Elizabeth Sibilia Dissertation Title: Space, Labor and Law: The global production of a landscape for shipbreaking in Chittagong, Bangladesh and the problem of surplus Presentation Title: Notes from chapter on the “Spaces of Shipbreaking” A few miles north of the historic port city of Chittagong, Bangladesh, there is a sixmile stretch of beach that is home to some of the world’s most active shipbreaking yards. For the past 30 years the shipbreaking industry in Bangladesh has transformed the once lush and densely populated mangrove coastline into a landscape scared by rust, asbestos, and oils. In a busy year, thousands of workers, many of whom are children, labor for 150 companies operating in 80 shipbreaking yards transforming the detritus of global capitalism (ships) into valuable material for an “emerging economy.” About 95% of the ship is recycled in the breaking process. Steel makes up most of it. The processes involved in extracting value from the vessels are toxic and labor intensive and place the laborers’ lives and coastal environment at risk every step of the process. The scale of environmental destruction and toxic work conditions makes explicit what is at stake in this global sacrifice zone. By the mid 1980s, Bangladesh’s shipbreaking yards emerged as one of the most competitive markets in the world for scrapping surplus tonnage. Since then, they have competed with India and China for the number of ships scrapped while often surpassing them in tonnage. What makes Bangladesh, its people, coastal landscape, and its history, particular for transforming the world’s surplus into valuable material? Anthropologist Ann Laura Stoler proposes that there needs to be new ways of disentangling that which constitutes the tangibility of colonial pasts and imperial presents, arguing that imperial formations persist in material debris and in ruined landscapes and through the social 1 ruination of peoples lives. Thus in the context of shipbreaking the question becomes not only what to explore, but how to explore it. What became evident through the cross analysis of fieldwork done in 2014 in Singapore, Dubai, and Bangladesh is that, the main stakeholders of the global demolition markets are dependent on and use spaces of the sea as a way to dodge certain international and national environmental and labor regulations. This research pivots offshore from Chittagong to consider what spaces, practices, and processes are significant to disentangle in order to deepen an understanding of the production of this toxic landscape. It locates Singapore’s outer port limits, or Singapore OPL, as spatially critical to this production. Recently scholars have raised a critical need to prioritize the ship as a focus of study in itself; geographers William Hasty and Kimberly Peters suggest that studying the ship may present geographers with opportunities to reframe key concerns within the discipline. They propose that a geography of ships, one that positions the ship as central, will “actively reframe existing knowledges and histories, and moreover raise new questions and lines of enquiry because of their distinct spatiality” (2012 p. 671). Working from this methodology, I propose that deepening our understanding of the production of toxic spaces in Chittagong will emerge from taking seriously a “sustained focus on the ship itself” as these scholars suggest. The ship is understood as a form of fixed, albeit mobile capital, but in the shadow of speculative shipping markets and inevitable depressed trade economies, the ship threatens, or risks, accumulation in its becoming surplus or waste, and its commodity form is necessitated as it is transformed into an “endof-life vessel” by those seeking to make capture any remaining value. The shipbreaking beaches are spaces whose topographies can be thought through topographies of risk, that expand beyond the shores to reveal the multi-scaled nature of risk as it moves with the 2 ship, in and out of territorial and non-territorial waters, as it idles in non-delineated spaces of the sea, and ultimately comes to die in intertidal zones while producing new forms of risk through toxic extractive practices. All the while this movement reflects the unevenness in the production of import and export markets, transshipment hubs, trade routes, and labor markets globally. The focus of this research is to consider how spaces of the sea, OPL, are used strategically to facilitate the buying and selling of these ships. The informal space of Singapore OPL, a space that exists between legal definitions, away from shore and out of sight, becomes in a sense, a free zone or free marketplace for the exchange of substandard vessels, a space defined by those who use it and act in it. 3