Sobriety and ‘Symbel’:
Integrating the Germanic Drinking Ritual in
Anglo-Saxon Literature
BA-Thesis English Language and Culture
Student Name: Jelle Merlijn Zuring
Student Number: 3691608
Date: 8 Nov. 2013
First Reader: Dr. Marcelle Cole
Second Reader: Dr. Anita Auer
Utrecht University, Department of English Language and Culture
2
TABLE OF CONTENTS
Introduction
3
Section 1: The Germanic Heritage
4
Section 2: The New Point of View
9
Section 3: Integrating the ‘Symbel’
15
Conclusion
23
Bibliography
25
3
INTRODUCTION
Long tables, benches filled with people from one end to the other, cups overflowing with
sweet mead or ale, and a cacophony of grunting and laughing men. The imagery of that
sentence will most likely sketch a scene resembling Germany’s famous Oktoberfest in the
reader’s mind. Setting such a mood would be very convenient, because the Oktoberfest is
perhaps the best known surviving representation of the tradition identified in this study. As far
back as the time of Roman conquerors and ‘barbarian’ resistance, accounts have been written
of great Germanic feasts, the likes of which most Southern Europeans had never witnessed
before. What most of their Germanic neighbours had in common, apart from their religious
heritage and practices, was a tradition of warrior lords who supplied their retainers with
alcoholic drinks in great hall structures.
The Oktoberfest analogy, however, is far from perfect. The Germanic drinking
tradition investigated in this research paper was much more than a feast where men got drunk
and gluttonous while generally having a good time. This tradition involved a sense of ritual,
of religious devotion and of social commitment to the lord who gave the gift of drink. This
initially pagan ritual of drinking is often portrayed in the corpus of Anglo-Saxon, i.e. Old
English, literature, and the main concern of the present research paper is to explore how the
Christian Anglo-Saxon authors reconciled this Germanic drinking ritual with the Church’s
stance on sobriety. Although much has been written on the heroic tradition as represented in
the Anglo-Saxon literary corpus, there is very little academic material about the image of the
symle [feast] in Anglo-Saxon writings, and how it should be interpreted. Nevertheless, I owe a
lot of helpful insights specifically to the work of Hugh Magennis, who wrote books such as
Anglo-Saxon Appetites1 and Images of Community in Old English Poetry2.
In this research paper I shall attempt to identify the ways in which Anglo-Saxon
literature portrays the Germanic drinking tradition. The history of the Germanic drinking
tradition shall be identified and explained in detail in the section “The Germanic Heritage”,
after which the Christian portrayal of drinking will be compared with that offered by its pagan
predecessors in the section “The New Point of View”. The final section of this thesis,
“Integrating the ‘Symbel’” will consider the ways in which Anglo-Saxon authors have
managed to integrate the secular Germanic drinking tradition into their religious corpus.
1
H. Magennis. Anglo-Saxon Appetites: Food and Drink and Their Consumption in Old English and Related
Literature. (Dublin, 1999).
2
H. Magennis. Images of Community in Old English Poetry. (Cambridge, 1996).
4
SECTION 1: THE GERMANIC HERITAGE
The identity and heritage of the English people is and has always been a complex matter.
Other than the Roman influence, responsible for the successful conversion of the then
Brittonic-Celtic population to Christianity, the role of various Germanic cultures cannot be
neglected. To establish which pagan fibres the Christian Anglo-Saxon society incorporated
into their literary corpus, there is need of a more or less thorough understanding of the
Germanic culture outside of the British Isles and before the Anglo-Saxon settlement. For the
sake of focus, rather than fully describing the habits of the Germanic peoples this section will
only be concerned with answering the question of what the societal role of drinking within the
various Germanic cultures was.
Cornelius Tacitus, the Roman consul and historian of the first century A.D., is an
important figure in our current understanding of Germanic culture. Even though Tacitus was
supposedly supportive of a definitive conquest of Germania, his short historic work Germania
highlights many of the Germanic virtues opposed to Roman vices 3; for instance, he notes the
“Germani are unusually free of the desire to own and use these metals [silver and gold]”4, and
also that “adultery [as well as polygamy] is rare in the extreme”5. However, he always
remains patriotic by referring to the fact that for each virtue, the Germani bear the burden of
their barbarism. The cause of some of their stereotypical shortcomings, such as idleness and a
violent nature, are ascribed to their freedom from “the vices that civilization brings”6. Yet
Tacitus also recognises the downside of the trappings of civilisation when he laments the fact
that his people could not be without greed like the Germani, or content with plain food and
plain funeral processions. Harold Mattingly has observed a desire in Tacitus for the “strict and
old-fashioned morality that the Romans believed their own ancestors observed”7.
As Alfred Gudeman has eloquently pointed out, it is likely that Tacitus never visited
Germania in person. Instead, he relied on an abundance of eye-witness sources8, among which
no other than Julius Caesar’s writings. The historian does not fail to notice the Germanic
3
H. Mattingly. ed. trans. Agricola and Germania. Tacitus, Cornelius. (London, 2009). p. xxxix-xl.
Agricola and Germania. (London, 2009). p. 37.
5
Agricola and Germania. (London, 2009). p. 44.
6
H. Mattingly. ed. trans. Agricola and Germania. (London, 2009). p. xxxix-xl.
7
H. Mattingly. ed. trans. Agricola and Germania. (London, 2009). p. xl-xli.
8
Alfred Gudeman neatly sums up all extant and non extant sources which have been identified in Germania:
“Julius Ceasar’s De Bello Gallico, Strabo, Diodorus, Velleius Paterculus, Pomponius Mela, Pliny’s Naturalis
Historia[, and the non extant] Pytheas, Posidonius of Rhodes, Sallust, Livy, Agrippa’s map, Aufidius Bassus,
Pliny’s Bella Germaniae and Marinus of Tyre”. See A. Gudeman. “The Sources of the Germania of Tacitus”.
Transactions and Proceedings of the American Philological Association. Vol. 31. (1900). p. 93-111.
4
5
appreciation of drinking, but he is sceptical of the ritual he observes. After his recognition of
the Germanics as a brave and warlike people, he begins chapter XV by saying “When not
engaged in warfare, they spend some little time in hunting, but more in idling, devoting
themselves to sleep and gluttony”9. After this first glance at the so called hall-culture of the
Germanic peoples, one would expect that Tacitus lacks any sort of respect for this people that
had withstood the attempted conquests by his empire for decades. It is not much later,
however, that he counterbalances his former point when he mentions the greatness of
Germanic hospitality. “It is considered impious to turn any man away from your door [...] No
distinction is ever made between acquaintance and stranger where the right to hospitality is
concerned”10. A more detailed description of the hall-ritual follows this passage, in which
Tacitus observes the Germanic habit of discussing serious affairs over their cups: “the
reconciliation of enemies, the forming of marriage alliances, the adoption of new leaders and
even the choice of peace or war”11. Harold Mattingly remarks that Tacitus, who was a
politician himself, was sceptical of this habit of the Northern peoples of mixing drink and
decision-making12.
From a biased but contemporary account of Germanic culture, we turn to more recent
observations of Germanic drinking. It has long been established that the act of drinking in
Germanic society was more of a ritual than a pastime. It must be mentioned that most sources
are of a more literary than historical nature, but scholars agree that the culture of the
Germanic people is reflected in the Germanic literary corpus nonetheless. In his
comprehensive work on Germanic aristocracy Lady With A Mead Cup, Michael Enright
argues that “as far back as anyone can trace the tradition, Germanic concepts of contract,
lordship, marriage, loyalty and community are all directly linked to the provision and
distribution of liquor”13. He notes that, from a philological point of view, the Old English
dryht [body of retainers14] among similar words in other contemporary Germanic languages,
effectively evolved from the Proto-Germanic *druht, which meant drink15.
Before I expand on this, it is worth noting that all statements about the Germanic
drinking culture merely apply to the aristocratic minority of the Germanic people. The reason
9
Agricola and Germania. (London, 2009). p. 42.
Agricola and Germania. (London, 2009). p. 45.
11
Ibid.
12
Agricola and Germania. (London, 2009). p. 96.
13
M. Enright. Lady With A Mead Cup. (Dublin, 1996). p. 95.
14
C. Hall. A Concise Anglo-Saxon Dictionary: Second Edition. (1916). p. 79. Full entry: dryht (i) multitude, army,
company, body of retainers, nation, people, Ex: pl. Men.
15
Lady With A Mead Cup. (Dublin, 1996). p. 71-72.
10
6
for this, as Hugh Magennis points out, is that “hall life was confined to royalty and the
nobility”16, and because of that, very little information about the common man of Germania is
recorded in the Germanic literary heritage. A term such as OE dryht should therefore be
associated with OE ðegn [noble, vassal17], rather than terms associated with the common folk.
Within this aristocratic layer of Germanic society, drinking and the distribution of
drink had an explicit ritualistic function. In explanation, Henry Splitter argues that
“intoxicating liquors were commonly believed to contain some mystically potent
substance”18, as becomes evident from a particular section in the “Second Lay of Gudrun” (as
part of the Elder Eddas of Sæmund Sigfusson), worth citing at length. The Valkyrie Sigdrifa,
just awoken by Sigurd, exclaims:
Beer I bear to thee, column of battle! with might mingled and with bright glory; ‘tis
full of song, and salutary saws, of potent incantations, and joyous discourses [...]
[mystic symbols] were inscribed and mingled with the sacred mead, and sent on
distant ways: they are with the Ӕsir, they are with the Alfar, some with the wise Vanir,
some human beings have them [...] those who can, without confusion or corruption,
turn them to his welfare.19
From this section, we can infer two important facts about the Germanic drinking ritual, the
first being that liquor was recognised as a divine gift. This idea survived the general
conversion to Christianity in England and Germania in the form of baptismal and marriage
beers20. Michael Enright states that “no marriage it seems was fully legal without a feast at
which intoxicating drink was served, and there are many references to the ‘bridal ale’ (but not
the ‘groom’s ale’) in the sources [...] a specific ritual took place in which the woman
presented her future husband with a drink [...] His acceptance of the cup signified his
agreement”21. These ceremonial toasts, within their many different contexts, were the symbols
of new beginnings. “The bride ‘dies’ to one group and is reborn, that is ‘adopted’, into
another”22. The second observation is that it was not the substance but the act of drinking that
mattered. Numerous scholars have observed that within texts that refer to the drinking ritual,
16
H. Magennis. Images of Community in Old English Poetry. (Cambridge, 1996). p. 36.
A Concise Anglo-Saxon Dictionary. (1916). p. 308. Full entry: ðegn: m. Servant, minister, retainer, vassal,
follower, disciple, freeman, master, courtier, noble
18
H. W. Splitter. “The Relation of Germanic Folk Custom and Ritual to Ealuscerwen”. Modern Language Notes.
Vol. 67, No. 4. (1952). p. 255-258.
19
B. Thorpe. trans. The Elder Eddas of Sæmund Sigfusson. (1907). p. 181-183.
20
“The Relation of Germanic Folk Custom and Ritual To Ealuscerwen”. (1952). p. 257.
21
Lady With A Mead Cup. (Dublin, 1996). p. 82.
22
Lady With A Mead Cup. (Dublin, 1996). p. 75.
17
7
there is hardly any consistency as to what they drank23. In the above quote from Thorpe’s
translation of the Elder Eddas of Sæmund Sigfusson there is a sudden change from “beer” to
“sacred mead”. Magennis emphasises that this common inconsistency has been repeatedly
ascribed to the “requirements of alliteration” the scop had to meet24. The different alcoholic
drinks mentioned are not believed to have carried hierarchical significance. The application of
the poetic device of variation to drink-related words, however, implies that the concept was
important to its culture; in Cædmon’s Hymn, for instance, God is referred to with seven
different terms within the total nine lines of the poem, indicating the importance of God in
that context.
At times of drinking Germanic men were often inspired to stand up and make a boast
to their lord. Whether it is called OE beot, gylp or Icelandic Heitstrenging, many a feasting
scene is accompanied by sections of individual boasting, giving the drinking scenes of
Germanic culture a new social dimension. Stefán Einarsson already observed this “comitatus
speech or exhortation of the retainers”25 in 1934, not only in Old English poetry but also in
Old Icelandic literature. The feasting in Germanic culture offered a possibility for the king’s
vassals to make a “solemn promise to carry out a feat- a fight- under very difficult
circumstances, partly self-imposed to add glory”26. It is hard to read beot as just meaning
“boast”, because it effectively implies that the boaster is not simply boasting, but making a
vow to his lord. The serious value of the beotword [boast, promise] becomes apparent in texts
such as the Icelandic Hrólfs Saga, containing the following lines: “efnum nú vel
heitstrengingar várar, at vér verjum vel enn frægasta konung” [let us now carry out our vows
that we defend well the most renowned king]27.
The majority of Germanic beotword was not only directed to the king or lord. The
queen was of equal, or perhaps even higher importance in the drinking ritual. First of all, the
queen was often the one boasted to, as can be seen in Beowulf: “Þam wife þa word wel
licodon, gilpcwide Geates”[These words pleased the woman well, the boastful speech of the
Geat]28. Furthermore, the queen was responsible for the actual distribution of the drink. This
distribution, however, is no less important than the actual boasting in the hall-ceremony.
23
H. Magennis. Food, Drink and Feast in Anglo-Saxon and Germanic Literary Tradition. (Dublin, 1999). p. 23. H.
W. Splitter. “The Relation of Germanic Folk Custom and Ritual to Ealuscerwen”. (1952). p. 257.
24
Food, Drink and Feast in Anglo-Saxon and Germanic Literary Tradition. (Dublin, 1999). p. 23.
25
S. Einarsson. “Old English Beot and Old Icelandic Heitstrenging”. Periodical of the Modern Language
Association. Vol. 49. No. 4. (1934). p. 975.
26
“Old English Beot and Old Icelandic Heitstrenging”. (1934). p. 976.
27
Hrolfs Saga. Ch. 48. As translated by Stefán Einarsson.
28
R.D. Fulk. ed. Beowulf. (Cambridge, 2010). p. 128, l. 639-40a. All translations of Beowulf mine, unless
otherwise noted.
8
According to Michael Murphy, the moment when Wealhtheow hands the ful [cup] to Beowulf
his commitment is at last confirmed29. Murphy describes Wealhtheow, among other
prominent literary queens, as a provoker of beot, mainly because her presence demands it30.
By now it should be clear that drinking was no mere trifle in Germanic society.
Although sceptical, Tacitus did not fail to notice the importance of drinking, and also
recognised its role, although sceptically, in serious aristocratic discourse. To stress the
aristocratic dimension of drinking as a ritual is key to the understanding of Germanic society.
Alcohol was regarded as a divine gift, regardless of the exact kind of drink. This gift was to
be passed on to the nobles by their lord so as to establish commitment and hierarchy among
them. The nobles, intoxicated, then had the opportunity to vow and boast to their king and
queen, making the drinking a matter of discourse rather than a one-sided giving of divine gift.
This tradition, found barbaric by many contemporaries, stretched over hundreds of years and
from the lowest part of modern-day Germany to as far an isolated a place as Iceland. This
tradition of drinking was the mortar of a vast cultural construction, to be remembered and
criticised for ages onward.
29
M. Murphy. “Vows, Boasts and Taunts and the Role of Women in Some Medieval Literature“. English Studies.
No. 2. (1985). p. 112.
30
Ibid.
9
SECTION 2: THE NEW POINT OF VIEW
We have seen that the Germanic peoples treated alcohol with great respect and formality, and
those who drank and boasted forcefully were often held in high regard. This Germanic point
of view, however, would not survive the age of Christian conversion unharmed. In the
Sententiae, written near the end of the 6th century, Isidore of Seville makes the following
statement, effectively portraying the Roman Catholic opinion about alcohol: “Ebrietas ita
mentem alienat, ut ubi sit nesciat. Unde etiam et malum non sentitur quod per ebrietatem
commititur.” [Drunkenness so deranges the mind that it does not know where it is. Hence it
does not even perceive the evil which it is committing through drunkenness.]31 The
association between drunkenness and drinking was almost completely absent within the
Germanic literary corpus. Rather than being destructive, drinking in Germanic literature is
often a constructive force; drinking, as we have seen, seals ritualistic new beginnings, such as
marriage, as well as vows of loyalty and social recognition in the mead-hall by means of
boasts. This section will explore the different portrayal of drinking in Anglo-Saxon literature
as written from a Christian perspective. However, this observation consists of two different
literary developments, which both deserve explanation.
The first process to discuss is the association of drinking with vice and evil, just as in
the above quote by Isidore. A considerable part of the Anglo-Saxon literary corpus consists of
translations and adaptations of the Old Testament. Although it could be argued that this is not
representative of the Anglo-Saxon opinion because the original material, Latin recordings of
the Old Testament texts, comes from a completely different and much older culture, AngloSaxon translations were often subject to cultural bias32 and were usually poetic rather than
prosaic33, such as in the Junius Manuscript which contains the poems of Genesis, Exodus and
Daniel, and the New Testament poem Christ and Satan. Elaine Treharne states that “the poet
[...] handles the material very freely, drawing on a wide number of other biblical books, the
liturgy [...] and the heroic [Germanic] tradition to create his masterpiece.”34
31
Isidore. Sententiae, II, ch. 43, 2, PL 83, 650A. Translation by Hugh Magennis.
Hugh Magennis’ article “No Sex Please, We’re Anglo-Saxons?: Attitudes to Sexuality in Old English Prose and
Poetry” observes the process of desexualisation which mostly Biblical texts, but also renditions of classical
stories, have undergone when translated into Old English. Scenes previously depicting lust or provocative
beauty are tactically avoided, as in distancing Judith from the feast in Judith. See: H. Magennis. “No Sex Please,
We’re Anglo-Saxons?: Attitudes to Sexuality in Old English Prose and Poetry”. Studies in English. Vol. 26. (1995).
p. 1-26.
33
E. Treharne. ed. “The Junius Manuscript”. Old and Middle English c. 890-c. 1450: An Anthology. (Chichester,
2010). 3rd edn. p. 243.
34
Ibid.
32
10
The Anglo-Saxon Judith, although incomplete, is a splendid example of a
juxtaposition between the Germanic drinking tradition and the Christian tradition in which
drinking is regarded as evil. It contains one of the most elaborate feasting-scenes in the entire
Anglo-Saxon tradition, only surpassed by Beowulf 35. Confirming Treharne’s statement, the
poet makes consistent reference to the Germanic heroic tradition in his description of the
Assyrian feast; “Hie ða to ðam symle sittan eodon, / wlance to wingedrince, ealle his
weagesiðas, / beadle byrnwiggende.” [They went and set than at the feast, proud men / at
wine-drinking, all his comrades in woe, / the bold armed warriors.]36. Unlike other Old
English editions of the story of Judith, such as Ӕlfric’s which remains quite loyal to his
source, the anonymous Judith poet “actually highlights the feasting, giving it a much more
central place in the poem’s narrative and thematic development”37. The feasting imagery,
however, is used with an ironic effect. Hugh Magennis points out that instead of the sense of
order and cohesion, as was present in the Germanic literary tradition, Judith confronts the
reader with a Bacchanal38.
A clear parallel with Germanic feasts to be found in Judith is the aristocratic audience
at the feast, pointed out by the poet in the line “to ðam het se gumena baldor ealle ða yldestan
ðegnas” [to that [feast] the lord of men commanded all the most honoured nobles]39. In the
line after that, the poet thoroughly emphasises that Holofernes is a powerful lord by calling
him “ðam rican þeodne” [that prosperous lord] and “folces ræswan” [ruler of people] within
the same sentence40. Referring to Holofernes as þeodne is especially effective because that
word usually refers to God, as in the third line of the poem “mundbyrd æt ðam mæran
Þeodne” [protection by the excellent Lord]41. Holofernes’ established position at the head of
the retainers becomes ironic when he is referred to as “se inwidda [...] swiðmod sinces brytta”
[the wicked one [...] arrogant giver of treasure]42, adding a negative adjective to a concept
symbolising the heroic tradition.
Suddenly the text makes the reader realise another change from the original has been
made. When Holofernes is incredibly drunk, and his retainers “oferdrencte [...] swylce hie
35
H. Magennis. “Adaptation of Biblical Detail in the Old English Judith: The Feast Scene.” Neuphilologische
Mitteilungen. Vol. 84. (1983). p. 331-337.
36
M. Griffith. ed. Judith. (Exeter, 1997). p. 97, l. 15-17a. Translation by Richard Hamer.
37
“Adaptation of Biblical Detail in the Old English Judith.” (1983). p. 333.
38
Ibid.
39
Judith. p. 97, l. 9-10. All translations of Judith mine, unless otherwise noted.
40
Judith. p. 97, l. 11-12.
41
Judith. p. 97, l. 3.
42
Judith. p. 97, l. 28-30.
11
wæron deaðe geslegene” [given too much to drink [...] as if they were struck to death]43, he
calls for Judith to be brought from the guest-hall to his bed. In the original “Book of Judith”,
however, she is attending the feast herself, calmly seducing Holofernes in order to slay him in
his bed. Hugh Magennis suggests that the separation of Judith from the riotous feast relieves
Judith from her seductive nature, which was still a necessity in the prosaic Old Testament44.
While the downfall of Holofernes could earlier be blamed on “the charms of Judith which
overcome him”45, his drunkenness is now the only responsible factor. The result is that
Judith’s former seductress role is sacrificed for the sake of amplifying the negative portrayal
of drinking and its association with evil in the poem46.
The Anglo-Saxon author and translator Ӕlfric comments on drinking in a number of
texts, of which he is either author or translator. His oeuvre consists primarily of prose texts
with the aim of making religious texts accessible to a lay audience, basically continuing King
Alfred’s educational reform47. Luke Reinsma, paraphrasing Ӕlfric’s own words, says that he
writes “for the edification of the simple, who know only the English language for reading and
listening”48. The educational quality and intent of Ӕlfric’s writing must therefore always be
kept in mind. In the Lives Of Saints, paragraph XVI “On the Memory of the Saints”, he
echoes the previous quote of Isidore about drinking as the destruction of reason. He writes:
“Heo fordeð eac ða sawle, forðan he sceall syngian oft ðone he sylf nat hu he færð for his
feond-licum drencum” [[Gluttony] destroys also the soul, because he must sin often, when he
himself does not know how he behaves because of his fiendish drinks]49. Whereas the
Germanic culture regarded alcohol as a divine gift, it is associated with the feond [enemy,
devil] from a Christian religious point of view.
Ӕlfric, though best known for his Christian Catholic Homilies and the Lives of Saints,
was at a late stage of his life also increasingly involved with political discourse. Around the
dawn of the second millennium he wrote a series of letters to fellow laymen, containing
instructions to ensure good life. Inka Molainen, who devoted a lengthy study to the relation
between religion and authority with specific interest in Ӕlfric, argues that these letters are not
43
Judith. p. 97, l. 31.
“Adaptation of Biblical Detail in the Old English Judith.” (1983). p. 333.
45
Ibid.
46
“No Sex Please, We’re Anglo Saxons?” (1995). p. 9.
47
E. Treharne. ed. “Ӕlfric”. Old and Middle English c. 890-c. 1450: An Anthology. (Chichester, 2010) 3rd edn. p.
129.
48
L. M. Reinsma. “Was Ӕlfric a Rhetorician?”. Rhetorica: A Journal of the History of Rhetoric. Vol. 7, No. 4.
(1989). p. 346.
49
I. Skeat. ed. Lives of Saints. XVI. p. 354. l. 274-5. Translation and editing by Hugh Magennis.
44
12
to be considered actual private letters. Instead, he finds that they are “written in a homiletic
style [...] as designed sermons drafted by Ӕlfric, sometimes at the request of other people”50.
One of those letters, the Letter to Wulfgeat of Ylmandum, is particularly interesting to the
present study, because it features a detailed description of the vice of drinking:
Đu lufast druncennysse
Swylce Þe toƷamenes,
Hwam becymð wawa
Oððe hwa byð bepæht,
Oððe eaƷena blindnyss:
Ðe woodlice drincað
Swa ðæt hi dwæsiað
and dwollice leofast
ac Ʒodes wisdom Þe seƷð:
hwam witodlice sacu
oððe hwam becumað wunda
buton Þam unÞeawfæstum,
and heora gewitt amyrrað
for heora druncennyssum.
[You love drunkenness and foolishly live
As if for amusement, but God’s wisdom tells you:
To Whom befalls misfortune, truly to whom strife,
who is either deceived, or to whom wounds befall,
Or blindness of the eyes: except to the unholy of customs
Who drink madly and corrupt their mind?
So that they become stupid for their drunkenness.]51
Drinking is not directly associated with demons or fiends in this letter, but rather with God’s
punishment for excessive drinking. Molainen finds that one lesson which the letter is
concerned with is “the proper interpretation of the word of God”52. It should be noted,
however, that although God is still the executor of punishment, Ӕlfric focuses on the
physicality of the results of drinking rather than writing about the possibly miserable afterlife
of heavy drinkers. The prospect of blindness and wounds would provide an extra sense of
caution to the audience of the Letter to Wulfgeat of Ylmandum.
The second way in which Anglo-Saxon literature develops its opinion about alcohol is
still hardly a glorification of it, and much less common than the previously described scorn of
drinking. Some religious scenes, however, have been found to show non-excessive drinking in
which the implication of sin is far weaker or sometimes absent. A late Old English
instructional poem called Instructions for Christians sets a number of rules for the devout
believer, among which Magennis points out the fourth rule: “Þonne is þæt feorðe þæt he
50
I. Molainen. Writing The Order: Religious-Political Discourses in Late Anglo-Saxon England. (Bergen, 2011). p.
120.
51
B. Assmann. ed. Letter To Wulfgeat of Ylmandum. Angelsächsische Homilien und Heiligenleben. (Kassel 1889).
p. 6, l. 140-146. Translation mine.
52
Writing The Order. (Bergen, 2011). p. 123.
13
fremman sceal, / þæt he gemettige metas and drinces” [Then the fourth thing is that he must
bring it about that he moderate his food and drink]53. This rule is much less demanding than
Ӕfric’s ideal, making it more realistic but still representative of the Christian virtue of
sobriety.
Another example, which is much smaller but very strong nevertheless, is recorded
close to the final lines to The Dream of the Rood. It is a description of God and his people in
heaven, in which a single word turns it into a scene where drink is enjoyed in the most holy
place.
Þǣr is Dryhtnes folc / geseted tō symle,
þǣr ic syþþan mōt / wunian on wuldre
þǣr is singāl blis, / and mē þonne āsette
well mid þām hālgum, / drēames brūcan.
[where the Lord’s host is seated at the feast, there is great bliss, and it shall set me
where I afterwards may dwell in glory, living in lasting bliss among the saints.]54
This image contradicts the general Christian contempt of drinking, especially since it is often
associated with the devil or fiend rather than Dryhtnes folc. The words symle or symbel [feast,
banquet] quite often carry negative connotations in Christian Anglo-Saxon literature, such as
in the story of Noah’s drunkenness in Genesis when he is referred to as symbelwerig [weary
of feast, drunk]. Symle can also be translated as [feast-day, festival], carrying no explicit
drinking connotations, but in the case of Dream of The Rood that translation is inaccurate
because the word is preceded by geseted tō [seated at], amplifying the image of Germanic
hall-culture. Dream of The Rood is at least two centuries older than Ӕlfric’s Christian
teachings, and also preliminary to the educational impulse by Alfred The Great. Although the
extent to which the Germanic drinking tradition is integrated in this poem suggests it belongs
in the next chapter, this poem’s topic is so explicitly Christian it demanded mentioning in this
discussion.
It should be clear by now that the Anglo-Saxon liturgy left little room for the
enjoyment of alcohol. Other than some lessons on moderation, the majority of written work
portrays drinking as a vice, and directly associates it with demons, the destruction of the soul
and damage to the body. The poem Judith goes so far as to use the imagery of the Germanic
drinking ritual ironically, portraying the worst possible lord. Christian Anglos-Saxon
53
Food, Drink and Feast in Anglo-Saxon and Germanic Literary Tradition. (Dublin, 1999). p. 101.
R. Hamer. ed. trans. “The Dream of The Rood”. A Choice of Anglo-Saxon Verse. (London, 1970). p. 170-171, l.
140b-144a.
54
14
literature, therefore, can be concluded generally to portray drinking negatively, with few but
notable exceptions.
15
SECTION 3: INTEGRATING THE ‘SYMBEL’
The Anglo-Saxon literary corpus does not merely consist of religious poetry and prose.
Although inherently Christian, the Anglo-Saxon literary corpus often integrates the Germanic
heroic tradition and the Christian tradition in the same texts; the most famous exponent of this
conflation is Beowulf. The Fight At Finnsburh, The Battle of Maldon and Beowulf, all of them
Anglo-Saxon poems of battle and warriors, contain important specific references to the
Germanic drinking ritual while the general perspective is of a Christian nature. The symbel
[feast, banquet] and the recollections or performances of beotword [boasting speech] often
appear despite the Church’s insistence on sobriety.
The shortest of these texts, The Fight At Finnsburh, is only a fragment of a story of
unknown original length and narrative. In the early 18th century it was transcribed and printed
from a severely damaged manuscript by George Hickes, which subsequently got lost
forever55. Although scholars can only guess at what preceeds the scene described in the
Finnsburh Fragment, a part of what follows is recounted in Beowulf lines 1063-1159.
However, the Finnsburh Episode in Beowulf, as it is referred to, is also far from complete and
offers no logical ending to the tale.
Before the important references to boasting and drinking in this fragment are
discussed, the dating of this poem must first be considered. Jonathan Watson, who observed
influence of the Nordic tradition of Skaldic poetry in the Finnsburh Fragment in its
application of mythological kennings, argues that for this influence to exist the text must at
least be younger than Skaldic poetry, a development occurring near the end of the 9th
century56. The combination of linguistic features suggesting a Northumbrian author and the
Scandinavian influence suggest, according to Watson, that the manuscript was made in
“Viking Northumbria, probably during the years 870 to 950, when Scandinavia held sway in
the Yorkshire Ridings”57. The writing of the Finnsburh Fragment therefore roughly coincides
with the reign and educational reform of King Alfred, thus becoming a part of Anglo-Saxon
literature’s golden age.
55
R. Hamer. ed. trans. “The Fight At Finnsburh”. A Choice of Anglo-Saxon Verse. (London, 1970). p. 34.
J. Watson. “The Finnsburh Skald: Kennings and Cruces in the Anglo-Saxon Fragment”. The Journal of English
and Germanic Philology. Vol. 101, No. 4. (2002). p. 497-519.
57
“The Finnsburh Skald”. (2002). p. 499.
56
16
The only direct reference to the Germanic drinking ritual in the Finnsburh Fragment is
when the narrator praises the brave deeds of the warriors of King Hnæf 58:
Ne gefrægn ic nǣfre wurþlīcor
Sixtig sigebeorna
Ne nēfre swānas hwītne medo
Ðonne Hnæfe guldan
æt wera hilde
sēl gebǣran,
sēl forgyldan,
his hægstealdas.
[I’ve never heard of sixty warriors
Behaving better in a mortal fight,
Or for sweet mead a finer recompense
Than the young warriors repaid to Hnæf.]59
The vocabulary used implies that the hwītne medo [sweet mead] had been Hnæf’s gift in the
Danish hall, and that the warriors must now fight bravely to honour this gift. Magennis finds
that the adjective hwītne, literally meaning ‘bright’, has been and should be translated as
‘sweet’ because of the poem’s Old Norse heritage60. Anglo-Saxon literature usually never
referred to the taste of drinks, but in for instance the Nordic Atlakviða adjectives such as sváss
[delicious, sweet] are applied to beer 61. Within a scene that is more violent than usual in
Anglo-Saxon literature, this way of emphasising bravery as a collective service rather than
individual prowess is supposedly a way for the Christian author to integrate the Germanic
culture into Christianity’s sense of community. The story of Finnsburh must have been
common knowledge to the Anglo-Saxons of the 9th and 10th century, because the Finnsburh
Episode in Beowulf is in no way introduced. Richard Hamer says that “the poet of Beowulf
only gives the part of the story which is relevant to the major events in the poem, in the
confidence that the rest of the tale is well known”62. Whether or not the emphasis on
communal bravery was also part of the oral version of the story, the rendition that Hickes
transcribed is representative of a Christian tradition portraying Germanic culture, and its
drinking ritual.
It is also important to note that the Finnsburh Fragment is entirely set in and around a
hall. This setting gives the Anglo-Saxon author the possibility of a narrative shift; as Dwight
Conquergood states in “Boasting in Anglo-Saxon England: Performance and the Heroic
58
Hnæf, the king of the Half-Danes, had come to Finnsburh in the land of the Frisians. Finnsburh was the home
of Finn, the Frisian king, to whom Hnæf had offered his daughter Hildeburh in marriage to settle a feud. The
reason for the Frisian attack on Hnæf’s men is unknown.
59
“The Fight At Finnsburh”. (London, 1970). p. 38-39, l. 37-40. Translation and edition by Richard Hamer.
60
Anglo-Saxon Appetites. (Dublin, 1999). p. 27.
61
Ibid.
62
“The Fight At Finnsburh”. (London, 1970). p. 34.
17
Ethos”, poets portraying hall-scenes would often let the characters perform individual
boasting speeches which became individual performances within the performance of the scop.
“The most striking formal element of a boast is the performer’s proclamation of a glorious
personal past which may be recounted in the form of daring exploits or noble lineage”63. Both
Sigeferth’s exploits and lineage are conveyed in the Finnsburh Fragment when he refers to
himself before the battle as “Secgena lēod, wreccea wīde cuð; fæla ic wēana gebād, heordra
hilda” [a Secgan prince, an adventurer well known; I have seen many fierce and grievous
battles]64, after which the battle begins in earnest.
The Battle of Maldon is another good example of boasting and battle within the same
context. This text is especially interesting because it is a portrayal of a historic event in 99165
rather than a fictitious story like Beowulf or The Fight At Finnsburh. The poem is dated close
to the actual event in the late 10th or early 11th century, supposedly as propaganda against the
Danish invaders 66. Byrthnoth, the leader of the English army, is faced with an invading force
of Danes from the sea who are troubled by the high tide. The tragically proud Byrthnoth
allows the Danes to come ashore without trouble, which resulted in a large-scale battle.
The author of The Battle of Maldon draws heavily from the imagery of the Germanic
tradition, yet subtly reminds the reader that Byrthnoth’s troop is Christian. In line 54b-55,
within a speech to the Danes, Byrthnoth says “Feallan sceolon hæþene æt hilde” [The
heathens shall fall in the battle]67. In the last line before the battle scene Byrthnoth is also
speaking, and he states “God ana wat hwa þære wælstowe wealdan mote” [God alone knows
who must rule the place of slaughter]68, and later on he “sæde Metode þanc” [gave thanks to
God]69. That Byrthnoth, who is so heavily portrayed with imagery associated with the
Germanic heritage of the Anglo-Saxons, refers to others as heathens implies a sense of respect
of the author for the Germanic tradition despite its inherent paganism.
63
D. Conquergood. “Boasting in Anglo-Saxon England: Performance and the Heroic Ethos”. Literature in
Performance. Vol. 1. ( 1981). p. 24-35.
64
“The Fight At Finnsburh”. (London, 1970). p. 36-37, l. 24b-26a. Translation and edition by Richard Hamer.
65
In the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle the entry for the year 991 says: “In this year, Ipswich was raided, and very
quickly after that, Ealdorman Brythnoth was killed at Maldon. And in that year, it was first advised that tribute
should be paid to the Danes because of the great terror that they made along the sea coast. That was at first
ten thousand pounds, Archbishop Sigeric advised on the decision.” See G. P. Cubbin. ed. MS D. The Anglo-Saxon
Chronicle: A Collaborative Edition 6. (Woodbridge, 1996).
66
E. Treharne. ed. “The Battle of Maldon”. Old and Middle English c. 890-c. 1450: An Anthology. (Chichester,
2010) 3rd edn. p. 156.
67
“The Battle of Maldon”. (Chichester 2010). p. 158-159, l. 54b-55. All translations of “The Battle of Maldon”,
unless otherwise noted, mine.
68
“The Battle of Maldon”(Chichester, 2010). p. 160-161, l. 94b-95.
69
“The Battle of Maldon”(Chichester, 2010). p. 162-163, l. 147b.
18
The majority of heroic imagery applied in The Battle of Maldon is boasting imagery
and the recalling of boasts made at the feast. Many a þegn takes the opportunity to make a
little speech after Byrthnoth has fallen and requires avenging. These speeches always contain
either some or all of the following: a solemn promise to avenge Byrthnoth, a pledge to abstain
from fleeing the battlefield, an indication that the speaker does not fear death and a
description of the noble lineage of the speaker. A particularly emotional speech is made by
the enraged Leofsunu:
Ic þæt gehate,
Fleon fotes trym,
Wrecan on gewinne
Ne þurfon me embe Sturmere
Wordum ætwitan
Þæt Ic hlafordleas
Wende fram wige;
Ord and iren.
þæt Ic heonon nelle
ac wille furðor gan
mine winedrihten.
stedefæste hælæð
nu min wine gecranc,
ham siðie,
ac me sceal wæpen niman,
[I pledge this, that from here I shall not
flee one footstep, but I mean to go further onwards
to avenge my beloved lord in battle.
the resolute heroes around Sturmer will have no need
to condemn me with words, now my lord has died,
that I should go home lordless,
turn away from battle; rather a weapon shall take me,
the spear-tip and iron sword.]70
Although drinking is not explicitly mentioned, this speech and the actions to follow are
effectively fulfilling an earlier boast and pledge made during the drinking ritual. A þegn
called Ӕlfwine confirms this by saying “Gemunaþ þa mæla þe we oft æt meodo spræcon,
þonne we on bence beot ahofon” [Remember the speeches which we often spoke at mead,
when we raised a pledge at our bench]71.
Even though the Germanic tradition was seen as archaic around the year 991, Elaine
Treharne states that The Battle of Maldon is regarded “as one of the finest expressions of the
[heroic] ideal”72. The numerous recollections of boasts and vows made in the mead-hall,
fulfilled by some while ignored by others, combined with direct pointers to a Christian point
of view make an integrated story of this historic event.
70
“The Battle of Maldon”(Chichester, 2010). p. 166-167, l. 246-253a. Translation by Elaine Treharne.
“The Battle of Maldon”(Chichester, 2010). p. 164-165, l. 212-213.
72
E. Treharne. ed. “The Battle of Maldon”(Chichester, 2010). p. 156.
71
19
Among all halls, fictional or real, earthly or heavenly, Heorot in Beowulf is certainly
one of the most magnificent. Built by King Hrothgar on the ground conquered by his
ancestor’s many wars73, Heorot is described as larger than any hall made before and “hælærna mæst” [the greatest of hall-houses]74. The vicious monster Grendel’s intent is to terrorise
that hall, and he kills many Danes who try to protect Heorot at night. The Swedish hero
Beowulf sails for Heorot with a group of retainters to relieve the Danes of Grendel. The text
preserves the Germanic warrior culture with its setting, the use of heroic vocabulary and a
narrative structure allowing for many boasts and vows.
During his first appearance at Hrothgar’s court, Beowulf delivers a lengthy speech in
which he vows to defeat the monster Grendel without the luxury of weaponry. When he is
done with that, he is seated and immediately brought an “hroden ealo-wæge, / scente scir
wered” [adorned ale-vessel, poured brightly]75. After having drunk, however, Beowulf is
given a better occasion to boast, because Unferth, one of Hrothgar’s advisors, decides to taunt
him and tell the court that in the past Beowulf had lost a swimming match to a man called
Breca, and therefore had no chance against a creature such as Grendel. This flyting [verbal
expression of adversativeness76], Ward Parks argues, is not in the first place an expression of
enmity. Its primary goal is often “the establishing and proving of selfhood”77. The flyting in
Beowulf is interesting because Beowulf’s reply gives credibility to himself and at the same
time discredits Unferth.
Beowulf maþelode,
‘Hwæt, þu worn fela,
Beore drunken
Sægdest from his siðe.
Þæt ic mere-strengo
Eafeþo on yþum,
bearn Ecgþeowes:
wine min Unferð,
ymb Brecan spræce,
Soð ic talige,
maran ahte,
þonne ænig oþer man.
[Beowulf spoke, descendant of Ecgtheow:
‘Well, you very much, my friend Unferth,
Drunk of beer, said about about Breca,
Told of his endeavours. I consider it truth,
That I had more sea-strength,
73
The opening lines of Beowulf portray the conquests of Scyld Scefing, who drove many peoples from their
“meodo-setla” [mead seats] and made himself feared all over Europe. See R.D. Fulk. ed. Beowulf. (Cambridge,
2010). p. 86, l. 5.
74
Beowulf. (Cambridge, 2010). p. 90, l. 78.
75
Beowulf. (Cambridge, 2010). p. 118, l. 495b-496a.
76
Definition of Flyting as stated in: W. Parks. “Flyting, Sounding, Debate: Three Verbal Contest Genres.” Poetics
Today. Vol. 7, No. 3. (1986). p. 439-458.
77
“Flyting, Sounding, Debate.” (1986). p. 440.
20
More steadfastness in the waves, than any other man.]78
Beowulf continues by explaining that he lost the match because he was dragged down
underwater by sea-monsters, of which he slew nine while wearing a full set of armour
underwater, and that the corpses of those monsters had washed up on the shore. This section
accurately adheres to the boasting model which Conquergood observed; the scop’s
recollection of Beowulf’s noble lineage (bearn Ecgþeowes) and tales of daring exploits79.
The Christian perspective of the poem is preserved when Beowulf accuses Unferth of
drunkenness. Keeping in mind that the hero had just received ale himself only 35 lines earlier,
it becomes apparent that although the Germanic drinking ritual is respected by the author,
excessive drinking is denounced nevertheless. In the same reply to Unferth, Beowulf also
refers to the sun as “beorht beacen Godes” [bright beacon of God]80, further establishing
Beowulf as a Christian hero despite his Germanic habits and drink-inspired boasting.
A character who is present a lot less than Beowulf, but still of importance to the
integration of Germanic drinking culture into a Christian literary tradition, is Hrothgar’s
queen Wealhtheow. Her importance lies not in speeches but in the way her role functions
within the story; Michael Enright identifies Wealhtheow as part of a female “cup-offering”
tradition81. Within this ancient tradition82 the queen establishes aristocratic bonds and the
comitatus by means of the offering of intoxicating drink. The previously mentioned relation
between the Old English word dryht [body of retainers] to the Proto-Germanic word *druht
[drink] is further complicated in Lady With A Mead Cup when Enright mentions the second
possible meaning of OE dryht [marriage procession], which is still closely related to its ProtoGermanic predecessor. Both in the constitution of marriage and comitatus alcohol is given
and consumed to seal the bond. Enright argues that “they perceived the armed men to be a
band of adopted sons belonging to the family of the warlord just as they viewed the bride to
be the adopted daughter of a new family lord”83.
Before the case of Beowulf is observed, the Christian point of view towards the cupoffering tradition during the Old English Period should be identified. As a part of a collection
of poetry called the ‘Gnomic Verses’ or ‘Wisdom Poems’, the text Maxims I offers a helpful
78
Beowulf. (Cambridge, 2010). p. 120, l. 530-534.
“Boasting in Anglo-Saxon England.” (1981). p. 25.
80
Beowulf. (Cambridge, 2010). p. 122, l. 570a.
81
Lady With A Mead Cup. (Dublin, 1996). p. 83.
82
Enright dates the cup-offering tradition back to Celtic customs from at least the 4th century BC in what was
then called Gaul. He explains that much of the Germanic drinking ritual was inspired by the Celts who then
migrated westward. See: Lady With A Mead Cup. (Dublin, 1996). p. 86.
83
Lady With A Mead Cup. (Dublin, 1996). p. 86.
79
21
insight. This text is generally seen as a collection of Christian proverbs to be perceived very
literally and generally84. In translation, the B-text of Maxims I states that “at mead-drinking
she [the queen] must at all times and places approach the protector of princes [noblemen]
first, in front of the companions, quickly pass the first cup to her lord’s hand”85. The original
purpose of Maxims I is unclear and can only be speculated at86, whether it was intended to be
entertaining or educational, but either way it gives modern audiences an understanding of the
positive contemporary attitude and curiosity to the Germanic cup-offering ritual.
When Hrothgar is content with Beowulf’s vows around line 607 Wealhtheow makes
her first appearance. It is told that she first carries a cup to Hrothgar, as is customary, and after
that proceeds with distributing the drink to other retainers, “oþ þæt sæl alamp / þæt hio
Beowulfe, beag-hroden cwen / mode geþungen medo-ful ætbær” [until that moment occurred
/ that she to Beowulf, the ring-adorned queen, / accomplished of mind, brought a fill of
mead]87. Since Beowulf has not yet earned a better position in this ritual by fulfilling his boast
he is preceded by many thanes, meaning that the traditional Germanic cup-offering is
accurately carried out.
After Beowulf has successfully faced Grendel and has the monster’s hand for a trophy,
there is another feasting scene in Heorot. Beowulf has “gilp gelæsted” [fulfilled his boast]88
and his victory has been witnessed by a large audience; as Dwight Conquergood puts it,
“words and works were matched”89. As befits Hrothgar in that situation, he performs a speech
and bestows many gifts on Beowulf. It is Wealhtheow, however, who establishes the Geatish
prince’s higher social status after the scop has told The Finnsburh Episode. When she passes
the cup to Hrothgar first she advises him, as was also prescribed as part of the queen’s role in
Maxims I90:
84
T. A. Shippey. ed. Poems of Wisdom and Learning in Old English. (Cambridge, 1976). p. 12.
“Maxims I”. Poems of Wisdom and Learning in Old English. (Cambridge, 1976). p. 69, l. 17b-20. Translation by
T.A. Shippey.
86
Poems of Wisdom and Learning in Old English. (Cambridge, 1976). p. 18.
87
Beowulf. (Cambridge, 2010). p. 126, l. 622b-624.
88
Beowulf. (Cambridge, 2010). p. 140, l. 829.
89
“Boasting in Anglo-Saxon England”. (1981). p. 31.
90
The full quotation of Maxims I says: “A king shall pay bride-price for a queen, with rings and goblets. Both
must first of all be free with gifts. The nobleman must have fighting-spirit, his courage must grow, and his wife
be a success, liked by her people; she must be cheerful, keep secrets, be generous with horses [a common gift
in the Anglo-Saxon Period, also in The Battle of Maldon] and precious things; at mead-drinking she must at all
times and places approach the protector of princes first, in front of the companions, quickly pass the first cup
to her lord’s hand, and know what advice to give him as joint master and mistress of the house together.”
“Maxims I”. Poems of Wisdom and Learning in Old English. (Cambridge, 1976). p. 69, l. 11-22. Translation by
T.A. Shippey.
85
22
Onfoh þissum fulle,
Sinces brytta.
Gold-wine gumena,
Mildum wordum,
Beo wið Geatas glæd,
Nean ond feorran
freo-drihten min,
Þu on sælum wes,
ond to Geatum spræc
swa sceal man don.
geofena gemyndig,
þa þu nu hafast.
[Accept this cup, my noble lord,
Disperser of jewels. Be in good spirits,
Gold-friend of men, and speak to the Geats
In benevolent words, as ought to be done.
Be well-disposed toward the Geats, attentive about the gifts
From near and far that you now have.]91
After this she immediately passes the cup to Beowulf, and performs a speech to him in which
she hails him and his accomplishment. Wealhtheow, one of the most functional rather than
active roles in the poem, has given Beowulf the greatest gifts of status and recognition. From
these scenes we can establish that an offering of drink was much more than a token of
appreciation in Anglo-Saxon literature. The ritualistic offering of the cup by the queen served
social purposes: first of all to express the king’s supremacy, and secondly to establish the
hierarchy amongst his retainers. The cup-offering ritual serves as mortar to the bricks of the
comitatus.
91
Beowulf. (Cambridge, 2010). p. 126-127, l. 1169-1174. Translation by R.D. Fulk.
23
CONCLUSION
The goal of this research paper was to explore how Christian Anglo-Saxon authors reconciled
the Germanic drinking ritual with the Church’s stance on sobriety. After having identified
both the Germanic heritage and the Anglo-Saxon Christian tradition, the integration of the
former and the latter could be thoroughly investigated.
First of all, the first section “The Germanic Heritage” established what the role of
drinking was within the Germanic cultural group. Tacitus, while finding many characteristics
of the Germani such as their boldness and hospitality praiseworthy, is sceptical of the
Germanic involvement of alcohol in serious aristocratic discourse. Despite his scepticism,
though, he does recognise the drinking ritual as an integral part of Germanic society. More
modern authors than Tacitus observed Germanic literature and found that the common belief
was that alcoholic drinks were infused with mystical and divine powers, to be absorbed by its
drinkers. The exact type of drink was of no importance, although there is an abundance of
different words associated with alcoholic drinks. Finally, after the heroes and nobles had
received their cup they would have the opportunity to perform an individual boast to their
lord, which was effectively a vow of loyalty to the king or lord.
Secondly, the section “The New Point of View” discussed the general Christian
perspective towards drinking in the Anglo-Saxon Period. Rather than the constructive
portrayal found in Germanic literature, Anglo-Saxon Christian authors often portrayed
drinking as a destructive activity to be associated with evil. This can be inferred from reading
a text like the Anglo-Saxon Judith, which alters a Biblical story so that it becomes less
focused on lust, and more negative in its attitude to drinking which is ironically described
with Germanic imagery. A specific author who was especially judgemental of excessive
drinking was Ӕlfric, who commented on the inherent evil of drinking in his Lives of Saints,
and even pointed at the physical dangers of drunkenness in his Letter to Wulfgeat of
Ylmandum. Despite the general Christian disapproval of drinking, there is also a small amount
of Anglo-Saxon Christian texts which are more concerned with moderation than abstinence,
and even the rare case of The Dream of the Rood which depicts heaven as a feast.
Finally, the section entitled “Integrating the ‘Symbel’” explored the juxtaposition of
these two fundamentally different traditions. In the Finnsburh Fragment the brave fighting of
Danish warriors is described as a compensation for the mead they were served by their lord.
24
The text also makes explicit mention of the boasts of the warriors. The Battle of Maldon
features many references to boasting, and also to the dishonour that results from failing to
fulfill one’s own boast. One of the characters explicitly reminds the reader that those boasting
vows were spoken at the mead-bench. The regular calls towards God remind us that this is
still a Christian text, incorporating the Germanic tradition. Beowulf also offers many boasting
scenes accompanied by drinking from decorated ale-cups, and Beowulf subsequently fulfils
his boasts heroically. His ultimate reward is the offering of the cup by Queen Wealhtheow,
right after she has given her king, Hrothgar the cup, confirming Beowulf’s new and high
social status.
The evidence collected in this research paper suggests that the Anglo-Saxon literary
corpus has two general ways of portraying the Germanic drinking ritual: in most texts with a
Christian perspective alcohol is portrayed negatively and associated with evil and harm, most
extensively in a text like the Anglo-Saxon Judith. Other texts seek to incorporate the
Germanic heritage and its inherent drinking ritual into texts while remaining Christian at the
core, by emphasising the social dimension of the Germanic drinking ritual in a way that also
addressed Christianity’s concern for the ‘communal’. Beowulf is the most common and
perhaps also most accurate example of this.
Clearly, the Anglo-Saxons were well aware of their Germanic ancestry. These
characteristics of the Germanic culture, passed on orally for ages, can therefore be found back
in Anglo-Saxon literature, whether out of respect, fascination or disapproval. As Hugh
Magennis points out, “even if this community wishes to value the Germanic heritage, it will
not automatically wish to condone the emphasis on drinking which that heritage seems to
entail”92. The fact that all these different points of view can be observed in Anglo-Saxon
literature make it such a unique and fascinating corpus.
92
Images of Community in Old English Poetry. (Cambridge, 1996). p. 52.
25
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Assmann. B. ed. “Letter To Wulfgeat of Ylmandum”. Angelsächsische Homilien und
Heiligenleben. (Kassel 1889). p. 1-12.
Conquergood. D. “Boasting in Anglo-Saxon England: Performance and the Heroic Ethos”.
Literature in Performance. Vol. 1. (1981). p. 24-35.
Cubbin. G. P. ed. MS D. The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle: A Collaborative Edition 6.
(Woodbridge, 1996).
Enright. M. Lady With A Mead Cup. (Dublin, 1996).
Griffith. M. ed. Judith. (Exeter, 1997).
Fulk. R.D. ed. Beowulf. (Cambridge, 2010).
Gudeman. A. “The Sources of the Germania of Tacitus”. Transactions and Proceedings of the
American Philological Association. Vol. 31. (1900). p. 93-111.
Hall. C. A Concise Anglo-Saxon Dictionary: Second Edition. (1916).
Hamer. R. ed. A Choice of Anglo-Saxon Verse. (London, 1970).
Isidore. Sententiae, II, ch. 43, 2, PL 83, 650A. Translation by Hugh Magennis.
Magennis. H. “Adaptation of Biblical Detail in the Old English Judith: The Feast Scene.”
Neuphilologische Mitteilungen. Vol. 84. (1983). p. 331-337.
Magennis. H. Anglo-Saxon Appetites: Food and Drink and Their Consumption in Old
English and Related Literature. (Dublin, 1999).
Magennis. H. Images of Community in Old English Poetry. (Cambridge, 1996).
Magennis. H. “No Sex Please, We’re Anglo-Saxons?: Attitudes to Sexuality in Old English
Prose and Poetry”. Studies in English. Vol. 26. (1995). p. 1-26.
Mattingly. H. ed. trans. Agricola and Germania. Tacitus, Cornelius. (London, 2009).S.
Einarsson. “Old English Beot and Old Icelandic Heitstrenging”. Periodical of the
Modern Language Association. Vol. 49. No. 4. (1934). p. 975-993.
Molainen. I. Writing The Order: Religious-Political Discourses in Late Anglo-Saxon
England. (Bergen, 2011).
Murphy. M. “Vows, Boasts and Taunts and the Role of Women in Some Medieval
Literature”. English Studies. No. 2. (1985). p. 105-112.
Parks. W. “Flyting, Sounding, Debate: Three Verbal Contest Genres.” Poetics Today. Vol. 7,
No. 3. (1986). p. 439-458.
Reinsma. L. M. “Was Ӕlfric a Rhetorician?”. Rhetorica: A Journal of the History of Rhetoric.
Vol. 7, No. 4. (1989). p. 341-357.
Shippey. T. A. ed. Poems of Wisdom and Learning in Old English. (Cambridge, 1976).
Skeat. I. ed. Lives of Saints. XVI, l. 274-275. Thorpe. B. trans. The Elder Eddas of Sæmund
Sigfusson. (1907).
Splitter. H. W. “The Relation of Germanic Folk Custom and Ritual to Ealuscerwen”. Modern
Language Notes. Vol. 67, No. 4. (1952). p. 255-258.
Treharne. E. ed. Old and Middle English c. 890-c. 1450: An Anthology. (Chichester, 2010)
3rd edn.
Watson. J. “The Finnsburh Skald: Kennings and Cruces in the Anglo-Saxon Fragment”. The
Journal of English and Germanic Philology. Vol. 101, No. 4. (2002). p. 497-519.