THE EFFECT OF MEDIA PORTRAYAL OF OBESITY
5.1 Introduction
In today’s society, achieving an “acceptable” physique is of great importance as appearance
concerns have reached epidemic proportions especially among women (Borzekowski,
Robinson, & Killen, 2000; Brand, Rothblum, Solomon, 1992). Concomitantly, there has been
a wealth of research examining the influence of the media on body size and appearance (e.g.,
Mills, Polivy, Herman, & Tiggemann, 2002; Yamamiya, Cash, Melnyk, Posavac, & Posavac,
2005), resulting in numerous reports to suggest that media exposure affects body image, body
satisfaction and eating pathology (e.g., Brownell et al., 2005; Harrison, 2003; Stice et al.,
1994). For example, Stice et al. (1994) reported a relationship between media exposure and
disordered eating, which was later supported by Bissell and Zhou (2004) who demonstrated
that exposure to television depicting the thin ideal was a predictor of disordered eating in
women of all races. Other research has demonstrated that there is an overrepresentation of
“ideal” body sizes such as the thin ideal in the media and that over time body shapes that
meet these unrepresentative standards for body appearance have increased (e.g., Greenberg et
al., 2003; Griffin & Berry, 2003; Wiseman, Gray, Mosimann, & Ahrens, 1990). For example,
Wiseman et al. (1990) reported that female television presenters have progressively become
thinner over a 50 year period from the beginning of television and that half of those females
met the criteria for anorexia nervosa.
Within the media, body sizes and shapes are scrutinized and remarked on, drawing the
readers’ attention to body appearance (Groesz et al., 2002). Whilst the majority of research
(e.g., Agliata & Tantleff-Dunn, 2004; Hargreaves & Tiggemann, 2004) examining the effects
of media ideals on body image has focused on full body concerns, other research has also
examined the effects of focusing attention on body parts (e.g., a flat stomach). For example,
Tiggemann and McGill (2004) reported that both body parts and full body exposure lead to
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more negative mood states and greater social comparisons; however, in the condition where
participants’ focus was on body parts, body dissatisfaction and state weight anxiety were at
their highest.
Body image disturbance is a well established area of inquiry in psychology, which has most
notably been associated with females, thus, research in this area has typically used female
samples (Furnham et al., 2002). Body image is of critical importance given its impact on self
esteem and self concept, and its influence on psychological functioning and unhealthy
behaviours intended to improve body shape and appearance (Cash & Pruzinsky, 2002; Polivy
& Herman, 2002; Stice 2002; Thompson, 2004). The classic message directed to females
regarding the body size to achieve is one of thinness, which is becoming thinner whilst the
societal average is getting fatter, thus the discrepancy between current and ideal body sizes is
becoming greater (Dittmar, 2008; Griffin & Berry, 2003). With supermodels and beauty
contests placing high value on a thin physique, it is no wonder that larger body sizes are
criticised. However, there is a growing appreciation that males may also suffer from body
image disturbance with reports of this becoming more prevalent (Braun, Sunday, Huang, &
Halmi, 1999; Cohane & Pope, 2001; Raudenbush & Zeller, 1997). The desired male physique
is portrayed as muscular and whilst fewer studies have examined the value of muscularity for
males, it is likely to carry a similar value to that of thinness for females (Leit, Pope, & Gray,
2001).
A meta-analysis by Groesz et al. (2002) examined the impact of media images of the thin
ideal on body image, demonstrating that body image was more negative when individuals
were exposed to the thin ideal compared with exposure to average size models, larger size
models or inanimate objects. Findings such as these are concerning given that the thin ideal is
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reportedly becoming thinner (Dittmar, 2008; Griffin & Berry, 2003) and the frequency of fat
stigmatisation and derogatory portrayals of obesity in the media (Puhl & Brownell, 2001). It
should also be noted that negative weight commentary and teasing are related to body
dissatisfaction (Thompson, Herbozo, Himes, & Yamamiya, 2005), and therefore as Himes
and Thompson (2007) suggest, thin idealisation is further promoted by the negative
stereotyping of the overweight and obese which may consequently result in body image
disturbance and body dissatisfaction. Additionally, Griffin and Berry (2003) suggest that the
discrepancy between the societal average and idealised body size is becoming greater and
therefore this is also likely to lead to greater stigmatisation of the overweight and obese
whilst the prevalence of body dissatisfaction and disordered eating behaviour will increase as
more individuals within society become estranged from the ideal. Furthermore, Muir,
Wertheim, and Paxton (1999) found that body dissatisfaction and ‘feeling fat’ were
associated with dieting behaviour in adolescent girls. Thus, a number of negative
consequences are associated with body dissatisfaction and negative self perception in which
the media appears to have an influential role.
The majority of research relating to body size has examined the effect of thin ideals portrayed
in the media (e.g., Wiseman et al., 1990), reporting deleterious effects (e.g., Hawkins et al.,
2004), with a limited number of studies examining the effects of exposure to obesity
portrayals. Previously, Blundell and Bauer (1994) remarked that the present era is concerning
with the emergence of a society that is driven towards achieving the projected thin ideal and
avoidance of obesity at all costs. For example, adolescent girls place a higher importance on
achieving a thin physique than performing well in education (Tiggemann, Gardiner, & Slater,
2000). Support for Blundell and Bauer’s (1994) description of the current zeitgeist comes
from Himes and Thompson (2007) who suggest that the ideal body shape that society
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endorses is thin. Moreover, those who achieve this standard are often projected as successful,
and thin idealisation is encouraged further through the stigmatisation of the overweight and
obese. Attitudes and behaviours are often shaped by social reinforcement, where those
modelled by respected others become internalized (Stice, 2002). Thus, when striving to
achieve the thin ideal, the actions of others such as dieting, preoccupation with weight or
condemning and disparaging the overweight, serve to promote the thin ideal (Stice, 2002).
There has been a dramatic increase in the attention obesity has received, and although there
are movements to tackle the idealisation of thinness and striving to achieve the ideal
appearance, body image concerns and eating disorders are becoming more prevalent
(Borzekowski & Bayer, 2005; Field, Austin, Camargo et al., 2005).
The increased attention on obesity is negative as demonstrated in previous research (e.g.,
Greenberg et al., 2003) and study 2. Hilbert and Reid (2009) suggest that stigmatisation and
anti-fat attitudes may be generated and perpetuated as a consequence of the coverage obesity
receives in daily newspapers. The media projects a constant misleading message to society
through television and magazine portrayals of weight, promoting thinness as the standard for
beauty and health (Price & Pecjak, 2003). Those who are thin are portrayed with positive
attributes such as control (Puhl & Brownell, 2001), whereas fatness is perceived as a
violation, causing disease (Cogan & Ernsberger, 1999) and those who are fat are portrayed
with negative attributes such as laziness (Puhl & Brownell, 2001). As identified in study 2,
newspapers portray obesity as controllable with some articles describing obesity as the result
of immoral behaviours, reflecting the core values of the Protestant Ethic (Hoverd & Sibley,
2007). Whilst obesity is perceived as a ‘sin’ (Allon, 1982), which ‘invites retribution’
(Maddox et al., 1968, p. 288), thinness would, in direct opposition be the standard to achieve
and an index of superior morality. With the findings of study 2 in mind revealing negative
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media portrayal of obesity (e.g., the stigmatisation of the obese), in addition to the lack of
research that has studied media portrayal of obesity, research is required that examines the
effects obesity media portrayal on the audience.
The views of Blundell and Bauer (1994) were later echoed by Brownell et al. (2005) who
also argue that examining the effect of exposure to obesity is essential given the effects
observed using thin models. One such study by Latner et al. (2007) examined media usage in
children, assessing weekly time spent watching television, playing video games and reading
magazines. An association between exposure to mass media and stigmatising attitudes was
reported in children after exposure to obese boys and girls, where correlations demonstrated
that negative reactions to obese boys and girls were highest in participants who reported
greater total media, magazine and video game usage. Latner et al. (2007) also noted that this
finding was especially prominent in relation to media reading time, where there was a greater
dislike for overweight children compared to non-overweight peers. Similarly, Harrison
(2000) reported that boys who view more television stereotyped overweight girls as being
‘greedy’, whilst both boys and girls who watched television the most reported increased
symptoms of disordered eating. Individuals’ perceptions of their own body size are suggested
to affect the likelihood of stigmatising the overweight and obese in adult populations. For
example, Swami, Furnham, Amin et al. (2008) reported that stigmatisation and stereotyping
of the overweight is likely to be greater as the discrepancy between the target individuals’
body size and the perceived ideal for physical attractiveness increases. Thus, with the limited
efforts to examine the effect of media portrayals of obesity, research appears warranted given
the increased attention to the condition in the media and prevalence of anti-fat attitudes as
demonstrated in study 1 and previous research (e.g., Puhl & Brownell, 2006).
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The effect the mass media has on self perception is of critical importance, as social
comparisons between current and ideal are likely to occur (Botta, 1999; McCabe &
Ricciadelli, 2003; Stice, 2002). Thus, it is the inadvertent messages, for example reinforcing a
belief that obesity is controllable, which accompany media portrayal that are of interest.
These messages may also heighten self awareness and erroneous self perception may arise
and perpetuate as a result of the misrepresented body sizes that appear in the media that are
distorted from the norm (Greenberg et al., 2003) and are promoted as targets to achieve
(Groesz et al., 2002).
McGreedy and Sadava (1999) examined the effect of television on perceptions of health,
weight and physical fitness, reporting that those who watched more television perceived
themselves as more overweight than those who viewed less television. Correspondingly,
Tiggemann (2003) reported that those who were exposed to the most magazines reported the
greatest internalisation of the thin ideal. Thus, the media acts as an important factor that may
influence interpersonal perceptions, which Cook (1971) defined as how individuals feel,
behave and think about others based on the way people react and respond to others. Gahagan
(1984) later defined interpersonal perception suggesting that the concept is comprised of
three components, one of which is how others are perceived as physical objects in an attempt
to assign them to social categories, through forming impressions of their physical appearance
and behaviours. For example, perceiving that all obese individuals are slothful and gluttonous
(Prentice, 1995). Another component Gahagan identified is how others are perceived as
psychological entities, where inferences can be made about an individual’s feelings and
motives, through assigning others to a particular group (e.g., racial) and thus what kind of
person they are believed to be. For example perceiving that all obese individuals are weekwilled and insecure (e.g., Puhl & Heuer, 2009; Quinn & Crocker, 1999). The final component
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is the study of individuals as psychologists, where inferences are made about others and the
development of intuitive theories to explain the occurrence of certain behaviours. For
example, perceiving the obese to be inactive (Puhl & Heuer, 2009) and using this stereotype
to explain low fitness levels in the obese.
The purpose of this research was to examine the impact of media portrayal of obesity on
perceptions of weight related words, implicit processing of appearance related words, self
perception and body image using different media sources (newspaper and television).
Another aim of the present study was to compare the effects of different media sources to
determine which has a greater impact and whether these portrayals have different effects.
This study was designed with the intention of increasing interpersonal awareness and the
potential to make inferences about obese individuals through exposure to others’ body size
and behaviour in media sources.
Previous research (e.g., Groesz et al., 2002) has demonstrated that exposure to media
depicting the thin ideal increases body image concerns, therefore in contrast, it was
hypothesised that with exposure to media portrayal of obesity, body image concerns would
decrease.
5.2 Method
5.2.1 Participants
An opportunistic sample comprised of 29 participants (17 male, 12 female) aged 18-33 years
(M = 22.93 ± 4.35 years) with a mean BMI of 23.39 ± 3.02kg/m2 was recruited.
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5.2.2 Measures
Participants attended the laboratory on three separate occasions. On each visit, participants
were required to complete a battery of questionnaires both pre and post the experimental
conditions (See Procedures section 6.2.3). The battery of questionnaires was comprised of the
Weight-Related Words Associated With Figure Silhouettes (Greenleaf, Starks, Gomez,
Chambliss, & Martin, 2004), the Word Stem Completion Task (Tiggemann, Hargreaves,
Polivy, & McFalane, 2004), the state version of the Physical Appearance State and Trait
Anxiety Scale (Reed, Thompson, Bannick, & Sacco, 1991) and the Somatomorphic Matrix
(Gruber et al., 1999).
The Weight-Related Words Associated with Figure Silhouettes (Greenleaf et al., 2004; See
Appendices 5.1 & 5.2): This measure uses the Figure Rating Scale (Stunkard, Sorenson, &
Schlusinger, 1983) and consists of eight appearance related words (normal weight, slim,
obese, fat, skinny, overweight, large and thin) and ten characteristics (motivated, lazy, smart,
boring, stupid, unfriendly, friendly, slow, funny and physically fit). Participants are required
to select the number of the figure silhouette that best represents the body shape they associate
with each term. The Figure Rating Scale (Stunkard et al., 1983) consists of nine figure
silhouettes ranging from very thin = 1 to 9 = very heavy. Thompson and Altabe (1991)
demonstrated that the Figure Rating Scale has good test-retest reliability (.83 for affective
ratings; .71 for ideal size). Scores for each of the items range from 0-9 depending on which of
the figure silhouettes individuals assign to each word.
The Word Stem Completion Task (Tiggemann et al., 2004; See Appendix 5.3): This scale is
comprised of 20 items and assesses implicit processing of appearance related words, where
participants are required to complete the first word that comes to mind after being provided
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with an initial three letters (e.g., “CAL___” that may become CALL or CALORIE). This
measure is scored by categorizing the words as either appearance or non-appearance related
and summing the number of appearance related words out of 20. Previous research (e.g.,
Tiggemann & Slater, 2004) has reported that the scale correlates significantly and moderately
with measures of body and general appearance dissatisfaction, whilst significant differences
in response were evident after exposure to appearance stimuli.
Physical Appearance State and Trait Anxiety Scale (PASATAS: Reed et al., 1991; See
Appendix 5.4): The scale measures anxiety related to body image and was developed to
measure trait and state anxiety for overall body image, where specific body segments scores
can be calculated. Only the state version was used, which is comprised of 16 items with a 5
point Likert-type scale from 0 = not at all to 4 = exceptionally so. Scores range from 0-64
with higher scores indicative of greater physical appearance anxiety. This measure has
demonstrated reliability, for example Etu and Gray (2010) recently reported a Cronbach’s
alpha of .89 for the state version of the PASATAS.
The Somatomorphic Matrix (Gruber et al., 1999; See Appendix 5.5): This bi-dimensional
body image computer programme was developed to measure both muscularity and body fat
in males and females (Gruber et al., 1999). The measure was developed using photographs
and body composition data retrieved from anthropometry (Kagawa, Kerr, Dhaliwal, Hills, &
Binns, 2006; Appendix 5.5) and has excellent construct validity (Cafri, Roehrig, &
Thompson, 2004). Participants are required to select the image that best represents their
current physique (‘current’), goal physique (‘goal’), average physique for their sex
(‘average’) and ideal physique perceived by those of the opposite sex (‘ideal’) by either
increasing or decreasing the muscularity and fatness of the silhouette that appears on the
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screen. Participants are also required to select the physique of an individual from the opposite
sex they perceive to be the most attractive. Scores reflecting muscularity and body fat are
provided, and discrepancy scores can be calculated between the current (self) and the goal,
average and ideal physiques (i.e., the difference the selected silhouettes).
This measure has been used to examine body image in a variety of populations such as
heterosexual, gay and eating disordered males (e.g., Hausmann, Mangweth, Walch, Rupp, &
Pope, 2004; Kagawa et al., 2006; Mangweth, Hausmann, Walch et al., 2004). However, Cafri
et al. (2004) report that scores for males’ self-body fat and ideal-muscularity ratings were
unreliable (r = .64; r = .55 respectively) whilst for females self-muscularity, idealmuscularity and ideal-body fat ratings (r = .54; r = .57; r = .37 respectively) were also
unreliable. Cafri et al. also reported that in addition to the above individual items
demonstrating low reliability, the self-ideal discrepancy scores for muscularity and body fat
in both male (r = .34; r = .57 respectively) and female (r = .35; r = .56 respectively) samples
was unreliable. Thus, the programme must be used with caution. Cafri et al.’s test re-test (710 days) sample however was small consisting of only 63 participants, thus a larger scale
study to examine the reliability of this programme is required. Moreover, whilst Cafri et al.
have suggested that these coefficients indicate poor reliability, other authors (e.g., Dasgupta
& Greenwald, 2001; Nosek et al., 2007) have reported that similar coefficients indicate
acceptable reliability of the measure under consideration.
5.2.3 Procedure
Prior to data collection ethical approval was granted by the University Ethics board. On the
first visit, participants provided informed consent (See Appendix 5.6) and demographic
details (See Appendix 5.7). There were three experimental conditions; a tabloid newspaper
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article about obesity (Tabloid; See Appendix 5.8); a broadsheet newspaper article about
obesity (Broadsheet; See Appendix 5.9); and a television programme about obesity (Obesity;
See Appendix 5.10), all of which were randomly selected. These conditions were presented in
counterbalanced order. Participants completed the weight-related words associated with
figure silhouettes (Greenleaf et al., 2004), the Word Stem Completion Task (Tiggemann et
al., 2004), the state version of the PASATAS (Reed et al., 1991) and the Somatomorphic
Matrix (Gruber et al., 1999) pre and post condition.
5.2.4 Data Analysis
To examine the influence of the four experimental conditions, a discrepancy score was
calculated by subtracting the post-condition from the pre-condition score. A positive
discrepancy score on the Weight-Related Words Associated with Figure Silhouettes
(Greenleaf et al., 2004) indicates that a smaller figure is selected post condition than pre, with
a negative score indicative of a larger figure selected post condition than pre. A positive
discrepancy score on the Word Stem Completion Task (Tiggemann et al., 2004) indicates that
participants construct less weight related words post condition than pre, with a negative score
indicative of more weight related words constructed post condition than pre. A positive
discrepancy score on the PASATAS (Reed et al., 1991) indicates that state appearance
anxiety is less post condition than pre, whilst a negative score indicates that state appearance
anxiety is greater post condition than pre. A positive discrepancy score on the
Somatomorphic Matrix (Gruber et al., 1999) indicates that participants’ perceptions of either
fat or muscle mass have decreased from pre to post condition, whereas a negative score
indicates that participants perceive their fat or muscle mass as greater post condition than pre.
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A number of assumptions for one way repeated measures ANOVA were violated. For
example a number of dependent variables violated the assumptions of normality and
homogeneity. Thus, Friedman’s ANOVA was conducted as the non-parametric equivalent,
with Wilcoxon Signed Ranks Tests used as a post hoc test to examine any main effects that
emerged from the analysis. As suggested by Field (2009), to account for Bonferroni
correction, the critical level of significance usually set at .05 was divided by 3 (the number of
comparisons), thus significance levels for post hoc tests was set at .0167.
5.3 Results
5.3.1 Descriptive Statistics
The PASATAS met the assumption of normality (Z-scores: skewness = 1.20, kurtosis = .41),
however, Cronbach’s alpha was low, ά = .48.
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Table 5.3.1: Mean and standard deviation scores for discrepancy scores (pre-post) on
dependent variables in relation to the three experimental conditions (Tabloid, Broadsheet, and
Obesity related TV programme)
Dependent
measures
Mean
Tabloid
Broadsheet
Standard Deviation
Obesity TV
Tabloid
Broadsheet
programme
Obesity TV
programme
Current muscle
-.72
-.16
-.36
1.24
1.01
1.18
Current fat
.41
.28
-1.79
2.23
2.81
4.61
Goal muscle
.26
-.16
.60
1.70
.61
1.78
Goal fat
.28
-.14
.14
2.60
2.50
4.21
Average muscle
-.36
.45
-.12
1.48
1.97
1.20
Average fat
.14
.41
-.91
4.21
4.19
4.64
Ideal muscle
-.47
-.26
-.10
1.51
1.07
1.26
Ideal fat
.41
-.55
.97
2.47
2.97
4.49
Attractive
-.12
-.21
-.05
1.55
1.31
.85
-.28
1.52
-.83
3.19
4.06
2.48
opposite sex
muscle
Attractive
opposite sex fat
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Table 5.3.2: Mean and standard deviation scores for discrepancy scores (pre-post) on
dependent variables in relation to the three experimental conditions (Tabloid, Broadsheet, and
Obesity related TV programme)
Dependent
measures
Mean
Tabloid
Broadsheet
PASATAS
.28
Normal weight
Standard Deviation
Tabloid
Broadsheet
-.41
Obesity TV
programme
.62
3.15
1.50
Obesity TV
programme
2.34
-.14
-.03
-.03
.35
.19
.33
Slim
.00
-.10
-.03
.38
.41
.33
Obese
.03
.00
-.14
.42
.38
.64
Fat
-.03
-.03
.00
.42
.42
.38
Skinny
-.03
-.21
-.07
.57
.62
.46
Overweight
-.17
-.17
-21
.76
.47
.82
Large
-.03
-.31
.10
.57
.66
.72
Thin
.28
.17
-.28
.75
.47
.70
Motivated
-.03
-.07
-.14
.42
.53
.58
Lazy
.10
-.17
.00
1.08
1.07
.89
Smart
.00
-.07
-.14
.27
.26
.35
Boring
-.03
.38
-.03
.78
2.38
2.01
Stupid
-.21
.00
-.17
1.61
.76
1.65
Unfriendly
-.17
.14
.31
.60
1.62
1.56
Friendly
.03
-.03
-.14
.63
.57
1.30
Slow
-.10
.00
-.10
.67
.60
.56
Funny
.17
.00
.00
.71
.96
1.98
Physically fit
.03
-.03
-.03
.33
.19
.33
Word Stem
Completion
Task
-.90
-.17
.34
1.97
2.04
2.38
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Table 5.3.3: Mean and standard deviation scores for discrepancy scores on the
Somatomorphic Matrix in relation to the four experimental conditions (Tabloid, Broadsheet,
Soap, and Obesity related TV programme)
Discrepancies
Tabloid
Mean
Broadsheet
Obesity TV
Tabloid
Standard Deviation
Broadsheet Obesity TV
programme
Current vs Goal
programme
-.98
.00
-.97
1.76
1.13
2.03
-.36
-.60
-.24
1.73
2.22
1.56
-.26
.10
-.26
1.88
1.70
1.70
.14
.41
-1.93
3.46
3.91
6.20
.28
-.14
-.88
5.23
4.84
5.45
.00
.83
-2.76
3.70
4.05
7.02
Muscle
Current vs
Average Muscle
Current vs Ideal
Muscle
Current vs Goal
Fat
Current vs
Average Fat
Current vs Ideal
Fat
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5.3.2 Effect of the Three Experimental Conditions
A main effect was observed for participants’ responses on the PASATAS (Reed et al., 1991;
χ2(2) = 7.65, P < .05). However, follow up Wilcoxon Signed Rank Tests revealed that no
between conditions effects were evident.
A main effect was also observed for perceptions of the fat mass of an attractive member of
the opposite sex (χ2(2) = 8.40, P < .05). A follow up Wilcoxon Signed Rank Test revealed a
significant difference in discrepancy scores between the broadsheet and obesity conditions
where mean scores indicated that participants’ perceptions of the fat mass of an attractive
member of the opposite sex decreased from pre to post in the broadsheet condition whereas in
the obesity condition, perceptions of fat mass of an attractive member of the opposite sex
increased from pre to post (Z = -2.56, P = < .0167; Table 5.3.1).
A main effect was observed for the four experimental conditions in relation to participants’
perceptions of the figure silhouette that best represented the word thin (χ2(2) = 7.54, P < .05).
A follow up Wilcoxon Signed Rank Test revealed significant differences between the obesity
and tabloid conditions, where mean scores indicated that the discrepancy of perceptions of
the figure silhouette that best represented the word thin was negative in the obesity condition,
therefore a larger figure was selected post condition than pre, whereas in the tabloid condition
the discrepancy was positive and therefore participants’ perceptions decreased and a smaller
figure was selected (Z = -2.60, P < .0125; Table 5.3.2).
A final main effect was observed for the four experimental conditions in relation to the prepost discrepancies between current and goal muscle (χ2(3) = 6.86, P < .05). However, follow
up Wilcoxon Signed Ranks Tests revealed no significant differences between current-goal
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discrepancies (pre-post) for the three conditions at the adjusted critical value of significance
(.0167).
5.4 Discussion
The purpose of this research was to examine the impact of media portrayal of obesity on
perceptions of weight related words, implicit processing of appearance related words, self
perception and body image using different media sources (newspaper and television).
Another aim of the present study was to compare the effects of different media sources to
determine which has a greater impact and whether these portrayals have different effects.
This study was designed with the intention of increasing interpersonal awareness and the
potential to make inferences about obese individuals through exposure to others’ body size
and behaviour in media sources.
Previous research (e.g., Groesz et al., 2002) has demonstrated that exposure to media
depicting the thin ideal increases body image concerns, therefore in contrast, it was
hypothesised that with exposure to media portrayal of obesity, body image concerns would
decrease.
An interesting finding from the present study was that participants’ perceptions of the fat
mass of an attractive member of the opposite sex decreased from pre to post in the broadsheet
condition and was significantly different from the obesity condition. Whilst the newspaper
articles were randomly sampled from an existing collection, the broadsheet article included
information that reflects the Protestant Ethic values, where obesity is referred to as an
immoral behaviour and associated with deviant and illegal actions such as drug taking.
Therefore, the broadsheet condition may have had a greater effect on participants’
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perceptions of the fat mass of an attractive member of the opposite sex due to the message
that individuals need to take responsibility for their body shape and size and by associating
obesity with sinful behaviours. Hoverd and Sibley (2007) suggest that those who hold
Protestant Ethic beliefs have a lower acceptance of others who are perceived to deviate from
Protestant Ethic values, thus the broadsheet newspaper article that suggests that obesity is
immoral, may have lowered participants’ acceptance of obesity, causing perceptions of the fat
mass of an attractive member of the opposite sex to decrease.
Perceptions of body size play a key role in the stigmatisation of obesity, but previous research
(e.g., McCabe, Ricciardelli, Sitaram, & Mikhail, 2006) has reported that perceptions of body
size may be inaccurate. In the present study, participants’ perceptions of the body size that
best represents the word thin were significantly different between the tabloid and obesity
conditions. In the tabloid condition, participants’ perceptions of the body size that best
represented the word thin decreased from pre to post whereas in the obesity condition
perceptions of a thin body size increased from pre to post. The tabloid condition provided a
very descriptive account of an obese individual whereas in the obesity condition a range of
obese individuals appeared. The tabloid condition included information representative of how
a girl became obese detailing her overconsumption and inactivity, two sins of the Protestant
Ethic that may have lead to participants morally judging the girl as lacking personal control.
Furthermore, in the obesity condition, participants’ were exposed to a number of obese
individuals, which may have caused them to perceive these body shapes as more
representative of the population and therefore perceptions of a thin body size may have
increased. In contrast the individual discussed in the tabloid condition may have been
perceived as abnormal and unrepresentative of the population, reinforcing a belief that
obesity is controllable and results from immoral behaviour.
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Although the present study findings require further examination and substantiation, if future
research confirms that perceptions of others body size are affected portrayals of obesity in the
media, then this presents a worrying occurrence given the increasing media attention directed
to the condition. The present study findings do not support the hypothesis that exposure to
media portrayals of obesity would reduce body image concerns as findings suggest that
media portrayal of obesity only affects other perception and no differences emerged for self
perception. Therefore these results provide support the earlier call by Brownell et al. (2005)
for research to examine the effects of obesity media portrayals given the deleterious
consequences of media portrayal of the thin ideal (e.g., Botta, 1999). Future research needs to
examine whether this increased media attention of obesity does have an inadvertent effect,
causing deleterious psychological effects.
Fister and Smith (2004) examined the effect of media exposure on females at risk of eating
disorders, reporting that when exposed to images of attractive, average weight individuals
expectancies of thinness were reduced in comparison to exposure to thin models and a control
condition. Although the findings of the present study do not support that of Fister and Smith
(2004), they do indicate that exposure to obesity portrayals can have detrimental effects on
perceptions of others and therefore as Fister and Smith (2004) suggest, average weight
exposure may be more beneficial by reducing body dissatisfaction. Exposure to obesity in the
tabloid condition, where obesity is portrayed as the result of gluttony and slothfulness, may
have increased participants’ desire to be thinner and hence avoid obesity. Thus the findings
also tentatively support the suggestion that the thin ideal is further promoted through the
stigmatisation and avoidance of obesity and vice versa (Himes & Thompson, 2007).
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Whilst previous research examining thin ideals in the media reports harmful effects on self
perception and body image (e.g., Groesz et al., 2002), it would appear that similar effects
may also be evident when individuals are exposed to obesity. Thus, media exposure to body
sizes at either end of the scale, whether thin or obese, appears to have negative consequences,
and therefore presentation of average body sizes may eliminate some of the potentially
damaging consequences identified in previous research (e.g., Groesz et al., 2002) and the
present study. Support for the use of average body sizes in the media comes from recent
research by Deidrichs and Lee (2010) whose findings demonstrated that average body sizes
are more advantageous than thin or obese body sizes when examining the effects of exposure
to media advertisements on male and female body image. Using four advertisement
conditions: no model, average-slim model, average-large model or muscular model,
Deidrichs and Lee reported that males’ body image was more positive when exposed to
average body size models compared with no models. Despite the surprising finding that no
difference was evident when compared with exposure to muscular models, the use of average
size models does appear to have a beneficial effect on male body image.
Based on findings from the present study it cannot be concluded with any certainty that
interpersonal awareness was heightened, however, messages that obesity is controllable
appear to have affected perceptions of others as the fat mass of an attractive member of the
opposite sex decreased in the broadsheet condition, whilst messages relating to the sins of
gluttony and slothfulness in the tabloid condition appear to have affected perceptions of the
thin body. Protestant Ethic values have been argued to provide the foundations for anti-fat
attitudes (Crandall, 1994). The present study results suggest that these values may also
increase negative perceptions of overweight or obese others, as the broadsheet condition
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included information pertinent to the perception that obesity is immoral, whilst the tabloid
condition suggests that obesity results from sinful behaviours (Prentice, 1995).
A potential limitation of the present study is that self esteem and weight were not considered.
As Stice (1994) reports, females with low self esteem are more likely to be vulnerable to
media effects. This was later supported by Tiggemann (2003) who also reported that weight
was an influential factor in the effect of the media, where those who were overweight and
scored highest on internalisation of media sources were more likely to suffer from body
dissatisfaction and disordered eating behaviour. Another limitation is that the Somatomorphic
Matrix (Gruber et al., 1999) and non-weight related words assigned to the figure silhouettes
(Greenleaf et al., 2004) may have lacked validity and reliability. The Somatomorphic Matrix
(Gruber et al., 1999) enables an individual to adjust the size of the figure that appears on the
screen, however, the experimenter noted that participants perceived the figures to be unlike
the body shapes evident in today’s society, thus, this measure may lack ecological validity.
The non-weight related words assigned to the figure silhouettes (Greenleaf et al., 2004) may
limit reliability of responses as some words such as funny and smart may have been
interpreted differently by participants, thus responses may have been confounded by
interpretation.
A third potential limitation of the present study is that exposure length was not standardised
and therefore differed between conditions. It might therefore be expected that the obesity
condition would have a greater effect due to the longer duration of exposure than the
newspaper conditions. Finally, as identified earlier, the researcher cannot conclude that the
effects observed were a reflection of the type of media as different obesity related topics were
featured in the different conditions which may have produced different effects. Thus, to draw
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accurate conclusions of the effect of different media sources, the focus of each condition
would need to be the same. Despite the above limitations, the present study presents an initial
examination of the effect of media portrayals of obesity which is required given the
increasing media attention paid to the condition and the negative effects reported of exposure
to the thin ideal (Brownell et al., 2005).
5.4.1 Future Research
Future research is still required to examine the effects of media portrayals of obesity. The
present study indicates that portrayal of obesity may impact perceptions of others and of
thinness, thus research that explains this effect is required. Additionally, research that
addresses the limitations of the present study is necessary to substantiate the effects observed.
Until very recently, the effect of media portrayals of obesity had not been studied. McClure et
al. (2011) examined exposure to news stories of obesity reporting greater anti-fat attitudes
when the article was accompanied by a stereotypical image of an obese individual. The
present study suggests that obesity portrayal affects perceptions of others, adding credence to
the findings of McClure et al. to suggest that obesity portrayal may have negative
consequences. Given the lack of research examining the effect of obesity portrayal in the
media, future research to explore these effects appears warranted.
Children and young people are a particularly influential population, and high levels of anti-fat
attitudes (e.g., Cramer & Steinwert, 1998) and body image concerns (e.g., Dohnt &
Tiggemann, 2006; Field et al., 2005) have been documented previously in this group.
Research is therefore required to examine the effects of obesity portrayal in media aimed at
children and adolescents. One study that has examined children’s media was conducted by
Herbozo et al. (2004) who provided evidence of messages suggesting that physical
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appearance is important and of the promotion of body stereotypes. Findings such as these are
extremely concerning and suggest that action is required to address media messages
especially those viewed by children to reduce the value placed on appearance.
5.5 Conclusion
In conclusion, this study provides an important and initial indication of the potential effects
of obesity portrayal in the media. This research is timely, with the increasing media attention
paid to obesity thus the effects of such portrayal need to be understood. With reports of
obesity prevalence increasing in the UK (e.g., James, 2008), increasing media attention may
lead to negative perceptions of others and as suggested by Neighbors and Sobal (2007), a
shift in perceptions of body appearance may occur. Cultivation Theory (Gerbner & Gross,
1976) suggests that a shift occurs as a result of media exposure and that those exposed the
most have a greater likelihood of perceiving the world as portrayed in the media. Given the
findings reported in study 2 that demonstrate that obesity is portrayed as controllable in the
media, that aspects of the Protestant Ethic are evident, such as moral failings as a cause of
obesity as are accounts of stigmatisation and discrimination towards the obese, individuals
are likely to internalise and imitate the attitudes conveyed by the media. Thus, exposure to
obesity portrayal may serve to reinforce ideal body shapes and avoidance of obesity as these
portrayals are perceived as a reflection of ‘social reality’.
As previously reported (e.g., Engeln-Maddox, 2005) the findings of this study demonstrate
that interpersonal awareness may have detrimental effects on body image; however, unlike
the majority of research that has been conducted in the past, this study increased interpersonal
awareness using obesity media portrayal. The study provided evidence that media portrayal
of obesity affects perceptions of others, and whilst additional research is required to
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substantiate the present study findings, this effect is concerning as previous research (e.g.,
Anton, Perry, & Riley, 2000) has reported that body size discrepancies detrimentally affect
body satisfaction, eating behaviours and exercise participation.
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