Ancestor Worship
New Dictionary of the History of Ideas | 2005 | Fabian, Stephen | Copyright
ANCESTOR WORSHIP.
Ancestor worship is the reverent devotion expressed by descendants for their deceased forebears through a
culturally prescribed set of rituals and observances. The prominence of ancestors as a focus of worship within a
broader religious tradition is common in many parts of the world, including
Asia, Africa, and Native America, but
there are few unifying characteristics cross-culturally. Commonalities include:
Only those deceased of appropriate relationship to the living and who have undergone the necessary rites de
passage are worshiped.
Those that are worshiped usually are recognized by name or title, often a special posthumous one.
Services to the ancestors frequently include offerings and libations.
That ancestor worship is related to the animistic belief in a spirit or soul surviving the body after death, as proposed
by early anthropologist Edward Burnett Tylor (1832–1917), is reasonable, since it is this spirit essence of the ancestor
that is believed to continue its relationship with descendants. That ancestor worship is related to the earliest stage of
religious expression among humans, however, as Tylor's theory further suggested, is certainly debatable. Other
controversies in the study of ancestor worship include whether practices in honor of the deceased constitute actual
worship; the extent to which linear versus collateral relatives comprise the worshiping group; the ways in which the
living are influenced by the dead; and the individual, family, kin group, or regional variability in practice that can be
present in a single cultural tradition.
Ancestors in Africa and Asia
In his work among the Tallensi of Ghana, Meyer Fortes emphasizes the significance of ancestor worship to
patrilineage unification and lineage or segment differentiation. In particular, the father–oldest surviving son
relationship is emphasized, the latter having the primary responsibility for performing the appropriate rituals and
service. In general, placement of an African ancestral shrine and the performance of its services can also relate to
and influence descendants' genealogical position and seniority.
In China, Daoist, Confucian, Buddhist, and folk concepts have contributed to the practice of ancestor worship in
which heads of patrilineages are emphasized but other patrilineal relatives are included. There are three prominent
sites for ancestor worship: family shrines, lineage halls, and tombs or graveyards of relatives. Proper placement and
orientation of the latter will take geomancy (feng-shui ) into account. Physical remains of the deceased are laid to rest
in the tomb/grave-yard, which serves as the site of public rituals; ancestral tablets represent the deceased in shrine
and temple, in which their spirits are housed, and for which more private and personal observances are made. While
the ancestors wield significant authority and influence in the lives of their living descendants, the latter care for and
look after their ancestors—for example, by burning paper money at New Year's to contribute to their ancestors'
bounty or prosperity.
Japanese ancestors are also emphasized on the father's side, and their worship is primarily related to Buddhist
beliefs and practices. The deceased receive a posthumous or "Buddhist" name, which is written on a tablet and kept
in the family's butsudan or Buddhist altar; Buddhist funerary services help purify the corpse from the polluting
influences of death. Other services include "death day" memorial services for up to fifty years, New Year's and Bon
(or Obon) celebrations, and household prayers. While tradition maintains a differentiation between stem and branch
families and a main ancestral altar in the stem house, more modern practice has individual families establishing their
own butsudan with the death of a household member. Proper care for the ancestors and observance of appropriate
services, offerings, and prayers are believed not only to help the ancestors be restful and in peace, but also to result
in blessings and good fortune for the descendants.
Among the Inca
In his early chronicle of Inca customs, Felipe Guaman Poma de Ayala pictures a mummy with feathered headdress
and fine raiment carried on a litter as illustration of November or aya marcay quilla (Quechua for "the month of the
dead"). He describes how during the holiday of the dead the deceased were removed from their crypts, adorned with
clothing and feathers, given food—through burnt offerings—and drink, and carried dancing and walking through the
streets and plazas, then laid to rest with various offerings. Such activities occurred primarily in the worship of royal
mummies, as an extension of the concept of the divine nature of the Inca king. While Inca beliefs included the
departure of the soul from the body at death, royal bodies were mummified, served burnt offerings and drinks, and
cared for by official attendants. Royal ancestors participated in affairs of state—counseling living rulers and
contributing to their decision making, and, either in the guise of their mummified remains or as idols making formal
appearances and visitations, receiving obeisance from their living subjects. Such beliefs were common in the Andes,
as ancestral idols of subject peoples were held in Cuzco, the Inca capital, as a control mechanism.
Andean and Inca ancestor worship extended beyond that of royalty, and was probably common among all classes in
the pre-Columbian era. Padre Bernabé Cobo attests that when the soul departed from the body, members of the
deceased's ayllu (a corporate kin group) and family took and cared for the body, providing the veneration and care
that was possible according to the family's means and status. The bodies were kept in relatives' houses, tombs, or
shrines and were regularly paid tribute through sacrifice and prayer. This nonroyal worship was performed only by
those descended in a direct line, and usually only by the children and possibly grandchildren of the deceased. Such
worship was held to directly affect descendants' vitality and fortune, while its lack or disrespect to the ancestors could
result in ill health or other maladies.
Ancestral Ambivalence
Ancestor worship is most likely to be practiced in a society with strong lineages or other consanguineal corporate
groups whose continuity, standing, and control of resources extends over generations, and one in which there are
strong beliefs in an active spirit world. In such contexts the appropriately related and ritually defined deceased
continue to be interactive lineage and family members, cared for and reverenced by the living and in turn contributing
to the prosperity of their succeeding generations as sources of or mediators with divine power. In general, ancestors
who are worshiped are perceived as guardian or authority figures who are difficult to please, whose degree of
influence on the living usually decreases with increasing genealogical distance from descendants. The power of the
ancestors is therefore ambivalent: as likely to punish as to reward, they offer security and comfort while also
contributing to uncertainty in an equivocal cosmos.
See also Animism ; Religion .
bibliography
Cobo, Bernabé. Historia del nuevo mundo. 1653. Madrid: Biblioteca de Autores Españoles, 1964.
D'Altroy, Terence N. The Incas. Malden, Mass.: Blackwell, 2002.
Fortes, Meyer. Oedipus and Job in West African Religion. Cambridge, U.K.: Cambridge University Press, 1959.
Guaman Poma de Ayala, Felipe. Nueva corónica y buen gobierno. 1615. Paris: Institut d'ethnologie, 1936.
Hsu, Francis L. K. Under the Ancestors' Shadow: Kinship, Personality, and Social Mobility in China. Stanford, Calif.:
Stanford University Press, 1971.
Newell, William H., ed. Ancestors. The Hague: Mouton, 1976.
Smith, Robert J. Ancestor Worship in Contemporary Japan. Stanford, Calif.: Stanford University Press, 1974.
Stephen M. Fabian
Ancestor Worship
International Encyclopedia of Marriage and Family | 2003 | Copyright
Ancestor Worship
The term ancestor worship, coined in 1885 by the British philosopher and sociologist Herbert Spencer, refers to a
ritualized invocation of dead kin. It is based on the belief that the spirits of the dead have the power to influence the
affairs of the living. Ancestors who are respected and remembered by elaborate rites include members of the family,
clans, and tribes. Ancestral spirits that are worshiped also vary in distance of time from the living. In some societies,
only the spirits of the recently deceased are worshiped, while in others, all ancestors are included.
The practice of ancestor worship is not universal, but exists or formerly existed in many countries including those in
West Africa, Europe, the Pacific, and East Asia. Information is most abundant on traditional practices of familial
ancestor worship in China (Thompson 1973) and Japan (Yanagita 1970).
Ancestor Worship in China
In China, the practice of ancestor worship has existed since ancient times, and it emphasized continuity of family
lines. Filial piety, advocated by the Confucian teachings of the sixth and fifth centuries B.C.E., emphasized respect for
senior family members (Granet 1975). The practice of ancestor worship, therefore, can be seen as an extension of
this reverence. Additionally, the family was viewed as a closely united group of living and dead relatives. Unity of the
entire kin group was also reinforced through religious acts at temples that honored all ancestral spirits.
Rites of reverence were also held at home and gravesites. Ancestral shrines containing tablets bearing the names of
recently deceased ancestors were maintained in homes, and rites were observed before them. The ancestral tablets,
which are the locus of worship for the deceased, operate in two ways within the practice of ancestor worship. In one
way they are like the ancestral hall, showing outsiders the public face of the lineage. In another way, they represent
the lineage as a body of individual members. Ancestor festivals occur around the fifteenth of July, during which items
such as fruit, preserves, candies, two or more bowls containing fragrant wood, some lotus or other flowers in the
vase, and a number of dishes or bowls of cooked food are placed in front of the shrine. If the family can afford it, one
or more priests are invited to read scriptures and perform certain rituals before the shrine during this period (Hsu
1948).
Emily Ahern (1973) emphasizes that the reciprocal obligation between the living and the dead is an important
element in Chinese family life. For example, in a Chinese village that Ahern studied, the living are expected to care
for the dead in payment of the debts they owe them, and, in turn, the living hope to obtain the good life as they
perceive it: wealth, rich harvests, and offspring who will ensure undying memory and sustenance in the afterlife.
The state of ancestor worship in modern China is unclear, but it was reported to be disappearing (Welch 1969) under
the Communist regime. Rennselaer Lee (1964) argues that the Chinese Communists have been fundamentally
hostile towards religion, but the government solicited the cooperation of religious leaders in an attempt to create the
new China. Others, however, are more cynical of these governmental efforts (Levenson 1965) and report that
religious repression has been severe (Welch 1969).
Ancestor Worship in Japan
Most of the historically known practices of ancestor worship in Japan are adaptations of Chinese customs. With the
passage of time and in coexistence with the Shinto religion, Japanese Buddhism began to emphasize death rites and
commemorative ceremonies. Although Confucianism was never fully developed in Japan, quasi-religious Confucian
ideals of filial piety became important and were sometimes incorporated in the teachings of Japanese Buddhist sects,
thereby reinforcing respect for ancestors (Tamaru 1972).
Japanese rites, like those of China, consist of elaborate funerals and many commemorative rites at home, temple,
and gravesites. A Butsudan (family altar to ancestors), which displays tablets with inscribed ancestors' names, is
present in many Japanese households. An annual ancestral ceremony, Bon, takes place in either July or August and
along with the New Year's celebration, is considered to be one of the two most important observances in Japan
(Yanagita 1970). During Bon ceremony, family members return to their parental homes to honor all spirits of the dead
who are believed to return to their homes at that time. As was the case in China, fresh fruit, flowers, and cooked rice
are offered on the family altar. Many family members go to meet the souls of their ancestors in the cemetery or at the
temple. In many neighborhoods, an annual Bon dance is held to celebrate this special observance in which adults
and children dance to Japanese folk music. In addition to the annual ancestral festival, ancestors are remembered
and worshipped through the purification rituals that take place seven days, forty-nine days, and one hundred days
after the death of a family member, during the first Bon, and the first, third, seventh, thirteenth, seventeenth, twentythird, twenty-seventh, thirty-third, fiftieth, and one hundredth year anniversaries of their death.
In modern Japan, ancestors have declined in importance, and Buddhist ritual tends to emphasize funerals, giving less
attention than formerly to commemorative ceremonies.
To many Japanese, the ancestral festival, Bon, has become nothing more than a few days of rest. In a 1968 survey
of religious attitudes of Japanese men, Fernando Basabe found that one in four Japanese men believed that the
spirits of the ancestors return to their homes during the Bon festival. Although the lives of most Japanese are
intertwined with religious observances such as Bon, and most have Buddhist altars in the homes, the majority of
Japanese do not consider themselves believers in any religion (Reischauer 1981). This suggests that Japanese
people are slowly losing interest in the worship of ancestral spirits.
Despite these modern trends, ancestor worship continues to be an important mechanism through which the living feel
that they are spiritually connected to the deceased family members, thereby ensuring the continuity of family lineage.
Bibliography
ahern, e. m. (1973). the cult of the dead in a chinesevillage. stanford, ca: stanford university press.
basabe, f. m. (1968). religious attitudes of japanese men:a sociological survey. tokyo: sophia university press.
granet, m. (1975). the religion of the chinese people. oxford: blackwell.
hsu, l. k. (1948). under the ancestors' shadow. newyork: columbia university press.
lee, r. w., iii. (1964). "general aspects of chinese communist religious policy, with soviet comparison." china quarterly
19:16–173.
levenson, j. (1965). "the communist attitude towards religion." in the chinese model: a political, economic, and social
survey. hong kong: university of hong kong press.
reischauer, e. o. (1981). the japanese. cambridge, ma:harvard university press.
tamaru, n. (1972). "buddhism." in japanese religion: asurvey by the agency for cultural affairs, ed. i. hori, f. ikado, t.
wakimoto, and k. yanagawa. tokyo: kodansha.
thompson, l. g. (1973). the religious life of man: thechinese way in religion. belmont, ca: wadsworth.
welch, h. (1969). "buddhism since the cultural revolution." china quarterly 40:127–136.
yanagita, k. (1970). about our ancestors: the japanesefamily system. tokyo: japan society for the promotion of
science.
Chapter 4: African Ancestral Tradition
Ancestral spiritual traditions are practiced in nearly all African tribal cultures. The ancestors of the tribe are
honored as spirits who preserve the moral standards of tribal life. They are also regarded as the
intermediaries between the living and the divine powers.
This is quite different from the better known Chinese ancestor worship. The early Christian missionaries
called the African practices “Ancestor Worship”. In fact, the Africans do not worship their ancestors in the
same way as the Chinese . Please see the footnote below if you are interested in Chinese ancestor worship.
African ancestral traditions have a much more interactive relationship with dead ancestors. Bert Hellinger
has outlined some Zulu ancestral practices:
“The way the Zulus do it is to bury the dead, and then after a year has passed, the deceased are welcomed
back to the house through a ritual. The family members take a branch and imagine that the dead ancestor is
sitting on the branch, which is dragged into the house. A certain section of the hut is reserved for ancestors
and that's where the deceased have their place. Their place is always where the beer is. When someone
drinks a beer, he or she gives the ancestors a few drops.”
from “Acknowledging What Is” by Bert Hellinger and Gabriele ten Hövel, p58
In the African practices the relationship between a person and their ancestors is seen as a symbiotic
relationship that goes both ways and influences in both directions. African tribal people work collaboratively
with their ancestors for healing and strength.
According to Heidi Holland (2001), African traditional beliefs rest on three main themes:
• Sacred images such as gods and ancestors which regulate the traditional universe.
• Rituals and ceremonies by which these sacred images communicate moral patterns into living culture.
• The earthly representatives of gods and ancestors – traditional healers, diviners, prophets, priests and
sacred kings – who are servants of the community with the roles of mediating the sacred to the people
through rituals and divination.
Africa's sacred images are mainly ancestor spirits. God is the creator, the spirit force responsible for all life
on earth, including the ancestors, but he is too remote to hear the prayers of ordinary mortals. Dead
ancestors, being spirits, communicate with God, mediating between him and humanity. This resonates with
Bert's idea that many people try to bypass there parents by becoming spiritual:
“A common motivation for the search for God is that the searcher doesn't have a father and is looking for
him. If the father is found, the search for God isn't so important anymore – or is different.”
from Love's hidden Symmetry by Hellinger, Weber & Beaumont p122
According to Holland (2003), traditional healers or diviners – the prophets, physicians, psychologists and
exorcists of African culture – are people chosen by the ancestors to interpret God's will on earth.
In West Africa, there is yearly dancing ritual where distinguished ancestral spirits "alight" on the heads of
men to spiritually possess them. Each clan has a mythical pair of founders, whose son, as the oldest of
ancestors, stands as the absolute ruler of all ancestral spirits. The actual clan head (the oldest man) derives
his absolutism from his association with the ancestral spirits, whose power he can invoke to enforce his
decrees.
When Bert Hellinger began systemic constellation work, he stated that he had been influenced by his 20
years working with the Zulu in South Africa. He has only given brief but tantalizing clues as to how this
affected his ideas. Nonetheless the roots of these ideas are distinctive and notable in the African tribal
ancestral traditions. They appear among some of the novel theoretical contributions Hellinger made,
adding significantly to our systemic understanding.
The use of ritual in family constellations would have been influenced by all the years Bert Hellinger worked
as a Catholic priest. It is likely that the African influence would also have been important as Hellinger
experimented with integrating Zulu music and rituals into the Catholic mass during his ten years working
with the Zulus in South Africa (Hellinger, Love's Hidden Symmetry p328)
Hellinger acknowledges that he learned the fundamental need for humans to align themselves with the
forces of nature from the Zulu (Love's Hidden Symmetry p328). This is reflected in the way family
constellations cause healing in families by realigning the family systems to the natural orders of love.
Interestingly a fundamental part of this process is acknowledging the previously excluded which is also a
significant part of the African ancestral traditions.
An indigenous South African constellation practitioner, Lindiwe Mthembu Salter (2008), states:
“The belief in ancestors is rooted in the need or desire to preserve the memory of known past generations
and known or unknown lineages. The emphasis of acknowledging the excluded is the foundation of the cure
for various ailments, like bodily discomfort, spiritual discord or common need to wade off misfortune or a
curse that will be seen to be projected by malevolent spirits. The good spirits are acknowledged and given
gratitude through ceremonies or cleansing rituals. For example, a person will consult a traditional healer
who will facilitate the session of finding a solution or a root cause of the trouble. This is often done through
throwing the bones in order to constellate the wider family picture”.
See footnote on throwing the bones
Other examples of Hellinger's ideas which resonate with African Ancestral traditions are:
• The recognition that biological fathers are important in the family system even if not involved in any other
way with their children. Although this could be deduced from Boszormenyi-Nagy's principles of contextual
therapy, it was never before explicitly stated.
• The idea of ancestors going back many generations being felt as a resource and a source of strength. This
includes the acknowledgement that our ancestors and family are deeply connected to both well-being and
disease.
• Understanding that the individual is an integral part of his family and ancestral lineage. This idea is
reflected in many cultures including the New Zealand Maori who talk about their ancestral lineage as the “
whakapapa ”
• Alignment in terms of order in the family – who comes first, generational lineage and continuity of the
family tree including taking to account one who could still be causing problems until recognized.
• The importance of the effect of the excluded part or issues in a family and person's life, whether conscious
or unconscious.
• Healing using symbolism and ritual and connecting with the deceased.
• Honouring of elders and the rightful place of the dead.
For more information on African ancestor worship go to
Footnote on Chinese Ancestor Worship
Ancestral worship in China is a fusion of the teachings of Confucius and Taoism rather than a religious ritual.
T he main importance of this worship is the continuity of the family , r everence for the wisdom of the elders
, and honouring ancestors through the achievements of the current generation (e.g. being an astronaut is
considered a special honour to the whole family) .
The practice is very ancient extending back before 1000 BC. The practices are essentially a family affair ,
and sometimes a village affair where most of villagers are under same family name . They are held in homes
and temples (village) and consist of prayers and offerings before tablets.
The practitioners participate in the worship out of filial virtue , sometimes with banquets after ceremony,
without any sense of fear of loss or hope for gain which helps to preserve a strong sense of family solidarity.
The rituals of Chinese ancestor worship occur around special annual events such as the spring festival which
is a big family gathering like Western Christmas and the spring and autumn remembrances where rituals are
performed at the ancestors gravesides. Also special events such as births, marriages, special achievements
of the younger generation and deaths are all marked by rituals within this tradition.
Footnote on Throwing of the Bones
Traditional African healers use throwing of bones as a method of divination for the messages o
ancestors. The bones consist of symbolic elements for various family members as well as symb
elements relating to a person's life: money, love, power, body organs, life force etc. Once the
bones are cast, the healer considers the arrangements carefully, including how the bones are
facing, the distance between the bones, configurations or patterns. The bones will fall to show
presence of spirits around the sick person, resentful ancestral spirits, offended nature or
malevolent spirits. This gives the healer the picture of how the cause of the illness came about
what is needed as a remedy. Therapies can include animal sacrifices, rituals, massage, herbal
salves, snuffs, poultices, roots and herbs. African diviners play the role of spiritual leaders of
ancient times and are diagnosers of both illness and mental problems (Meyburgh and Mthembu
Salter, 2008).
References:
Hellinger B. Weber G. Beaumont H. (1998) Love's Hidden Symmetry; What Makes Love Work in
Relationships ISBN 978-1-891944-00-0
Bert Hellinger, Gabriele ten Hovel, and Colleen Beaumont (1999) Acknowledging What Is:
Conversations With Bert Hellinger ISBN 1-891944-32-0
Heidi Holland (2001). African Magic: traditional ideas that heal the continent. Penguin Books
Tanja Meyburgh and Lindiwe Mthembu-Salter (2008) A Zulu woman's experience of Family
African Ancestors: Ancestor worship is deeply rooted in the West and Central Africa. This belief is mixed with the idea
that ancestors, spirits and gods live in another world and can affect the lives of the living. (1) Ancestors are called upon
for important events in life. Wood carvings are made to represent ancestor figures or spirits. Some people make special
baskets or boxes to hold bones of their ancestors. Some believe that carved wooden stools represent the power and
presence of their ancestors. These and special objects such as masks, rattles or figures are kept in special places and
respected.
© The Trustees of the National Museums of Scotland' www.nms.ac.uk
African ancestral worship objects from Heaven and Hell And Other Worlds of the Dead,
page 103, photo and copyright, National Museums Scotland.) © The Trustees of the
National Museums of Scotland' www.nms.ac.uk
In many Africans societies, social, political and cultural ideas mix with what we call religion, because these groups
believe spiritual forces affect crops, people, health, and the way people get along with one another. Many Africans
believe in a supreme creator God, who is above everyday affairs of humans. Below this supreme God are the spirits of
the sky, sun, water, trees, and so forth. Then there are the spirits who help humans. These are the ancestor spirits. (2)
Some people, called elders, are respected as ancestors because they lived to a great age, had many experiences in life,
and took part in the good of family and community. After their deaths, they are looked up to as human, social and
religious models that inspire the living. (3) People believe that the presence of ancestors will protect them from harm and
bring good luck. Ancestors are the founders of peoples' family and clan groups. The ancestors spirits of high ranking
people are believed to have powers beyond human control, such as the ability to bring rain or to protect cattle and crops.
Whether of high rank or of family, people offer their ancestors foods, prayers and celebrations. Some ancestors are not
viewed as ancient family members, but as distant founders of the community. These spirits protect a village and are
believed to reside at some place like a tree, rock or a spring of fresh water.
Shrines can be built to honor the dead. Shrines may contain sculptures of humans. Sometimes carved figures guard
special containers called reliquaries, that hold ancestor bones and skulls. These cultures believe that the powers in
important peoples' bones do not go away after their deaths. The figures protect the reliquary with its bones, and the bones
protect the living family members.
Some royal ancestors are worshipped in small buildings that represent small palaces filled with figures of kings and their
attendants. There are two sections - the palace section is where worshippers "attend the court", meaning where they pay
respects to the royal ancestors. The other section represents the forest or wilderness. This area is believed to be where the
spirits live, so they can be in contact with the living. (4)
Throughout Africa, some rituals to pay respect to ancestors can take place at altars made of cones of earth, stones, or
stone pillars. One scholar says that the practice of building ancestor columns is so strong, that when the religion of Islam
arrived, ancestor columns were added to the architecture of the mosques, Muslim places of worship. These columns
became tall pillars and towers going up the walls of the mosques. (5)
Other places where ancestors can be worshipped could be a yard, a supporting pillar of a house, or entry way. Among the
Bambara people of Mali, the oldest member of a tribe is the one closest to the world of the departed, so this elder is
considered the link between the ancestors and the living members of the community. (6)
Among the societies of Africa, peoples' perceptions of nature influenced power and authority. Many art forms, rituals,
and symbols from Africa were formed by these same feelings. (7) At one time before science helped to explain the forces
of nature, people feared and held in awe the wilderness. They associated the forest and bush with mysterious things like
witches, ghosts and the spirits of ancestors. People created beliefs in order to understand the part of nature that they
could not control. By calling for supernatural help, people believed they had some control over their world.
There are many ways people can control their environment to please ancestors and other spirits. Among the Yoruba
people of Nigeria some hunters wear special headdresses to honor ancestor spirits. (8) Hunters have special knowledge
of the wilderness and can create medicines from natural ingredients found in the wild. Because of their special skills and
understanding, hunters help people in their relationships between the wild and the village or places of the living and the
world of ancestor spirits. Some people are thought to have special powers to speak with spirits of wild animals or
ancestors. These people are called diviners, because they can "see" into the spirit world. They help bridge the natural
world with the supernatural world of ancestors and spirits, just like referees help two teams in a game of sports.
Sometimes a person with the special power to communicate with the spiritual world is asked for help by a person with a
problem. In order to solve that problem, a spirit might ask the diviner or healer to tell his client to make something
special. That could be a work of art, music, costume, or a shrine to honor the spirit and satisfy its taste for something
beautiful.
Generally, people who are living honor the dead by offering items like special foods, drink, art and entertainment. The
ancestors are called to help the community. When the ancestors receive offerings, they are pleased and will assist the
living with their wishes.
Resources used in this section:
Martha G. Anderson and Christine Mullen Kreamer, Wild Spirits: Strong Medicine, The Center for African Art, New
York, 1989.
Phyllis Galembo, Divine Inspiration, University of New Mexico Press, Albuquerque, 1993.
End Notes:
1. Norma H. Wolff and D. Michael Warren, "The Agbeni Shango Shrine in Ibadan", African Arts, V 31, n 3 (Summer
1998) : 36-49.)
2. Alison Sheridan, Heaven and Hell: And Other Worlds of the Dead, NMS Publishing, Edinburgh, Scotland, 2000, pg.
102.
3. Roy Sieber and Adele Walker, African Art in the Cycle of Life, National Museum of African Art, Washington, D.C.,
1988, p. 21-22.
4. Dominique Zahan, The Bambara, 1974, E.J. Brill, Leiden, pg. 10.
5. B. Ray, "Royal Shrines and Ceremonies of Buganda", Uganda Journal, V 36 (1972) : 35-48, p. 38)
6. Labelle Prussin, The Architecture of Islam in West Africa, African Arts, V. 1, n. 2, (Winter, 1968) : 32-35, 70-74.
Also see the Web site: http://baobab.harvard.edu/narratives/islam/WestMosque.html for images of these buildings.
7. Zahan, p. 10.
8. Martha G. Anderson and Christine Mullen Kreamer, Wild Spirits: Strong Medicine, The Center for African Art, New
York 1989. p. 17.
9. Kreamer and Anderson, p. 55.
ANCESTOR VENERATION
Ancestor veneration was a fundamental practice of Andean society. It was believed the deceased were active in
maintaining the well-being of the living. Forbearers defined societal organization, with ayllus (kinship groups descended
from a common ancestor) named for their founders. Veneration extended to the ancestor or
ancestors of a group, and to ancestral places of origin. Ancestor reverence included preservation of
the deceased in mummified and other forms, such as the keeping of skulls of progenitors. The
mummy might be richly clothed, brought out for major festivals and even attended at special
facilities. Inca mummies were even included in important meetings. The ancestor mummies and
images of mythical ancestors participated in ceremonies. Ciezo de León wrote that each Inca
mummy had its own service set in gold and silver. At certain festivals, and particularly at a funeral
for an Inca, the mummies of all the Inca's predecessors were brought out into the plaza in Cuzco
and the eulogies of the lineage were chanted. These mythical ballads were relied upon by
ethnohistorical writers and provide in part what we know today of the history of the Incas as they
viewed it upon contact.
The bodily remains were called 'ylla,' meaning 'cuerpo de el que fue bueno en la vida' (body of one
who was good in life), and 'yllapa,' meaning 'trueno o relánpage' (thunder or lightning). Guamán
Poma de Ayala wrote that the Inca, upon dying, was transformed into 'illapa' (thunder). He also
reported that the mummies participated in various ceremonies together with images of mythical
ancestors. The solstical ceremonies were particularly dedicated to the mythical ancestors and
remembrance of origins. Inti Raimi, the festival of winter solstice and the beginning of the year
commemorated the myth of the appearance of the ancestors, of creation. The festival actualized the myth of origin and
supported the perpetuation of the ancestral order.
HUACAS AND CEQUES
Hemming reports that during the Inca empire the huacas around Cuzco were arranged in lines called ceques. The Sun
Temple in Cuzco, the Coricancha, was the sighting point for this system of irradiating
lines to distant horizon features and mountains. Along these forty-one ceques,
extended to the horizon and beyond, were located 328 survey points or huacas. This
number equals the number of days in 12 lunar orbits.
Huacas are a general category of sites such as mountains, rocks, hills, springs,
caves, made-made pyramids, pillars, towers, and other monuments, places of origin,
burial places, caves of ancestors, cairns of stones and other special places in the
landscape. One such monument is the Yurac-rumi (white stone) in the Vilcabamba valley, discovered by Hiram Bingham,
discoverer of Machu Picchu.
The 25 by 52 feet white granite outcrop is covered with complex carvings, including rectangular seats, projecting stone
squares, a cave with niches, a flattened top and platforms. Another class of carved bedrock stones are the Intihuatanis,
the 'Hitching Posts of the Sun.' Intihuatanis were considered to be of importance, as inferred by the fact that those found
were destroyed by the Spaniards. Symbolic offerings were left at huacas. At stone piles on mountain passes the passerby
would add a stone to the cairn.
The Intihuatani at Machu Picchu. Machu Picchu and the Inca Trail Placemarks.