you
understand? [IF LANGUAGE MENTIONED]
And how well do you understand them, well
to fairly well, or not so well?
INTERVIEWER: MORE ANSWERS
POSSIBLE, FILL IN FOR EACH
SPONTEANEOUSLY MENTIONED
LANGUAGE
J9b
Lebanese(=LebaneseArabic)
J9c
TIAS, Root Questionnaire, part A (Personal details)
November 2007
73
J9d
1
2
3
J9e
1
2
3
1
2
X
Yes, I
understand it
well to fairly
well
Yes, I
understand it,
but not so well
No, not
mentioned
1
2
3
J9c
1
2
3
J9d
1
2
3
J9e
1
2
3
J9f
1
2
X
J9f
J9
O
Other (specify)
Are there any other languages from your
parents’ country of origin that you
understand? [IF LANGUAGE MENTIONED]
And how well do you understand them, well
to fairly well, or not so well?
INTERVIEWER: MORE THAN ONE
ANSWER IS POSSIBLE, FILL IN FOR
EACH SPONTEANEOUSLY MENTIONED
LANGUAGE
J9b
J10
How good is your English for …?
J10a
J10b
J10c
J11
Excellent
Very good
Good
Moderate
Not so good
Bad
6
6
6
5
5
5
4
4
4
3
3
3
2
2
2
1
1
1
Speaking
Reading
Writing
How good is your (NATIONAL/OFFICIAL LANGUAGE IN PARENTS’ COUNTRY/REGION OF
ORIGIN- Arabic/ Turkish /Other FROM J8 in the sense of …? REPEAT FOR EACH LANGUAGE
MENTIONED IN J8
J11a
J11b
J11c
J12
T
Other (specify)
Excellent
Very good
Good
Moderate
Not so good
Bad
6
6
6
5
5
5
4
4
4
3
3
3
2
2
2
1
1
1
Speaking
Reading
Writing
Which languages do
you use in the following
situations, if applicable?
INTERVIEWER GIVE
CARD]
J12a
When talking
to brother(s)
and/ or
sister(s)?
J12b
When talking
to your
mother?
J12c
When talking
to your father?
J12d
When talking
to friends?
Mostly
English
More
English than
Turkish
More
Turkish than
English
Mostly
Turkish
Neither
Not
applicable
1
2
3
4
5
88
1
2
3
4
5
88
1
2
3
4
5
88
1
2
3
4
5
88
TIAS, Root Questionnaire, part A (Personal details)
November 2007
74
J12e
J12
l
When talking
to your current/
last partner?
Which languages do
you use in the following
situations, if applicable?
INTERVIEWER GIVE
CARD]
J12a
When talking
to brother(s)
and/ or
sister(s)?
J12b
When talking
to your
mother?
J12c
When talking
to your father?
J12d
J12e
When talking
to friends?
When talking
to your current/
last partner?
1
2
3
4
5
88
Mostly
English
More
English than
Lebanese
More
Lebanese
than English
Mostly
Lebanese
Neither
Not
applicable
1
2
3
4
5
88
1
2
3
4
5
88
1
2
3
4
5
88
1
2
3
4
5
88
1
2
3
4
5
88
INT-ASK J12 NESB IF FAMILY SPEAK A LANGUAGE OTHER THAN ENGLISH IN THE HOME
J12
If
NES
B
Which languages do
you use in the following
situations, if applicable?
INTERVIEWER GIVE
CARD]
J12a
J12b
J12c
J12d
J12e
When talking
to brother(s)
and/ or
sister(s)?
When talking
to your
mother?
When talking
to your father?
When talking
to friends?
When talking
to your current/
last partner?
Mostly
English
More
English than
parents’
language if
not English
More
Parent’s
language
than English
Mostly
Lebanese
Neither
Not
applicable
1
2
3
4
5
88
1
2
3
4
5
88
1
2
3
4
5
88
1
2
3
4
5
88
1
2
3
4
5
88
INTERVIEWER: READ INTRO
Here are some questions about your use of media such as television and the internet.
J13a
Do you watch television?
Yes
No
TIAS, Root Questionnaire, part A (Personal details)
November 2007
1
2
Æ J13b
Æ J14a
75
J13b
J14a
J14b
What kind of
stations do you
watch?
Only English speaking stations
1
Mostly English speaking stations
2
INTERVIEWER
SHOW CARD
As much English as Turkish/ Lebanese /Other non-english
language speaking stations
Mostly Turkish/Lebanese/Other non-English language speaking
speaking stations
Only Turkish/Lebanese/Other non-English language speaking
stations
As much to English as other non-English language speaking
stations
Mostly other non-English language speaking stations
3
Only other lnon-English anguage speaking stations
8
Do you use the internet?
Yes
No
1
2
4
5
6
7
Æ J14b
Æ J15a
For which of the following purposes indicated on this card do you use the internet?
INTERVIEWER: SHOW CARD WITH J14a – J14f
Mentioned
Not mentioned
J14i
For work
1
2
J14ii
For study
1
2
J14iii
For religious matters
1
2
J14iv
To keep in touch with friends
1
2
J14v
For leisure
1
2
J14vi
For information about
Turkey/Lebanon/Other country
To find a partner
1
2
1
2
J14 vii
INT. READ OUT:
Now we have a few more questions about your ties with [COUNTRY OF BIRTH OF PARENTS].
J15a
J15b
Have you been to Turkey/ Lebanon/Other
parental country of birth in the last five
years?
How many times did you go?
TIAS, Root Questionnaire, part A (Personal details)
November 2007
Yes
1
No
2
Æ J15b
Æ J17a
Once
1
Twice
2
Three times
3
Four times
4
Five times / each year
5
Yes, several times a year
6
76
J16
J17a
J17b
J18a
J18b
J19
What was the reason for your visit(s) to Turkey/Lebanon/Other parental country of birth
[INTERVIEWER: MORE THAN ONE ANSWER POSSIBLE]
mentioned
1
not mentioned
2
Family visit(s)
1
2
J16c
Business
1
2
J16d
Studies
1
2
J16e
Other, specify_
1
2
J16a
Holidays
J16b
In the last five years have you sent money to
[COUNTRY OF BIRTH OF PARENTS?
Approximately how much did you
send per year?”
Yes
1
No
2
Do you intend to live in
Turkey/Lebanon [COUNTRY OF
BIRTH OF PARENTS] in the future
for a year or more?
Æ J18a
Less than 500 AUD
Between 500-1000 AUD
Between 1000-2000 AUD
More than 2000 AUD
Do not want to say
Don’t know
Yes
In the last five years have you invested
money in property or business in
Turkey/Lebanon/ other[COUNTRY OF BIRTH No
OF PARENTS]?
How much approximately?
Æ J17b
1
2
3
4
97
98
1
2
Æ J18b
Æ J19
Les than 5000 AUD
1
Between 5000-10.000 AUD
2
Between 10.000-20.000 AUD
3
Between 20.000-50,000 AUD
More than 50,000AUD
4
Do not want to say
97
Don’t know
98
Certainly not
Possibly
Likely
Certainly
Don’t know
1
2
3
4
98
GO TO SECTION K
K. RELIGION AND RELIGIOSITY
INTERVIEWER READ INTRODUCTION: The following questions are about the role of religion and
religiosity in your life.
K1.
Were you raised according to a certain religion?
TIAS, Root Questionnaire, part A (Personal details)
November 2007
Yes
1
77
No
K2.
K3.
K4.
2
Which religion was this?
Christian: Catholic
Christian: Protestant
Christian: Orthodox
Christian: Maronite
Christian Melkite
Christian: Armenian Apostolic Church
Christian: Pentecostal
Other Christian (e.g. Evangelic, Old Catholic)
Druse
Muslim: Sunna (Sunni for Turks)
Muslim: Shia
Muslim: Alevi
Muslim: other
Jewish
Other (specify)
As a child, did you attend Koran
lessons?
Æ K9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
20
21
22
23
24
18
19
Æ K5
Æ K5
->K3
K3
K3
K3
Æ K7
Æ K9
Yes
No
1
2
When you were little, how often did your parents, visit a mosque or attend religious services or
meetings – not counting weddings, funerals or other family or social events? INTERVIEWER SHOW
CARD IF PARENTS DIFFERENT IN RELIGIOUS PRACTICES ASK ABOUT MOST RELIGIOUS
PARENT
Never
Seldom
Only on religious
holidays
Once or twice a
month
Once or more
than once a week
1
2
3
4
5
GO TO K9
K5.
K6.
As a child, did you attend
religious instruction outside
school?
Yes
1
No
2
When you were little, how often did your parents, go to church or attend religious services or
meetings, not counting weddings, funerals or other family or social events? INTERVIEWER SHOW
CARD IF PARENTS DIFFERENT IN RELIGIOUS PRACTICES ASK ABOUT MOST RELIGIOUS
PARENT
Never
Seldom
Only on religious
holidays
Once or twice a
month
Once or more
than once a week
1
2
3
4
5
GO TO K9
K7.
As a child, did you attend Talmud
or Torah lessons?
Yes
No
TIAS, Root Questionnaire, part A (Personal details)
November 2007
1
2
78
K8.
When you were little, how often did your parents, go to a synagogue or attend religious services or
meetings, not counting weddings, funerals or other family or social events? INTERVIEWER SHOW
CARD IF PARENTS DIFFERENT IN RELIGIOUS PRACTICES ASK ABOUT MOST RELIGIOUS
PARENT
Never
Seldom
Only on religious
holidays
Once or twice a
month
Once or more
than once a week
1
2
3
4
5
K9.
At this moment, do you practice
a religion?
K10
Which religion is this?
K11
K12
K13.
K14.
Yes
No
→ K10
→ K19
1
2
Christian: Catholic
Christian: Protestant
Christian: Orthodox
Christian: Maronite
Christian Melkite
Christian: Armenian Apostolic Church
Christian: Pentecostal
10
11
12
21
22
23
24
Other Christian (e.g. Evangelic, Old Catholic)
Muslim: Sunna
Muslim: Shia
Muslim: Alevi
Muslim: other
Jewish
Druse
Other
13
14
15
16
17
18
20
19
Æ K15
Æ K11
Æ K15
How often did you fast during the last Ramazan (Lebanese: RAMADAN),? INTERVIEWER SHOW
CARD
Never
Occasionally
Depends on the
situation
Most of the time
Always
1
2
3
4
5
Do you eat halal food or not? INTERVIEWER SHOW CARD
Never
Occasionally
Depends on the
situation
Most of the time
Always
1
2
3
4
5
How often do you pray? INTERVIEWER SHOW CARD
Never
Only on religious
holidays
Once a week
Daily
Five times a day
or more
1
2
3
4
5
How often do you visit a mosque or attend religious services or meetings – not counting weddings,
funerals or other family or social events? INTERVIEWER SHOW CARD
Never
Seldom
Only on religious
holidays
Once or twice a
month
Once or more
than once a week
1
2
3
4
5
GO TO K18
TIAS, Root Questionnaire, part A (Personal details)
November 2007
79
K15
K16.
K17.
K18.
To what extent did you respect the period of fasting in your religion last year? INTERVIEWER SHOW
CARD
Not at all
Partly
Depends on
the situation
Almost
completely
Completely
Not applicable
No fasting period
1
2
3
4
5
88
How often do you pray? INTERVIEWER SHOW CARD
Never
Seldom
Only on religious
holidays
Once or twice a
month
Once or more
than once a week
1
2
3
4
5
How often do you go to church/ synagogue to attend religious services or meetings – not counting
weddings, funerals or other family or social events? INTERVIEWER SHOW CARD
Never
Seldom
Only on religious
holidays
Once or twice a
month
Once or more
than once a week
1
2
3
4
5
To what extent do you agree with the following statements?
K18a.
K18b.
K18c.
K18d.
K18e.
INT.: USE ANSWER
CATEGORY FROM K10. FOR
QUESTIONS
SHOW CARD
Being a [
Sunni/Shia/ Alevi
Muslim/Christian/
Jew/other specific religion
mentioned] is an important part
of my identity. (ED FROM
RESPONSE TO K10)
The fact that I am a [Muslim/
Christian/Jew/ other specific
religion mentioned ] is
something I often think about.
(ED FROM RESPONSE TO
K10)
I see myself as a real [Muslim/
Christian/Jew/other religion
mentioned] (ED FROM
RESPONSE TO K10)
In many aspects I am like
other [Muslims/Christians
/Jews/other religion
mentioned] (ED FROM
RESPONSE TO K10)
When somebody says
something bad about
[Muslims/Christians/Jews/other
religion mentioned] I feel
personally hurt. (ED FROM
RESPONSE TO K10)
TIAS, Root Questionnaire, part A (Personal details)
November 2007
Agree
Neither
agree
nor
disagree
Disagree
Totally
disagree
1
2
3
4
5
1
2
3
4
5
1
2
3
4
5
1
2
3
4
5
1
2
3
4
5
Totally
agree
80
ALL RESPONDENTS
K19.
People have different opinions about the role of religion in society. To what extent do you agree or
disagree with the following statements? INTERVIEWER SHOW CARD
K19a.
K19b.
K19c
K20.
Religion should be a private
matter between a religious
person and God
Religion should be
represented in politics and
society, along with other
religious or political
viewpoints
Religion should be the only
and ultimate political
authority
Totally
agree
Agree
Neither
agree nor
disagree
Disag
ree
Totally
disagree
1
2
3
4
5
1
2
3
4
5
1
2
3
4
5
To what extent do you agree with the following statements? INTERVIEWER SHOW CARD
K20a
K20b
All religious symbols or
signs should be banned
from Australian schools.
Islamic women should wear
headscarves or cover their
heads outside the house.
Totally
agree
Agree
Neither
agree nor
disagree
Disag
ree
Totally
disagree
1
2
3
4
5
1
2
3
4
5
ALL NON-ISLAMIC RESPONDENTS (K10 = 10-13, 18 –19 or 20 - 24) Æ PART L
K21a
For women only
Yes
Do you wear a headscarf outside
the house?
K21b
For men with wife/ partner
Yes
Does your wife or partner wear a
headscarf outside the house?
K21c
For widowed, divorced or
separated men only
K21d
For single men only
No
No
Yes
Did your wife or partner wear a
headscarf outside the house?
Would you want your wife or
partner to wear a headscarf outside
the house?
TIAS, Root Questionnaire, part A (Personal details)
November 2007
No
Yes
No
1
2
1
2
1
2
1
2
ÆK22
ÆK23
ÆK22
ÆK23
ÆK22
ÆK23
ÆK22
ÆK23
81
INT: USE CARDS INDICATING THE REASONS IN K22 AND K23 AND THEN ASK FOR THE ORDER OF
IMPORTANCE OF THE REASONS.
K22
Why [do you/does she/did she/should she] wear a headscarf?
Which of the following reasons is most important?
And second most important?
And third?
INT.: ASK REASONS ONE AFTER THE OTHER
1 = Because it is a religious obligation
2 = Because it is [my/her] personal free choice
3 = Because it is part of [my/her] Muslim identity in [COUNTRY]
4 = Because I want to avoid gossip or disrespectful behaviour
towards [me/her]
5 = Because it strengthens mutual trust in [my/our] family
K22a.
Most
important
reason
K22b.
Second
most
important
reason
K22c.
Third
most
important
reason
K23a.
Most
important
reason
K23b.
Second
most
important
reason
K23c.
Third
most
important
reason
Fill in number (see above)
K23
Why [don't you/doesn't she/didn’t she/ shouldn't she] wear a
headscarf? Which of the following reasons is most important?
And second most important?
And third?
INT.: ASK REASONS ONE AFTER THE OTHER
1 = Because it is not a real religious obligation
2= Because it is [my/her] personal free choice not to wear the
headscarf
3 = Because it is better to adapt into (NATIONAL) society
4 = Because I want to avoid discrimination or disrespectful
behaviour towards [me/her]
5 = Because men and women have equal rights
Fill in number (see above)
GO TO PART L
L. INCOME
Interviewer read introduction: Now I would like to ask you a few questions about your income. I can
assure you that this information will be treated with the strictest confidentiality.
IF RESPONDENT HAS NO PAID JOB, SKIP L1
L1
As I would like to have an idea of what you earn,
please have a look at this card.
[INTERVIEWER: GIVE RESPONDENT THIS CARD]
In which category does your net weekly income from
employment fall (including tips)? I mean the money you
receive from work in your pocket at the end of the week.
Less than 550 AUD
1
Between 550 and 999 AUD
2
Between 1000 and 1499 AUD
3
Between 1500 and 1999 AUD
4
Between 2000 and 2499 AUD
TIAS, Root Questionnaire, part A (Personal details)
November 2007
5
Between 2500 and 2999 AUD
6
Between 3000 and 3999 AUD
7
82
Between 4000 and 4999 AUD
8
More than 5000 AUD
9
Other (annual Income
Specify)…..
Don’t want to say
96
97
Don’t know
L2
L3
L3a
Are you receiving some sort of benefit (e.g.
unemployment, disability, maintenance allowance etc.)
or scholarship at the moment?
What type of benefit, scholarship
or allowance do you receive?
You may give more than one
answer from this card.
[INTERVIEWER: GIVE
RESPONDENT THIS CARD]
98
Yes
1
Æ L3
No
2
Æ L5
Yes
No
L3a Welfare benefit
1
2
L3b Unemployment benefit
1
2
L3c Disability benefit
1
2
L3d Student scholarship
1
2
L3e Alimony
1
2
L3f Other insurance, public or private payments
1
2
L3g Workers Compensation
1
2
Do you personally receive some sort of investment
income from cash deposits, rent or other types of
investment?
Yes
1
No
2
PARTNER’S INCOME
[INTERVIEWER: IF RESPONDENT HAS NO PARTNER Æ L9]
[IF RESPONDENTS’ PARTNER HAS NO PAID JOB Æ L6]
L5
I would now like to ask you a few questions about the
income of your partner. Again I can assure you that
this information will be treated with the strictest
confidentiality.
In which category does your partner's net weekly
income from employment fall (including tips)? I mean
the money received from work in her/his pocket at the
end of the month?
Please have a look at the card again.
[INTERVIEWER: GIVE RESPONDENT THIS CARD]
TIAS, Root Questionnaire, part A (Personal details)
November 2007
Less than 550 AUD
1
Between 550 and 999 AUD
2
Between 1000 and 1499 AUD
3
Between 1500 and 1999 AUD
4
Between 2000 and 2499 AUD
5
Between 2500 and 2999 AUD
6
Between 3000 and 3999 AUD
7
Between 4000 and 4999 AUD
8
More than 5000 AUD
9
Other (annual Income
Specify)…..
Don’t want to say
96
97
83
Don’t know
L6
L7
Does your partner receive some sort of benefit (e.g.
unemployment, disability, maintenance allowance etc.)
or scholarship at the moment?
What type of benefit does your
partner receive? You may give
more than one answer.
[INTERVIEWER: GIVE
RESPONDENT THIS CARD]
L7a
98
Yes
1
Æ L7
No
2
Æ L9
Yes
No
L7a Welfare benefit
1
2
L7b Unemployment benefit
1
2
L7c Disability benefit
1
2
L7d Student scholarship
1
2
L7e Alimony
1
2
L7f Other insurance, public or private payments
1
2
L7g Workers Compensation
1
2
Does your partner receive some sort of investment
income from cash deposits, rent other types of
investment?
Yes
1
No
2
INTERVIEWER: FOR ALL RESPONDENTS:
L9a
L10a
L11a
L12
Do you / Do you and your partner have a mortgage or a
loan for housing?
Do you / Do you and your partner have a loan for a car?
Do you / Do you and your partner have a loan for other
purposes apart from for the car or house?
Which of the following
statements best
describes your current
situation, taking into
account all the income
you receive at present?
[INTERVIEWER:
SHOW CARD]
Yes
1
No
2
Yes
1
No
2
Yes
1
No
2
I am living comfortably on present income
1
I am coping with the present income
2
Sometimes I have difficulties with the present income
3
I am regularly having difficulties with the present income
4
I am having great difficulties with the present income
5
TIAS, Root Questionnaire, part A (Personal details)
November 2007
84
GO TO PART M
M. INTERVIEWER SAYS : Now I would like to ask you a few final
questions about your experiences and ideas
INTERVIEWER SHOW CARD FOR QUESTIONS 1 TO 6
M1
Could you tell me the number
which indicates the extent you
agree or disagree with each of
the following statements?
Totally
agree
Agree
Neither
agree nor
disagree
Disagree
Totally
disagree
1
2
3
4
5
1
2
3
4
5
On the whole, I am
satisfied with myself
1
2
3
4
5
At times I think I am
no good at all
1
2
3
4
5
INT-SHOW CARD
M1a
M1b
M1c
M1d
M2
I am able to do things
as well as most other
people
I feel I do not have
much to be proud of
Could you tell me the number which indicates
the extent you agree or disagree with each of the
following statements?
Not true at
all
Hardly true
Moderately
true
Exactly
true
INT-SHOW CARD
M2a
It is easy for me to stick to my aims and
accomplish my goals
1
2
3
4
M2b
I can solve most problems, if I invest the
necessary effort
1
2
3
4
M2c
If I am in trouble, I can usually think of a
solution
1
2
3
4
M2d
I can usually handle whatever comes
my way
1
2
3
4
TIAS, Root Questionnaire, part A (Personal details)
November 2007
85
M3a
When you were 17
years old did you
have conflicts with
your father about the
following topics?
Could you also tell
me how often you
had conflicts on each
topic/
Conflict with my Father
Yes
Oft
en
Yes
, so
met
ime
s
No,
never
Topic
is/
never
was
discus
sed
INT: SHOW CARD
M3b
Father
didn’t live
anymore
or didn’t
live in the
household
anymore
Study, school
M3aa
1
2
3
4
9
Friends
M3ab
1
2
3
4
9
Relationships / love affairs
M3c
1
2
3
4
9
Leisure (movies, sports, etc)
M3ad
1
2
3
4
9
Night out
M3ae
1
2
3
4
9
Participation in domestic
work
M3af
1
2
3
4
9
Money
M3ag
1
2
3
4
9
Religious matters
M3ah
1
2
3
4
9
Politics
M3ai
1
2
3
4
9
When you were 17
years old did you
have conflicts with
your mother about the
following topics?
Could you also tell
me how often you
had conflicts on each
topic/
Conflict with my mother
Yes
Oft
en
Yes
, so
met
ime
s
No,
nev
er
Topic is/
never was
discussed
Mother didn’t live
anymore or didn’t live
in the household
anymore
INT: SHOW CARD
Study, school
M3aa
1
2
3
4
9
Friends
M3ab
1
2
3
4
9
Relationships / love affairs
M3c
1
2
3
4
9
Leisure (movies, sports, etc)
M3ad
1
2
3
4
9
Night out
M3ae
1
2
3
4
9
TIAS, Root Questionnaire, part A (Personal details)
November 2007
86
M4
Participation in domestic
work
M3af
1
2
3
4
9
Money
M3ag
1
2
3
4
9
Religious matters
M3ah
1
2
3
4
9
Politics
M3ai
1
2
3
4
9
Now we would like to know how positive or negative your feelings are for different groups. You can rank
your feelings from 1 to 5. 5 means that you have very positive feelings towards the people in this group. 1
means that you have very negative feelings towards this group. 3 means your feelings are neutral.
INT-SHOW CARD
1
2
3
4
5
M4a
Your feelings for Anglo-Celts
1
2
3
4
5
M4b
Your feelings for Turks
1
2
3
4
5
M4c
Your feelings for Lebanese
1
2
3
4
5
M4d
Your feelings for Muslims
1
2
3
4
5
M4e
Your feelings for Christians
1
2
3
4
5
M4g
Your feelings for NESB people
1
2
3
4
5
1
2
3
4
5
1
1
2
2
3
3
4
5
5
1
2
3
4
5
1
2
3
4
5
Yours feelings for Asians
M4h
M4 i
M4j
Your feelings for Pacific Islanders
Your feelings for Aborigines and Torres Strait Islanders
Your feelings for people of African origin
M4k
M4l
M6
Your feelings for people with darker skin colour
To what extent would you
support or oppose the following
policies? SHOW CARD
TIAS, Root Questionnaire, part A (Personal details)
November 2007
Fully
support
Support
Neither
support,
nor oppose
Oppose
4
Fully
oppose
87
M6a
M6b
M6c
M6d
M6e
M6f
M6g
Stricter application of
laws against racist acts
and propaganda
Give priority to
applicants of immigrant
origin with the same
qualifications in the job
market
Teach the principles of
tolerance and civic
responsibility in schools
Improve mastery of
English language by
immigrants and their
children
Teach people of NESB
in Australia in the
language and culture of
their country of origin
Allow people of
immigrant origin who
are born here to have
both Australian
nationality and the
nationality of their
mother and father
1
2
3
4
5
1
2
3
4
5
1
2
3
4
5
1
2
3
4
5
1
2
3
4
5
1
2
3
4
5
Would you send your children to a school where more than 50% of the pupils
are from non-English speaking background?
Yes
1
No
2
Yes
1
No
2
TURKISH AND LEBANESE ONLY
M6h
Do you ever go out to venues, gatherings or parties where there are a lot of
Turkish and/ or Lebanese background youth?
IF YOU ARE OR HAVE BEEN MARRIED OR LIVING WITH A PARTNER GO TO QUESTION M20
OTHERWISE GO TO M7a.
M7a
M7b
M8
Do you currently have a girlfriend/ boyfriend/ partner?
Did you ever have a girlfriend/ boyfriend/ partner?
In which circumstances did
you meet your current or last
girlfriend/ boyfriend/ partner for
the first time?
Yes
1
Æ M8
No
2
Æ M7b
Yes
1
Æ M8
No
2
Æ M20
At school or university, or at a school party
10
At my workplace
11
Through friends
12
In an association, a sport-club, a political party
13
In a night club /pub
14
In a family celebration
15
TIAS, Root Questionnaire, part A (Personal details)
November 2007
88
My parents introduced us
16
During a holiday in my parent’s home country
17
During a holiday in another country, i.e. not in my
parents’ home country
18
Through someone in my parents’ network of friends
19
In my neighbourhood, street
20
In a public place (commercial centre, park, street)
21
M9a
How old were you when you first met your girlfriend/ boyfriend/
partner?
M9b
How old was your girlfriend/ boyfriend/ partner when you first
met?
M10
In what country does your
current/ last girlfriend/ boyfriend/
partner live?
……………. your age in years
…………. his / her age in years
Australia
10
Turkey
11
Lebanon
12
Cyprus
13
Italy
14
China
15
16
17
18
M11
In what country was your current/
last girlfriend/ boyfriend/ partner
born?
Other specify:……………………………………………..
19
Don't know
98
Australia
10
Turkey
11
Lebanon
12
Cyprus
13
Italy
14
China
15
16
17
18
M12
What is/ are the current
nationality/ nationalities
(citizenships) of your current/ last
girlfriend/ boyfriend/ partner?
TIAS, Root Questionnaire, part A (Personal details)
November 2007
Other specify:……………………………………………..
19
Don’t know
98
Yes
No
Australian citizenship
1
2
Turkish
1
2
89
M13
M14
M20
Do/ did your parents
approve of this
relationship?
Why do/ did your parents
disapprove of this
relationship? Please give
the main reason.
Lebanese
1
2
Italian
1
2
Chinese
1
2
1
2
1
2
1
2
1
2
Other
specify:……………………………………..
1
2
Don’t know
1
2
Yes
1
Æ M15
No
2
Æ M14
They don't know about the relationship
3
Æ M15
Don’t know
98
Æ M15
Because of his/ her ethnic origin
1
Because of his/ her social class
2
Because of his/ her age
3
Because of his/ her religion
4
Because of his/ her educational level
5
Because of other reasons
6
Refuse to answer
97
Don't know
98
If you have any comments, please tell me
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
Æ
THANK YOU FOR YOUR COOPERATION
. Again, I am [your first name] from McNair Ingenuity Research, and we assure you that your answers are used
only for statistical purposes and cannot be identified back to you.
TIAS, Root Questionnaire, part A (Personal details)
November 2007
90
Our supervisor tonight is
, and in case they need to check my work, can I just have your first name,
and check that the phone number I have reached you on is:
Name:
If you have any queries you can call us on 1800 669 133, and ask for
Thank you and good evening/day.
TIAS, Root Questionnaire, part A (Personal details)
November 2007
Telephone No.
the supervisor.
91
APPENDIX 3.1 INVITATION TO PARTICIPATE IN TIAS SURVEY
Multicultural & Migration
Research Centre
NSW 2006 AUSTRALIA
Assoc. Prof. Christine Inglis
Director
Sociology and Social Policy A26
Telephone +61 2 9351 3161
Facsimile +61 2 9036 9380
Dear Householder,
Invitation to participate in a study of young people from second generation migrant
backgrounds
I am writing to invite you to participate in a study being undertaken by the University of
Sydney. We are interested in learning about the educational, work and social experiences of
young people from migrant backgrounds and comparing their experiences with those of other
young Australian-born people whose parents were also born here.
Enclosed is a sheet of General Information about the study. You will see that we wish to
speak to an individual in your household who fits the following criteria:• Is aged between 18-35
• Is born in Australia
• Has either both parents born in Australia or at least one parent born in either Lebanon
or Turkey.
If no one in your household fits these criteria then you need take no further action. Should
you be offended by receiving this invitation because you do not fit these criteria, I am sorry.
This error has occurred because names are selected at random from published lists such as the
telephone directory which contain only very limited personal details. In the near future you
will be contacted by one of our interviewers who will be happy to tell you more about the
study and to answer any questions you may have about participating. Please tell them if you
do not wish to participate or do not fit our criteria. You can also email or telephone me for
more information (My contact details are on page 2 of the General Information sheet).
Please note that any person with a complaint or concern about the conduct
of a research study can contact the Senior Ethics Officer, Ethics Administration, University
of Sydney on (02) 9351 4811 (Telephone); (02) 9351 6706 (Facsimile) or
gbriody@usyd.edu.au (Email).
If you, or a member of your household, fit the study’s criteria I do hope you /they will be able
to help us by agreeing to be interviewed and answer some brief questions which will help us
to better understand the experiences of young people.
Yours sincerely,
Christine Inglis
TIAS, Root Questionnaire, part A (Personal details)
November 2007
92
APPENDIX 3.2 TIAS GENERAL INFORMATION
Multicultural & Migration
Research Centre
Sociology and Social Policy A26
NSW 2006 AUSTRALIA
Telephone +61 2 9351 3161
Assoc. Prof. Christine Inglis
Director
Facsimile +61 2 9036 9380
The Integration of the Australian Second Generation (TIAS)
Research Project
General Information
What is the study about?
The study is about the educational, employment and social experiences which may
affect the incorporation of young people, aged between 18 and 35, who have been
born in Australia and who have at least one parent born overseas in Lebanon or
Turkey or who have both their parents born in Australia. This project is being
undertaken in conjunction with an international study which is being undertaken in 8
European countries: Austria, Belgium, France, Germany, the Netherlands, Spain
Sweden and Switzerland.
Who is carrying out the study?
The study is being conducted by Christine Inglis, Director of the Multicultural and
Migration Research Centre at the University of Sydney with assistance from Joy
Elley, Nijmer Hajjar and Ahmad Shboul. It is supported by the Australian Government
through the Department of Immigration and Citizenship as part of a larger project:
“Inequality, Discrimination and Social Cohesion: Socio-economic Mobility and
Incorporation of Australian-born Lebanese and Turkish background Youth”. The
interviews will be conducted by McNair Ingenuity Research
What does the study involve?
The study involves an interview with young people about their own and their families’
experiences. The larger project also involves the analysis of census and other
statistical material.
Who can take part in the study?
If you are Australian born, live in either Melbourne or Sydney, and are aged between
18 and 35 with at least one parent born overseas in Lebanon or Turkey or with both
parents born in Australia then you are eligible to be included in the study.
How much time will the study take?
The interview will take about one hour.
Page 1 of 2
TIAS, Root Questionnaire, part A (Personal details)
November 2007
93
Will anyone else know the results?
All aspects of the study, including results, will be strictly confidential and comply with
the provisions of the Privacy Act (1988). Only the researchers will have access to
information on participants except as required by law. A report of the study will be
submitted to the Department of Immigration and Citizenship but individual
participants will not be identifiable in such a report. Nor will they be identifiable in any
reports that may be publicly released in future.
Will the study benefit me?
While the study will not benefit you directly, its findings are intended to inform
Government policy development particularly as it relates to the integration and
incorporation of the children of immigrants.
Can I tell other people about the study?
Yes, you may tell other people about the study. If they would like further information
about the study they can contact Christine Inglis whose details are shown below.
What do I do if I would like to be included in the study?
Please email: tias@mcnairingenuity.com or telephone them on1800 669 133
What if I require further information?
If you would like to know more at any stage, please feel free to contact Christine
Inglis, Director of the Multicultural & Migration Research Centre of the University of
Sydney on 02 9351 3161; email: cinglis@usyd.edu.au. If you live in Melbourne you
may also contact Dr Joy Elley on 03 9208 3296.
Page 2 of 2
TIAS, Root Questionnaire, part A (Personal details)
November 2007
94
APPENDIX 3.3 TIAS PARTICIPANT INFORMATION STATEMENT
Multicultural & Migration
Research Centre
NSW 2006 AUSTRALIA
Sociology and Social Policy A26
Assoc. Prof. Christine Inglis
Telephone +61 2 9351 3161
Director
Facsimile +61 2 9036 9380
PARTICIPANT INFORMATION STATEMENT
Research Project
The Integration of the Australian Second Generation (TIAS)
What is the study about?
The study is about the educational, employment and social experiences which may
affect the incorporation of young people, aged between 18 and 35, who have been
born in Australia or who have at least one parent born overseas in Lebanon or
Turkey or who have both parents born in Australia. It is being undertaken in
conjunction with an international study which is being undertaken in 8 European
countries: Austria, Belgium, France, Germany, the Netherlands, Spain Sweden and
Switzerland.
Who is carrying out the study?
The study is being conducted by Christine Inglis, Director of the Multicultural and
Migration Research Centre at the University of Sydney with assistance from Joy
Elley, Nijmer Hajjar and Ahmad Shboul. It is supported by the Australian Government
through the Department of Immigration and Citizenship as part of a larger project:
“Inequality, Discrimination and Social Cohesion: Socio-economic Mobility and
Incorporation of Australian-born Lebanese and Turkish background Youth”. The
interviews will be conducted by McNair Ingenuity Research.
What does the study involve?
The study involves interviews with young people about their own and their families’
experiences.
How much time will the study take?
The interview will take about one hour.
Can I withdraw from the study?
Participation in this study is entirely voluntary. You are not obliged to participate and if you do participate - you can withdraw at any time without prejudice or penalty.
Should you feel offended because you have been mistakenly contacted I apologise.
Will anyone else know the results?
All aspects of the study, including results, will be strictly confidential and comply with
the provisions of the Privacy Act (1988). Only the researchers will have access to
information on participants except as required by law. A report of the study will be
submitted to the Department of Immigration and Citizenship but individual
participants will not be identifiable in such a report. Nor will they be identifiable in any
reports that may be publicly released in the future.
TIAS, Root Questionnaire, part A (Personal details)
November 2007
95
Page 1 of 2
Will the study benefit me?
While the study will not benefit you directly, its findings are intended to inform
Government policy development particularly as it relates to the integration and
incorporation of the children of immigrants.
Can I tell other people about the study?
Yes, you may tell other people about the study. If they would like further information
about the study they can contact Christine Inglis whose details are shown below.
What if I require further information?
When you have read this information, the interviewers from McNair Ingenuity
Research will discuss it with you further and answer any questions you may have. If
you would like to know more at any stage, please feel free to contact Christine Inglis,
Director of the Multicultural & Migration Research Centre of the University of Sydney
on 02 9351 3161; email: cinglis@usyd.edu.au
What if I have a complaint or concerns?
Any person with concerns or complaints about the conduct of a research study
can contact the Senior Ethics Officer, Ethics Administration, University of
Sydney on (02) 9351 4811 (Telephone); (02) 9351 6706 (Facsimile) or
gbriody@usyd.edu.au (Email).
This information sheet is for you to keep
Page 2 of 2
TIAS, Root Questionnaire, part A (Personal details)
November 2007
96
APPENDIX 3.4 TIAS PARTICIPANT CONSENT FORM
Multicultural & Migration
Research Centre
Sociology and Social Policy A26
NSW 2006 AUSTRALIA
Telephone +61 2 9351 3161
Assoc. Prof. Christine Inglis
Director
Facsimile +61 2 9036 9380
PARTICIPANT CONSENT FORM
I, ................................................……............... Name (please print)
give consent to my participation in the research project: The Integration of the
Australian Second Generation (TIAS)
In giving my consent I acknowledge that:
1.
The procedures required for the project and the time involved have been
explained to me, and any questions I have about the project have been
answered to my satisfaction.
2.
I have read the Participant Information Statement and have been given the
opportunity to discuss the information and my involvement in the project with
the researcher/s.
3.
I understand that I can withdraw from the study at any time, without affecting
my relationship with the researcher(s) now or in the future.
4.
I understand that my involvement is strictly confidential and no information
about me will be used in any way that reveals my identity.
Signed:
......................................................................................................................
Name:
......................................................................................................................
Date:
......................................................................................................................
TIAS, Root Questionnaire, part A (Personal details)
November 2007
97