Formalizing Nepal’s Informal Economy: Issues, Challenges and Approaches By Bandita Sijapati Research Director Centre for the Study of Labour and Mobility Social Science Baha, Kathmandu, NEPAL Email: bsijapati@ceslam.org Prepared for Consultation Workshop on Developing Trade Unions’ Strategy for Formalizing Informal Economy in Nepal South Asia Regional Trade Union Council/International Labour Organization 7 September 2015 1|P a g e 1. Introduction As in other developing countries, the informal economy in Nepal is a pervasive and persistent feature its economy and society, contributing significantly to employment creation, production and income generation. According to the World Development Report 2011, the informal economy in Nepal contributes to about 37.5 per cent of the GDP, a size higher than in other countries of South Asia. Further, there are trends suggesting that employment in the non-agriculture informal sector is likely to increase in the coming years. Between 1998 and 2008, employment in the informal sector increased by 29.3 percentage points resulting in an overwhelming proportion of Nepali workers, 96.2 per cent, working in the informal sector (both agricultural and non-agricultural) in 2008. Given the significance of informal sector, this paper seeks to draw out the main features of informal economy in Nepal, the reasons for their pervasiveness, the challenges as they would pertain especially for labour movements and trade unions in Nepal. Notably, the data presented in this report is primarily based on the Nepal Labour Force Survey 2008. This is because more recent data that would allow for a more thorough analysis of this sector is not yet available. 2. What is Informal Economy Informal economy is generally understood as a broad term that includes employment in the informal sector as well as informal employment outside the informal sector. In particular, the ILO defines the informal economy as: “all economic activities by workers or economic units that are - in law or in practice – not covered or insufficiently covered by formal arrangements. Their activities are not included in the law which means that they are operating outside the formal reach of the law or they are not covered in practice which means that although they are operating within the formal reach of the law, the law is not applied or enforced; or the law discourages compliance because it is inappropriate, burdensome or imposes excessive costs.”1 Due to the complex nature of informal economy, informal employment and informal sector, the 17th International Conference of Labour Statistician2 has emphasized the need to delineate between: (i) employment in the informal economy, (ii) informal employment, (iii) employment in the informal sector, and (iv) informal employment outside the informal sector. Notwithstanding these different nomenclatures, the key differences between formal and informal economy is presented in Table 1. 1 http://www.ilo.org/inform/online-information-resources/research-guides/informal-economy/lang-en/index.htm 2 Final report of the 17th International Conference of Labour Statisticians, available at http://www.ilo.org/wcmsp5/groups/public/---dgreports/---stat/documents/meetingdocument/wcms_087568.pdf 2|P a g e Table 1: Key differences between the formal and informal economy Formal Informal Formal Contract & Letter of Appointment Verbal Contract and no Appointment Regularity of Employment Irregular employment Fixed wage rate Uncertain wage rates – Low income Fixed working Hours Long & uncertain Working hours Legal Provisions of Protection Non existence or poor level of legal Protection Source: ILO, Social Protection for People in the Informal Economy of Nepal, 2004 Some general features that are typically (but not always) associated with jobs in the informal economy include: (i) Labour intensive; (ii) Use of simple techniques and technologies; (iii) require little qualification, if any; (iv) generally, involve small and micro-enterprises, especially run by families; (v) entails processing of mostly local raw materials; (vi) lack of social security; and (vii) comparatively low payment and poor working conditions.3 Despite these general features, it is important to note that the formal and informal sectors are highly interdependent due to the backward and forward linkages that exist in formal enterprises through contract of labour and services.4 In this regard, some have even argued that instead of the terms “informal,” or “unorganized,” it would be more apt to use “unprotected” when describing the informal sector particularly because of the difficulty in defining the term “informal.”5 The point of departure in this paper is that the informal economy includes not only self-employed workers but all those who are not directly employed with a formal sector firm, and work that takes place not only in rural but also in urban areas, and the agriculture as well as non-agriculture sectors. Further, while the terms “informal economy” and “informal sector” are used almost interchangeably throughout the report, it is important to note that “informal economy” needs to be recognized as a wider term, which includes the narrower term informal sector, and encompasses all economic activities by workers and economic units that are, in law or in practice, not covered or insufficiently covered by formal arrangements 3 Florian Sigmund, "Nepal's Informal Economy," AWO International e.V, Regional Office South Asia. Available at http://www.awosouthasia.org/fileadmin/websites/nepal/South_Asia_pdf/Nepal_s_Informal_Economy.pdf 4 Bishnu Rimal. “Informal Sector and Labour Rights” in Issue of the World of Work in Nepal. 5 Sarath Davala, “Unprotected Labour in India (Issues and Concern),” 1994, cited in Bishnu Rimal. “Informal Sector and Labour Rights” in Issue of the World of Work in Nepal, pg. 150. 3|P a g e 3. Informal Economy in Nepal While it is difficult to estimate the precise size of the informal sector, existing sources of information indicate that the informal economy in Nepal is quite large. ILO (2004) specifies the following fields as being part of the informal economy in Nepal (See Table 2).6 Table 2: Various Types of Occupations in the Informal Sector Farm and farm related: Self-employed, very small land holders, landless farm workers, tillers, cattle herders, former Kamaiyas, Haliyas, daily wage workers, exchange laborers under parma tradition, and workers engaged in non-registered economic activities related to livestock, poultry, kitchen-gardening, dairy, fisheries, sericulture, and bee farming Trading: Street vendors, hawkers Craft-workers: Artisans working with materials like clay, metal, bamboo and wood. Construction: Daily wage workers related to building, wood work, road, stone quarrying, brick kiln. Transport: Porters, cleaners, Khalasis, loaders, rickshaw pullers, auto-mechanics and helpers. Micro enterprises: Family-based enterprises workers in various types of production and services. Other services: Barbers, cobblers, tailors, blacksmiths, traditional entertainers. Source: ILO, Social Protection for People in the Informal Economy of Nepal, 2004 According to the classifications described above, reports from the Nepal Labour Force Survey 2008 (NLFS 2008) suggest that if both the agricultural and non-agricultural informal sectors are combined, more than 96 percent of workers in Nepal are engaged in the informal sector (CBS 2008). More specifically, approximately 90 percent of workers in the agricultural sector and 60 percent of the workers in the non-agricultural sector are outside the formal sector (See Figure 1). Figure 1: Employment in Formal and Informal Sectors in Nepal Total Male Female 18% 4% 12% 25% 8% 13% 62% 74% Agriculture Non-agriculture, formal sector Non-agriculture, informal sector 84% Agriculture Non-agriculture, formal sector Non-agriculture, informal sector Agriculture Non-agriculture, formal sector Non-agriculture, informal sector Source: Author’s calculations based on Central Bureau of Statistics. Report on the Nepal Labour Force Survey, 2008. 6 ILO, Social Protection for People in the Informal Economy of Nepal, 2004. 4|P a g e If we were to exclude agricultural sector (since most employed in the agricultural sector are informally employed7), in 2008, approximately 70 percent of the total population aged 15 and over were employed in the informal sector outside the agricultural sector, an increase of 29.3 percent from the previous labour force survey taken in 1998/99. Additionally, most informal sector jobs are in rural areas (68.3 per cent compared to 31.6 percent in urban areas). This means that those already disadvantaged in terms of the rural-urban divide are also the ones subjected to the uncertainties of the informal sectors, putting them at risk of falling into the poverty trap.8 In terms of age distribution, as shown in Table 3, people in the age group 30-44 constitute the largest proportion of those currently employed (33.7 per cent) and they also make up the largest share of the people employed in the informal, non-agriculture sector (33.7 per cent). But, perhaps, more importantly, a vast majority of those between 15 and 19 years and above the age of 60, are employed either in the informal sector or in agriculture meaning that only 3.9 per cent of all those currently employed between the ages of 15-19 and 1.1 per cent of all currently employed over the age of 60 are engaged in the formal, non-agriculture sector, thus indicating the vulnerability of these groups that are otherwise considered dependant populations in other contexts. The informal sector is also highly gendered. Among those employed, a much higher percentage of women (77.5 percent)9 in comparison to men (66 percent) are found working in the informal sector. Further, the percentage of females in non-agricultural employment in the informal sector is also higher than among their male counterpart of the same age groups. For example, of the females aged 15-19 in that sector, 83.1 per cent are engaged in the informal sector compared to only 75.4 per cent of males. These statistics indicate that it is particularly the youth and women who face higher constraints while seeking to access jobs in the formal sector. 10 7 Among the employed working in the Agriculture/Fishing industries, 99.7 percent were informally employed. Bandita Sijapati, Enhancing Employment-Centric Growth in Nepal, ILO, April 2014. 9 In absolute terms, approximately 984,000 women have jobs outside agriculture and about 763,000 of these are in the informal sector. 10 Bandita Sijapati, Enhancing Employment-Centric Growth in Nepal, ILO, April 2014. 8 5|P a g e Table 3: Currently Employed Population Aged 15 and over, by Sex, Age and Sector of Employment (in thousands) Sex/ Sector Total Agriculture Non-agriculture, formal sector Non-agriculture, informal sector Male Agriculture Non-agriculture, formal sector Non-agriculture, informal sector Female Agriculture Non-agriculture, formal sector Non-agriculture, informal sector Total 11,779 8705 932 2142 5519 3429 711 1379 6259 5275 221 763 (%) 73.9 7.9 18.2 62.1 12.9 25.0 84.3 3.5 12.2 15-19 1700 1391 66 243 755 576 44 135 945 815 22 108 (%) 81.8 3.9 14.3 76.3 5.8 17.9 86.2 2.3 11.5 20-24 1529 1064 157 307 605 335 99 171 924 729 58 136 (%) 69.6 10.3 20.1 55.4 16.4 28.2 78.9 6.4 14.7 25-29 1373 896 154 324 585 275 112 198 788 621 42 125 (%) 65.2 11.2 23.6 47.0 19.1 33.9 78.8 5.3 15.9 30-44 3565 2462 381 722 1603 828 305 470 1961 1634 76 252 (%) 69.0 10.7 20.3 51.7 19.0 29.3 83.3 3.9 12.8 45-59 2443 1885 161 397 1275 837 140 297 1168 1047 21 100 (%) 77.2 6.6 16.2 65.7 11.0 23.3 89.6 1.8 8.6 60+ 1169 1007 13 150 696 578 11 107 473 429 2 42 (%) 86.1 1.1 12.8 83.0 1.6 15.4 90.7 0.4 8.9 Source: Central Bureau of Statistics. Report on the Nepal Labour Force Survey, 2008. 6|P a g e In terms of informal employment, as shown in Table 4, with the exception of “Clerks,” large proportion of jobs requiring low skill levels are in the informal sector. Of the five low-skills occupation groups, “Service workers,” has the largest proportion (90.7 percent of jobs) in the informal sector. It can also be observed that women have a large share of informal sector jobs at the lower skill levels (up to 91.0 percent for “Craft workers”) while their share is low in the higher skills level, “Professionals” (10.9 percent for both sexes) and “Technicians” (21.0 percent for both sexes). Notably, compared to the 1998/99 survey, the 2008 report indicates that males employed in the non-agricultural informal sector increased by 31.1 percent and for females by 26.1 percent. Table 4: Persons aged 15 years and over currently employed in non-agricultural informal sectors Occupation Percentage in the Informal Sector Total Male Female Total 69.7 66 77.5 1. Legislators, senior officials 83.6 83.3 85 2. Professionals 10.9 12.2 7 3. Technicians 21 25.9 12.2 4. Clerks 8.3 7.4 12.4 5. Service workers 90.7 87.5 95.6 6. Agricultural workers 74.2 75.1 70.4 7. Craft & related trade workers 86.7 84.7 91 8. Plant & machine operators 52.1 52 53.5 9. Elementary occupations 67.5 61.8 78.5 2.2 2.3 0 10. Armed forces Source: Central Bureau of Statistics. Report on the Nepal Labour Force Survey, 2008. Besides the high proportion of people employed in the informal sector, the issue of informal employment (both in the formal and informal sector) is also significant in the context of Nepal. According to the NLFS 2008, the percentage of people informally employed is approximately 96.2 percent (93.5 percent males and 98.5 percent females). If we were to only consider the non-agricultural sector, of the total non-agricultural employment, approximately 86.4 percent of people are informally employed. Among male non-agricultural employed, 83.8 percent were informally employed and among female non-agricultural employed, 91.8 percent were informally employed (Table 5). 7|P a g e Table 5: Percentage of people aged 15 years and over with informal employment Sectors People Employed with Informal Employment (Percentage) Both Sexes Male Female All Sectors 96.2 93.5 98.5 Agriculture and forestry 99.7 99.5 99.8 Fishing 97.8 97.1 100 Sub-total excluding agriculture/fishing 86.4 83.8 91.8 Mining and quarrying 99.7 99.6 100 Manufacturing and recycling 93.2 91.1 96.3 Electricity, gas and water supply 91.2 79.4 97.9 Construction 96 95.9 96.5 Wholesale and retail trade 98.9 98.7 99.2 Hotels and restaurants 96.7 95.2 98.1 Transport, storage and communications 83.8 83.7 86.6 Financial intermediation 47.9 45.7 53 Real state, renting and business activity 94.4 94.1 95.3 Public administration and social security 21.9 19.9 36.8 Education 51.6 43.2 68 Health and social work 51.3 48.9 55.1 Other community, social and personal ser 88.1 88.4 87 Private households with employed persons 92.8 87.6 96.5 Extra-territorial organizations and boundary 85.5 87.4 77.2 Source: Central Bureau of Statistics. Report on the Nepal Labour Force Survey, 2008. Of all the current non-agricultural employed people aged 15 years and above, 39.7 percent were “paid employees with informal job conditions” (that is, they had no paid leave or no social security contributions by the employer), 36.5 percent were “self-employed without regular paid employees” and 19.8 percent were contributing family members. The balance of non-agricultural informal employment was employers and others (4 percent) (See Figure 2). Figure 2: Informally employed population aged 15 and over (only non-agricultural sector) Informally Employed Popualtion Total Urban Rural Female 40.6% Self-employed without employees 9.1% 1.8% 5.1% 2.8% 6.4% 4.0% Employers and others in informal sector 20.0% 19.2% 19.8% 34.1% 37.7% 37.2% 35.0% 23.6% 36.5% 48.0% 39.9% 39.4% 39.7% Employees without formal conditions Male Contributing family workers Source: Central Bureau of Statistics. Report on the Nepal Labour Force Survey, 2008. 8|P a g e 4. Factors explaining the proliferation of informal economy in Nepal Several factors can be attributed to the growth of the informal sector in Nepal. Some of the major ones include: Structural Transformation of the Economy: Nepal’s economy has been undergoing gradual transformation with the contribution of agriculture to the GDP declining (approximately 35 percent in 2014/15) and service sector concurrently increasing (more than 50 percent in 2014/15). However, the fact that agriculture continues to provide jobs to more than 74 percent of the population, and the services sector has been rising rapidly (as opposed to manufacturing) means that the percentage of people employed in informal sector has been high and will continue to remain as such in the foreseeable future (see Figure 3 for the rate of growth in the various sectors of the economy over the years). Notably, this trend seen in Nepal, namely the proliferation of economic activities that are mostly informal and small in nature, is common among many other countries in transition away from a predominantly agriculture-driven economy to the services sector. Figure 3: Growth Patterns of Various Sectors Source: Ministry of Finance, Economic Survey, Various Years. Overlap between Informality and Poverty. The prominence of the informal sector in Nepali economy stems from the opportunities it offers to the most vulnerable populations such as the poorest, women and youth. More specifically, in Nepal, though the poverty rates have been declining (between 1996 and 2010/11, the poverty rate declined by 16.6 percentage points, from 42 per cent to 25.4 per cent), the prevalence of poverty is still high and comparable to other poor countries, and poverty rates vary across different groups and regions.11 Faced with extreme poverty levels, it is thus not surprising that people opt for any job opportunities 11 Central Bureau of Statistics. Nepal Living Standards Survey I, 1995/96 and Nepal Living Standards Survey III, 2010/11. 9|P a g e availed to them. However, it should also be noted that even though the informal sector is an opportunity for generating reasonable incomes for many people, most informal workers are without secure income, employments benefits and social protection, thus creating a cycle where poverty and informality feed into each other. This explains why informality often overlaps with poverty. Weak Employment Conditions: Besides high rates of poverty, informal economy is often also associated with weak employment conditions. In the context of Nepal, the unemployment rates are fairly low and has been decreasing—between 1998/99 and 2010/11, unemployment rate decreased from 4.9 per cent to 2.2 per cent. Even though unemployment rates are low, the rate of underemployment in Nepal is high (an average of approximately 8 percent amongst the prime working age population, i.e., those between ages 20-44 years old). Coupled with this is the lack of job opportunities in the formal economy primarily due to the nature of growth patterns described in the section above. Thus, in the absence of decent job opportunities, it is not surprising that people, especially youths who have some levels of education and do not want to be engaged in the agricultural sector, opt for any type of job available to them. Low Education and Skills Level and Limited Access to Capital: Lack of skills, education and training are also impediments to the formal sector in Nepal, particularly in terms of workers being able to find employment opportunities in the formal sector. Limited access to capital is an important constraint for operators working in the informal sector. Other factors include the limited access to technology and poor infrastructure. What this means is that it is relatively ‘easy’ for many to find entry into the informal economy thus creating a vicious cycle that sustains the growth of the informal economy. Weak Institutional Mechanisms: Beyond poverty and social issues, the prevalence of informal activities is closely related to the weak operating and institutional environment. In particular, higher taxes, complicated fiscal process, and long requirements for registration as well as licensing, are possible factors that prevent informal sector operators from formalizing their activities. Again, the large size of the informal economy seen in Nepal is a common feature of low-income countries12 and by investing through informal channels, entrepreneurs seek to reduce costs related to wages, retirement pensions and other social benefits. For their part, many employees might actively opt to work in the informal economy to avoid paying taxes and complying with regulations, and perceive social insurance schemes and other public services, of low quality. 5. Challenges Associated with Informal Economy in Nepal While there are several factors that explain the growth of the informal economy, challenges to organizing the sector and formalizing it are also equally significant. In this section, some 12 To the contrary, middle-income countries have smaller informal sectors but higher unemployment rates than the poorest countries. 10 | P a g e of these challenges, particularly as they pertain to the trade unions and labour movements in Nepal will be discussed. Limited Knowledge. Despite its prevalence, little attention has been paid to the role of informal sector in fostering growth and creating jobs in Nepal, as well as in understanding the characteristic feature of the informal economy. This is further exacerbated by the fact that quantifying the extent of the informal economy is extremely complex—there is no database that measures informal economic activity comprehensively for the entire country not only in Nepal but also in other countries. Thus, identification of informal sector workers is a major problem. Transient nature of informal sector. Informal sector is very mobile with respect to place of work, and their operations are highly seasonable. They lack recognizable features for identification, and workers as well as employers engaged in this sector are usually reluctant to share information. Further, trade unions in Nepal also face difficulties identifying informal employment relationship. According to Trade Union Act 1992, a worker cannot be eligible for trade union membership unless he/she is identified as employee of any employer. This legal restriction is one of the major challenges confronting trade unions while seeking to mobilize informal sector workers or those in informal employment. Significant overlaps between formal and informal sector. The line of demarcation between formal and informal employment is blurring, and it appears that this trend is likely to continue in the foreseeable future. Throughout the world, trade unions have been typically defining their membership as employees working for a particular employer or set of employers within an industry, or what can be called a “wage culture.”13 In order to incorporate informal economy workers, there is a need for trade unions to develop new approaches for including non-standard and informal economy workers. Likewise, many informal workers need approaches (cooperatives, insurance, access to capital, and business skills) to address their needs which would require most traditional unions to transcend their comfort zone.14 “Informalization from above” Due to globalization, jobs are increasingly being externalized through subcontracting, privatization, or some other form of intermediary contracting arrangement in order to reduce labor costs and avoid regulations associated with formal employment. This type of informalization results in “a layer of workers ostensibly located in the formal economy to whom labor standards increasingly do not apply.” These irregular forms of employment hinder union membership, which requires regular payment of union ILO. “Trade unions in the informal sector: Finding their bearings,” Labour Education 1999/3 No.116, available at http://www.ilo.org/wcmsp5/groups/public/---ed_dialogue/--actrav/documents/publication/wcms_111494.pdf 14 Ibid. 13 11 | P a g e dues, and also make it difficult for the union to recruit or gather workers together at a single time because informal laborers are scattered everywhere. 15 Heterogeneity of the Informal Sector Workers: Informal sector workers do not represent a single uniform group and may have obvious differences of interests among themselves. Further, their interests might not always be congruent with the majority of current trade union members—in general, informal workers tend to be focused on day-to-day struggles for survival and, therefore, are less inclined to join in collective action. The highly precarious nature of their work coupled with fear of union membership could further mean that their fears of losing their job would be high, there would be legal barriers preventing organizing workers (both formal as well as informal), and it would be difficult for unions to retain their members because of the scattered and transient nature of informal sector work. Social Protection of Workers. Nepal faces the challenge of extending social security benefits to all workers operating in the informal economy, which accounts for approximately 96 percent of the total labour force. Those workers who do not fall within the “regular” laborrelation do not have any form of social security except the daily wage. In fact, the existing social protection systems often exclude this section of the population and cater to the needs of the workers in the formal economy, which is limited. In fact, the absence of social protection to workers in the informal sector is one of the reasons for frequent labour disputes, which mostly revolve around issues like permanent or temporary position, contract or daily wage, hire and fire, and no-work-no-pay. Resistance from the private sector Employer organizations like FNCCI and CNI are skeptical about the social security of informal sector workers. Instead, they argue that the state should take the overall responsibility of supporting informal sector workers with social protection programmes, and that the employers cannot contribute toward the social security fund because of low earnings as well as seasonal nature of the jobs in the informal sector. Gendered Nature of Informal Sector. Informalization has a disproportionate impact on women in all countries and regions. As described above, a majority of the precarious and informal sectors in Nepal are populated by women. This “gendered” aspect of the informal economy is bound to be particularly challenging for trade unions in Nepal particularly since the proportion of female representation in union activity is already low to begin with. 6. Conclusion The issues presented in this paper clearly suggest that the informal economy plays a very significant role in Nepali society and economy. At the same time, organizing as well as formalizing the informal sector is bound to be very challenging. Yet, organizing informal sector workers needs to be a priority for the trade union movement in Nepal for several Solidarity Centre, “Trade Unions Organizing Workers “Informalized From Above:” Case Studies from Cambodia, Colombia, South Africa, and Tunisia,” The Transformation of Work: Challenges and Strategies, 2013. 15 12 | P a g e reasons, including those that have been highlighted for international trade union movement.16 First, recent indications suggest that the informal economy is here to stay. The current growth trends in Nepal suggests that the transition away from the agriculture sector has leapfrogged the manufacturing sector which would have otherwise served as a major source of growth as well as employment. The shift mainly from agriculture directly to services sector means that employment in informal sector will not only remain high but also continue to increase. Second, the current trends also indicate that amidst the growth of the informal economy, the formal sector is has been declining, including in terms of organizational potential. Third, the growth of the informal economy and the decline of ‘formal sector’ is likely to be irreversible in the short and medium term. Consequently, the stabilization of the formal sector organizations and building trade union strength depend on the organization of the informal sector. And finally, and perhaps most importantly, organizing the informal sector serves the interests of the majority of workers in Nepal, as well as worldwide. Solidarity Centre, “Trade Unions Organizing Workers “Informalized From Above:” Case Studies from Cambodia, Colombia, South Africa, and Tunisia,” The Transformation of Work: Challenges and Strategies, 2013. 16 13 | P a g e