‘DIFFERENT TALK FOR DIFFERENT RELATIVES: RELATIONSHIPS SHOWN IN RESTORED STORIES
FROM THREE GUMBAYNGGIRR (N. COAST NSW) DIALECTS.’
Gary Williams, Dallas Walker, Steve Morelli
Muurrbay Language Centre, Nambucca Heads
Introduction
We present some findings of a project we have completed, which was funded by AIATSIS: ‘A comparative
linguistic analysis of Gumbaynggirr Dreaming stories in three dialects: Nymboidan, Northern and Southern.’
The stories come from three dialectally different areas. We highlight and analyse avoidance, politeness and joking
relationships in these Gumbaynggirr story-plays, emphasising how language maintains relationships and how
kinship and other influences affect communication. We highlight the variety of strategies which the Dreaming
plays and stories use to express politeness and avoidance.
The three dialectal sources of Gumbaynggirr Dreaming stories
Nymboidan
In 1929, the Nymboidan Gumbaynggirr Phillip Shannon gave the American linguist Gerhardt Laves thirteen
dreaming-plays, twelve of which Laves wrote on note-book pages, and one as a typescript.
Audio sources from the Nymboidans Phillip Long and Clarence Skinner (who recorded the only other Nymboidan
story and the only one in audio) when compared with Shannon’s language have helped establish the nature and
extent of Nymboidan.
Gumbaynggirr was possibly the first Aboriginal language Laves recorded. In the following samples Laves’ text is
followed by his gloss, then by our rendition of the text, our gloss (in bold) his free translation (in five texts: but not
available in our story text ) and our free translation.
(1) From Moon story MS (No free translation in Laves)
yaˑŋga
there come
Ya=angga
here=EVID
bulargura
2 bro.
bula-gurr
pair-M[SBJ]
gaˑrawe
back
gaarla-wa-y
back-IVZ-NF
guraiñ
messengers
gurraany.
messenger[SBJ]
Here they are! The two
messenger brothers are coming
back.
(2) From Madaan story typescript
ŋe
interj.
ŋaiđa
I
buaŋ
killed
bulambala
two-for
Ngii!
Yes
Ngaaja
buwaang
bulambala!
1SG.ERG hit.PST
2DU.LOC
[Laves’ free translation: ‘Ah!
I killed them to get even
with you!’]
Yes! I killed him because of
you two.
2. Southern
The five Southern Gumbaynggirr stories, in contrast to those of the other areas, are almost entirely on audiotape.
They have been transcribed previously by Muurrbay. We have glossed these to the same standard as the other
stories, and re-edited our free translations.
All the Southern story material comes from Harry Buchanan, the main collector being Diana Eades but with
contributions from Terry Crowley, Howard Creamer and WG Hoddinott.
(3) An example from Southern:
Yaam=agay
waruungga-du yanigurra-ng
this.here=EMPH up.LOC-ERG
go.CAUS-PST
Bawga-ng=agay
Birrugan-a
ya.
poke-PST=EMPH Birrugan-OBJ
here
gamay ngilina.
spear this.
1
Well the man on top
dropped this spear and
speared Birrugan right here
(through the top of his
shoulder.)
Northern
The only story materials available in the Northern dialect are fragments in the supplement to WE Smythe’s
‘Elementary grammar of the Gumbaiŋgar Language’.
Several of Smythe’s informants came from outside the Northern dialect area. However there are a few semantic
and morphological elements distinguishing a unique Northern dialect and Smythe’s informants were convinced
that there was a dialectal N.-S. distinction in materials they were sharing.
(4) An example from Northern (Bold script and gloss from Muurrbay):
Ja:mandi
bu:nmiwjilánna milgánjara
yaam=andi
buunmi-w
yilaa-na
milga-nyarr
this=if
fall-FUT
here-ABL
ridge.pole-ABL
ŋanja
ni:gadu
gammaidju
baugaŋ
ngaanya niigadu
gamay-ju
bawga-ng
1SG.OBJ Goori.ERG
spear-INS
poke-PST
[Smythe: ‘… if the bag were to
fall off the pole while he was
away it would indicate that he
had been killed’]
If these should fall from the
ridge pole here, men will have
speared me.
NAN AREAL ESTIMATE OF THE THREE DIALECTS OF THE GUMBAYNGGIRR STORIES
Below is a language map of Gumbaynggirr and neighbouring areas (adapted from the Gumbaynggirr Dictionary and
Learner’s Grammar). NOTE: there are other dialectal groups beside the three we are looking at.
A generalised estimate of the extent of the dialect areas distinguished in this story project are marked in the
map below as circles named Nymboidan, Northern and Southern.
NOTE: This is NOT a definitive or exact estimate of the three dialect areas. The Borders between
Language Groups (the largest point-form words) have been deliberately omitted. There are other dialect areas.
Northern
Northern
Nymboidan
Nymboidan
Southern
Southern
2
List of stories and their Sources
The Southern stories: Harry Buchanan
How the Rivers and Languages Were Made
Source
LA Tapes 4499 (Eades); 417a(Creamer)
Muurrbay Bundani – The Tree of life
LA Tapes 4497, 4502 (Eades)
Yuludarla, Gawnggan and Birrugan
[The three major hero-ancestors in all
the Gumbaynggirr area]
LA Tapes 1396a (Hoddinott); 2764 (Crowley);
4498, 4502 (Eades); Laves’ notebooks;
[N. additions (WE Smythe, 1948) for continuity]
Wijiirrjagi [Cannibal woman] and the Brothers
LA Tape 4499 (Eades)
How the Sea was Made – The Southern Sea Story
LA Tapes 2763, 2764 (Crowley); 4498 (Eades); 5039
(Creamer); New Dawn (May, 1971)
The Nymboidan Stories
Phillip Shannon to Gerhardt Laves
How the Sea was Made – The Nymboidan Sea Story
MS with gloss and free translation
The Wild Women [‘Amazons’] and the First Canoe.
MS with gloss
Giidanyba the Moon Man
MS with gloss
Madaan [Old man vs. Young man over wives]
Typescript with gloss and free translation
Jandungal, the Blind Boy
MS with gloss and free translation
The Bearded Dragon
MS with gloss
How Greyface Kangaroo Got His Tail
MS with gloss
The Stolen Fire
MS with gloss and part free translation
How Porcupine Stole the Baby Girl
MS with gloss
The Two Goanna Men
MS with gloss and free translation
The Creation of Black Fellows [White Contact story]
MS with gloss
The Swearing Couples [Law ignored = social breakdown]
MS with gloss
How They Made Women
MS with gloss
Clarence Skinner to WG Hoddinott
Dirraanggan [Clarence R. witch]
LA Tape 1397 (Hoddinott)
The Northern Stories
Anonymous contributors to WE Smythe
Birrugan and the Elder (a)
(WE Smythe, 1948)
Birrugan and the Elder (b)
“
Birrugan and Gawnggan
“
The Echo
“
Finding Honey and the Bull-roarer
“
Finding a Lost Bull-roarer
“
Appendix: Stories from the Gumbaynggirr area told in English
3
Avoidance, Politeness and Joking
DIVERSITY OF GUMBAYNGGIRR DIALECTS AS REVEALED IN STORY ANALYSIS
Dialects: mutually intelligible forms of a language spoken by distinct groups, each having some distinct
vocabulary and grammar and possibly pronunciation, the stories collected from Nymboidan, Southern and
Northern Gumbaynggirr establish these three as separate dialects that each of the other groups could easily
understand.
There are few discernible differences at the pronunciation level. Optional omission of initial ng on some words
seems to have obtained in Nymboidan only, and the rare tendency of geminating medial liquids or nasals in
Southern was more common in Nymboidan and much more so in Northern. e.g. the subject-changing particle
gala in S. and ga:la in Ny written by Smythe as ga:l:a; and the word for ‘spear’: gamay written as gammai.
Following are some semantic dialectal differences mostly taken from story material :
English Word
Southern
Nymboidan
Northern
also
waw
yurrga
yurrga
creek
yamaan
gulany
yamaan
cheek
baanyarr
ngarraarr
baanyarr
egg
mirubay
maabarr
maabarr
native bee and honey
dungaarr
buyuny (dungaarr)
dungaarr
hop
garraji
jululgi
garraji
horse
gaarr
yarraman
yarramaan
knee
baga-baga
barliin
barliin
middle
bimiirr
bimiirr
bumiirr
Nambucca Heads
Baga-baga,
no
biiway
biyaway
biiway
north
birraw
gawaan
birra
penis
gumbaany
guulman
nuluny
put
muuga
yuwarra
yuwarra
rock
muniim
gulburr
guri, muniim
spear (n)
gamay
bilaarr
biguurr, bilaarr, gamay
stop
biiwaya
biyawa
biiwaya
tree
biguurr
jaliigirr
biguurr, jaliigirr
war
buulmay
gundum
buulmay
white
garaaban
daagan
daagan, garaaban
woman
nyami
buwarrinyin
buwarrinyin, nyami



Munubaga
Semantically, as shown above, Nymboidan and Southern are most distant. Smythe’s story material
shows that N. shared some vocabulary with Ny. (red) and S. (black) while having unique lexemes of its
own (green).
At the morphological level Nymboidan shows itself to be the most divergent, for instance making an
allative / purposive case distinction that does not obtain in the other two dialects; and commonly
using plurals on family nouns (e.g. gawa: uncle gawa-ja uncles) that are never found in the other
two dialects. Similarly a common –anga plural on demonstratives is only found in Nymboidan.
Syntactically Nymboidan and Northern share at least two sentence level constructions not found in
Southern, but the divergence here among all three dialects is not large.
4
Avoidance, Politeness and Joking
Morphological and syntactic differences are analysed in our ‘Comparative linguistic analysis…’ but are not part
of our talk here.
A large part of language variation is probably due not to dialect but to the stages of language loss obtaining
when the stories of each area were collected. In fact there have been generational gaps between collection of
Nymboidan (1929), Northern (1940’s) and Southern (1960’s – 1970’s).
The lack of plurals in N. and S. was probably attributable to this loss and was no doubt concomitant with the
loss of politeness structures, for much evident politeness and avoidance in Nymboidan is linked to plurality.
Gumbaynggirr Kinship
Gumbaynggirr had a section system: with four male and four female section names. It was patrilocal and
exogamous: one had to marry a classificatory cross-cousin; distant both in blood and geographically. As in
other parts of Aboriginal Australia the section names aligned with kinship terms like ngaji: ‘cross-cousin /
brother-or-sister- in-law’ or barran: ‘cross-aunt’ [where cross-aunt is distant =potential mother-in-law]. One
could use these or equivalent terms throughout Gumbaynggirr and neighbouring language groups using this
system, including Dhanggati, Birrbay and Yaygirr but excluding Bundjalung.
Kinship and communication styles in Aboriginal Australia
There is ample evidence around Aboriginal Australia showing that, especially before rapid social change
through Western influence, how one communicated with another was largely constrained by the kin
relationship between the two. We will use the present tense in reference to these communication styles.
There is a continuum within groups:





from extreme avoidance;
through partial avoidance, e.g. Brother-in-law language;
through to what Goddard (1992, 99) terms ‘The oblique speech style Tjalpawangkanyi’;
through a relaxed style;
to the speech used in a joking relationship
However among different language groups there are considerable differences in the communication
demanded between any particular kin relationship: its nature (avoidance, neutral, joking), the intensity of the
demands, and the linguistic devices used to carry out these demands. 1
Kinship and other influences in Gumbaynggirr communication
Gumbaynggirr story-plays show Gumbaynggirr interaction styles both fit into the context of Australia-wide
Aboriginal practices and have a distinct identity.
Not every kin relation is exemplified in stories. For instance, we know FF and SS call each other gagu: ‘brother’
but the stories give no examples of how this relationship is practised.
It is also evident in the stories that ways of communicating are influenced not just by kin-relationships but by
life tensions and the universal angers, passions, loves, jealousies and rivalries that people have with each
other.
Gumbaynggirr respect structures
Grammatical respect structures
The ‘let’ suffix on imperative forms of verbs
All dialects share the –la suffix on verbs that is commonly used to moderate the force of a command and
include the speaker thus:
(5)
Yanaa
go-IMP

Yanaa-la
go.IMP-let
‘Go!’
1
‘Let’s go’
Thus among the Guugu-Yimidhirr all of the wife’s relatives, including, in a mild way, her brother, require Brother-in-law avoidance
language to be used (Haviland, 1979, 379) whereas, among the Gumbaynggirr, brothers-in-law are expected to be primarily in a joking
relationship. Similarly the only mildly constrained Gumbaynggirr language between nephew and a potential mother-in-law aunt is
unexpected in view of practices elsewhere.
5
Avoidance, Politeness and Joking
In Nymboidan this suffix has also been used where the context shows the speaker is not included producing
the equivalent of ‘please’:
(6)
Yilaa-mi-la!
here-IAVZ[IMP]-let!
‘Please come (closer everyone)!’
Respect Plural on pronouns
Avoidance / politeness through pluralising second person pronouns, and through use of the third person
Examples are found in Nymboidan only.
In S. there is a vague reference that nguja was once used as an avoidance ‘you’ between brother and sister (in
lieu of the common ngiinda and related to S. ngujawiny: 2PL.SBJ.) This indicates that pronouns pluralised to
mark respect / avoidance were once used in Southern Gumbaynggirr too.
As a comparison, Haviland (1979, 373) notes plural usage in Guugu-Yimidhirr brother-in-law language. The
plural was used to mark respect for a single ‘you’ ‘This device clearly resembles the polite use of the second
person plural pronouns in Indo-European languages’. Haviland also footnotes here Elkin’s awareness (1962:
517) that the polite ‘you’ singular in German which is 3rd person plural Sie, was paralleled in some Australian
languages (Haviland, 1962, 373).
In the Nymboidan story-plays the plural ‘you’ in address is invariably used between brother and sister, and is
found in subjective, ergative and objective case. E.g. the blind boy tells his older sister.
(7)
Ngaaja
1SG.ERG
juun.gu jinda-ama
tell.FUT o.sister-OBJ
ngujiny-ing
2PL.AVOID-OBJ
bumaa-ygu.
hit-PURP
‘I'll tell big sister to hit you.’
Laves in a marginal note writes: ‘Second pers. Sing. Between brother and sister; also to mo. bro. and
reciprocal.’
Whereas in ordinary address one uses cases of the 1 st person dual: ngalii: ‘we two’, between a brother and
sister the first person plural, not dual, must be used.
In the following, older sister is talking to the same brother:
(8)
Yanaa=gay
go.IMP=EMPH
ngiyaa
yaarri
1PL.[AVOID]SBJ CHGE
mangga!
ahead
Come on! Let’s move on!
When the blind boy tells the senior sister to leave the other one to her fate, the speaker together with the one
addressed are marked as plural but the sister referred to is not marked for number.
(9)
Ngiyaa-la
1PL-ERG
wananga
leave.IMP
ngarri!
3SG[OBJ]
Baya
let
buumgu yuunggu
hit.FUT bad
gadila!
ought.
‘Let’s you and me leave her. That evil one deserves to be killed’
When the older sister addresses her brother and sister together a different politeness strategy is used : she
addresses them in the third person.
(10)
Ngarri
3SG
bularri
two[SBJ]
yanaa warrii
go.IMP down.east
buujurr
little.boy
‘You and the boy [Literally: ‘Those two …] go down-river!’
This somewhat resembles the ‘Sie’ (3PL) used for formal ‘you-one’ in German.
It contrasts with non-avoidance address of two non-related others (here: two dingoes) where the second
person dual pronoun is used:
(11)
Bulaa yilaa
2DU.SBJ here
baguurli
lie.down[IMP]
‘You two, lie here!’
6
Avoidance, Politeness and Joking
The simple second person dual pronoun is also used when brother says to his sister ‘you two’, referring to her
and an absent relative:
(12)
Jugi-da
where-LOC
bulaa-la nyayagi
jalumbaw?
2DU-ERG
see.PRS
long.ago
‘Where did you and that other one see it long ago?’
The story-plays show that as Laves has claimed, a classificatory mother’s brother is also addressed with the
ngujin plural in Nymboidan, this being a reciprocal term:
Nephew to Moon-man:
(13)
Biyagay yarrang ngamii-li-w
ngujiny-ing.
not
that
shoulder.carry-CONT-FUT 2PL.AVOID-OBJ
‘They’re not going to carry you.’
Moon-man to nephew:
(14)
Yaarri
CHGE
ngujiling
maani
2PL.AVOID.ERG
ngaanya
carry[IMP]
1SG.OBJ
‘Now you carry me’
Surprisingly, one relationship which would seem to have demanded the ngujin form of address; that between
a man and his classificatory cross-aunt (a potential mother-in-law); does not normally use it. ‘Aunt’ and
‘nephew’ simply speak to each other as ngiinda: 2.SG. In the ‘Wild women’ story there is much dialogue of this
nature between two brothers and the aunt who is just about to give away her daughters and nieces to them in
marriage; without the formal ngujin being used.
In a Gumbaynggirr fragment: the ‘Porcupine’ story, the ordinary ngiinda (2SG) is freely used between the
potential mother-in-law and her ‘nephew’.
However, the ngujin term is used in one passage. The background is that the wicked Porcupine is waiting for
his promised bride from a woman (an ‘aunt’ / mother-in-law to be) who hides her sole girl-child from him. She
says to him:
(15)
Waarriya ngujiny!
Waarriya ngujiny!
Yaam ngaaja giibarr gurray ngarrwa-ng.
wait.IMP 2PL.AVOID.SBJ wait.IMP 2PL.AVOID.SBJ here 1SG.ERG boy[OBJ] all
bear-PST
‘Keep waiting, Sir. You, Sir just have to keep waiting. I’ve been having all boy-babies.’
It seems likely that the formal address between people in this relationship had once been the norm, but had
fallen into disuse even at the time (1929) when Laves recorded these story-plays.
Respect Plural on nouns
There are several instances in Nymboidan of plural being marked on a noun and used to mark politeness.
Again, this has not been found in the stories of the other dialects. It is generally used in reference to a single
person, but also in address. However this usage is not simply determined by the kinds of relationships
mentioned above. It can connote as much pity as respect.
In the following, younger brother is sorry for his sleeping elder brother and thinks respectfully
(16)
Gurraam=adi
unfortunate=Q
yaam
here
gagu-urra
brother-PL.POL
baguurli-ng.
lie.down-PST
‘Isn’t he unfortunate?! My poor brother is lying down here.’
In the following a woman promises to get help for another (no relationship mentioned) who has been abused
and hurt:
(17)
Ngii=barr!
yes=then
Ngaaja juun.gu gawnggarr
1SG.ERG tell.FUT y.woman.VOC.PL.POL
‘OK, I’ll tell them, young woman.’ The ordinary word would be gawnggan.
7
Avoidance, Politeness and Joking
The same effect is produced by pluralising demonstratives associated with a third person referent. Here the
speaker is referring to his potential mother-in-law.
(18)
Yaam-anga
this.here-PL.RESPECT
jurruy-a
o.woman-FAM.SBJ
gaarla-wa-y!
back-IVZ-NF
‘Here’s the elder-woman coming back’
Yaamanga here is a term of a respect which is reinforced by the use of the optional family-noun subjective
suffix jurruy-a.
The –(a)nga plural on demonstratives can be used to mark respect for others besides certain kin relations as in
the following:
(19)
Ya-anga
Here-PL.POL
guuyu!
o.man
‘Here comes the Elder.’
In the following both the demonstrative and the person are pluralised. In a canoe on the way back to his
homeland, a young man is pointing out to his aunt and wives to be:
(20)
Wa!
oh
Wa!
oh
Yarrang-anga
that.there-PL.INDF
gagu-urra
o.brother-PL.POL
ngayinggi-ng!
sit-PST
‘Oh! Oh! That’s about where my brother lives.’
The gaguurra is about polite reference to his absent brother. But the plural yarranganga above is used to
make the location indefinite : ‘That’s about where …’ in polite deference to his aunt.
This accords with practices elsewhere. Goddard (1992, 102) cites Sutton, (1982) to reinforce the idea that
respectful speech styles often include ‘generality of reference’ which occurs, e.g., among the Yankunytjatjara.
Here ‘oblique speech style’ demanded between certain kin requires vague reference to location – ‘somewhere
around here’.
Semantic respect structures: Did Gumbaynggirr have special speech styles or brother-inlaw/ mother-in-law language?
Haviland (1979, 366) had clear examples from his study of Guugu-Yimidhirr brother-in-law language to
illustrate his statement that:
Highly codified vocabularies of respect and avoidance at once illustrate features of life in the societies that employ
them and remind us of the role of words in constituting social life in general.
Similarly as R.M.W. Dixon – among several others – notes:
Most (perhaps all) Australian tribes have had a special ‘avoidance speech style’ which must be used in the presence
of a taboo relative; bilingual informants frequently describe this as ‘mother-in-law language’. (Dixon, 2002, 58-59)
There is little evidence from Gumbaynggirr of such language: only a few avoidance lexemes have been found,
as shown below.
Juulu is a word for ‘brother’ used by, or in the presence of, a person who is of the right section to marry the
‘brother’ (usually gagu). In the following a woman is introduced by the younger brother to his older brother
(ordinarily called gaguuga) to her husband-to-be. It only occurs in Nymboidan.
Man to woman
(22)
Yang
nganyu
that
1SG.GEN
juulu.
brother.AVOID
‘That’s my brother’
However, the avoidance term for ‘brother’ juulu is only used in the presence of the referent. Where a man
talks about his absent brother to women marriageable to him he uses the non-avoidance term for ‘brother’:
(23)
Yarrang-anga
that.there-PL.INDF
gagu-urra
o.brother-PL.POL
ngayinggi-ng!
sit-PST
8
Avoidance, Politeness and Joking
‘That’s about where my brother lives.’
Similarly when a woman and a person marriageable to her are present she may not be referred to by the
ordinary word for ‘sister’: jinda-:
(24)
Ya
here
ngiinda
2SG[ERG]
maana
take.IMP
jaluganda!
sister.AVOID[OBJ]
‘Here, you take her sister’
The avoidance pronoun maarri is sometimes used instead of the ordinary 3rd person pronoun ngarri: ‘that
one’.2
In one story, Moon-man, referring in part to his ‘uncles’, his classificatory mother’s brothers, says to a group
not including such kin.
(25)
Maarri-mbing
that.AVOID-PL
niigarr; ngarri=da
man
3SG[SBJ]=but
waali-w.
die-FUT
‘But those men, they’ll surely die.’
Thus ‘uncles’ who are given respect-plural in address are given the maarri reference.
Similarly, where a man jealously accuses his wives of dancing with a classificatory brother of his: that is, one
who could have married them he uses maarri instead of normal ngarri: ‘that one’; a ‘distancing’ reference to
the one the women could have married.
(26)
Bulaa
marriija-girr
2DU.SBJ that.one.AVOID.LOC-only
yiliwiya-y
dance-PRS
niigada.
man-LOC
‘You two danced the whole time with that man.’
The two other uses of maarri are in reference to sacred beings and sites: Birrugan, the spiritual ‘Boss’ …
(27)
Maarri
warrii
3SG.AVOID. SBJ east
‘(the Boss) is down East.’
… and of the Frog Place
(28)
…maarri
warrii
3SG.AVOID.SBJ] East[ALL]
Jaraan.-gay
frog-site
‘…down East to the Frog Mountain Place’.
It is probable that there was once a more extensive list of avoidance and respect lexemes but the evidence
does not point to a specialised ‘mother-in law’ or ‘brother-in-law’ language.
Stylistic respect structures
In the following we look at stylistic features of interaction from two other areas: Cape York and Central
Australia. This has helped us to both more clearly understand similar structures in Gumbaynggirr and to
validate these Gumbaynggirr features by seeing their closeness to those from vastly different parts of the
continent.
Elements of the Gumbaynggirr story-plays show that devices indicating avoidance are rather similar to those of
Yankunytjatjara, where, although no lexemically distinct avoidance or brother-in-law language exists, the
oblique speech style, Tjalpawangkanyi, uses a set of stylistic structures to obtain the same effect.
The stylistic structures... include a variety of devices for achieving indirectness of reference and obliqueness of style,
and for conveying uncertainty and disinterest.’ (Goddard, 1992, 99)
2
It is required, according to Laves’ notes, in cases where the speaker must not use the section name of a referent. Unfortunately L. does
not add what those cases are.
9
Avoidance, Politeness and Joking
The body-language associated with such ‘sideways talk’ cannot be gleaned from Gumbaynggirr texts.3
However much of the Yankunytjatjara oblique speech style mentioned in Goddard (1992, 110), and the
lexemes that go with it have echoes in the Gumbaynggirr story texts, although the kinds of relations requiring
‘oblique speech’ differ.4
Goddard (1992, 102) gives examples of the difference between ordinary and Tjalpawangkanyi style. The
translated version of one of these is:
(Neutral style): ‘I haven’t got any firewood. Stop and I’ll load some on.’
(Tjalpawangkanyi): ‘Oh, some firewood, I see. I’d rather like to get some.’
The morphemes mentioned for Yankunytjatjara to produce such a ‘don’t-put-the-other-one-on-the-spot’ style
have many parallel or similar morphemes in Gumbaynggirr.
Some morphemic respect / politeness strategies in Gumbaynggirr Story-plays
‘politeness morphemes’ in Yankunytjatjara and Gumbaynggirr
Yankunytjatjara
Gumbaynggirr
-nti
Maybe
wala, warrga
Wala: ‘maybe’; warrga: ‘it seems’
munta
Oh!
wa!
Oh!
wanuy
‘just let’
bay; baya
‘let it be that…’
-mpa*
‘one could say more about this’
-barr
[NOT exactly equivalent to -mpa]
‘following from previously shared
evidence I say …’
nguwan
‘almost’ ‘rather’ as in ‘I’d rather’
-di
Question clitic that can be used as a
politeness device that turns a
declaration into a tentative
suggestion
ka
Switch reference connective /
contrastive. Can be used to avoid
referring to the addressee
ga(ː)la
This is a switch reference connective /
contrastive. Can be used in avoiding a
direct question
unytju-
‘not seriously’
gunda
‘to be sure’, ‘merely’, ‘just’ Found in
Ny. Story-plays And in Northern only
as a narrative ‘filler’ gundagay: ‘well
then’. Mugurl- ‘not seriously’
common S. and N. is not found in any
story!
No direct verbal requests but one can
say
unytju-ku-nal
tjapini
not serious-ERG-I ask
-(a)nda
Clitic mainly found as a verbal suffix:
‘if you please’.
*No Gumbaynggirr equivalent has been found for The ‘nudge-nudge, wink-wink’ feel of this morpheme.
Goddard (1992, 101) mentions that much of Yankunytjatjara ‘oblique style’ Tjalpawangkanyi has to do with
stance, softness of voice, and slowness of utterance with rising inflection. Similarly Haviland (1979, 368) notes of
the Guugu Yimidhirr: ‘Tabooed relatives did not look one another in the eye, did not stand face-to face, and did not
sit in each other’s presence with legs parted. They … diili… both sat and spoke sideways.’
3
He gives the underlying ‘rules’ for such Yankunytjatjara interaction (1992, 110): Don’t specify. Don’t deny,
refuse, disagree. Don’t directly express you-influencing ‘illocutionary intentions’: I want you to … do something,
say something or know something. The underlying rule is ‘how not to say something’ (Goddard 1992, 111)
4
10
Avoidance, Politeness and Joking
Wala: maybe
In the following, after a search, the first wife wants to gently reassure an angry husband that a rival has not run
off with the second wife.
(29)
Yanaa wala
ngalii!
go.IMP maybe
1DU[SBJ]
‘Come on, we might go now. The poor fellow may have been killed.’
Warrga: seeming; might well (in the future)
In the following, gives a gentle warning to his wife to avoid looking back:
(30)
Ngalii-nya
warrga
yuunggu-mba-w
2DU-OBJmight.well
bad-TVZ-FUT
‘The two of us might well be harmed (if you do)’.
-barr: ‘I hear you, so…’
-barr implies the speaker has taken on board what the interlocutor has just said whether the speaker agrees
with it or not. It is mostly used to soften commands and with ngii: ‘yes’ to mean ‘OK.’
(31)
Bulaa=barr
2DU.SBJ=then
baguurli!
lie.down[ERG]
‘You two, lie down, then.’
It can be used to coax agreement from someone who has doubts. In the following, mother is trying to convince
daughter that no one else had come into the hut:
(32)
Ngalii=ndi=barr
1DU[SBJ]=if=then
baguurli-ng.
lie.down-PST
Surely only you and I (only) were sleeping here?
-di question clitic
-di can be used to mark a question or show hesitancy in making a decision.
(33)
Yaa=di
here=Q
ngaaja
bawga-w
1SG.ERG poke-FUT
‘I think I’ll dig here’
It is also clearly used like the ‘eh?’ in Aboriginal English, inviting the listener to share in sentiments expressed.
(34)
Ngarri=di
3SG[SBJ]=eh?
barluwirrjan
Tiger.Cat.
gambuny.
promiscuous
‘He’s a predator, isn’t he, eh?, that Tiger Cat.’
(35)
Ngalii=barr
1DU[SBJ]=then
garlugun=di
one=Q
yiliwiya-rra
gawnggan.
dance-COM.IMP y.woman
‘OK then; we’ll have one more dance young woman, eh?
gunda
gunda: ‘to be sure’, ‘merely’ moderates the forcefulness of a declarative statement. (not found in Southern).
While ‘casing’ the family camp, the Eagle men are being hunted away; so one of them says
(36)
Gunda yilaa-mi-ng
merely here-IAVZ-PST
nguraala
camp.ALL
ngaligay
1DU.EXCL
nyayagi-gu
see.PRS-PURP
ngujiny-ing.
2PL-OBJ
‘We just came to see you all.’
-(a)nda
This enclitic is mainly found as a verbal suffix: ‘if you please’ . It can turn commands into suggestions or act as a
politeness marker as in the following (sole) Southern example. A stranger, a cannibal woman, wishes to
ingratiate herself with a young man and asks:
11
Avoidance, Politeness and Joking
(36)
Galang! Dawa,
gee
y.brother
jugana=nda
yaam
where.ABL=POL this.here
ngiinda?
2SG[SBJ]
‘Could you please tell me where you might be from, young brother?
The frequent use of -(a)nda in Nymboidan and lack of it in other dialects may again be partly explained by the
state of language decline when each set of stories was collected. In addition Nymboidan stories are entirely
dialogue and so can readily display such politeness; whereas the stories of the other dialects include narrative.
–(a)nda is not primarily used to mark politeness required by a particular relationship; but rather to ingratiate
oneself with anyone from whom one wants favourable treatment. In Nymboidan the politeness enclitic has
been found between several relations.
It is sometimes used between married couples:
Old man to runaway wife : Yilaaminda: please come back
It is often used between brothers. It is sometimes used for comic effect in describing the relationship between
rogue brothers in : the ‘Eaglehawks’ story
For example the Elder Eagle politely invites his cowardly brother to test glowing embers with his hands.
(37)
Maana=nda
touch.IMP=POL
marlaanggu
hand.INS
julaarr!
ash[OBJ]
Balgaarr-amba=nda
wide-TVZ.IMP=POL
julaarr!
ash[OBJ]
‘Please touch the embers with your hands and you might spread them out.’
The younger one soon decides a bark instrument is better to do this.
When the young brother gets tired carrying the coals, his brother’s overblown politeness seems to gently
mock the other’s fragility
(38)
Yiindija-w=anda
go.ahead-self=POL
nguluu-la-w!
frail-LOC-self
Nyaa-ga=nda!
See-IMP=POL
‘You might just frailly stroll on ahead by yourself but please take care!’
–(a)nda can be used to mark deference by the younger to the older. Thus a young man asks for directions from
the older men in regard to the day’s hunt:
(39)
juway
yaanda
where.ALL
go.POL.IMP
‘Where would you like us to go?’
The following dialogue shows kin-based politeness is quite marked between a man and his potential motherin-law, including an indirectness shown by using the contrastive ga(ː)la rather than a direct question. In the
‘Wild women’ story, older brother wants to ward off the visiting ‘barran’ aunt, who means to abduct his
younger brother to marry him off to her daughters. Both ‘politeness morphemes’ and indirectness are
featured. Vague questions are met with even more vague question-responses:
(40)
Nephew
Ya=di ngiinda barran?
here=Q 2SG[SBJ]
aunt
Aunt
Ngii,
yang
yes
here
ngaya,
1SG.SBJ
You’re here, eh, auntie?
baarri.
dear.nephew
Yes, I'm here, dearie.
12
Avoidance, Politeness and Joking
Nephew
Juway
where.ALL
ngarri
3SG
ngiinda
2SG[SBJ]
yarraang,
go.PST
barran?
aunt
Which way are you headed, auntie?
Aunt
Gaala nginu
CONTR 2SG.GEN
gambirr?
y.brother
What about your younger brother?
Nephew
Ngaya-girr=di
1SG.SBJ-only=Q
yaam
here
I'm all alone here, eh?
Aunt
Yanaa=nda
go.IMP=POL
ngalii
1DU[SBJ]
ngayinggi!
sit[PRS]
nguraala-mi!
camp.LOC-IAVZ[IMP]
We might go to your camp?
When elder brother stays uncooperative, the ‘auntie’s’ politeness language, including indirectness, disappears;
showing again that language is not entirely constrained by kinship!:
Aunt
Yanaa! Yanaa! Ngiinda
go.IMP go.IMP 2SG[SBJ]
yanaa!
go.IMP
‘Go! Go! You go!’
So –(a)nda and other Tjalpawangkanyi- style politeness devices are often used in response to the events
between interlocutors and their wants and needs rather than in response to the kin-relationship between
them.
Joking Relationships
Haviland (1979, 378) notes that:
…avoidance language accompanying restrained and respectful relationships had its parallel in joking
language, organised obscenity, which accompanies relaxed, familiar ‘joking relationships’.
People may only joke, or swear in jest, with specific relations.5 So what are the joking relationships in
Gumbaynggirr society?
The Gumbaynggirr Moon Story and Jack Larrigo’s comments about it in Laves’ notes (p1214), both give an
explanation for whom one jokes with. Larrigo explains joking relationships as they obtain in Gumbaynggirr
society:
Joking of Garrbuung with Wambuung [i.e. cross-cousin/brother-in-law] less with Maruung [mother’s
brother /potential father-in-law] not with Wiruung [father or son]. (L. 1222)
These notes also show sisters-in-law joke with each other, but mothers and daughters never joke. What these
don’t show and is quite clear in the stories is that brother-brother joking is common.
In the Moon Story, Moon-man (Garrbuung section) rejects his brothers and uncles for not carrying him to his
island in Coffs Harbour. One result is that he plays tricks, especially on anyone of the Garrbuung section, i.e. his
‘brothers’ and to some extent anyone of the Wambuung section i.e. his ‘uncles’ who attempt to go to his
island.
‘Just in fun’ (L. 1222), he makes the tide come up and ‘…fisher has to swim back’. 6
5
As Thomson (1935, 465) put it: ‘When a man swears it is not a matter of what he says so much as to whom he says it …’
From language group to language group the kinds of relations one may joke with varies. For instance in Yankunytjatjara, cousins can
become ‘joking partners’ with sexual innuendo (Goddard, 1992, 113) but among the Guugu-Yimidhirr as noted before mild avoidance is
required.
13
Avoidance, Politeness and Joking
What the Gumbaynggirr story-plays tell us about joking relationships.
The Moon Story tells us that brothers can have some joking. The Goanna Brothers in one story mock each
other.
(41)
Nganyu
1SG.GEN
Minya-agu
what-ALL
Juwa, juwa
(baulk) (baulk)
Jalaany guuru,
mouth
gagu
jalaany
guuru
o.brother
mouth
black
waandi
ngiinda
bindarrga,
gagu?
climb[PRS]
2SG[ERG]
pine[OBJ]
o.brother
gagu!
Juwa! Jali-julu gulburr-a!
o.brother
(baulk) bottom-side
rock-IVZ.IMP
minya-agu
ngiinda
waandi?
black
what-ALL
2SG[ERG]
climb[PRS]
‘My black-mouthed brother, why do you climb the pine-tree, brother. [baulking curse]! brother. [baulking
curse!] Let the ground below you turn to rock! Black Mouth, why do you climb it.’
This kind of banter goes downhill from here. The older brother then retorts
(42)
Wa!
Oh
Wanaa ngiinda ngaanya
don’t 2SG[ERG] 1SG.OBJ
bayaa
curse
maruwan~maruwan
initiated.one~ATT
‘Oh, don’t you bad-mouth me, you half-baked man!’
So the two brothers start wrestling. Joking between brothers can lead to fights. Underlying tensions and sibling
rivalries are evident here.
Joking relationships between cross-cousins / brothers-in-law
As Laves’ notes show, brothers-in-law more than others are expected to joke with each other. Quoll jokingly
threatens to cut down his brother’s-in-law (Koala’s) magic string-bridge on which the whole tribe is travelling.
[Quoll]
(43)
Ngaaja=da
1SG.ERG=on.the.other.hand
ya
here
gaygi-w nandiirr ngajii-ngundi.
cut-FUT string
brother-in-law-GEN
‘But I think I'll cut brother-in-law's string here.’
[Koala]
(44)
Wanaa ngiinda
don't 2SG[ERG]
gaygi nandiirr
cut[IMP] clever.string
nganyundi,
1SG.GEN
buujurr!
little-boy
‘Don't you cut my string, you little boy.’
Here are kinds of harsh, joking language not ordinarily found in conversation. The contradictory –da: ‘but’ is
never found in polite talk. Similarly, Koala would never call another adult buujurr: ‘little boy’.
If the joking relationship gets out of control it may result in death as in the Southern version of the Sea Story
where brother-in-law is drowned for threatening to flood the entire tribe in a tidal wave.
Conclusion: Speech styles and kinship.
We have not discussed all the possible categories7 of relationships, but merely used evidence from the
Gumbaynggirr story-plays for some of these. We see that apart from a few examples like the avoidance
pronoun ngujin between brother and sister, kin relationships strongly influence but do not determine the
speech style (polite, everyday or joking) that is used between people. 8
6
Unfortunately neither the stories nor Laves’ notes tell us about the Gumbaynggirr father’s father – grandson relationship. However in
this area the term between them is gagu: ‘brother’. This is a clue that the generally warm relationship between brothers obtains with this
relationship too. Sister-sister joking similarly has no story examples.
7
Scheffler (1978, 100 -101) has seven dimensions of such kin terms: e.g. kin vs. non-kin; lineal vs. collateral relationship; male vs. female.
8
This is in accordance with Peter Sutton’s (1982, 182) assessment: ‘Aboriginal personal relations are primarily governed by structures of
kinship and rules of interpersonal behaviour, and by individuals pursuing their interests and careers both in accordance with and despite
these structures and rules.’
14
Avoidance, Politeness and Joking
References
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Amsterdam: John Benjamins. pp 245-361.
Eades, Diana. 1979, 'Gumbaynggir' in Handbook of Australian Languages. vol 1. Canberra: ANU Press
Goddard, Cliff, 1992. ‘Traditional Yankunytjatjara ways of speaking – a semantic perspective.’ in Australian
Journal of Linguistics 12(2): 93-122.
Haviland, John B., 1979. 'Guugu Yimidhirr brother-in-law language'. Language in Society, 8: 365-393.
Heath, J.G., Merlan F., Rumsey, A. , 1982. The languages of kinship in Aboriginal Australia. Sydney: University
of Sydney.
Rumsey, Alan, 1982. ‘Gun-gunma: An Australian Aboriginal avoidance language and its social functions’ in
Heath, J.G., Merlan F., Rumsey, A. , 1982. The languages of kinship in Aboriginal Australia. Sydney:
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Rumsey, Alan. 1993. ‘Language and Territoriality in Aboriginal Australia’ in Michael Walsh and Colin Yallop
(eds) Language and Culture in Aboriginal Australia. Canberra; Aboriginal Studies Press pp. 191-206
Scheffler, Harold W. 1978. Australian Kin Classification. Cambridge University Press.
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Thompson, Donald, 1935. ‘The joking relationship and organized obscenity in north Queensland’. American
Anthropologist N.S. 37, 460-490.
Laves, Gerhardt, 1929-1932, Papers, mainly field notebooks, correspondence and language cards, part of 7
boxes (MS 2188). Linguistic notes for languages of North Coast particularly Gumbaynggirr. Index
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