THE CHANGING ROLE OF THE TRADITIONAL
POLITICAL INSTITUTION IN IBADAN IN THE
TWENTIETH (20 ) CENTURY.
TH
BY
ADENIJI ABIOLA TOSIN
A PROJECT SUBMITTED TO THE DEPARTMENT OF HISTORY
AND INTERNATIONAL STUDIES IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF
THE REQUIREMENT FOR THE AWARD OF BACHELOR OF
ARTS, UNIVERSITY OF ILORIN, ILORIN, NIGERIA.
i
CERTIFICATION
This is to certify that this project was carried out by Adeniji
Abiola Tosin and has been read and approved as meeting parts of
the requirements of the faculty of Arts, University of Ilorin for the
Award of Bachelor of Arts in History and International Studies.
..……………………………
Dr. S.Y Omoiya
Project Supervisor
…………………..………..
Date
..……………………………
Dr. Sam. Aghalino
Head of Department
…………………..………..
Date
..……………………………
External Supervisor
…………………..………..
Date
ii
DEDICATION
This Research work is dedicated to the Almighty God, the
Author and Finisher of my faith. It is He who see me through my
Academic pursuit, all glory and adoration belong to Him alone.
Also, to my precious and wonderful father, Deacon Sunday
Adebayo Adeniji for his fatherly role and to the memory of my late
mother, Mrs Esther Oluwayemisi Temilade Adeniji (Nee Banigbade),
who saw me started but could not see me finishing my academic
pursuit, whose sad event occurred on the 2nd of January, 2009. May
Her Gentle Soul Rest in Perfect Peace (Amen).
iii
ACKNOWLEDGEMENT
I thank the Almighty God for his faithfulness in my life. I shall
forever be indebted to Him. I am also indebted to my supervisor, Dr.
S.Y. Omoiya who devoted his time to read through the essay and
also for his sincere advice throughout the process of the production of
this essay. He has been very fatherly.”
Special thanks are due to all my informants for their advice and
assistance, I am particularly grateful to the member and staff of the
National Archives, Ibadan (N.A.I), most especially Mrs. Omoshule,
Mr. Iyiola of the Department of History, University of Ibadan. The staff
and management of the Research units, University of Ibadan Library
(Kenneth Dike) for their materials and useful suggestions and for the
loans of other books.
My major appreciation goes to my father, Deacon Sunday
Adebayo Adeniji for his support, financially and his prayer throughout
my academic pursuit. I bless God for giving me such a wonderful
father and I pray that God will give him long life to reap the fruit of his
iv
labour. I will also extend my appreciation to my Siblings, Oluwatayo
Adeniji, Oluwabukunmi Adeniji and Oluwatobilola Adeniji. I love you
all.
I am short of words to express my profound gratitude to my
guardian in Ilorin, Mr and Mrs John Adewale Ogunrinde (United
Kingdom), for their support both financially and materially and also for
accommodating me throughout my academic pursuit in Ilorin and for
taking me as their me as their own biological daughter. I say than
you.
I also appreciate the love and care shown to me by my friends
and loved ones, Okolo Julianah, Ibiyemi Akinpeloye, Toyin Ogundola,
Tola and Femi Ademuyiwa, Dayo and Bose Ajewole, Oyewumi
Oyedokun, Asiat Bello, Obagho loveth, Farouq Muinat, Uncle Rotimi,
Uzomah Ukpabi, Falola Olasunkanmi. You are all a friend indeed.
Finally, my utmost thanks goes to my fiancé Adedayo Ebenezer
Akinduro, for his care, love, support and devotion on which I liger. “I
love you”.
I love you all,
Thanks you.
ADENIJI ABIOLA TOSIN
v
CHAPTERIZATION
CHAPTER ONE
1.1
Statement of the problem
1.2
Objective of the Study
1.3
Scope of the Study
1.4
Research Methodology
1.5
Literature Review
Notes and References
CHAPTER TWO
2.1
The Evaluation of Ibadan and its Political Institution
2.2
The Establishment of a New Government in Ibadan
2.3
The Hierarchical Structure of the Political Institution
2.4
Ibadan under Colonial Rule
2.5
The Emergency of Olubadan Title and His Coordinating Roles.
Notes and References
vi
CHAPTER THREE
3.1
New Socio-Political Structure in Ibadan
3.2
Impact of British Intervention in the 19th Century Warfare
3.3
Role of Ibadan in the Extension of British Influence in the
Interior
3.4
The status of Ibadan in the Political Order
Notes and References
CHAPTER FOUR
4.1
Ibadan as the Regional Capital
4.2
Reflections on the Contributions of Ibadan Indigenes
4.3
Impact of Provision of Basic Amenities
4.4
The Economic Order in Ibadan
4.5
Impacts of Politics on Ibadan
4.6
Conclusion
Notes and References
Bibliography
vii
CHAPTER ONE
1.1
STATEMENT OF THE PROBLEM
The need to examine the changing role of Traditional Political
Institution in Ibadan is considered to complement the existing
literature on Ibadan as a polity. Indeed, various aspects of Ibadan
history have been documented and by different scholar but a
sequential appraisal of the changes witnessed by the Traditional
Political Institution have been treated in passing. The desire to
dedicate this project to the issue is to further illuminate an important
aspect of Ibadan history.
Even though, the project focuses on the 20th century. The
events before the period, where the Traditional Institution played
prominent role, will be accommodated to provide an holistic appraisal
of the changes witnessed by the Traditional Political Institution at
Ibadan.
1
1.2
OBJECTIVE OF THE STUDY
The objective of writing on this topic is to examine the different
changes that occurred within the Traditional Political Institution of
Ibadan in the 20th century.
Generally, change is the transformation of an event, a system,
an object or a process. It may either be qualitative or quantitative or
both. The concern of this essay project is primarily with the
transformation and modification of an important event in the
Institution of Ibadan society. These Institutions or units are the offices
of the Traditional Ruler in Ibadan which bestows an identifiable status
on the incumbent.
Although, many scholars both Historians and non-Historians
have
given
considerable
attention
to
the
Period
Colonial
Administration, not only in Ibadan but also in the whole of Yoruba
land.
2
Yet, there is no work which has studied the theme of this essay
in the context of the changing role of the Traditional Political
Institution of Ibadan in the 20th century.
Finally, it is the desire to investigate what changes that
occurred in the Traditional Political Institution of Ibadan in the 20th
century in general.
1.3
SCOPE OF THE STUDY
This study focuses on the events of the 20th century, that is to
say from 1900-1999 but as an historical study, the need to apprise
the period before the period of focus will provide necessary
information that will illuminate the understanding of Ibadan history.
To follow the period before 20th century, a full focus will be on
the period to appraise the changes recorded in both the status and
role of the Traditional Political Institution in Ibadan.
The fact that the 20th century covered the period of colonial
administration, the period when Nigeria became independent and
3
under civil and military administrations, study of this topic will provide
a better understanding of Ibadan history.
1.4
RESEARCH METHODOLOGY / PROBLEM
As an historical documentation on a city like Ibadan, that is
known to be the largest city in West Africa, a multi-disciplinary
research methodology was adopted.
The study began with the study of available literature on various
aspects of Ibadan history. This was followed with the visit to the
National Archive at Ibadan and finally oral data collection was
undertaken. Indeed, Questionnaires were prepared to obtain
information on data based requirements.
Indeed, the experience is worth while. A lot of informant’s were
not readily available and others gave several promises before they
eventually made themselves available.
Finally, the land size of Ibadan, actually constituted another
problem which directly overstress my financial provisions.
4
1.5
LITERATURE REVIEW
Since much has been written on the changes in the Traditional
Political Institution in Ibadanland, they provide a good base for this
study. For instance, books consulted like B.A. Awe: “The Rise of
Ibadan as a Yoruba Power in the Nineteenth Century” and S.
Johnson: “The History of the Yorubas” which agreed on the fact that
Ibadan town was founded as a war camp in the 19th century and also,
they agreed on the pre-colonial political setup of Ibadan based, as it
were on the military.
According to P.C. Lloyd in his book titled “The city of Ibadan”,
Ibadan, that “ethnographic anomaly” as Peter Lloyd tightly terms the
Yoruba cities, unique as an Obaless Yoruba city which clawed its way
to the top eluting the enables and sometimes mindless nineteenth
century Yoruba wars, Ibadan today is the capital of the Western
province of Nigeria, the largest city (though smaller than greater
Lagos according to A.L. Mabogunje) in the country and one of the
largest black African cities on the continent.
5
Also, according to I.B. Akinyele’s book titled “The outline
History of Ibadan”, Ibadan was founded in the in the 16th century,.
Around 1820, an army of Egba, Ijebu, Ife and Oyo people won the
town during their wars with the Fulanis. After a struggle between the
victors, the Oyo gained control in 1829. A system where the Baale
line (civic) and Balogun Isoriki line (military) shared power was
established by 1851, subject to a traditional council resenting both
lines.
Akogun Lekan Alabi’s work titled “Ibadan Chieftaincy System”,
stressed the point on the recognition of the Royal Family who are
expected to be headed by a male member called “Mogaji”. Anyone
selected or elected rather to be the Mogaji of his family must have the
majority support of the family, but a unanimous support is ideal.
J.F.Ade Ajayi’s book titled “Background to Exalted Olubadan’s
Throne” also gave a valuable information which shed more lights on
the instability occasioned by the incessant wars which was one of the
recurring themes in the History of Yorubaland in the Nineteenth
6
century, and it was out of this morbid situation that Ibadan grew. He
made use of oral Tradition that speak of three Ibadan.
First and foremost, Ibadan came into existence in 1829 when
Lagelu, the Jagun (commander-in-Chief) of Ife and Yoruba’s
generalissimo, left Ile-Ife with a handful of people from Ife, Oyo, and
Ijebu to found a new city, Eba Odan, which literally means ‘between
the forest and plains;. According to HRH Sir Isaac Babalola Akinyele,
the late Olubadan (king) of Ibadan (Olu Ibadan means Lord of
Ibadan), in his authoritative book on the history of Ibadan, “Iwe Itan
Ibadan”, printed in 1911, the first city was destroyed due to an
incident at an Egungun (masquerade) festival when an Egungun was
accidentally disrobed and derisively mocked by women and children
in an open market place full of people. In Yorubaland, it was an
abomination for women to look an Egungun in the eye because the
Egunguns were considered to be the dead forefathers who returned
to the earth each year to bless their progeny. When the news
7
reached Sango, the then Alaafin of Oyo, he commanded that Eba
Odan be destroyed for committing such abominable act.
Secondly, Ibadan was historically an Egba town. The Egba
occupants were forced to leave the town and moved to present day
Abeokuta under the leadership of Sodeke when the surge of Oyo
refugees flocked into the towns as an aftermath of the fall of Oyo
kingdom. Ibadan grew into an impressive and sprawling urban center
so much that by the end of 1829, Ibadan dominated the Yoruba
region militarily, politically and economically. The military sanctuary
expanded even further when refugees began attiring in large
numbers from northern Oyo following raids by Fulani warrior. After
losing the northern portion of their region to the marauding Fulanis,
many Oyo indigenes retreated deeper into the Ibadan environs.
Thirdly, Ibadan according to him represented the culmination of
certain development which started from the old Oyo empire. He
asserted that the Fulani caliphate attempted to expend further into the
8
Southern region of modern-day Nigeria, but was decisively defeated
by the armies of Ibadan in 1840.
This work also examines the mutation of an institution in Ibadan
society unit the office of the ruler nitrous of his role, responsibility and
public image. The Ibadan Ruler in the colonial period was known as
Baale and then he was nothing more than a primus Inter Pare (First
Among Equal) at home, because of the Oligardiy rafure of the Ibadan
Government. With the establishment of a colonial state, the Bale was
curtailed both within and without Ibadan in the Twentieth century
which did not satisfy his desire for more power.
Ruth Watson, ‘Civil Disorder is the Disease of Ibadan’:
chieftaincy and civic culture in a Yoruba city. This book captures the
complicated process of acquiring titles and becoming a chief in a
competitive political environment where many individuals defined
their lifetime ambition as acquiring honour through chieftaincy. More
importantly, the book reveals how these titles actually ascribed civic
status. The book shows how a civic political culture had to be
9
created, and how powerful figures operated within it. Without a civic
community, there would be no chiefs. And without chiefs, one may
argue, a civic community of the type described in this book could not
have been created. Merging two eras in history the Pre-Colonial and
Colonial. Watson elaborates upon the relationship between city
politics and chiefs.
10
REFERENCES
B.A. Awe, “The Rise of Ibadan as a Yoruba Power in the Nineteenth
Century”, Ph.D Thesis Oxford University Press, July
1964, PP. 76-120.
G.O. Ogunremi (ed) Ibadan, “An Historical Cultural and SocioEconomic Study of an African City, Ibadan.
I.B. Akinyele, “The Outlines of Ibadan History”. Lagos, Alebiosu
Printing Press 1946-PP6.
J.A. Atanda, “The new Oyo Empire”, Ibadan 1968, Ph.D Thesis. PP
107-215.
J.F. Ade Ajayi, and B. Ikara, “Evolution of Political Culture in Nigeria”,
Ibadan University Press Limited. PP 206-217.
Jenkins .G.D., “Politics in Ibadan”, Ph.D. Thesis (Evanston Illinois,
June 1965) PP 48-55
Ruth Watson, “Civil Disorder is the Disease of Ibadan”: Chieftaincy
and civic culture in a Yoruba city. Oxford and Athens:
James Currey and Ohio University Press. PP 180.
11
P.C. Lloyd, A.L. Mabogunje, and B. Awe, “The city of Ibadan”,
Cambridge: The University Press. 1967. PP 280.
S. Johnson, “The History of the Yorubas” Lagos C.M.S. Nigerian,
Printed in 1951. PP 638-639.
Toyin Falola, “The Political System of Ibadan in the Twentieth
Century. PP 159-165.
12
CHAPTER TWO
2.1
THE
EVOLUTION
OF
IBADAN
AND
ITS
POLITICAL
INSTITUTION
Ibadan is located in South – Western Nigeria. It is the capital of
Oyo State, and is reputed to be the largest indigenous City in Africa,
South of the Sahara. Ibadan had been the centre of administration of
the old Western Region, Nigeria Since the days of the British Colonial
rule. It is situated 78 miles inland from Lagos, and is a prominent
transit point between the coastal region and the areas to the north.
Parts of the City’s ancient Protective walls still stand till today, and its
population is estimated to be about 3,800,000 according to 2006
estimates. The principal inhabitants of the city are the Yoruba.
Ibadan, surrounded by seven hills, is the second largest city in
Nigeria. It came into existence when bands of Yoruba renegades
following the collapse of the Yoruba Oyo Empire, began settling in the
area towards the end of the 18th century; attracted by its strategic
location between the forests and the plains. Its Pre-Colonial history
13
centred on militarism, imperialism and violence. The military
sanctuary expanded even further when refugees began arriving in
large numbers from Northern Oyo following raids by Fulani Warriors.
Ibadan grew into an impressive and sprawling urban center so much
that by the end of 1829, Ibadan dominated the Yoruba region
militarily, politically and economically.
However, the area became a British protectorate in 1893. By
then the population had swelled to 120,000. The British developed
their new colony to facilitate their commercial activities in the area,
and Ibadan shortly grew into the major trading center that it is today.
The colonizers also developed the academic infrastructure of the city.
The first University to be set up in Nigeria was the University of
Ibadan (established as a college of the University of London when it
was founded in 1948, and later converted into an autonomous
University in 1962). The most probable date of the founding of Ibadan
is 1829, when the abandoned settlement of Ibadan was reoccupied
14
by the allied forces of Ijebu, Ife and Oyo, hence, it came to be
regarded as “a war encampment’ of the town of warriors.
From the Onward, Ibadan grew unimportance and has served
as the administrative centre for the whole of Southern Nigeria (19461951). And as the capital of the Western Region (1951-1967). After
this period, the city’s region started to shrink, to cover just the
Western Region (1963-1967); Western state and old Oyo State
(1976-1991), before the creation of Osun State, (1976-1991). It has
been the capital of present Oyo State since 1991. The Political Status
of the city has influenced other aspect of its development. One of
which is the reminiscence of colonial administration. The Government
Secretariat at Agodi and the Government Reservation Areas (GRAs)
A at Agodi, Jesicho and Onireke are relice of that era. The grid
pattern of the residential layout of Oke-Bola and Oke-Ado is also
associated with its activities.
15
2.2
THE ESTABLISHMENT OF A NEW GOVERNMENT IN
IBADAN
Historically, two factors led to the emergence of Ibadan as a
Yoruba town in the 19th century, they were the Owu war and the fall
of the old Oyo Empire. Prior to the 1820’s, Ibadan was a small Egba
village and it was the fall of the old Oyo Empire and the Owu war that
changed its fortune from a village to a town. The old Oyo Empire
which had been declining since the eighteenth century fell to the
Fulani jihadists in 1837 and the headquarters of the empire was laid
to ruin. The fall of the empire and the constant riots and attacks of the
Fulani jihadists led to the flight of the Oyo Yoruba’s South – West
wards to Shaki, Igboho, Iseyin and South Wards to Ijaye and
Egbaland and South East Wards to Owu and Ile-Ife areas. The Oyo
refugees who fled South east wards could not settle down like their
counter parts who fled South Wards and South West Wards. This
was because, on their arrival, they met with war between Ile-Ife and
Owu that is, the Owu wars. The Oyo refugees adapted to the
16
situation and joined the forces of the Ife against Owu, with the
support of the Ijebus, Ife defeated Owu.
Moreover, after this war, Ife soldiers and ijebu soldiers went
home but the Oyo refugees had no except place to settle. Hence,
they decided on plunder. Their target was Egba villages and towns,
they were soon joined in this plunder by some Ijebu and Ife soldiers.
Many of the Egba villages and towns were attacked, plundered and
set on fire. Of all the villages plundered by the victorious allies, only
Ibadan was not destroyed, so this marauding band hastily occupied
the place. Thus, Ibadan was again repeopled not by its former
inhabitants, but by a band of warriors and marauders consisting of
the Oyos, Ifes and Ijebus. No sooner had the warriors and soldiers
settled down in Ibadan, then the civil war broke out amongst them,
each groups struggling for leadership.
At long last, the Oyos became victorious over their Ife rivals.
The defect of the Ife and the death of their leader Maye encouraged
more Oyo refugees to dominate Ibadan. Thus, Ibadan became a
17
predominantly Oyo proper town. Since Ibadan was originally a war
camp, and unlike old Oyo empire not fettered by any tradition and
convention, the town attracted in particular young men eager for
adventure and quick military distinction. Therefore, apart from the
Oyo refugees, people from all parts of Yorubaland came to settle
down in Ibadan. At this time, it was realized by all the residents that if
they intended to make Ibadan their home, a form of government had
to be set up. Since Ibadan owed its rise and the circumstances of its
been repopulated to warfare, the administrative and political
institution of Ibadan could not but reflects the military.
As a result of this, a type of government was set up which could
be described as a military oligarchy. With a new start in politics,
Ibadan rejected the constitutional pattern of other Yoruba towns
based on sacred and hereditary monarchy. Instead, it gave political
authority to men who according to Jenkins showed the qualities of
bravery, wealth, leadership, youthful vigour and experience which the
city need in its early difficult years. After the death of Maye, Oluyedun
18
was made the Are-ona-kakanfo and head of the Ibadans. The
Kakanfo was a military title and showed the importance of the
military. Lakanle became the Otun-kakanfo and Oluyole became the
Osi-kakanfo. There are other titles like Ashipa-kakanfo, Ekerinkakanfo, Ekarun, Are-Abese and Sarumi etc. Labosinde was made
the Oluwo of Ibadan and Baba’sale. All these titles were military titles
except the last one.
This type of administrative system showed the role that warfare
was going to play in the history of Ibadan in 19th century. Looking at
these types of political set up, the great anomaly that one finds when
one compares it with what operated in some other Yoruba towns in
the 19th century was the absence of an Oba or Crowned head. The
reason for this was that none of the early warriors was a royal prince
of sufficient status to establish a royal rule. Oluyedun, the Oyo ruler
was a son of Afonja, he thus had high prestige but his father had
never become a crowned ruler.
19
Similarly, Oluyole later to rule Ibadan as Bashorun was only
related maternally to the Alafin of Oyo and hence he was not qualified
to be called royal prince. These political institutions which were
mainly military title persisted in Ibadan to this day, but as time went
on, modifications were made, these modifications started with
Oluyole who became the Bale in 1830.
According to I.B. Akinyele, Oluyole was credited for “organizing
Ibadan ceased to be a war camp”. The chieftaincy titles of Ibadan
was later divided into two major lines; the military and the civil lines.
Under these two categories, there were five separate line of chiefs.
Namely:- The Bale, Balogun, Seriki, Sarumi and the Iyalode. At the
apex of the main military line was the Balogun and at the top of the
main civil line was the Bale. Below these main title holders, that is,
the Bale and the Balogun was the subordinate chief bearing titles
significant to their positions beside their leaders on the battlefield and
their sitting position at the council meeting. The second military line
was headed by the Seriki which was made up of young warriors of
20
less experience and the second civil line was headed by Iyalode
which was to represent womens interests. Thus, the Bale’s line, the
Balogun’s line and the Seriki’s line respectively were the most
important and the titles were not hereditary.
The most important qualification for these chieftaincy titles was
a man’s merit as a soldier, whereas in the case of the civil line, the
main qualification was simply personal merit or contribution to the
development of the town. There existed within these lines of
chieftaincy titles a system of promotion from the lowest to the highest
rank either of the Bale or the Balogun. There are other qualifications
for attaining a title, for instance, an aspirant had to observe certain
forms of behaviour expected of all chiefs.
In general, aspirant must perform patriotic duties to the benefit
of the town. Also, a man had to be influential among people in high
ranking positions and he needs to have large number of groups of
followers who should be able to plead his cause readily and
frequently.
21
2.3
THE HIERARCHICAL STRUCTURE OF THE POLITICAL
INSTITUTION
Ibadan was a Republic and its political and administrative
structure followed an hierarchical pattern. At the bottom of the
system, there was a government at the lineage level. The lineage
refers to the descendants of a kinship groups. Also, at the apex of the
lineage was a Mogaji with hierarchical judicial system. The lineage
courts had initial jurisdiction over marriage and divorce, land matters,
petty quarrels and all matters in which both contestants were from the
same village. The judicial procedure in the lineage was informal,
since its main purpose was for the maintenance of peace in the
lineage. Disputes beyond the lineage court and involving members of
the other compounds were dealt with at the chief’s courts. There was
a central administrative council which consisted of the Bale and the
Balogun, in addition were the next six chiefs from each of their
respective lines. This included the Seriki and Iyalode. A sum total of
22
sixteen chiefs made up the council. The Bale was the head of the
government and the post was won usually by an ex-Balogun.
It is important to note that, the post of a Bale was not
hereditary. Theoretically, actual leadership rested with the Bale, and
political decisions which did not involve wars were made by the civil
chiefs. In practice however, political power rested with the military
chiefs. This is not surprising, considering the fact that Ibadan was a
political society. Secondly, only the military chiefs as a result of their
profession could maintain and control a large number of followers on
which the prestige of a chief depended in Ibadan.
The reason why the bale could not wield effective power as the
military chiefs was that the post of a Bale was usually taken by old
men who could no longer make any distinguished military
contributions.
The government of Ibadan before the British arrival involved the
Bale in council. The council had certain functions it used to perform
on its own in the administration of the town and the lineages. The
23
council was expected to direct military policy but the army was
usually raised through the lineages. Among the roles performed by
the chiefs are decisions on questions of security, and customs
collection at the town gates. The actual collection of customs was
however supervised by the lineages whose compounds were located
at the town gates. The council was responsible for appointing new
chiefs and for promoting chiefs to higher posts and also, the
appointment of a new Bale.
It is pertinent to note that the decisions of the council are final in
any question it deals with and at any level. Another important role of
the council of chiefs was in its capacity as the supreme court of the
town, since minor case were settled in the lineage courts, the chiefs
court really served as an appeal court for the lineage, it could either
be the Bale’s court or the court of any chief under them. In a very
interacting manner, the council posed as an “arbitrator, mediator and
coordinator” among the other institutions of the society. The council
relied on the other institution of the society for the execution of its
24
policies. Since there was at no time a central treasury independent of
the council, the expenses of the Bale’s administration were derived
from the city’s treasury. There was no special council meeting room
or court room, all being situated in the reigning Bale’s house.
Furthermore, the Bale’s household consisted of messengers,
intermediaries and ambassadors. On the death of a Bale, all the
physical facilities, treasury and the civil service of his administration
were absorbed by his household, and a new one will be effectively
succeeded by a successor. By far, the most important function of the
council however lies in its capacity as the supreme court of the town.
As it had been mentioned earlier, minor cases within the lineage were
settled in the lineage or compound court. The final appeal court of the
town was the weekly council court which used to meet on Monday s
with the Bale as president. The council court could sit as appeal court
for the lower courts of the lineage and the chief’s court but it had
original jurisdiction in cases with political implications and those
25
involving the death penalty such as major thefts, murder or adultery
with a chief’s wife.
In carrying out its judicial function, the council had no jail, no
policemen and no law enforcement agents of its own, as such it had
no other institutions of the society like the Ogboni, and the Ogboni
had the final say in a case. For instance, where public sentiment was
not fully in accord with the judicial decision. Another method of
compelling obedience to the council’s decision was in general
plundering and devastation. For example, if the council had any case
to decide the death of a chief, his followers might like to council might
declare the chief’s compound open to the general public. His
compound will be broken into and be devastated. The chief had to
choose between having his compound devastated or committing
suicide. There was no fixed official residence or Afin for the Bale.
From this description of the hierarchical structure of the political
institution of Ibadan, one notices that there was a remarkable
difference between the government of Ibadan and that of most of the
26
other Yoruba town. Formerly a war camp and populated mainly by
warriors, Ibadan developed a type of administrative structure and
political institutions suitable only for a military society. This was an
open and democratic society, in which there was no group of people
or society that wielded great and unrestrained power in the
administration of Ibadan like the Oyomesi in Oyo ile, the Ogboni or
Osugbo in Abeokuta and Ijebu respectively. The Ogboni was active in
Ibadan but not as a regular part of the political structure, it was only
called in when its services were needed especially in the
administration of justice and peace.
To this end, this unique type of administrative system based on
the military operated in Ibadan unit the eve of the imposition of
colonial rule. However, when Ibadan came under the British rule in
1893 and with the imposition of peace on Yorubaland, and the
system of indirect rule, changes began to occur in the political
administration of the chieftaincy institution in Ibadan. An executive
council of senior chiefs was established in 1897 with the Resident
27
officer as its president. The Oja’ba Native Administrative Court was
opened in 1903 and the chiefs began to lose their customary rights to
private jurisdiction.
2.4
IBADA UNDER COLONIAL RULE
As a result of the Agreement of August 1893, Ibadan came
under British colonial rule and the effects of the impact of colonialism
on the political institutions of Ibadan were great. These effects were
brought about by certain administrative policies of the British colonial
government. In the pre-colonial period as it has been mentioned
earlier on, the political institutions of Ibadan were a reflection of the
military society which Ibadan was. One of the most important
considerations in the appointment of chiefs was their achievement on
the battlefield. In the council, the war chiefs on the Balogun and Seriki
lines were more influential than the civil chiefs on the Bale’s line. The
system of attaining chieftaincy through performance on the battlefield
accounted for much of the Ibadan constant warfare in the 19th
century. With a government which encouraged military exploits and a
28
people who found in military activities a means of climbing the ladder
of the political hierarchy of the city, also with a very strong army,
Ibadan by the middle of the nineteenth century had emerged as a
great imperial power in Yorubaland.
However, in 1886, the British government in Lagos had
intervened to put an end to the endemic warfare in Yorubaland by the
treaty of peace, friendship and commerce. This was not the end of
warfare in Yorubaland. The death blow against warfare was struck in
1893 when Governor Carter sent captain Bower of the Ijebu-Ode
campaign as the president at Ibadan and the Traveling commissioner
to supervise the peace in Yorubaland. The stationing of Bower in
Ibadan by the British was not surprising. The British realized that
Ibadan was the most powerful militarily and the most aggressive
power in Yorubaland before colonial rule.
The imposition of peace in Yorubaland greatly affected the
political institution of Ibadan. ‘The Ibadan army never took of field
again’. As the political institution of Ibadan had been fashioned to suit
29
a military society, the new peace time in Ibadan history affected those
institutions. First, the position of the Bale. In Ibadan Political tradition,
the Bale as it has been previously mentioned was supposed to be an
ex-Balogun. But in reality no Balogun had ever succeeded a Bale
because according to I.B. Akinyele every Balogun wanted to
distinguish himself in a battle before he became the Bale and in their
attempt to fulfill their desire they died. Thus it was usually the
immediate subordinate of the Balogun like the Otun Balogun or
Balogun that became the Bale. However, in 1893 as a result of the
imposition of peace, Akintola the Balogun became the first Balogun to
out live the Bale and to be eligible for Baleship. However in 1895
Akintola declined the post of Bale, because he and the young chiefs
under him still entertained the hope that the white men would soon
go. “So that he would be able to carry the title of Balogun to war”. As
a result of Akintola’s decline to take the post of Bale, the position
passed to Oshuntoki. This as the first time an Otun Bale would
become a Bale in Ibadan. An interesting outcome of the end of
30
warfare on the political institutions of Ibadan can be seen in an
occurrence in 1904. When Fajimi the successor of Oshuntoki died in
1904, Kongi the Balogun wanted to become the Bale but he was
opposed by the chiefs on the ground that “no Balogun had ever
become the Bale”. This was an irony in the history of the political
institutions of Ibadan. It was indeed a fact that no Balogun had ever
become bale in Ibadan but the Bale had always been a chief from the
Balogun’s line.
However, from 1895 Akinyele commented that “it became the
fashion that the Otun Bale should become the Bale”. This was a
situation brought about not by direct interference of the British in the
political institutions of Ibadan, but rather it was an indirect result of the
imposition of peace on a military society by the British.
Also, with the end of the inter-tribal wars, the consideration of a
man’s valour on the battlefield as a qualification for appointing him as
a chief or promoting him in the chieftaincy hierarchy declined. Wealth
succeeded as a qualification for chieftaincy instead of valour on the
31
battlefield. According to I.B. Akinyele “men began to use their riches
to fight for title”.
Moreover, from 1912 – 1913 when captain Ross and the Alafin
of Oyo virtually became of Ibadan were appointed, promoted and
dismissed by the Alafin. The chiefs now sought promotion by intrigue
each chief trying to dislodge the other by bringing them into the black
book of Captain Ross and the Alafin so as to secure the position of
the dispossessed. Examples of chief who were dislodge in this way
were Bale Irefin who was deposed in 1914, Shittu in 1925 and
Balogun Ola in 1918.
Thus the imposition of peace in Yourbaland by the British in
1893 brought changes in the political institutions of Ibadan. But these
changes far from being precautionary, had a modifying effect on the
political institutions of Ibadan. The political structure still remained the
same. There were civil and military chiefs at least in appointing and
promoting chiefs and the function of some of the chiefs.
32
2.5
THE EMERGENCY OF OLUBADAN TITLED AND HIS
COORDINATING ROLES
From 1906-1931 Captains Ross had pursued a policy of
making Oyo the sole administrator of Ibadan and the rest of the Oyo
provinces. And as it has been pointed out, this policy brought
important changes in the political institution. From 1931, however
changes of opinion were introduced about the policy of indirect rule in
Nigeria. This change of opinion was due to a number of factors.
First in 1931, Captain Ross had retired as the Resident of Oyo
province and he had left Nigeria for good. Secondly, the appointment
of Sir Cameron as the Governor of Nigeria was important for the
review of indirect rule. Sir Cameron had a liberal view of indirect rule
which was to associate more people with the Native and to base
indirect rule on the consent of the people over whom such authority
would be exercised. The third factor was the appointment of Mr. H.C.
Ward Prince like Sir Cameron had a liberal view of indirect rule and
he believed that jurisdiction of a native authority should be based on
33
the consent of the people and on this basis he pressed that the power
of the Alafin on Ibadan should be broken.
Apart from the review of the indirect rule in the 1930’s, other
changes were occurring which had great impact on the political
institutions of Ibadan. Ibadan in the 1930 was fast becoming an urban
and modern city. The economy had expanded, cash crops were
developed. The Christian community in Ibadan which used to be
mainly the C.M.S. mission established by David Hinderer in the
1850’s had diversified greatly and the Roman Catholics, the
Methodists, the Baptist and African Churches assumed increasing
importance. An increasing number of schools sprang up for Muslims
and Christians. The first grammar school, the Ibadan Grammar
School had been founded in 1913 by the Ibadan District Council and
the C.M.S. so by the beginning of the twentieth had grown and had
turned out a number of educated Ibadans. Among whom were Rev.
Alexander Akinyele, his brother Isaac Akinyele, D.A. Obasa and Rev.
D.A. Williams. In 1914 the leaders of the Christian community
34
including I.B. Akinyele and Alexander Akinyele had formed a society
known as Egbe Agba Otun, an historical and cultural society. During
the ‘reign’ of Ross in Ibadan the society went underground because
of Ross’s hostility to the educated elites in Ibadan.
In 1930, the Ibadan progressive union was formed and it grew
out of the Egbe Agba Otun. The Ibadan progressive union (I.P.U) was
largely composed of educated Christians who sought to effect reform
by agitating what was described as Oyo oppression. The I.P.U was
fortunate to have at the helm of affairs in Oyo province Mr. H.C. Ward
Price the Resident who shared its view that Ibadan should be set free
from Oyo oppression. With the influence of the I.P.U. Mr H.C. Ward
Price brought a lot of changes into the Oyo province which affected
the political institution of Ibadan. When Ward Prince returned from his
first leave, the I.P.U. asked for three gifts, water, electricity and the
return of education councilors to the council. Educated Councilors
had been elected into the council by Resident Elgee in 1903 but they
had been dismissed by Ross. The request of the I.P.U. for the return
35
of educated councilors into the council was granted and two I.P.U.
candidates Isaac Akinyele and J.O. Aboderin were accepted by the
chiefs.
Importantly, through the influence of the I.P.U. on Resident
H.C. Ward Prince, the break up of the Oyo Empire was hastened and
the break up occurred in 1934. The result of the breakup was that
Ibadan became a Native Authority, independent of the Alafin of Oyo.
Another success won by the I.P.U. was that they succeeded in their
struggle to being on equal footing with Oyo by having the title of the
Bale changed to Olubadan of Ibadan meaning “head of Ibadan or
Lord of Ibadan” in 1936. This was a significant change in the position
of the Bale now Olubadan who had now been elevated above the
other chiefs in the council both in status and in authority.
While these changes were taking place in the composition of
the council and the status of the Bale, changes were also taking
place in the chieftaincy system of Ibadan. According to I.B. Akinyele,
in his book “Outline of Ibadan History”, he said, “we are thankful to
36
God that the present Olubadan realized the importance of good
character. He showed his appreciation by raising some of the
educated sons of the soil to chieftaincy”. The new educated chiefs
were Salami Agbaje who became Are Alasa, Mr I.B. Akinyele an excouncillor became the Asaju Balogun and he was later to become the
first educated Olubadan of Ibadan, and J.O. Aboderin became the
Akogun of Ibadan. The appointment of educated men as chiefs by the
Oulbadan of Ibadan was an important development in the chieftaincy
system. It should that the Oluadan was identifying the political
institution of Ibadan with the educational pre-colonial policy by which
chiefs were appointed principally on the basis of their performance on
the battlefield, the appointment of the education elite to chieftaincy
position was a great change.
Also, the Olubadan has the sweeping powers to depose or peg
a chief, irrespective of the person’s position on the chieftaincy line. By
implication, high chiefs on the lower cadre could be promoted above
a high chief whose position was pegged. Even when forgiven in the
37
event that he was penitent, the promotion would not be reversed
while the offending high chief served his punishment. For instance,
during the reign of Oba Fijabi II, between 1948 and 1952, a wealthy
BAlogun, who was next to Olubadan, was said to have had his
chieftaincy pegged. About the same time, a holder of the title of OsiOlubadan was also hammered for acts of disloyalty to the cause of
Ibadanland, an offence regarded as treasonable felony.
To this end, Oba Ognudipe, the 39th Olubadan, ascended the
throne on 7 May 1999 and died in 2007 at the age of 87. He was
succeeded by Oba Samuel Odulana, 93, Odugade 1. Although the
role is now largely symbolic, the Olubadan is still an influential figure
and is not hesitant to attack local political leaders on issues such as
violence, corruption and lack of true democracy in the region.
LIST OF OLUBADAN
 Ba’ale Maye Okunade (1820-1830)
 Ba’ale Oluyedun
 Ba’ale Lakanle
38
 Bashorun Oluyole 1850
 Ba’ale Oderiola 1850
 Ba’ale Oyeshile Olugbode 1815-1864
 Ba’ale Ibikunle 1864-1865
 Bashorun Ogunmola 1865-1867
 Ba’ale Akere 1 1867-1870
 Ba’ale Orowusi 1870-1871
 Are Ona Kakanfo Obadoke Latosa 1871-1885
 Ba’ale Ajayi Osungbekun 1885-1893
 Ba’ale Fijabi 1 1893-1895
 Ba’ale Oshuntoki 1895-1897
 Ba’ale Fajinmi 1897-1902
 Ba’ale Mosaderin 1902-1904
 Ba’ale Dada Opadare 1904-1907
 Ba’ale Sunmonu Apampa 1907-1910
 Ba’ale Akintayo Awanibaku Elenpe 1910-1912
 Ba’ale Irefin 1912-1914
39
 Ba’ale Shittu Latosa (Son of Are Latosa) 1914-1925
 Ba’ale Oyewole Foko 1925-1929
 Olubadan Okunola Abass 1930-1946 (1st Olubadan)
 Olubadan Akere 1 1946
 Olubadan Oyetunde 1 1946
 Olubadan Akintunde Bioku 1947-1948
 Olubadan Fijabi II 1948-1952
 Olubadan Alli Iwo 1952
 Olubadan Apete 1952-1955
 Oba Isaac Babalola Akinyele 1955-1964
 Oba Yesufu Kobiowu July 1964-December 1964
 Oba Salawu Akanni Aminu 1965-1971
 Oba Shittu Akinola Oyetunde II 1971-1976
 Oba Gbadamosi Akanbi Adebimpe 1967-1977
 Oba Daniel ‘Tayo Akinbiyi 1977-1982
 Oba Yesufu Oloyede Asanike 1 1982-1994
 Oba Emmanuel Adegboyega Operinde 1 1994-1999
40
 Oba Yunusa Ogundipe Arapasowu 1 1999-2007
 Oba Samuel Odulana Odugade 1 2007-present
41
REFERENCES
Abdullahi Smith, “A little new light on the collapse of the Alafinate of
Yoruba”. PP 18-21
Akinyele I.B. “Iwe Itan Ibadan”, James Townsend and Sons Limited,
England 1946. PP 60-66
J.A. Atanda, “An Introduction to Yoruba Histology”, Ibadan University
Press. PP 18-22
K.B.C. Onwubiko, History of West Africa from 1000 to Present day.
PP 85-89.
J.A. Atanda, “Indirect rule in western Nigeria” 1594-1934. PP 66-70
Toyin Falola, “The Political economy of a Pre-Canonical African
State”, Ibadan 1830-1900
Obaro Ikhime, “A Groundwork of Nigerian History”, Heinemann
Educational Books (Nigeria) Plc. PP 280-301.
Obaro Ikime (Eds.), “West Africa Chiefs”, Ibadan University Press,
1970-216
Obaro Ikime, “Indirect rule in the Northern Nigeria”, Tarikh vol. 3 No
3, PP 1-15
S.A. Akintoye, “Revolution and Power Politics in Yorubaland” 18401893, Longman, London 1971. PP 33-74.
42
CHAPTER THREE
3.1
NEW-SOCIO-POLITICAL STRUCTURE IN IBADAN
Education, being of the social development experienced in
Ibadan in the 19th century contributed a great deal to the political and
economic development of the people of Ibadan. Muslims, Christians
and Traditional were given educational opportunities in Ibadan. As a
result of this, people became exposed to Western values and
Western health care system. Not only that, people began to know and
understand the importance of social amenities like electricity, pipeborne water which make life worth living for the people of Ibadan.
The few people who were educated participated actively in
political activities in the then Western region and Nigeria as a while.
People like Late Bode Thomas, Late Chief Adegoke Adelabu and
others let the people know and understand the position of Ibadan in
the politics of Nigeria. These politicians used their education to foster
political development of Ibadan and also to create political
disturbances that engulfed Nigeria in the 20th century and which also
43
affected Ibadan. In 1962, there was political unrest in the Western
region, there was serious assassination threats.
Social development again influenced the economic activities of
the people of Ibadan. They now traded far and near. As a result of
this commercial activities led to rapid economic development in
ibadan. Their articles of trade now include the adopted European
materials such as shoes and clothes. Trading in locally made
materials such as pottery, craftwork was also boosted. This inturn
generated income for the traders of Ibadan.
Moreover, Western education had great impact on the economy
of Ibadan. Coca planting was encouraged as well as its trade. The
religious aspect of social and political development is vivid. It was
said that the new religions made valuable contribution to the social,
political, economic and cultural lives of the people of Ibadan. Because
the Christian missions were found in almost every sector of the
society. They were in the forefront in the promotion of Western
education, orthodox health services and in the agricultural sector.
44
Western education which is the bane of the social and political
development in Ibadan is attributable to the advent of Christianity.
The Christian missions introduced the Western education. The
Islamic education and Christian education wanted to reduce Yoruba
language to writing, but the Christians adopted the Roman alphabet
which was later put into proper use.
3.2
IMPACT
OF
BRITISH
INTERVENTION
IN
THE
19TH
CENTURY WARFARE
One of the political causes of the 19th century warfare was the
collapse of the central authority and army of Oyo following the
successful revolt of Afonja the Kakanfo in 1817. The consequent
establishment of an independent state of Ilorin by him marked the
beginning of the warfare in Yorubaland in the 19th century. As the
strong controlling and uniting hand of the central authority was no
more, Yorubaland was thrown into confusion and strife as the obas or
provincial governor following the example of Afonja began to carve
45
out kingdoms for themselves and the traditional hostilities between
the various towns were let loose.
Importantly, the Fulani menace on Yorubaland was another
important outbreak of the 19th century warfare. The Fulani pressure
on the northern Yoruba states with the consequent conquest of old
Oyo in 1837 generated a southward population movement which
accentuated the civil wars as refugees fleeing south from the Fulani
onslaught sought new settlements but were resisted by the resident
inhabitants. The Fulani contributed to the civil wars not only by
warring on the northern Yoruba states, but also by the skill with which
they set one king against another in order to increase the area under
their control.
The state of civil strife in Yoruba land was aggravated by the
struggle for supremacy among the provincial kings or obas to the
south. They sized the opportunity of the confused situation to expand
their states at the expenses of each other. The Owu war (1821-1825)
is a typical example. The Ijebu allied with Ife to destroy owu town
46
whose inhabitants fled into Egba territory. Then the Ijebu in alliance
with Ife and Oyo destroyed several Egba towns. It was refugees from
these wars that funded Ibadan in 1829 and Abeokuta in 1830. these
two towns soon developed into powerful city-states and joined in the
struggle for supremacy.
3.3
ROLE OF IBADAN IN THE EXTENSION OF BRITISH
INFLUENCE IN THE INTERIOR
The long wars in the interior were no doubt affecting trade in
Lagos adversely. In 1861, Lagos had become a British colony and
the British Governor there depended on customs duties from trade to
maintain the Lagos administration. If trade was to go on, then the
British must intervene to stop the endless wars in Yorubaland as
these wars were hampering the free flow of trade to and from the
coast. So various attempts were made to extend British political
influence to the hinterland in order to bring the wars to an end.
The opportunity for British intervention came when the Egbado
long oppressed by the Egba appealed to the British Governor to
47
place them under British protection. Thus in 1890, Governor Moloney
established a small British garrison at Ilaro the capital of Egbado.
This marked the beginning of British military occupation of Yoruba
land. In 1892, a punitive expedition was sent against Ijebu. As
Crowther put it, “The speedy defeat of the Ijebu was the most
significant step in the British occupation of Yorubaland”.
In 1893, Abeokuta entered into a treaty with the British
Governor Gilbert Carter. She agreed to submit all disputes between
the Egba and the British to the Governor’s arbitration allow free trade
and abolish human sacrifice provided her independence was
guaranteed. A similar treaty made with the Alafin of Oyo granted the
British free access to all Yorubaland, promised free trade, the
toleration of Christianity, abolition of human sacrifice, and not to enter
into any treaties with other powers without the permission of the
Governor of Lagos.
Finally, in the same year (1893), Ibadan accepted a similar
treaty after it had been assured that it would not compromise her
48
independence. However, this treaty made Ibadan the headquarters of
Yorubaland. Following this, a British Resident and a small force were
stationed in Ibadan.
3.4
THE STATUS OF IBADAN IN THE POLITICAL ORDER
By 1840, Ibadan evolved into on essentially military state.
Though, the almost university Yoruba chieftaincy system of two
coders of chiefs (the civil and the military) had emerged at Ibadan, in
practice, qualification for a chieftaincy title was usually decided by
military prowess. Chieftaincy title was not hereditary. Any man,
regardless of his place of origin of his birth, could become a chief, if
he showed that requisite military capabilities and could rise by
promotion to the leadership of Ibadan State. Many adventurous men
from all over Yorubaland migrated to Ibadan to seek the military
honours which they could not hope to advice in their own place of
origin.
In this regard, Akintoye in his book Revolution and Power
Politics in Yorubaland 1840-1893 has noted that “Chieftaincy title in
49
Ibadan was not hereditary”, however, the assertion by Akintoye that
“any man, regardless of his place of origin or his birth, could become
a chief and could rise by promotion to the leadership of the Ibadan
state”. This statement would however need more clarification. Even
though Ibadan is an egalitarian society which was based on
Republican constitution, the point still remains that not “any man”
could assumed the political destiny of Ibadan. It is a tradition that
whoever aspire to become the political chief in Ibadan and especially
the Olubadan of Ibadan ought to be an Oyo Yoruba man.
The first man to hold a title in Ibadan was Oluyedun.
Immediately, the man took charge of Ibadan town after the defeat of
Maye, the elders met and appointed oluyedun as their heads. And, he
too conferred chieftaincy titles on important military men and
distinguished civilians. Lakanle was made the Otun Kakanfo, Oluyole
was made the Osi Kankafo while Bankole became Asipa. The Bale
himself assumed his father’s title Are-Ona Kankafo. However, after
the death of Oluyedun, Oluyole became the Basorun. The first
50
chieftaincy arrangement was made, his reign could also be
associated with regular order of creating titles.
Ibadan under Oluyole adopted an open door policy to all new
comers
whatever
their
antecedents.
Ibadan
political
and
administrative institutions could not in the circumstances of the early
period in the 19th century but be a reflection of military society.
Indeed, in no other Yoruba town was there such close interrelationship between the military and the political aspect of
government. Thus, it could be said that Ibadan had a lot of
advantages through this was unlike the other towns such as
Abeokuta, where group of immigrants from various towns still
maintained their separate identities under the separate leaders.
After Oluyole, Ibadan drew and redrew its constitution,
particularly as affecting chieftaincy institution. Offices were now
created as the necessary for them arose.
51
REFERENCES
A.B. Fafunwa: “History of Education in Nigeria”. Pp. 141-148.
B.A. Awe: “The end of an experiment: The Collapse of the Ibadan
Empire 1877-1893”, J.H.S.N. volume 3 No 2, December
1965 P. 221
E.A. Ayandele: The Missionary impact on Modern Nigeria 18421914. Western Printing Services Limited, Bristol, Great
Britain, 1966. p. 298 – 343.
J.A. Atanda: “ An Introduction to Yoruba History PP 41 – 43.
K. Morgan: “Akinyele’s Outline History of Ibadan” Ibadan, Caxon
Press. Pp 31.
L. Richard Sklat: “ Nigerian Political Parties” Nok Publisher
International, New York, 1963, pp 289 – 290.
M. Crwther: “The Story of Nigeria” (London, Faber and Faber, 1962)
pp. 157-159.
Rev. Father Oguntuyi: Aduloju Dodondawa”, 2nd Edition (Ibadan,
1957) pp. 40 – 42.
Samuel Johnson: “The History of Yoruba from the earliest times.
(Lagos, C.S.S. Book Shop, 1973) pp. 321 – 329.
W. Ojo: “Folk History from Imesi-Ile, Nigeria 1953. pp 40 – 42.
52
CHAPTER FOUR
4.1
REFLECTIONS ON THE CONTRIBUTIONS OF IBADAN
INDIGENES
The central council of Ibadan Indigenes (CCII) was founded in
June 1982, by the Ibadan Progressive Union (IPU), Lagelu “16” club
and the Ibadan Descendant Union (IDU) University of Ibadan / The
Polytechnic,
Ibadan.
These
three
indigenous
socio-cultural
organizations were convinced that Ibadanland was blessed with
abundant human and material resources. Indeed, they believed that
all indigenes should pool these resources for the sustained growth of
the frontline city in black Africa. There was also the deep seated
conviction that such an umbrella organization would advance the
interest of the people of Ibadanland.
Today, the council is the umbrella body of all clubs, societies,
union and Associations of Ibadan stock in various sphere of life
worldwide with over 140 constitution clubs in Nigeria, United
Kingdom, United States of America, Saudi Arabia etc. His Royal
53
Majesty, the Olubadan of Ibadanland is its Grand patron. CCII’s first
president was late chief S.I. Amade, the former Treasurer of Ibadan
Native Authority that later metamorphosed into Ibadan phunicipal
Government. A member of the Ibadan Progressive Union (IPU) he
was the president from 1982 to 1989. Late Chief Oseni Oyetunji
Bello, one of the most respect cooperative Administrators in Nigeria,
succeeded him in 1989. He served the council with dignity
irrepressible charm and dedication. The next National President
indicted in 1996 was Chief Jacob Olabode Amoo, OON, a
distinguished industrialist and philanthropist par excellence. The
current National President is Chief Yusuf Akande Akano, a
distinguished legal practitioner. All these men have used their robust
intelligence, strategic thinking and resourcefulness to improve the
fortune of CCII.
The central council of Ibadan indigenes has also benefited from
the caliber of men who have held its secretariat; special mention must
be made of Dr. T. Adejare Fadare who guided the affairs of the
54
councils secretariat for eight years during pioneering days. He was
succeed as the Secretary General by Alhaji B.A.O. Ladeji, who also
served CCII with exemplary dedication. His successor in office was
Dr. Niyi Adelakun, in 1997. On his appointment as the commissioner
for education Oyo State in 1999, Mogaji Gbade Ishola became the
acting Secretary General between 1999 and 2001, at the critical
stage of caretaker arrangement, Chief bayo Oyero, a seasoned
technocrat served as the secretary General between October 2001
and May 2003. from 2nd May 2002, Mr. Olatunji Muhammad Oladejo,
a young, dynamic and prodigious University Administrator became
the Acting National Secretary. Again, Mogaji Gbade Ishola took over
as the National Secretary from May 6, to May 2005.
Really, all these worthy Ibadan men have served the central
council of Ibadan Indigenes\ with great commitment and brought
dignity to the council’s various periodic and annual activities. In
periods of crisis, the council has profited immensely from their maze
of experience. In 1998, the foundation laying ceremony of the Ibadan
55
House was performed. The complex which is the secretariat of the
central council of Ibadan Indigenes is the first socio-cultural
organization multipurpose building in Nigeria. The complex which sits
on 5.233 hectares at the foot of Agala hill, Oke Aremo Ibadan has
been commissioned by then Kabiyesi His Royal Majesty Late Oba
Y.B. Ogundipe CFR Arapasowu 1 on Saturday 26th May, 2007. it
comprises a main hall for about 500 people reserved mainly for
activities such as conferences / meetings, board-rooms, symposia,
social engagement etc.
Also, it contains the office block for various administrative
operations of the central council of Ibadan Indigenes. The council
organization various activities throughout the year round to improve
the quality of life of the people of Ibadanland. One of these activities
is the Annual Ibadan week celebration that was first held in 1992, with
the overall aim of uniting all indigenes for self help. The council keeps
growing like an oak tree everyday.
56
4.2
IMPACT OF PROVISION OF BASIC AMENITIES
The first University to be set up in Nigeria was the University of
Ibadan. Established as a college of an autonomous University in
1962. It has the distinction of being one of the premier educational
institutions in Africa. The polytechnic Ibadan is also located in the
city. There are also numerous public and private primary and
secondary schools located in the city. Other noteworthy institutions in
the city include the University of Ibadan Teaching Hospital also
known as University College Hospital (UCH) which is the first
teaching
hospital
International
in
Institute
Nigeria;
of
the
Tropical
internationally
Agriculture
acclaimed
(IITA);
Nigerian
Institution of Social and Economic Research (NISER). Also cocoa
Research Institution of Nigeria, the National Horticultural Research
Institute (NIHORT), all under the auspices of Agricultural Research
Council of Nigeria; the Forestry Research Institute of Nigeria.
Ibadan has an airport, Ibadan Airport, and was served by the
Ibadan Railway Station on the main railway line from Lagos to Kano.
57
(No longer operating). The bad economic situation in the country has
adversely affected the quality of public transportation. The city is
respectively well linked by road, rail and air both domestic and
internationally. The intra city road network provide the major links with
its different parts. Recently, the Ibadan – Lagos expressway, the Ring
road network were built to ease traffic congestion in the city.
Also, Ibadan has many recreational centres and tourist centres
of attraction: Liberty stadium the first stadium in Africa and Lekan
Salami stadium, the polo club, the botanical Garden, the Zoological
Garden and The Trans Wonderland Amusement Park. The cultural
centre, Mapo Hall, Ido, cenotaph and Bowers Tower are other tourist
centres of historical value. Another prominent landmark, cocoa
House, was the first skyscraper in Africa. It is one of the few
skyscrapers in the city and is at the hub of Ibadan commercial centre.
There is also a museum in the building of the Institute of African
Studies, which exhibits several remarkable pre-historic bronze
58
carvings and statues. The city has several well stocked libraries and
is home to the first television station in Africa.
4.3
THE ECONOMIC ORDER IN IBADAN
With its strategic location on the non-operational railway line
connecting Lagos to Kano, the city is a major centre for trade in
cassava, cocoa, cotton, timber, rubber, and palm oil. The main
industries in the area include the processing of agricultural products;
Tobacco processing and cigarette (manufacture); flour milling, leather
– working and furniture-making. There is abundance of clay, kaolin
and aquamarine in its environs, and there are several cattle ranches,
a dairy farm as well as a commercial abattoir in Ibadan.
Dugbe market is the nerve center of Ibadan’s transport and
trading network. The haphazard layout of the city’s rods and streets
contribute largely to the disorderly traffic and make it very difficult to
locate and reach destinations. The best method to move about the
city is to use reference points and notable land markets.
59
Ibadan has a few other important industries establishment like
the confectionaries, oil processing plants, soft drinks, bottling and
food factories, feed mills, tobacco factory and flour mills. Other are
sawmills, paper mills, foam products, concrete poles and block
making, chemicals, paints and petroleum oil deport. The government
tries to promote industrial establishment by creating industrial
estates, with a basic infrastructure, such as Owode Olubadan,
Oluyole and Lagelu Industrial Estates.
Its, however, upon the commercial sector that the city’s
development mainly depends. As of 1991, close to 50% of its
economically active population were commercial workers, Oja’ba,
Ayeye and Oranyan arr the Traditional markets. While Gbagi, Agbeni,
Bodija, Alesinloye and Gate are modern ones. They trade foodstuff,
textile goods, locally woven strips of cloth or “Aso Oke”, household
utensils, electronics and pharmaceuticals.
The production and related workers are next in importance, with
265 of the working population. They are followed by professional /
60
technical and related workers (10.9%). Other occupations the people
are engaged in are as administrative and (4.5%) and clerical and
related workers (2.6%). The agriculture and related workers features
last with 1.9%.
4.4
IMPACTS OF POLITICS ON IBADAN
In nineteenth – century, the military elite ascribed an ‘elderly’
status to itself as the protector of the community. This was
institutionalized through an elaborate patronage system of babaogun
(war patron) whereby a distinguished military chief became a leader
and ‘father’ of hundreds of people who were his followers and who
gave him their allegiance. Falola (1984:194) further describes the
system thus:
It was Compulsory for everybody to have a babaogun,
who must be obeyed. The People must give part of their
product to babaogun, and must follow him to war when
called upon to do so. They also constitute his labour force
61
when he wanted to build or repair his compound, clear,
construct roads or do any important task.
In this way, the entire population was placed under the
protective custody of the military chiefs, who defended them against
external aggression and represented their interest in the town council.
This patronage system was so entrenched in Ibadan by the middle of
the ninetieth century that, when the Rev. David Hinderer and his
missionary party arrived in 1953, they were immediately placed under
a babaogun.
Throughout the nineteenth century, the Ibadan military political
structure continued to evolve, as successive military leaders
frequently modified it. It was not until the twentieth century that it
eventually attained some degree of stability. One notable feature of
this political structure as from the mid nineteenth century was the
distinction between the civil and military chieftaincy lines. This civil
line, locally known as the Egbe Agba (company of elders), was
headed
by
the
Baale,
and
was
62
charged
with
day-to-day
administration of the town. The Baale was usually a war veteran, but
sometimes, the chief under him were still active warriors. Again, the
fluidity in the system could also be seen in the fact that succession to
the Baleship for a long time was not from the Baale line but from the
Balogun (military) line (Morgan, (Part 1). n.d.: 105). It was only in the
twentieth century that the idea of alternate succession became a
fixed principle because the absence of wars had now made the
Baleship attractive to (and has infact become the ultimate goal of) all
the chiefs in the two principle lines.
In the final analysis, Ibadan polities could be described as a
complex and intricate web of diverse elements. To isolate the
ideology of age as the only defining feature of political relationships
would amount to an oversimplification of the issues at play. Samuel
Johnson (1921), I.B. Akinyele (1981) and Kemi Morgan (part 1, n.d),
present in their respective works similar accounts of competition,
strife, intrigues and crisis in Ibadan politics, which were base not just
on generational or horizontal cleavages but also on vertical rivalries
63
among ‘peers; on gender-related issues and other forms of political
maneuverings.
4.5
CONCLUSION
Undoubtedly, the changing role of the traditional political
institution in Ibadan in the twentieth century have been great. From
the position of a Baale, who was a primus inter pares (first among
equals) with other chiefs in the council. By 1936, the status of Baale
of Ibadan had been changed to Olubadan (king of Ibadan), an Oba of
great status. Military ability used to be the principal qualification for
chieftaincy posts in the pre-colonial period. By 1934, some of the
educated elites in Ibadan had been made chiefs, and chieftaincy
system had expanded to include the educated elites as councilors
who with their youthful vigour were able to influence the council to
devote itself to progressive ideals for the development of the city.
Nevertheless, the important thing that should be noted about
Ibadan is that despite all the changes brought upon its traditional
political institution in the twentieth century, the traditional political
64
institution of Ibadan were still preserved. Despite all these changes in
the traditional political institution of Ibadan, the Bale institution still
remained, though by 1936 his title was changed and likewise his
status. Although, the Bale had become an Oba, with the same status
with many of his counterparts in Yorubaland, yet unlike many other
Yoruba town where the Obaship institution is hereditary, the post of
the Olubada of Ibadan is not hereditary even till date. The system of
promotion within the ranks still exist in Ibadan and the person who
becomes an Olubadan, would have started off from the rank of a
Mogaji, and gradually he would be promoted until he reaches the top
post of the land. This resulted in the reason why most of the ruling
Olubadan of Ibadan are usually fairly old men.
Finally, the traditional political institution in Ibadan, despite all
the change brought into it, it still remain very important in the
traditional political institution and administration of the town. Instead
of loosing its value, the chieftaincy institution is becoming more
appreciated, even among the educated elites of the city.
65
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