Researching Gay Speech Patterns at the U of I for the class Eng 401, Professor Vieira written by Jacalyn Rauch, 3 May 2011 Abstract This research project seeks to answer the following major questions: are there homosexual linguistic patterns typical to gay men, at least on the University of Illinois campus? What constitutes those speech patterns as identifiably gay? Where do these speech patterns come from, and why do they exist? And, most importantly, what do gay men have to say about it? After conducting my interviews and observations, as well as delving into some secondary sources, I came to several conclusions concerning the afore-mentioned research questions: 1) There are identifiable gay speech patterns 2) These qualities of speech are not dependent on gender distinctions, but exist along a spectrum that includes both masculine and feminine qualities (and which all men and women, gay or straight, take part in on some level) 3) Though sometimes exaggerated in stereotypical portrayals, the very exaggeration of gay speech can exist as a symbol of gay power in society, and as a means for gay men to establish their presence within a community and their right to a cultural voice 4) Nothing is truly concrete outside the realm of individual experience Throughout the research process I feel that my understanding of the gay culture and community on this campus has deepened considerably, as well as my respect for those individuals who consider themselves a part of it. Despite the conclusions I’ve drawn, I’ve also come to realize that the ability to describe gay speech patterns is far less important than the ability to engage thoughtfully with perspectives different from mine, and to expand my own understanding of what life is like on this campus for different individuals within different communities. Rauch 2 Research Methods In order to complete my research I followed several steps involving both primary and secondary sources. Besides researching secondary sources (including online journal articles, other research projects in the IDEAL archives, and texts read in English 401), I also observed at different venues within the gay community on campus (mostly social bar events, including the popularly termed “Thursgay” at Murphy’s, as well as an LGBT-funded date auction at Clybourne’s). None of these sources or observations, however, provided me with the information I could only discover by talking with gay individuals themselves. Therefore my most insightful findings (and those I focus on in this paper) arose from the interviews I conducted with three different gay men, all Illini students with unique experiences and insights to share on the topic of gay speech. Here follows a brief introduction to these three individuals, but I reserve a deeper analysis of their interviews for later in the paper; for it was only after reviewing the three interviews in relation to one another that the most rewarding aspects of my research began. Tony My first interviewee, Tony, is a senior in Advertising and Business Administration, with a minor in English, and an impressive resume of extracurricular activities besides (including being President of the Chancellor Scholar Honor Student Council, Director of Marketing for the Illini Union Board, and on Homecoming Court). He carries himself with poise and confidence, yet with a self-awareness that belays a slight lack of confidence – not in his intelligence, to be sure, but perhaps in self-perception. As we sit together at a small table in the corner of the Barnes and Noble café, he waits for me to begin the interview with a hardly noticeable tension, a nervousness, permeating his demeanor. Since we’ve been friends for a long time, I know the cause of his hidden apprehension is not my presence, but the topic we are about to discuss. Rauch 3 Tony is a man who wishes to be seen by others not through the lens of sexual orientation, but by other self-defining attributes – his accomplishments, his personality, his opinions. To Tony, being gay is not one of the most important aspects of his identity, and though he harbors no ill feeling toward other, more “out and proud” individuals, he seems to long for a society where gay men are perceived and accepted as “normal,” without the assumptions of gay attributes perpetuated by stereotypes (in media AND reality). That being said, he does not deny the existence of certain attributes that lead to those stereotypes (such as those associated with gay speech patterns), and soon engages in our discussion with fast-growing ease and enthusiasm, as the interview progresses and the conversation unfolds into ever more depth and intrigue. Brian Shortly after my first interview, I arranged a meeting at Panera with Brian. A year younger than Tony and majoring in Biology, Brian provides me with slightly different perspectives on gay speech patterns and their relationship to self-identity. Because I had met Brian before at several social events (and usually those associated with the gay community), I have to admit that I thought of him as having a more stereotypically “gay” personality. After talking with him for only a few moments however, it becomes clear that I had made my own mistake in making that assumption: not only does he consider his own speech as less stereotypical than other gay men on campus, he also confides that though he has been out among the gay community during his time on campus, he only officially came out to his friends and family at home within the last month. Despite this news (surprising to me), he carries himself comfortably and shares his insights with me with unabashed candor. Though Brian considers himself a less “stereotypical” speaker than other gay men he knows on campus, he admits that those qualities attributed to the gay persona do emerge when he is either a) particularly excited or b) with other gay men. As we continue our discussion it is Rauch 4 clear that he is confident in himself and his personality, and that he seems to waste no time worrying about other people’s perceptions of him, whether he behaves more flamboyantly or not – in his eyes, true friends do not judge him either way. He views the most flamboyant speech patterns as a symbol of belonging to the gay community rather than any inherency of being gay; this particular insight led us into a great area of discussion, one which I will expound upon later. Chris My last (and by no means least) interviewee proves to be a particularly rich mine of information, sharing various personal anecdotes, observations, and experiences with hardly any words of encouragement or inquiry from me. This man, Chris Gibson (who cheerfully insists I use his real name for the project), is a senior in Kinesiology, and an avid supporter of Gay Pride. Definitely the most vocal (if not also the most confident) of all the men I’ve interviewed, he has plenty to say, and no qualms about saying it. Settling into the couches at his apartment late one weekday evening, I realize that I’ve never seen Chris so decontextualized – at home instead of a party or a bar, hair un-styled, clothes nondescript, and glasses instead of contacts. Despite the difference in appearance, his demeanor and personality remain ever effervescent – engaging, self-assured, and only sometimes slightly over-the-top. Perhaps the biggest distinction to be made from the other two interviewees is that Chris has counted himself an open member of the gay community since he was seventeen years old and a junior in high school, unlike Tony or Brian, who only recently came out during their college careers. Though I do not say this is the only reason, this difference surely seems to play out in the unique personalities of my interviewees: Tony, determined not to be identified by his orientation and therefore uncomfortable in identifying too closely with the more colorful gay persona; Brian, not as bothered by other people’s perceptions about himself, but still less inclined Rauch 5 to be “out and proud;” and finally, Chris, who embraces gay culture the most wholeheartedly, and therefore incorporates it into his identity the most. All of these individuals acknowledge some sort of “gay quality” within their own speech patterns, despite obvious variances, and all of them have intelligent and well-formed opinions concerning gay speech patterns on the whole. Together the interviews with these three individuals led me to divide my research into a few major themes: gay speech patterns in relation to 1) gender, 2) media and culture, and 3) individual experience. Though each interviewee has different perspectives and insights according to their different experiences, they all hit on these themes somehow or another in their interviews. And what I had originally thought was dissension among my interviewed subjects was soon revealed, after careful review and critical analysis, as a surprising harmony of perception. First – What is “it”?1 Before moving on to the major themes discovered throughout my interviews, let me give a brief description of all three men’s various attempts to describe those qualities that make gay speech identifiable. All men mentioned gay speakers as having marked differences in tone and pitch, as well as heightened degrees of expression. Brian also mentioned the usage of certain “buzz” words (like “fabulous”), and Chris gleefully detailed me on some exclusive gay vocabulary (slang terms only used in gay company, such as “wolf,” “bear,” etc.). Besides this specific word usage, the most typical vocal attributes that lead to the identification of homosexuality seem to be the variation in pitch and expression: Chris says, “Overall I think the expressiveness is very prevalent, talking more and with more energy… It’s the exact opposite of monotone… Melodic.” according to Don Kulick’s critical analysis in “Gay and Lesbian Language,” there is a dimension of linguistic interaction that identifies sexuality to some extent, but there is no inherent “gay language” scholars should be focusing on in their linguistic research. 1 Rauch With these descriptions in mind, let us move on to the weightier themes concerning gay speech. Hey Girlfriend: Homosexuality and the Binary Gender Construction2 One of the first observations that got me really interested in this research topic was of a conversation at the LGBT date auction. One gay man, overhearing my conversation with a friend on the topic of this class project, interjected a comment to the following effect: “For a long time I tried to speak more manly, but I couldn’t.” At the time I hadn’t even mentioned factors of masculinity and femininity as affecting the distinction of typical gay speech (though I won’t deny it had certainly crossed my mind) – so what is it about gender that gets so mixed up in perceptions of gay speech? According to Johnsen’s research, much of the spoken interaction between gay men is a “negotiation of gender inversion” – that is, gay speech patterns reflect socially constructed identities that are related to conventional categories of gender (for example, gay men calling each other “girlfriend” or, as Chris mentions, “bitch”).3 Yet does this sort of gender inversion extend beyond vocabulary to qualities in speech such as tone, pitch, and expressiveness? What does it mean to speak more “manly” versus more femininely? Tony is the first to jump to the defensive in the realm of gender in gay stereotypes. His attempt to describe what makes gay speech distinctive is immediately a negative description: “More than anything else, without giving it a gender distinction, there’s just more of a variation tonally, and I would say that the ending cadence on a sentence is probably different.” Later on he delves further into the subject of femininity, describing his own attempts to combat that particular stereotype: “After I came out I actually felt more of a drive to be seen as ‘one of the according to Judith Butler’s “Performative Acts and Gender Constitution,” binary gender is a social construction that individuals adhere to through cultural performance. 3 see Ole Ringdal Johnsen’s “He’s a Big Old Girl! Negotiation of Gender Inversion in Gay Men’s Speech” 2 6 Rauch 7 guys,’ to be just as competitive and… (to show) that being gay wasn’t a handicap as far as the kind of masculine guy role sort of thing….” Brian approaches the subject of gender somewhat less defensively, but with a basically similar view on the matter, saying, “I wouldn’t say it (the identifying quality of gay speech) is femininity because I don’t feel that a lot of the people who use it – not ironically, but seriously use it – I don’t feel like they’re trying to say that they’re any less masculine than they are.” Tony echoes this thought with the comment, “I have always felt very comfortable as part of the gender binary and I don’t really see my orientation as reflecting anything other than just that.” Similarly, Chris declares, “As for gay guys referring to each other as girlfriend and stuff like that, I don’t care – I don’t want them to actually think that or use it all the time, ‘cause I still consider myself a guy.” Furthermore, one of Chris’s first attempts to define distinctive gay speech patterns is, like Tony’s, a negative description: “Overall I think the expressiveness is very prevalent, talking more and with more energy, but the voice that sounds like a girl is completely over the top.” But later on he amends this statement slightly, saying, “Most straight guys talk in a lower voice than I do, and I sometimes wonder if that’s their natural pitch… it kind of annoys me. It’s also an easy way to blend in. That’s also what I was referring to when I said energy and emotion – I think those are more feminine qualities in terms of speaking, and actually displaying that.” Here we start to stray off the beaten path of our society’s clear-cut notions of distinction within the binary gender construction. That is to say, here is an alternative to the idea of gay speech qualities floating somewhere between the realms of masculine and feminine: what if all individuals – male, female, gay, straight – exist along a spectrum of qualities that are inherently neither masculine nor feminine, but something else? This way gay men and women (and even Rauch 8 straight men) may often share similar qualities in speech (expressiveness, energy, higher pitch) not bound by orientation or sex, but by individual personality or adherence to cultural staples. Though the idea of cultural performativity is certainly not new, it does give us a fresh lens to move forward in this research project, particularly as we shift our focus to perceptions of gay speech patterns in the media and cultural communities. Jacks and Wills: Peacocking and Perceptions of Homosexuality At one point in his interview Chris says, “I think there’s a lot more Wills than there are Jacks. I think the Jacks are louder and more in your face and that they’re easier to spot, but they’re not more in number.” If you are not familiar with the show “Will and Grace,” let me give a brief explanation to illustrate the point: two of its main characters are gay men, Will and Jack. Will is a lawyer, a much more serious and sensible character than Jack, who is an actor, and probably one of the most flagrant examples of flamboyant behavior to ever come across the airwaves. In light of this knowledge, we can now see Chris’s comment as a powerful description of the reality of gay culture in relation its portrayal in the media. The media’s portrayal of stereotypical gay men can find its match in reality, but the number of gay men who are at that far end of the spectrum is quite less than many people realize. Chris continues with a personal example, “My class for RST 199 thought I was straight for half the semester before I said that I met a gay porn star on Unofficial (laughs) – that was what it took for them to realize… It’s easier to pick up on when you know, and straight people are looking for something a lot more obvious.” Just because the portrayal of gay men in the media may ring true for certain gay individuals in reality does not mean the overly-done stereotype does not have its negative Rauch 9 effects.4 Tony says, “I’m not saying that people who are flamboyant and overly obvious, that they shouldn’t be that way, that it’s not alright for them to express themselves like that. I just think that when it becomes a stock character and that personality is essentially being mined for entertainment value, that’s when it becomes uncomfortable for me.” Brian also brings up the point of personal identity formation: “I think there are some people who feel that they need to fit the stereotype then they change who they are to reach some kind of – I don’t want to say ideal – but reach some kind of personal note that’s been portrayed to them.”5 So now the question becomes one of origin – what came first, the chicken or the egg? Does the media create a stereotype which then trickles into society, or does the stereotype stem from real examples of certain gay individuals who act that way naturally? Perhaps another of Chris’s insights can illuminate the issue further. He calls his theory peacocking, “where a bunch of gay guys are together, or if they’re out and they’re comfortable, they’ll almost act and sound more gay than they actually are just so everyone knows… I think the personality gets accentuated when more gay people get together – it becomes even more prevalent.” Looking at it this way, we can make connections between gay speech patterns and other linguistic patterns identifiable to unique cultural groups. Brian says, “I think it’s more of a slang thing, really – I don’t want to elude to the inappropriate, but other races have their own slang, and it’s kind of a way you can feel a little bit more communal between groups of people.” Similarly, Chris states, “I would look at Ebonics the same way, which is that it used to be kind of a social group, you knew you were in the ‘in-crowd’ because you all spoke the same way.” In reference to Rosina Lippi-Green’s article “The standard language myth,” I hesitantly compare for information on gay discrimination, see Nick Gooler’s “The current and potential targeting of LGBT people in sexual violence prevention education in and around UIUC” 5 for more information on gay identity formation, see Marcus Lane’s “Conflicting Identities: Life of LGBT Students at UIUC” 4 Rauch 10 gay speech patterns to those linguistic patterns usually defined as creating an accent: “People in power are perceived as speaking normal, unaccented English. Any speech that is different from that constructed norm is called an accent.”6 Other linguistic terms (such as slang or dialect) may also be referenced in an effort to qualify gay speech patterns, but the most important thing to note in using any of these terms is the factor and effect of cultural community. Whether or not identifiable gay speech patterns arise because of natural or nurturing effects, they are significant not as a method of stereotype or discrimination, but as a force of unity and power within a historically disempowered social group. The interesting thing is, all three men agree that the proliferation of the over-the-top gay stereotype is declining as society becomes more accepting. Tony says, “I think once people get tired of… the super saturation of ‘gay,’ like all the worst stereotypes – once people get tired of that, and I think they will get tired of that, they’re just gonna want to see… just normal people.” Still, the remnants of that stereotype seem to be a source of pride for those who identify with it – Brian states, “I feel like the stereotype is kind of held up – even if nobody acted like it, I still think it’s gonna stay around permanently as a symbol… You can say something a billion different ways but the way you decide to say it definitely reflects who you are.” Like anything culturally or socially relevant, Brian’s thought-provoking declaration reminds us that within every stereotype and identifiable pattern, there is an individual living his own unique experience, and forming his own unique perceptions of the world around him. Freak on a Pedestal: Homosexuality and the Individual Experience Perhaps this final theme is needless to expound upon, seeing as I’ve already described to you the various ways my three interview subjects differ in backgrounds and experiences. Beyond these 6 Matsuda qtd Lippi-Green 59 Rauch 11 three gay men, however, I feel it is important to note that my observations and inquiries into this research subject are far from conclusive or all encompassing for the entirety of the gay community (not only on the Illinois campus, but beyond it as well). Some gay individuals speak more flamboyantly than any of the men I interviewed, and some may speak with no qualities distinctive of their orientation whatsoever. Regardless of this fact, identifiable patterns of gay speech certainly do exist within the majority of the gay community on campus, and different individuals experience, interact, and react to those patterns in individual ways. Gay speech patterns, therefore, exist less as an inherent method of labeling certain men as gay, but as a cultural phenomenon that every gay man may choose to identify with as little or as much as he wishes. So regardless of where an individual places himself on the spectrum of speech patterns ranging from low-key to extremely flamboyant, it is important to remember that we all deserve to have our say, in whatever voice we choose to say it with. Even the most flagrant of stereotypes can be born out as a powerful symbol for many who know they needn’t play any part in the extremes of gay culture, but still respect those who do, because, in Brian’s inspiring words, “this is what you celebrate because it’s somebody who’s different – and regardless of where you fall on this spectrum we’re talking about, this is the person on the far end of the spectrum, this is the person who is different, the freak, you hold him up on the pedestal because he’s different.” Whether or not you believe homosexuality is biological or social, or whether gay speech patterns are less present in reality than they are according to broad social perceptions, or whether all gay men adhere on some level to certain behavioral and vocal attributes, it is important to remember the quality and power of the individual experience. It is important to respect the individual, and his right to speak in whatever way he chooses. Rauch 12 References Butler, Judith. “Performative Acts and Gender Constitution.” Literary Theory: An Anthology. Ed. Julie Rivkin and Michael Ryan. Malden: Blackwell Publishing, 2004. 900-911. Gooler, Nick. “The current and potential targeting of LGBT people in sexual violence prevention education in and around UIUC.” EUI project from the IDEALS archive (2009): <http://hdl.handle.net/2142/13135>. Johnsen, Ole Ringdal. Journal of Homosexuality 54 (2008): 150-168. Kulick, Don. Annual Review of Anthropology 29 (2000): 243-286. Lane, Marcus. “Conflicting Identities: Life of LGBT Students at UIUC.” EUI project from the IDEALS archive (2009): <http://hdl.handle.net/2142/13113>. Lippi-Green, Rosina. English with an Accent: Language, Ideology, and Discrimination in the U.S. London: Routledge, 1997. 53-62. Acknowledgements A special and sincere thank you to my three interviewees – my research project would not have been nearly as rich and rewarding without your willing and thoughtful cooperation.