Virginia Review of Asian Studies
THEORY OF HUMAN TRAFFICKING APPLIED TO THE CASE OF
JAPAN
Paul Capobianco1
University of Iowa
Concerns of human trafficking have gained significant attention over the past few
decades. In an effort to better explain the dynamics behind what factors drive human
trafficking into Japan, this paper critically examines a theoretical model used to explain
human trafficking that has been presented by Kevin Bales. Bales’ theoretically
methodology will be utilized in the context of Japan to examine what drives human
trafficking into Japan and whether Bales’ theory can be supported through a theoretical
examination.
Concerns of human trafficking have garnered significant attention over the past years
though only recently have governments taken significant steps to address these problems.
Human trafficking engenders conditions of modern day slavery and severe human rights
violations where victims are exploited for economic gain. Victims remain unable to free
themselves from these abusive and exploitative conditions. The majority of the countries
experiencing high levels of human trafficking are typically developing or transitioning nations
whose societies are experiencing some degree of internal strife and/or developmental stagnation.
Although this is most frequently the case, developed nations have also experienced a significant
degree of human trafficking (Bales 2004; Bales and Cornell 2008) – possibly none more so than
Japan. For a developed nation, Japan is said to be experiencing an alarming human trafficking
problem which has remained constant despite legislative actions implemented by Japan (Dean
2008; International Labor Organization 2005; U.S. Department of State 2011). Japan is
considered to be a “hotbed” of human trafficking, particularly for victims who are sexually
exploited in Japan’s entertainment industry as well as in other areas of Japan’s labor market.
Despite extrinsic criticism, Japan has failed to implement effective policies to address human
trafficking and Japan presently remains a primary destination country for trafficking victims.
Japan has received much criticism for the way they have handled recommendations to address
these problem and many sources suggest Japan does not take its human trafficking protocol
seriously (Parreñas 2011; U.S. Department of State 2012).
Until now there have not been many comprehensive theoretical models explaining why
human trafficking persists or what induces these slave-like conditions. One such model which
has attempted to address trafficking in persons theoretically has been proposed by Kevin Bales.
Bales has published multiple articles and books pertaining to human trafficking and modern day
1
Paul Capobianco s a first-year Ph.D. Candidate in Anthropology at the University of Iowa. His tentative dissertation topic is an
ethnographic account into the dynamics surrounding the lives of sub-Saharan Africans living in Japan.
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slavery, several of which have proposed theories on these topics and attempted to contextualize
the trafficking process in abstract terms.
This paper will analyze the theories of human trafficking proposed by Bales, using the
paradigm of Japan as a mechanism of analysis. Looking at Japan in the framework proposed by
Bales will attempt to explain what drives human trafficking into Japan as well as to analyze how
Bales’ theoretical model holds up when analyzed using a modern day case study of human
trafficking. Through doing so, the dynamics of the push – pull factors of the trafficking process
and some of the underlying factors which induce trafficking within Japan will be identified and
accomplish a deeper understanding of the forces at work behind human trafficking in Japan.
Bales’ Theory of Human Trafficking
Bales has written several papers on human trafficking theory which depict different
theoretical propositions relating to the trafficking process. For purposes of this paper, I will only
be concerned with analyzing certain aspects of Bales’ theory which are relevant to the nation of
Japan. The entirety of Bales’ theory is not relevant to the situation in Japan, thus some areas of
his proposed theory are redundant when applying them in such a context. This is because Bales
provides equal detail into the dynamics of both sending and receiving country of human
trafficking. However, as Japan is primarily a receiving country of human trafficking, elaborating
on issues concerned with receiving countries of human trafficking would be superfluous.
Bales’ theory states that although every case of human trafficking is unique, each case of
trafficking still shares similar aspects (Bales n.d.). When setting out to explain what factors
determine human trafficking into a country, Bales declared that governmental corruption,
availability of employment, economic well-being, economic opportunity, and the demographic
profile can be factors which determine human trafficking into a country. To examine these
factors Bales then analyzed the percent of the male population over the age of 60, governmental
corruption, infant mortality, food production, and energy consumption per capita. In doing so,
Bales determined that the percent of the male population over 60, level of governmental
corruption, infant mortality, and food production, were all significant factors which determine
trafficking into a country, while energy consumption per capita was not a significant factor
(Bales n.d.). Bales noted that:
Of these, the strongest predictor of trafficking TO a country is the proportion of the
destination country’s male population in the age 60+ age bracket, the second strongest
predictor is the level of governmental corruption. Food production, energy consumption,
and infant mortality all indicate the economic well-being of the destination country
(Bales n.d.)
Human Trafficking in Japan
In order to understand this theoretical application, one must have some knowledge of the
human trafficking situation in Japan. Despite being one of the world’s safest and least crime
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ridden nations, it is beheld that Japan is home to one the most severe human trafficking problems
in the developed world (Dean 2008; Kondo 2011; Saito 2011; U.S. Department of State 2011).
Japan has been criticized by many scholars, NGOs, government agencies, and foreign
governments for their lack of critical response to address the human trafficking issue in their
country. The U.S. Trafficking in Persons Report (TIP Report) currently classifies Japan as a
“Tier 2” country and the United Nations report, Trafficking in Persons Report: Global Patterns
has classified the level of trafficking into Japan as “very high” (United Nations 2006, U.S.
Department of State 2011). According to the TIP Report, Tier 2 is defined as:
[a country] whose government[s] do[es] not fully comply with the [Trafficking Victims
Protection Act’s] minimum standards but are making significant efforts to bring
themselves into compliance with those standards (U.S. Department of State 2011)
The majority of the victims trafficked into Japan are considered to be women and
children who are sexually exploited in Japan’s “entertainment” industry where they are held in
conditions of highly inflated debt-bondage (ECPAT International 2011, Kondo 2011, Morita
2005, Muroi and Sasaki 1997, U.S. Department of State 2011). These individuals cannot leave
and are often unwilling to leave out of fear of physical harm against themselves or against their
families. Traffickers are typically well aware of the trafficked individual’s family situation in
their home country and will use this information against the victims to force them to work in
these conditions (Bales 2004).
Japan’s entertainment industry is a massive enterprise with a variety of establishments in
which a wide variety of sexual, flirtatious, and other forms of service may be provided to
clientele, though much ambiguity exists in regards to where sex may or may not be occurring, to
what extent it occurs, and whether those working at such establishments are forcefully,
deceitfully, or willfully employed. Other forms of exploitation which exists in Japan include
domestic servitude, agriculture, construction, and manufacturing (Dean 2008; Friman 2001,
International Labor Organization 2005; Komai 2001; 2011, Parreñas 2011; Sellek 2001, U.S.
Department of State 2011). In recent years there have been a number of victims trafficked
through the Industrial Trainee and Technical Internship Program, which is a program where
foreigners can travel to Japan and acquire professional skills which they can use to attempt to
find future employment (International Labor Organization 2005; U.S. Department of State 2011).
Traffickers have since taken control of the migrant flows this program produces and now turn to
these migrants as sources of cheap or unpaid labor.
Japan has been criticized by many parties for their nonchalant manner of addressing their
human trafficking problem. In response to extensive criticism and the 2004 international
humiliation of being categorized as a “Tier 2 Watch List” country on the TIP Report, in 2005 the
Japanese government amended their Penal Code, Immigration Control and Refugee Act, and
Law on the Control and Improvement of Amusement Business in attempt to more efficiently
address the trafficking problem within their borders (Kondo 2011). However, the effectiveness
of these efforts has yet to be proven and they have overall not particularly helped to improve
Japan’s human trafficking situation. There have been claims that these legislations have actually
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worked to hinder migrant mobility and autonomy which contribute to their increased
vulnerability to traffickers and third party agents seeking to exploit them (Parreñas 2011).
Theoretical Methodology
Bales’ article “What Predicts Human Trafficking” is where I will be drawing upon his
theoretical model. I will only be concerning this study with aspects of the theory which are
relevant to the case of Japan, as specified above. As indicated earlier, Japan is primarily a
destination country for human trafficking and accordingly I will be reviewing the factors which
Bales has stated determines human trafficking into a country. Along with the actual body of his
theory, Bales has also identified “three underlying factors at work which foster trafficking.”
When these three underlying factors exist, Bales has stated that conditions which amount to
human trafficking can exist and thrive. I will also elaborate on how these underlying factors
relate to the case of human trafficking in Japan.
Three Underlying Factors at Work Which Foster Trafficking
Bales’ makes note of three underlying factors at work which foster human trafficking.
These factors are:
(1) within the origin countries, an endless supply of victims remain available for
exploitation (2) within the destination countries there seems to be an endless demand for
the services of the victims and (3) organized criminal networks, some large and some
small, have taken control of this economic “supply and demand” situation and exploit
trafficked persons in order to generate enormous profits for themselves (Bales n.d.)
The factors this study is concerned with are (2) and (3). There is no need for the application of
(1) since Japan is not a discernible source country for trafficked persons.
Factor (2) explains that within the destination country there exists an endless demand for
the services of trafficked persons. If there is no endless demand for the “products” (or
“services”) provided by the trafficked victims, then it becomes unprofitable for traffickers to
attempt to mobilize persons into the destination country because there “services” are not
“demanded” by consumers. The majority of trafficking victims in Japan are trafficked into
Japan’s “entertainment” industry which includes brothels, dance halls, strip clubs, soaplands,
massage parlors, host/hostess clubs, and a number of other establishments where sex may or may
not be sold (Dean 2008; International Labor Organization 2005; Komai 2001; U.S. Department
of State 2012). This entertainment industry annually generates an estimated 4 – 10 trillion yen
(49 – 147 billion USD) and accounts for an estimated 1-3% of Japan’s GDP (Dean 2008).
Hiroshi Komai makes note of the high demand for women to fill positions in the sex industry and
foreign women are often turned to as a source to fill these positions, as Japanese women
typically do not work in sex establishments unless they higher class establishments catering to
more lucrative clientele (Komai 2001). This creates an opportunity for traffickers to recruit and
subject women to these conditions because the demand is so high (ibid.).
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The entertainment industry exists juxtapose to other industries and social establishments
which cater to sexual and intimate gratification. For example, Japan’s pornography industry
produces around 30,000 new titles annually, making it the largest porn market in Asia (Morita
2005). There are two social activities which depict this backdrop of sexual gratification in
Japanese society. One such example is enjo kōsai, or “compensated dating,, which involves an
older male offering money or material goods to a younger female (often around high-school age)
for “dates” (Leheny 2006). These dates are consensual, the girls are not coerced or forced to
oblige to anything, and sex is typically not involved, though it does happen. The same kind of
compensated dating exists where older women pay younger males for the same kind of dates
which is known as gyaku enjo kōsai (Leheny 2006). A second such social phenomenon is that of
sex tourism; cases of Japanese nationals traveling abroad for the purposes of going on “sex
tours” (ECPAT International 2011; Fowler 1998; Sellek 2001: 159). On these sex tours,
Japanese nationals engage in sex with prostitutes, which in some cases have been formally
arranged by a travel agency. There have been instances where Japanese nationals on “sex tours”
have been arrested abroad for engaging in sex with children or the production of child
pornography (ECPAT International 2011).
The two above-mentioned social establishments within Japanese society all contribute to
Japan’s open and diversified sexual culture which is evident in Japanese lifestyle. In addition,
the entertainment industry generates substantial profits for those involved. Such a lucrative
industry is supported by the consumers who “consume” its product. The consumption of these
“products” vis-à-vis Japan’s open sex culture create and cultivate the “endless demand” for
consumption of the “product” which Bales was describes in factor (2).
The other factor this study is concerned with, factor (3), states organized criminal
networks, some large and some small, have taken control of this economic “supply and demand”
situation and exploit trafficked persons in order to generate enormous profits for themselves.
Due to the clandestine and illicit nature of the trafficking industry it is not easy to assuredly
substantiate the involvement of crime networks in the trafficking process. However, the
involvement of organized crime can be adequately validated by various sources. One such
source which exemplifies this is the International Labour Organization’s Report Human
Trafficking for Sexual Exploitation in Japan, which demonstrates the direct involvement of
Japanese organized crime groups in the trafficking process through their role in deceptively
recruiting victims and operating establishments where human trafficking exists (International
Labor Organization 2005). The report provides narrative analysis from former trafficking
victims who experienced trafficking and the hand of organized crime networks first-hand.
Further indication of organized crime involvement has also been expounded upon by various
other sources, with particular emphasis on their role in facilitating migrant introduction into the
construction industry (Komai 1995: 105; Friman 2011).
An increase of liberated trafficking victims has since provided traffickers with a constant
line of recruiters, facilitators, brokers, and managers in the trafficking process. When these
victims are liberated, often times their opportunities for advancement are limited and they turn to
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what they know best, human trafficking. This process has since led to changes in the
infrastructure of the trafficking process and as a result organized crime groups have not needed
to directly travel to countries to procure women, but rather now, former trafficking victims are
recruiting their relatives, friends, and acquaintances in their home country as trafficking victims.
The end result is that the yakuza now have endless resources for procuring trafficked women in
these former trafficking victims (International Labor Organization 2005).
Human Trafficking for Sexual Exploitation in Japan presents specific case study
examples of scenarios where the yakuza have been directly involved with the recruitment of
trafficked women in some way and thus substantiates the role of organized crime in the
recruitment, harboring, and movement of trafficked persons. The report makes note of the
culpability of organized crime syndicates for the trafficking and captivity of multiple women
from the Philippines, Thailand, and Colombia (International Labor Organization 2005: 17, 19, 30,
36). Other sources such as Jake Adelstein’s book Tokyo Vice and Meryll Dean’s article “Sold in
Japan: Human Trafficking for Sexual Exploitation” have further provided insight into the crucial
role played by organized crime groups in the trafficking process, as well as in their operations
and funding of establishments where victims are exploited (Adelstein 2009; Dean 2008). The
depiction of the role of the yakuza by multiple sources establishes strong indication of the
involvement of organized crime groups in Japan’s trafficking industry.
Factors (2) and (3) of Bales’ “underlying factors which foster trafficking” are confirmed
through this analysis of Japanese society. Exemplifying where and why the demand exists for
trafficked persons and depicting the element of organized crime involvement coincides with
Bales’ underlying factors. This indicates that the potential for victims to be trafficked into Japan
is profoundly existent and that these underlying factors serve as preliminary conditions for
trafficking to subsist and thrive. In order to complete the test of Bales’ theory, I will now
analyze a deeper of variety of factors proposed by Bales to determine if his theory tests
successful.
Trafficking into a country
Bales describes the push-pull factors in the trafficking relationship which essentially
attract trafficked persons away from one country and towards another. In analyzing human
trafficking into a country, one must look at what “pull” factors drive the “pushed” persons into
the destination country. Bales proposed that governmental corruption, availability of
employment, economic well-being (of the destination country), economic opportunity, and the
demographic profile (of the destination country) could influence trafficking into a country. To
test these factors Bales investigated the percent of the male population of 60, governmental
corruption, infant mortality, food production, and energy consumption per capita. Bales results
showed that with the exclusion of energy consumption per capita, all were significant indicators
in determining human trafficking into a country. Therefore, in order to determine if these factors
actually do speak about human trafficking into Japan, I will be examining each of these factors
as well.
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1. Government corruption
Bales’ theory states that governmental corruption plays a significant role in determining
human trafficking into a country. This factor is significant because government corruption is one
of the largest indicators of “border permeability”; if it is easy for persons to illegally enter a
country, then a situation where trafficking can formulate and persist can readily be created (Bales
n.d.). Governmental corruption is one of the most difficult factors to assess amongst all the
factors because of the undercover nature of corruption and a lack of empirical numbers which
can be referenced. Even more challenging was an a breakdown of corruption within Japan. For
this analysis I selected to use the Corruptions Perceptions Index (CPI) and various analyses from
scholars who have written and researched corruption in Japan.
The CPI is an analysis and classification of countries based on the perceived levels of
corruption within nations. It is analyzed by “expert assessment and opinion surveys” and is an
accessible source for global comparison of governmental corruption (Transparency International
2011). The CPI has received some reproach since its inception in 1995 because of its methods
and at times inconsistency in its evaluation (Campbell 2013).
Despite such criticism the CPI remains one of the most thorough and consistent sources
for evaluating corruption internationally. According the CPI, Japan currently scores an 8.0 and
has steadily increased since 2004. On this scale Japan is ranked the 14th least corrupt nation in
the world, which it shares with Germany(8.0). In international comparison, New Zealand(9.5)
ranks 1st, Iceland(8.3) ranks 13th, Austria, Barbados, and the United Kingdom are ranked 16th
with 7.8, the United States scores a 7.1, China scores a 6.1, and South Korea scores a 5.4. This
scale ranks Japan relatively low in its degree of corruption (Transparency International 2011).
Though the CPI ranks corruption in Japan among the lowest in the world, there have been
numerous corruption scandals that have demonstrated Japan’s vulnerability for corruption to
occur. While the overall amount of corruption can be perceived as low, Japan has been the site
of various corruption scandals in the post-war period. Several sources have made note of the
corrupt activities which have surfaced within Japan, which have included topics of corruption in
the Japanese government as early as 1954 (Pascha 1999), bribery scandals involving political
contributions over the last fifteen years (Belchinger 2000), and specific examples of bureaucratic,
political, and police corruption; and corruption scandals involving many respected political
officials (Johnson 2001). Furthermore, there have been links between organized crime and
corruption within police forces in Japan and within the Japanese government. Drawing on the
conclusion that Japanese organized crime groups are expected to play a tangible role in
trafficking persons into Japan, it is possible these groups are involved with corrupt officials who
allow this trafficking to take place (Adelstein 2009; International Labor Organization 2005).
Considering the above, it is difficult to determine the true level of corruption in Japan and
how that corruption actually impacts the human trafficking process. To summarize the situation:
governmental corruption in Japan is classified as low by the CPI, though other scholars have
highlighted numerous instances of governmental corruption and scandals which have occurred in
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a variety of manifestations. By the standards used in this paper, I cannot determine nor estimate
an accurate level of government corruption in Japan, and I cannot determine that government
corruption does or does not play a significant role in harboring and permitting of human
trafficking into Japan’s borders – though it is highly suspected. Thereupon, this aspect of Bales’
theory cannot be determined at this time.
2. Percentage of the male population over 60
Bales explains that the percentage of the male population over the age of 60 is important
because in countries where a significant portion of the male population is over 60, there is
typically a dearth of low wage jobs that would typically be frequented by younger males. If
there are no males to take up these jobs, then trafficking into a country can potentially become
more prevalent because workers from less economically prosperous nations recognize this
opportunity and attempt migration, therefore simultaneously creating the opportunity for
traffickers to exploit these younger workers (Bales n.d.). This factor is most likely a more
significant determinant of human trafficking in countries where labor exploitation of males is
more rampant. In Japan, most trafficking victims are women and children sexually exploited in
the entertainment industry, though there have also been cases of males trafficking into Japan for
labor exploitation in agriculture, construction, manufacturing, and in the sex industry as well,
particularly in construction, agriculture, and manufacturing (Friman 2011; International Labor
Organization 2005; Sellek 2001; U.S. Department of State 2011). Since the exploitation of
males does exist in Japan on some level, this is a relevant factor for testing Bales’ theory in the
context of Japan.
According to statistics from the Japanese government, 29% of the male population in
Japan is over the age of 60. The following Table demonstrates the case of Japan in comparison
to other developed nations as indicated by UNData
Japan
Monaco
Italy
Germany
Sweden
UK
France
United States
Source: UNData
27.6%
26.1%
23.7%
23.2%
23.0%
20.8%
20.7%
16.4%
The representative data shows that Japan is the country with the highest percentage of its male
population over age 60. In accordance with Bales’ theory, this underscores the potential for
trafficking to exist and thrive in Japanese society.
3.Economic well-being
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Bales determined that the economic well-being of a destination country was another
factor that could determine trafficking into a country. To establish a country’s economic wellbeing, Bales examined the country’s infant mortality rate, food consumption, and energy
production per capita. Bales results indicated that infant mortality and food production were
significant indicators of trafficking into a country, while energy consumption per capita was not.
Infant Mortality
According to the CIA World Fact Book, Japan’s infant mortality rate is estimated at 2.21
deaths/100,000 births, and according to United Nations the rate is estimated at 3.1 for 2010 –
2015 (CIA World Fact Book, UNdata). This places Japan second best globally in terms of infant
mortality. The only area with a better birth rate was again Monaco, with an estimated 1.83. The
worst birth rates in the world were held by Afghanistan (121.63/146.9), Niger (109.98/81.4), and
Mali(109.09/99.6). In accordance with Bales’ theory, this paramount infant mortality rate
supports the economic well-being of Japan, thus also supporting its position as a factor which
determines trafficking into a country (CIA World Fact Book).
Food Production
Bales also recognized food production as a symbol of a country’s economic well-being
and a factor which determines human trafficking into a country. In order to determine the food
production situation in Japan, I explored recent trends in food production within Japan.
Japan’s food production has steadily been declining since 1960. As of 2011, Japan only
produces 39% of the food needed to adequately feed its population and imports account for 61%
of the country’s food consumption. In comparison to other developed nations Japan’s production
is notably low and have been further exacerbated by the earthquake, tsunami, and Fukushima
Nuclear Plant disaster in 2011 (Bosveld 2011). For example, compared to Japan, the United
Kingdom produces 70% of the food needed to feed its population and France produces 120% of
the food needed to feed its population. Japan’s food production of 39% indicates its relatively
low domestic food production in comparison to other nations of similar economic stature. This
decline is predicted to be exacerbated in coming years due to Japan’s declining population, small
areas dedicated to food production, and an aging farming population (BBC News n.d.; Bosveld
2011).
Bales’ theory asserts that food production is a significant factor in determining the
economic well-being of a destination country and thus can be considered an indicator of the
corresponding levels of human trafficking with the destination country. In the context of Japan,
food production is not an area where Japan is particularly thriving, as there are numerous
problems and issues regarding food production that Japanese officials are concerned about for
the future. This aspect does not coincide with Bales’ theory of food production being a
significant indicator of human trafficking into a country.
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Although Japan’s food production situation does not support Bales’ theory of human
trafficking, Japan’s food production is not particularly representative of the overall well-being of
Japan and the Japanese economy. Japan currently has the third largest economy in the world, is
a leader in electronic and automotive innovation, and advancements in technology. While food
production remains low and the economy has recently been surpassed by China for the world’s
second largest, there is still much economic success within Japan (Posen 1998). To solely gauge
Japan’s economic well-being on this aspect alone would neglect to acknowledge the areas of
economic development and sustainability in which Japan has thrived and used to establish itself
as an international economic power.
Even though Japan does not support the Bales’ theory when looking at this indicator of
food production, there are other factors which do adequately demonstrate the economic wellbeing of Japan. Despite the lack of evidence for support through the lens of food production, if a
more accurately representative aspect of Japan’s economy is used to depict Japan’s true
economic well-being, then the hypothesis that economic well-being determines human
trafficking into a country would be more successfully collaborated in the context of Japan.
Conclusion
This paper has intended to determine whether or not the case of Japan can be used to
substantiate Bales’ proposed theory of what determines and drives trafficking in persons. In the
process, this paper also sheds light on the dynamics and causalities behind human trafficking into
Japan. As a developed nation with a perceptually high level of human trafficking, particularly so
amongst developed nations, Japan is a unique and worthy case study for analyzing Bales’ theory.
The following figures show the application of this theory in the sense of Japan.
Figure 2. Bales’ Underlying Factors Which Foster Human Trafficking Applied to Japan
Underlying Factor
(1)
(2)
(3)
Case of Japan
Not applicable. Japan is not a source country for human trafficking.
Yes, endless demand for victims exists in Japan’s sex industry.
Yes, adequately demonstrated organized crime involvement.
Factors:
(1)within the origin countries, an endless supply of victims remain available for
exploitation (2) within the destination countries there seems to be an endless demand for
the services of the victims and (3)organized criminal networks, some large and some
small, have taken control of this economic “supply and demand” situation and exploit
trafficked persons in order to generate enormous profits for themselves
Figure 3 Bales’ Factors Which Determine Human Trafficking Applied to Japan
Determining Factors
Governmental Corruption
Support Bales’ Theory
Inconclusive. While corruption does occur and to some extent
may be responsible for human trafficking, there is no
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Percentage of Males Over 60
Food Production
Infant Mortality
Energy Production
comprehensive evidence indicating Japan’s level of corruption.
Yes, 27.6% of Japan’s population is over 60, the highest
percentage globally.
No, Japan has one of the lowest levels of food production for a
developed nation
Yes, Japan has one of the lowest infant mortality rates in the
world.
Not applicable, Bales found this category to not be a significant
factor in determining trafficking into a country.
For Bales’ “three underlying factors at work which foster trafficking”, factors relevant to Japan,
(2) and (3), proved valid as there is both an organized crime element involved in the trafficking
process as well as an endless supply to fulfill the demand within Japan(as demonstrated within
the sex industry. In regard to the factors which determine human trafficking, the results were a
bit varied. The percentage of the male population over 60 and Japan’s infant mortality rate both
represented Japan’s economic well-being, thus supporting Bales’ theory. On the contrary, food
production in Japan was relatively low though deemed not accurately representative of Japan’s
economic well-being. Therefore, while the category of food production may not coincide with
Bales’ theory, other aspects of Japan’s economy do demonstrate the country’s economic wellbeing. As I could not find conclusive evidence suggesting a great deal of government corruption
within Japan, this factor remains inconclusive at this time.
The case of Japan coincides with Bales’ theoretical framework explaining human
trafficking to a large extent. However, some minor discrepancies within Bales’ theory have been
brought to attention through this analysis. Thus, in order to draw solid conclusions, this theory
must be examined further. The case of Japan is only one such lens through which this theory can
be analyzed; further analysis using other destination countries of human trafficking would be
able to more accurately gauge this theory in respect to the realities of human trafficking
dynamics.
For Japan, the indication of prevalent factors that foster human trafficking and the factors
that drive trafficking in persons can be used as a focal point to address these issues. If Japan
understands the undercurrents behind the trafficking process, then more efficient precautions can
be taken to address the pull factors which attract potential migrants into Japan.
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