‘The Life and Times of Michael Staines’
Galway Mayo Institute of Technology
Mayo Campus
John King
B.A. in Heritage Studies (Honours)
2015
Name of Supervisor:
Ms. Fiona White
Submitted on the 27th of March
“This dissertation was submitted in part fulfilment of the requirements for the Bachelor of
Arts (Honours) Degree in Heritage at Galway-Mayo Institute of Technology, Mayo Campus”.
I hereby declare that this dissertation is of my own work
X_______________________________________________________
The Life and Times of Michael Staines 2015
Acknowledgments
I wish to thank Ms Fiona White for her guidance, perseverance and patience throughout this
dissertation. I would also like to thank the staff of Heritage Studies for their contribution to this
research.
Special thanks to Tom Murtagh of Claremorris Library and Ivor Hamrock of Mayo County Library
for being generous with their time and advice on this dissertation. Also thanks to Gerald Delaney of
South Mayo Family Research who was of great assistance throughout this research.
I would also like to thank my family for their support, understanding and patience while I worked on
this dissertation.
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The Life and Times of Michael Staines 2015
Abstract
Figure 1 Michael Staines in the early 1920s Commissioner (Garda Museum, 2014)
The purpose of this study is to present a biographical account of Michael Staines, best known as the
first Commissioner of An Garda Siochána the study intends to provide a written account of his life
and his contribution to the formation of the new state both as a politician, revolutionary and freedom
fighter during the war of independence. He also filled important organisational roles in during Sinn
Fein’s election victories in the lead up to the first Dáil, where he was elected himself as a Sinn Fein
TD. He fought in the Easter Rising and was interned in Frongoch, where he became leader of the
prisoners there
He also played a vital role in keeping the peace during the truce, and got involved in other important
work, such as the National Aid Association, and the re organisation of the Volunteers after the
failure of the rising.
He got involved in the formation of the new Police Force; his peacekeeping roles during the truce
made him the natural choice of becoming the first commissioner of the newly formed Garda
Siochána.
However his position as commissioner was short lived and he was forced to resign due a mutiny
among the new recruits. He had a very inconsistent political career, successful in the early years, but
struggled to succeed in politics in the new state as it developed into a modern western democracy
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The Life and Times of Michael Staines 2015
Table of Contents
Acknowledgments................................................................................................................................... i
Abstract ..................................................................................................................................................ii
Table of Contents ..................................................................................................................................iii
Table of Illustrations .............................................................................................................................. v
Chapter 1: Introduction ......................................................................................................................... 1
Chapter 2: Literature Review ................................................................................................................. 2
Chapter 3: Methodology ........................................................................................................................ 5
Primary resources............................................................................................................................... 5
Personal papers and interviews .......................................................................................................... 5
Military Archive Interviews ............................................................................................................... 5
The Garda Museum............................................................................................................................ 5
Census and other records ................................................................................................................... 5
Chapter 4: Early Life ............................................................................................................................. 6
4.1 Michael Joseph Staines 1885-1921 Early life ............................................................................ 6
4.2 The political Background in Ireland at the Time ......................................................................... 7
4.3 The 1916 Rising ........................................................................................................................... 7
4.4 Staines as leader of the prisoners in Frongoch............................................................................. 9
4.5 Political life ................................................................................................................................ 10
4.6 New Ireland Assurance collecting Society ................................................................................ 16
4.7 National Aid Association. .......................................................................................................... 16
4.8 Background to war of independence.......................................................................................... 17
4.9 Reorganising the volunteers ....................................................................................................... 17
4.10 On the Sinn Fein executive following The German Plot ......................................................... 18
4.11 Michael Staines Political Career .............................................................................................. 19
4.12 The Belfast Boycott ................................................................................................................. 23
4.13 Staines arrest ............................................................................................................................ 24
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The Life and Times of Michael Staines 2015
Chapter 5: 1921-1955 .......................................................................................................................... 25
5.1 Liaison Officer in Mayo and Galway (1921) ............................................................................. 25
5.2 Liaison officer for the jails ......................................................................................................... 26
5.3 Staines appointed chairman of the Police organising committee .............................................. 27
5.4 The Kildare Mutiny.................................................................................................................... 28
5.5 Inquiry into the Mutiny .............................................................................................................. 30
5.6 Staines later life.......................................................................................................................... 31
Chapter 6: Conclusion.......................................................................................................................... 33
Bibliography ........................................................................................................................................ 36
Appendix .............................................................................................................................................. 42
Appendix 1 ....................................................................................................................................... 42
Appendix 2 ....................................................................................................................................... 43
Appendix 3 ....................................................................................................................................... 44
Appendix 4 ....................................................................................................................................... 45
Appendix 5 ....................................................................................................................................... 46
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The Life and Times of Michael Staines 2015
Table of Illustrations
Figure 1 Young Michael Staines: on the left in the early 1920s and on the right he is the first Gárda
Commissioner (Garda Museum, 2014) ..................................................................................................ii
Figure 2 1901 Census of Ireland of the Staines Family ......................................................................... 6
Figure 3 1901 Census of Ireland showing Edward Staines ,Father of Micheal RIC man in
Ballaghaderien ....................................................................................................................................... 7
Figure 4 1911 Census of Ireland showing the Staines Family in Dublin .............................................. 8
Figure 5 Plunkett Election Badge ....................................................................................................... 12
Figure 6 Election Posters from Longford 1917 ................................................................................... 13
( Oireachtas Members Database, Longford by Election 1917) Figure 7 Election results for Longford
1917...................................................................................................................................................... 14
( Oireachtas Members Database, 1917)Figure 8 Election results for Clare 1917 ........................ 15
Figure 9 Election Posters from Clare 1917 .......................................................................................... 16
Figure 10 First Dail 1918 ..................................................................................................................... 20
Figure 11 Staines Election Lapel 1918 ................................................................................................ 21
(Mayo County Libary, 2015)
Figure 12 Staines Election Posters 1918 ........................................ 22
Figure 13 Record of Staines election Results ...................................................................................... 23
(Irish Times, 2010)
Figure 14 Photograph of Staines in Later life ............................................... 33
Figure 15 Staines final resting place ................................................................................................... 35
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The Life and Times of Michael Staines 2015
Chapter 1: Introduction
The aims and objective of this study is to examine the contribution of Michael Staines to Irish
History. The main aim is to provide a biographical account of the life, times, contribution and legacy
of Michael Staines to the formation of the new State. No books have been written directly about
Michael Staines and much of the information on him is confined to other books and publications
related to that period of Irish history from around 1913 to 1923 when he was an active participant in
the struggle for Irish independence
This study will examine Michael Staines, born in Newport County Mayo before the family moved to
Ballaghaderreen, County Roscommon where his father, Edward, an RIC constable was stationed.
This study will trace the events that shaped his life, from his early childhood in Mayo to his early
interest in revolutionary politics when he moved to Dublin in 1902. This will include his early days
in the Gaelic League, and his introduction to political nationalism in 1913 when he joined the Irish
Volunteers and became a member of the IRB. He quickly became quarter master to several
companies In Dublin and was close to Padraig Pearce in the lead up to the 1916 rising. He was a
quarter masters in the GPO during the rising and was later interned in Frongoch prison in Wales
where he became was a key leader of the prisoners.
On his release he got involved in the National Aid Association, which also acted as a cover in re
organising the volunteers and was director of supplies. He also filled important organisational roles
during Sinn Fein’s by election victories in Roscommon, Longford, and Clare. He got elected himself
in the first Dáil in 1918, and was involved other important work such as , establishing the Dáil
courts, and becoming the first director of the Belfast boycott, which was taken in retaliation to
Unionist treatment of Catholics in Ulster at the time
In 1920 he was imprisoned and after his release as a leading member of the IRB. He was active in
providing several vital functions to the struggle, including peace keeper and liaison officer in
Mayo/Galway during the period of the truce, .In the words of Richard Mulcahy he was the obvious
choice as the first commissioner of the Gárda Siochána when it was established in 1923.However he
lost control of the force during the Kildare Mutiny and resigned his position. He was involved in
politics both as alderman, T.D. and senator, during the early years of the new Free State.
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The Life and Times of Michael Staines 2015
Chapter 2: Literature Review
The aim of this Literary Review is to identify the relevant secondary sources of information at
National level and local level to put the story in context, in his contribution to Irish history. This
study will examine the secondary literary sources available on his early life growing up in Newport
and follow his revolutionary life as part of the Gaelic league, Volunteers, the 1916 rising, to his
imprisonment in Frongoch. It will also examine the period he worked with the National Aid
Association his involvement in Sinn Fein politics and local politics. Right up until he was made first
commissioner, his relationship with Michael Collins and Richard Mulcahy, of the Garda Siochána,
and also his political career suffered mixed fortunes in the early years of the new state.
The fact that Staines did not write a biography or keep any dairy or personal records means there is
limited information that can be gathered, except those on public record and libraries. What he was
like as a man? His temperament and character, his strengths and weaknesses can only be judged by a
small amount of writings in newspapers and brief mentions in a number of books from the period,
and also from people he had dealings with, People like Michael Collins, Eamon Duggan, Eamon De
Valera, all comrades he worked alongside during the struggle for independence, Much of the
information on his life comes from his own personal Military Archive interview given in 1955
shortly before his death. Other comrades mention him in their own military interviews, people like
Liam Tobin who was director of intelligence for Collins, and worked with him in Henshaws in the
lead up to the rising. Also Frank Thornton, who with Staines, was involved in setting up the New
Ireland Assurance Collecting Society.
He had a successful political career in the early years, first as an Alderman in Dublin Corporation
and then as a Sinn Fein TD on two occasions, and as a Fine Gael TD on two more occasions in the
early years of the new state. However he failed to regain his seat in three attempts’ getting less than
6% of the vote, was made a senator in 1930, but had little impact on Irish political life from the 20’s
onwards.
Some writers such as Padraig yates have a more critical view of Staines, he says he was promoted at
an early stage in the lead up to the 1916 rising “not on ability alone” but on the important position he
held in Henshaws” others like W.J. Brennan-Whitmore have a different view of Staines, describing
him as: “a highly efficient officer who earned the respect of every individual prisoner. In his book
“the Irish in Frongoch.
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The Life and Times of Michael Staines 2015
Some of the secondary sources include information from the Collins 22 Society; this society
examines the life of Michael Collins and Irish history in general from that time. Michael Staines was
a close associate of Collins.
The books used to cover this period of time include, the Guardians of the peace published in 1974
gives a good insight into the political developments that took place before and during the establishing
of the Garda Siochána, in which Staines was involved, as well as a brief history of the Republican
police which was used to enforce the rulings of the Sinn Féin courts during the brief period
immediately after the truce. It also gives a brief history of the old RIC and some of its members that
went on to join the new Garda Siochána.
A History of the Garda Siochána a book by Liam McNiffe covers a wide range including the social
history of the new police force, its transition from old RIC to the new Garda force and how many ex
RIC members brought into the new force to continue the line of professional policing caused
resentment and led to the Kildare muting which brought about the early resignation of Michael
Staines. This book investigates the reasons why the earliest recruits of the Civic Guard took up arms
against their own masters and brought about a significant security risk that had direct implications for
both the civil war and the future structure of its successor, An Garda Síochána.
The Civic Guard Mutiny by Brian McCarthy goes into great detail about the Kildare mutiny which
brought about the resignation of Micheal Staines as commissioner after only a period of a few
months. The events surrounding the Civic Guard Mutiny of 1922 have remained relatively unknown.
Despite the presence of the relevant files in the National Archives of Ireland, the mutiny has largely
been overlooked or briefly summarised in publications devoted to the history of Irish policing, even
though senior political figures of the time were involved. Up until the 60’s, only one of the veterans
of the mutiny wrote a series of short articles called smothered silence. This book investigates the
reasons why the earliest recruits of the Civic Guard took up arms against their own masters and
brought about a significant security risk that had direct implications for both the civil war and the
future structure of its successor, An Garda Síochána.
The decision of the Government to establish a new police force modelled on the disbanded and
Royal Irish Constabulary (RIC), which has been the target of republican attacks in the War of
Independence between 1919 and 1921. The transition of police power from the RIC to the Civic
Guard is identified as the moment Staines and the Government failed to take decisive action to avert
an imminent mutiny. This book examines the actual events of the mutiny, but also the fallout from
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The Life and Times of Michael Staines 2015
the inquiry which helped mould the future of Irish policing that evolved into the present day Garda
Siochána.
The Royal Irish Constabulary by Jim Herlihy is a comprehensive history of the RIC and its members
in Ireland
Books at local level include the East Mayo Brigade by Tom Redditch which covers this period of the
troubles in Mayo and also “wrap the green flag around me “covers the Mayo/Roscommon area
during this time period.
The local history sections of the Libraries of Mayo, Galway and Roscommon have much
information, such a sold photographs and copies of election posters and old newspaper cuttings from
this period.
The Garda Museum in Dublin Castle has a large amount of information and articles of Garda and
RIC interest from the period.
The study will also examine primary sources such as newspapers of the time and military interviews,
one in which Michael Staines gave to the Military archives in 1955 shortly before his death. There
are many books that portray this period of Irish history at national level and can put the study in
context to what was going on in the background.
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The Life and Times of Michael Staines 2015
Chapter 3: Methodology
Primary resources
Much of the primary information was sourced from local and National Newspapers of the time. The
literature at local level in the Mayo and Galway County libraries is about the war of independence
and the bitter civil war that followed. Some of the participations of this area made contact in some
way with Michael Staines and Joe Ring in their role as liaison officers during the truce and in this
way this information and their stories are relevant. This is also the case in the Roscommon area
where he lived as a child and returned later to organise the successful Sinn Fein campaign for the bye
elections of 1917 in North Roscommon, Longford and later Clare where De Valera was easily
elected.
Personal papers and interviews
Many visits were made to the local history section of Castlebar County Library where some primary
material was found. This included photographs and old election posters used by Michael Staines
when he stood for election for Sinn Fein in Dublin for the first Dáil in 1918.A visit was also made to
the Galway and Roscommon local library to find local information on the important organisational
role he played during the Sinn Fein bye election victories of North Roscommon, Longford and Clare,
and also the important role he played as liaison officer with his deputy Joe Ring between the British
in Galway/Mayo and the IRA immediately after the truce.
Military Archive Interviews
Most of the interviews are from the Military Archives which includes Staines interview as well as
many of his colleagues at the time: including Tom Tobin head of intelligence for Michael Collins,
and Frank Thornton, who was involved with Staines in establishing the New Ireland Assurance
Collecting Society.
The Garda Museum
The Garda museum is another important source of both primary and secondary resources including
old photographs, newspaper Cuttings and many artefacts and documents from there collection in
relation to Staines. This involved a day trip to Dublin to visit the museum.
Census and other records
This involved a visit to Gerald Delaney in the South West Mayo Family Resource centre in
Ballinrobe to check the census and get background information on the Staines Family
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The Life and Times of Michael Staines 2015
Chapter 4: Early Life
4.1 Michael Joseph Staines 1885-1921 Early life
Michael Joseph Staines Revolutionary, freedom fighter and politician is best known as the first
Garda commissioner; however his contribution is much greater in the period of the troubles between
1913 and 1923, during the struggle for Irish Independence. He was born in Newport County Mayo,
the son of an RIC man. His father Edward was a farmer’s son ,and native of County Carlow, he was
stationed in Newport at the time, but was transferred to Ballaghaderreen shortly afterwards, the
family moved to County Roscommon after Michael was born, The 1901 Census picks up the family
in Newport, his mother Margaret is from Newport, Michael is 13 years old at this point, his brother
Humphrey is Eight years old, and his father (head of Household) is interred in form H, which is
specific for RIC personnel , he is entered as E.S. initials only in Ballaghaderreen station, which was
normal practice for RIC census form H. Michael is entered as born in Mayo; the next sibling is born
in Roscommon, one year later as is all the rest of the family, suggesting they moved within a year of
Michaels birth The 1911 census picks up the family living in Murtagh Road Arron Quay in Dublin.
At this point Michael is entered as working as an Iron Monger (Henshaws) his
Figure 2 1901 Census of Ireland of the Staines Family
1901 census form showing the Staines family in Newport, Michael is 15years old and born in Mayo
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The Life and Times of Michael Staines 2015
Figure 3 1901 Census of Ireland showing Edward Staines, Father of Micheal RIC man in Ballaghaderreen (1901 Census showing Edward
Staines E.D. interred in form H (RIC) Ballinagare Ballaghaderreen Barracks)
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The Life and Times of Michael Staines 2015
Figure 4 1911 Census showing the Staines Family living at Murtagh Road Arron Quay Dublin, Michael Staines is 25 , occupation Iron Mongers
assistant (Henshaws of Dublin)
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The Life and Times of Michael Staines 2015
Staines in his military interview briefly mentions his childhood in Roscommon he says
I went to Ballaghaderreen to endeavour to contact Michael Judge. At the railway station I met Fr.
Gildea who greeted me. He remembered me from the time I lived in the district and had not
returned there since I left it thirteen years before (Staines,M, 1955).
4.2 The political Background in Ireland at the Time
The beginning of the 20th century had seen the growth of a new kind of nationalism that appealed to
young Irish men and women. This nationalism appeared in the form of the Gaelic Athletic
Association (GAA) founded in 1884, the Gaelic League, founded in 1893, and Sinn Fein founded in
1905. At first there appeared little threat to the established order. The Irish Parliamentary Party under
John Redmond had recovered from the split caused by Charles Stuart Parnell’s involvement in a
divorce scandal in 1880. Redmond had allied the Irish Parliamentary party with the British liberal
party in an attempt to achieve Home rule for Ireland. Although control of finance and defence would
remain with Parliament, Home Rule would give a significant amount of freedom to Ireland within
the greater British Empire (Price, 2013)
Home Rule divided the Ulster Unionists and the rest of the country. Conflict between the UVF and
the Irish Volunteers seemed likely with both sides importing guns. Then on the 4th of August 1914
the outbreak of the First World War put Home rule on hold until the war was over. As Britain got
more imbedded in the war, the Irish Republican Brotherhood (IRB) emerged. This organisation was
committed to establishing an Independent Irish republic. By 1914 this group had infiltrated most
nationalist organisations, like the GAA, Gaelic League and the Volunteer’s which split over
Redmond’s decision to support the war, on the promise of Home rule which might never be
delivered. A minority of Volunteers, who rejected Redmond’s policy, became the nucleus of the new
group hoping to achieve Irish independence (Price, 2013).
4.3 The 1916 Rising
On Easter Monday 1916, the IRB, having secretly organised the Irish Volunteers and the Irish
Citizens army, seized key buildings around Dublin. A proclamation declaring an Irish republic was
read from the steps of the GPO by Padraig Pearce the commander of the rebels. The rising continued
for week destroying the centre of Dublin. However it failed to take off nationally because of stand
down orders from Eoin McNeil due to misunderstanding in the planning of the rising and the capture
of the Aud, a German ship supplying arms of the coast of Kerry (Price, 2013).
In the aftermath of the rising, the British ordered the execution of the leaders, and this was the
catalyst that transformed Irish public opinion from being content with Home Rule to demanding a
complete Irish republic.
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The Life and Times of Michael Staines 2015
Sinn Fein was wrongly blamed for the rising and over 3,000 people were imprisoned, this gave the
younger members of the IRB and the Irish Volunteer’s time to analyse the military failure of the
rising, men like Collins and Mulcahy planned to continue the fight, but on different terms. This time
using guerrilla tactics, based on intelligence and hit and run raids that were to characterise the war of
Independence (Price, 2013)
It was against this background that Michael Staines got involved in Nationalist politics when he
moved to Dublin in1902. He became treasurer of the Colmcille branch of the Gaelic League, but did
not get involved in political nationalism until 1913, when he attended the inaugural meeting of the
Irish Volunteer’s. He became quartermaster to many of the companies that drilled at Colmcille Hall,
and in 1915 became quartermaster to the Dublin Brigade He worked for Henshaws , the
Ironmongers, and was ideally placed to reroute arms and ammunition from Henshaws to his
comrades (Foster, 2014).
The following gives an idea of what it was like for the organisers in the planning of the rising. The
following is from the Military Archive interview WS 1753 of Liam Tobin Director of intelligence
for the IRA under Michael Collins , who also worked in Henshaws with Staines in the months
leading up to the rising
“I got employment in the hardware firm of Smiths of Capel Street. Later I went to Brooks Thomas's,
and just before Easter Week I had gone to Henshaws in Christchurch Place.
“Michael Staines, who was at that time connected with the Q.M.G.'s department of the Irish
Volunteers, was also employed in Henshaws. Frank Harding was also there. Staines was terminating
his employment some weeks before Easter Week, and he told me to ascertain what shotguns, small
arms, and, as far as I can remember, pike handles and stuff like that might be in Henshaws.. He also
gave me the first hint that the coming Easter might be the time that we were going to fight. "Well, I'll
see you on Easter Sunday", or some such thing. I could not understand at the time why he did not say
where. As events turned out, it was the Easter Rising he had been referring to. As well as I can
remember I did succeed in bringing away, or having some stuff removed from Henshaws, such as shotguns, shotgun cartridges and things like that (Tobin, 1954)
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The Life and Times of Michael Staines 2015
According to Padraig Yates, Staines had little time for politics or politicians and he joined the
volunteer’s because it was a non-sectarian and non-political organisation, He owed his rapid rise to
quartermaster of the Dublin Brigade not only to ability, but to the fact that he worked in Henshaws
And was able to buy guns from gunsmiths in the city, and his brother Humphrey, a seaman who
smuggled guns in through Liverpool port. (Yates, 2011)
According to stains himself in his own interview “every man in the company had a rifle, I obtained
them from the IRB, revolvers and shotguns from Henshaws where I worked, shotguns and revolvers
from Garnetts and Keegans gunsmiths, others was bought from British soldiers. My brother
Humphrey who worked on the liner the’ Baltic’ used to bring in revolvers from America, twenty at a
time through Liverpool (McGarry, 2011)
Staines was also on the general counsel of the Irish Volunteer’s and a member of the IRB; this
brought him close to Padraig Pearce in the months leading up to the rising where he became national
quartermaster.
According to Dominic Price, during the rising he fought in the GPO and was one of the stretcher
bearers for James Connolly as he was taken wounded from the building. After the rising he was
interned at Wakefield and Frongoch in North Wales where he became a key leader of the prisoners in
South camp, running the camp along military lines (Price, 2013).
4.4 Staines as leader of the prisoners in Frongoch
Following the Easter Rising over 1,800 Irish rebels were imprisoned in Frongoch including Staines,
the site was a former whiskey distillery in North Wales. It soon became a centre of Revolution and
among its prisoners were Michael Collins & Richard Mulcahy. Staines was first sent to Wakefield
and later Frongoch.
Frongoch had initially held German prisoners of war. Most of the Irish were interned without trial
and many had not been supportive of the rebel cause initially but were converted during their time
there. The experience of the prisoners was an important part of the propaganda to win support for the
nationalist cause in the lead up to the War of Independence (Townshend, 2005).
The total numbers deported to England after the Rising amounted to 2,519. These men were held in
various prisons for a few weeks and 650 were released early, leaving 1,863 which were interned in
Frongoch. These men were held under the Defence of the Realm Act, 1914, which stated that they
were 'suspected of having honoured, promoted or assisted an armed insurrection against His Majesty.
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The Life and Times of Michael Staines 2015
Staines was elected Commandant of the prisoners after the former Commandant J.J. O'Connell was
sent to Reading jail on 30 June.
Attempts to conscript into the British army in Frongoch proved to be contentious between the
prisoners and the guards. The prisoners did not want to fight for Britain, and in addition they were
concerned that acceptance of conscription in Frongoch would lead to the introduction of conscription
in Ireland. Roughly sixty men in Frongoch had lived in Britain before the Rising and were deemed
liable for conscription (Townshend, 2005).
W.J. Brennan-Whitmore describes Staines as maintaining “a very difficult position with remarkable
efficiency and tact”, throughout the troubles in Frongoch. By December 1916 all the Irish prisoners
had been repatriated and the camp was closed down. (Anon., 2015). W. J. Brennan-Whitmore was a
Wexford journalist and British Army veteran who joined Sinn Fein in 1910. Because of his military
knowledge he was appointed to the Volunteers general staff in the lead-up to the Easter Rising. He
commanded a position in North Earl Street during the Rising, and was interned in Frongoch. He later
worked for Michael Collins during the War of Independence and supported the Treaty. He retired
from the Irish Army in 1926, and became an active member of Clann Na Póblachta. (Brennan, 2014).
4.5 Political life
Staines and the other Prisoners arrived back in Dublin on Christmas Eve, 1916, to a great welcome.
Although the Rising had been a military failure, the executions had made them national heroes. On
his arrival home Staines took up employment with the prisoner support group, the Irish National Aid
Association and Volunteer dependants Fund, of which Collins was general secretary. Staines used
this job as a front to resume activity on behalf of the IRB and to begin reviving the Irish Volunteer’s.
He was on the executive of the reorganised Volunteers and was director of supplies. He also filled
the important organisational role during Sinn Fein’s by election victories in Roscommon North,
Longford and Clare. (Donnelly, 2015)
“When the vacancy in the representation of North Roscommon in the British Parliament arose I went
down to Roscommon at the suggestion of the O'Dohertys and P.T. Keohane to organise the
constituency for Count Plunkett.”. (Staines, 1955)
One important event that took place on the 20th January 1917, which did not seem important at the
time, was the expulsion of Count Plunkett from the membership of the Royal Dublin Society. Count
Plunkett was the father of Joseph Plunkett who had been executed as one of the leaders of the Easter
Rising, his other two sons were serving jail sentences for taking part in the rising; and this was the
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The Life and Times of Michael Staines 2015
only reason for his expulsion. The Royal Dublin Society was seen as a British institution dominated
by Loyalists and its action was seen as an insult to the Plunkett family. (Staines, 1955)
Soon however an opportunity came to test public opinion. The parliamentary seat of North
Roscommon fell vacant when the sitting MP James Joseph O’Kelly, the Irish Parliamentary
representative died and Count Plunkett was nominated in opposition to Mr. Devine, of the Irish
Parliamentary Party (Staines,M, 1955)
All the nationalist movement’s supported Plunkett. The constituency was flooded with election
literature and young Plunkett supporters. Collins is credited with writing the following piece of
election propaganda. …
“Because he would not associate with the Irishmen who cheered when his son was shot against a
wall for loving Ireland, will you insult him in North Roscommon, as the Royal Dublin Society did
and tell the British Government that he is not the man you want? No. There are Irishmen in North
Roscommon yet”…. (Staines,M, 1955).
In his Military archive interview Staines says;
“The word "Sinn Féin" was not mentioned in any of the speeches. The party was practicality nonexistent at this time, and the terms "Sinn Féiners" were first used by the 'British to describe the
Volunteers and the Rising. No one at this time could give any reasonable estimate as to the number
of the electors who sympathised with the Volunteers who took part in the Rising. The appeal was
made to vote for Count Plunkett, the father of three sons who had taken part in the Rising and one of
whom had been executed” (Staines, 1955).
The election result was a mortal blow to the Irish Parliamentary Party. Count Plunkett secured 3,022
votes against Mr. Devine’s 1,708. Immediately after the election Count Plunkett announced that he
would not be attending the British Parliament. At the same time Arthur Griffith announced that Sinn
Fein would adopt the same policy (Staines,M, 1955).
Count Plunket’s victory was proof that Sinn Fein was now a major political force, and had the
potential to replicate this result all over the country. In reality Plunkett was a political maverick even
within Sinn Fein. The Freemans Journal described him as “remains a mystery”. He reluctantly
decided to abstain from Parliament and this was the start of the abstention policy. His only political
credibility came from being the father of three sons, one of whom was executed for his part in the
1916 rebellion (Townshend, 2005).
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The Life and Times of Michael Staines 2015
Staines says “The first time I saw Michael Co11ins during the election was in Frenchpark on the
actual day of the election. He had charge of one of the booths and I had charge of the other, there
were only two in the town. Count Plunkett, if elected. Was quite prepared to do anything we wanted
him to do and he told us so. I was not present at the declaration of the poll and I did not hear the
Count's speech declaring his future. I remember being present at the Mansion House, Dublin, on
19th April 1917 when a number of delegates from organisations met under the Presidency of Count
Plunkett to discuss future policy. I distinctly remember Griffith stating that any future organisation
should be based on "Sinn Fein". A committee, which included Michael Collins, was set up to
compose the differences of views expressed (Staines, 1955).
Figure 5 Plunkett Election Badge (Plunkett, 1917)
The Longford by election of the 10th May 1917, came about due to the death of the MP John
Philips, Collins proposed to put up Joe McGuiness, who was still in Lewes Jail. De Valera the leader
of the prisoners was not keen on the idea, or was McGuinness himself. Tomas Ashe, president of the
IRB supreme council with the support of Collins argued that the new conditions of standing for
parliament was not recognising the British Government, but giving the people an opportunity to
support Irish freedom. This showed a new kind of adaptability, and the slogan “put him in to get him
out” became the main slogan and mantra of the new Sinn Fein election strategy. And though
McGuinness’s narrow victory did not secure his release it rocked the Irish party after the shock of
North Roscommon where the party underestimated Plunket as a joke candidate. Dillon took charge
of the Longford campaign and reported back to Redmond. “We have the Bishop, the great majority
of the priests and the mob, and four fifths of the traders of Longford. “If we are beaten", I do not see
how you can hope to keep the party in existence. (Townshend, 2005).
12
The Life and Times of Michael Staines 2015
Staines played an important part in organising the McGuinness campaign in Longford, he says in his
interview;
“Before the Longford Election in May 1917 I was sent down to Longford to interview Frank
McGuinness, brother of Joe. There was a fear that Frank being a supporter of the Parliamentary
Party might oppose his brother. I obtained Frank's consent to the nomination of his brother as a
candidate. The, election was fought on the "Sinn Féin” ticket. I still have the banner used during the
election with the words: "Put him in to get him out". We had a. good deal of opposition in Longford
town as it was a military station. McGuinness won the election by thirty seven votes. His opponent
was first declared elected, but on a recount it was discovered that a bundle of fifty votes had been
credited to McGuinness's opponent. On the day of the polling I was in charge of the Volunteers in
Longford town and District Inspector Walsh, who later became Assistant Commissioner of the Gárda
Siochána, was in charge of the R.I.C. and we worked well together and kept order in the town”.
Figure 6 Election Posters from Longford 1917
(McGuinness, 1917)
By-election 9 May 1917: Longford South
Party
Sinn Féin
Candidate
Joseph McGuinness
Votes
1493
%
±%
50.5
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The Life and Times of Michael Staines 2015
Irish Nationalist
Patrick McKenna
Sinn Féin gain from Irish Nationalist
1461
49.5
Majority
32
1.0
Turnout
3852
76.7
Swing
( Oireachtas Members Database, Longford by Election 1917)
Figure 7 Election results for Longford 1917
The East Clare By election of 1917 was held in the 10 July due to the sitting MP Willie Redmond,
(Brother of john) being Killed in action during the First World War. As a result of this, De Valera
emerged as a serious political figure. He had a great understanding and awareness of all the
complications involved in conducting a revolutionary movement without alienating important
figures, especially the clergy (Townshend, 2005).
At a Sinn Fein meeting at the Clare Hotel, possible candidates were discussed. The majority of the
party initially voted for Peadar Clancy from Cranny, who had taken part in the Easter Rising. It was
then decided to hold a convention at the Old Ground Hotel on Thursday, 14th July. At the convention
over 200 delegates discussed the option of Eamon de Valera, who had recently been released from
prison. Fr. William O’ Kennedy was one of his first supporters. At the convention Peadar Clancy and
three other candidates withdrew leaving the way clear for de Valera. On 23 June, de Valera arrived at
Ennis with Eoin Mac Neill who was to canvass with him throughout the campaign. His election
posters were proposing a vote for de Valera was ‘a vote for Ireland a Nation, a vote against
Conscription, a vote against partition, a vote for Ireland’s language, and for Ireland’s ideals and
civilisation.
At this time a by-election in Kilkenny was pre-occupying the Irish Party and it was there that they
focussed their energies. They had considered Patrick Lynch a safe bet in Clare, all, his predecessor
had been very popular but they had misread the support for De Valera. None of the party leaders
canvassed for Lynch. , their leader John Redmond, was in poor health at the time, after the shock of
his brother’s death and he passed away himself the following year’ (Mc Donnel, 2003).
14
The Life and Times of Michael Staines 2015
Staines in his interview says. “In connection with the Clare Election I remember attending
Convention in Fleming's Hotel, to select a candidate. We got de Valera's consent to stand. There was
some opposition expressed to Eoin McNeill going to Clare to address meetings but de Valera
insisted he should go and the opposition subsided. I went to Clare on several occasions to address
meetings. I did not take part in the Kilkenny Election as by that time we had a number of good
organisers, led by Dan McCarthy, (Staines, 1955).
Party
Candidate
Votes
%
Sinn Féin
Eamon de Valera
5010
71.1
Irish Nationalist
Patrick Lynch, K.C.
2035
28.9
Majority
2975
42.2
Turnout
9130
±%
( Oireachtas Members Database, 1917)
Figure 8 Election results for Clare 1917
15
The Life and Times of Michael Staines 2015
Figure 9 Election Posters from Clare 1917
(Leaflets from Clare By Electiion, 1917)
4.6 New Ireland Assurance collecting Society
Micheal Staines was one of the founders of the New Ireland Assurance Collecting Society to help
Sinn Fein to promote investment of natural resources at home in Ireland, Frank Thornton who along
with Staines was one of the founders of the association says in his interview ,
“I think it is only right at this stage to refer to something which happened around Whit. In 1917 and
which resulted in the formation of the New Ireland Assurance Collecting Society. During an earlier
period, before 1916, in preparation for things to come, Arthur Griffith had in his papers frequently
urged that something should be done to stop the flow of insurance premiums out of this country as
part of a campaign to deal with the economic situation. It always was the first plank of Sinn Fein that
everything Irish should be Supported; Liam Tobin, Eamon de Valera, the late Dick Coleman,
Michael Staines and myself became the prime movers in bringing this idea to fruition. The position
of Treasurer to the Society was filled by Michael J. Staines, (Thornton, 1955).
4.7 National Aid Association.
On his release from prison Michael Staines also got involved in the National Aid Association, which
also acted as a cover in re organising the volunteer after returning home he took up employment with
the Association traveling the length and breadth of the country, administering the aid to families and
dependants that had suffered during the rebellion. Immediately after the 1916 executions, two
16
The Life and Times of Michael Staines 2015
national organisations came into being to provide for the dependants of those killed or imprisoned.
The two organisations amalgamated into the National Aid Association.
The aims of this association was to compensate the families of the men who were executed, who fell
in action, and these who were imprisoned in connection with the 1916 rising, and to compensate
others who suffered in various ways due to the insurrection.
The association administered £138,000, in payments in a business-like manner. It also allowed
Staines who worked for the organisation, to make contact with all those active in the nationalist
cause and helped to re-organise the I.R.B (Staines,M, 1955). Staines does not have much to say about
his time working with the Association he recalls in his interview;
“After the election I was kept busy with the National Aid Association. I remember being present at a
Volunteer Convention in Barry's Hotel in March 1917, but I did not take much interest in the
proceedings and do not remember decisions reached (Staines, 1955).
4.8 Background to war of independence
The IRA campaign during the War of Independence can be divided into three phases. The first,
which lasted for most of 1919, was a reorganisation of the IRA fighting unit On paper the IRA had
over 100,000 men of which 15,000 of these participated in the struggle, with no more than 3,000
active at any one time. These units conducted raids on RIC barracks. Collins also created an
assassination unit based in Dublin which killed police involved in intelligence work.
The second phase, from January-June 1920 involved more concentrated raids on fortified RIC
barracks in town and cities. During this period 16 of these were destroyed and 29 badly damaged. In
reaction to this escalation, the British government declared martial law throughout much of Ireland.
They introduced two additional units into Ireland: the Black and Tans and the Auxiliaries. It was
these units that carried out many of the atrocities of the War.
The third phase of the campaign, from June 1920 to July 1921, was largely in response to these units.
The IRA was again reorganised into flying columns, small units of approximately 20 men who
carried out ambush attacks on the Black and Tan and Auxiliary forces (Word Press, 2014).
4.9 Reorganising the volunteers
Micheal Staines was elected Treasurer of the Executive and director of supply for Sinn Fein. A
convention took place in Dublin on 27 October 1917 to coincide with the Sinn Féin party conference
Eamon De Valera, the newly elected President of Sinn Fein called for the reorganisation of the
17
The Life and Times of Michael Staines 2015
Volunteers. A national executive was elected, with De Valera as president. In addition, a number of
directors were elected to head the various IRA departments (Word Press, 2014).
He recalls in his interview “I attended the Convention in Croke Park in October, 1917. I was elected
Treasurer of the Executive on that day. They appointed me Q.M.G. at the first meeting of the
Executive. After the Convention we set to work to organise, all the Companies in Dublin. The
organisation was extended to the country. Companies, Battalions and Brigades were formed where
circumstances and numbers permitted. There was no hard and fast rule laid down in regard to
organisation. We continued where we left off. We started getting arms as we had done in 1916. We
got them from America and England, and we bought rifles from individual soldiers. We raided
private houses and military outposts for arms. Regarding buying arms from abroad, we had Neil
Kerr in Liverpool and Johnny: O'Connor and my brother in New York. Our principal, line of supply
was really New York and Liverpool. At this time it was impossible to buy stuff from the gunsmiths in
Dublin as we had done in 1916. In regard to the distribution of arms, it was decided to send them to
where there was 'a good Commandant who would fight. And good men naturally got more guns than
the man we could not depend on. Cork. Clare, Mayo and places where the fighting was done
afterward: Was where we sent the arms.t (Staines, 1955).
4.10 On the Sinn Fein executive following The German Plot
Michael Staines became a member of the replacement executive of Sinn Fein when many of the
members were arrested following the German plot. The "plot" originated on 12 April 1918 when the
British arrested Joseph Dowling after he came ashore off County Clare of a German U-Boat.
Dowling had been associated with Roger Casement to get German assistance for the 1916 rising, he
now claimed that the German’s were planning to land in Ireland. British Naval intelligence believed
him and convinced the authorities to intern the Sinn Fein leaders. This caused the arrest of Eamon de
Valera, and 70 others, including old Count Plunkett. The British tried to convince the Americans of
the seriousness of this Plot and to connect American Irish sympathisers like Devoy to it. They had no
proof. Wilson however even though pro-British kept his distance from the smear fearing a backlash
from the well-established Irish Americans. On the 18thJune 1918 Arthur Griffith a prisoner in the
German Plot was elected to Parliament from Cavan by disgusted Irish voters. At the end of the war,
November 1918, the Sinn Fein leaders were still in interned without trial for the crime of treason
(McMAHON, 2007).
18
The Life and Times of Michael Staines 2015
At the time of the alleged German Plot in May 1918 a lot of members of the Executive of Sinn Féin
were arrested and a substitute Executive was elected. I was a member of the new Executive; I cannot
remember the others (Staines, 1955).
4.11 Michael Staines Political Career
He was also elected as a Sinn Fein MP for St, Michans and Dublin constituency on 14th December
1918 at the general election He attended Dial Eireann, working closely with the Government, as well
as becoming an alderman on Dublin Corporation. He was re-elected in 1921 and 1922 for the Dublin
North West constituency He later served in the Seanad.
In the new Free State as a Fine Gael candidate he failed to get elected on three occasions, getting less
than 6% of the vote on each occasion (Elections Ireland.org, 2014). He was elected to the Seanad
(House of the Oireachtas, 2007) at a by-election on 12 December 1930 to fill the vacancy caused by
the death of Bryan McMahon the death of Sir Bryan Mahon (McMAHON, 2007).
19
The Life and Times of Michael Staines 2015
Figure 10 First Dáil 1918
(Mayo County Libary, 2015)
20
The Life and Times of Michael Staines 2015
Figure 11 Staines Election Lapel 1918 (Mayo County Libary, 2015)
21
The Life and Times of Michael Staines 2015
(Mayo County Libary, 2015)
Figure 12 Staines Election Posters 1918
22
The Life and Times of Michael Staines 2015
Micheal Staines Election Record
Date
1918
1921
1922
1937
1938
1943
Election
Party
1st
Dáil
2nd
Dáil
3rd
Dáil
9th
Dáil
10th
Dáil
11th
Dáil
Status
Constituency
Dublin St
Michans
Dublin North
Elected
East
Dublin North
Elected
West
Not
Dublin North
Elected West
Not
Dublin North
Elected West
Not
Dublin North
Elected West
Elected
Seat Count Votes
Share Quota
1
1
7,553
65.40%
4
1
Unopposed
3
2
4,987
17.95%
1,638
3.48%
2,466
5.31%
725
1.55%
1.31
0.90
(Elections Ireland.org, 2014)
Figure 13 Record of Staines election Results
4.12 The Belfast Boycott
Staines was made the first director of the Belfast Boycott. This Boycott was originally ordered by the
Dáil cabinet in August 1920 as a boycott of Belfast‐based banks and insurance companies, in reprisal
for the pogroms in Belfast, this rapidly expanded into a wider campaign to exclude all Northern Irish
goods Here Staines describes the purpose for the Boycott, and his experience and contribution to
the Belfast Boycott itself. As consequences of his involvement, his family was harassed and his
father imprisoned for a period (Anon., 2014). The conflict began in Belfast in July 1920. On 21 July
1920, rioting broke out in the city, starting in the shipyards and later spreading to residential areas.
The violence was partly in response to the IRA killing of a northern RIC police officer Gerald
Smyth, in Cork, and partly because of competition over jobs due to the high unemployment
Unionists marched on the shipyards in Belfast and forced over 7,000 Catholic workers from their
jobs. In his interview Staines gives an account of what the situation was like for the people in the
ground at that time (Parkinson, 2004);
“I was the first Director appointed for the carrying out of the Belfast Boycott, which I had to
organise all over Ireland. This was originally started as a form of reprisal following the Pogroms in
Belfast. I had many complaints from Catholics in Belfast who would not be allowed by their fellowworkers to work in the factories. In all these cases I approached the employers, whom I found always
reasonable, but they pointed out that it was not their fault, that it was between the two sections of
23
The Life and Times of Michael Staines 2015
workers, the Catholics and the Orange crowd. In one case a girl who had been employed in the
V.C.L. Hosiery Factory in Limestone Road wrote and complained to me about the loss of her
employment. I called at her house to her and the first thing I noticed was an R.I.C. man's cap
hanging on the hail-stand, but after a few minutes the girl introduced, me to the R.I.C. man who
happened to be her brother-in-law. He was a Catholic and was just as much opposed to the Pogroms
as I was. One of the Directors of the V.C.L. Hosiery Company, Mr. Craig, told me that they were
quite willing to take this girl back, just as in other similar cases, but that they could not guarantee
her safety. We had an organisation all through the country watching goods at all the railway stations
and we found that there was very little traffic in Belfast goods. We found that in any case where they
did get through that a reprimand was sufficient to stop the business. (Staines, 1955).
4.13 Staines arrest
On December the 6th 1920 Staines was arrested with several others, while attending a meeting of
Dublin Corporation. He was held in Mount Joy until the 30th of June 1921, he keep in constant
contact with Collins during this time. He was released as part of the process leading up to the truce,
and on the insistence of Griffith and McNeill who refused a British offer of release unless
accompanied by Staines and Duggan .Staines gives his recollection of the event (Feeney, 2010);
“I was arrested in the Corporation on the 6th December 1920. Alderman Beatty had a Notice of
Motion in; it was in effect, a vote of loyalty to the British Government. I was an Alderman at the time
and I was instructed by Mick Collins to go and oppose it. What happened then was that Captain
King, British Intelligence Officer, and his party came into the Corporation and asked for me, but I
did not answer really how, they found out was when they started to call the roll and as my name was
first on the roll it was called out first. I did not answer, but everybody looked at me so Captain. King
came over, to me. He had two good photographs of me, a front view and a side view. I do not know
where they came from but I suppose they had been snapped on the street.” (Staines, 1955).
“In prison Griffith, MacNell, Duggan and I were keeping up with every move that was made outside.
We were kept informed by Collins through the underground post. Arising out of the peace
negotiations which were then proceeding, the order came for the release of Griffith and MacNell on
the 30th June. A warder came in and said they were wanted in the Governor's office and they went
down there. The Governor told them that they were being released. When they came back Griffith
told us that he objected and that he had refused to leave the prison unless Duggan and I were
released with him. A few hours later Duggan and I were released. (Staines, 1955).”
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The Life and Times of Michael Staines 2015
Chapter 5: 1921-1955
(1921- 55) IRA Liaison officer protecting the truce and the Treaty
5.1 Liaison Officer in Mayo and Galway (1921)
In August 1921 Staines was appointed liaison officer for Counties Mayo and Galway, with Joe Ring
as his second in command. They worked together to keep the peace with Commissioner Richard
Cruise who was over the British forces in both Mayo and Galway. Galway and. Ballinasloe were the
only two towns with a population of over 15,000 in which the R.I.C. were allowed to carry arms, this
being the agreed policy. For this reason, plus the layout of the land meant Galway was one area
where the truce might break, because the British who were armed in these two towns were free to
move about the population at will. Staines explains the situation in his interview (Staines, 1955):
“There were forty murders committed by the British forces in County Galway during the period of
the fighting but there was none in Mayo. Cruise was responsible for both counties, “How is it that
there were forty murders in Galway and none in Mayo", and he answered, "We were afraid of the
Mayo Lads". In Mayo when the Auxiliaries, went out, like in the Carrowkennedy ambush, a lot of
them never came back, but Galway being a flat county did not lend itself to active guerrilla warfare
of the type which was carried out in Mayo. For that reason the British forces in Galway had more or
less a free hand, the population being more or less defenceless (Staines, 1955).
On my second day in Galway a report came in that trees had been felled across the road at
Kilmaine. Mr. Cruise took a very serious view of this, as about a week previously some of his men
from Ballinrobe had been disarmed at Kilmaine. I agreed to investigate the matter with him and we
drove to Kilmaine where we found that two trees had been blown down by the storm. Both of us
agreed that it was an act of God and not an act of war (Staines, 1955)”.
Staines used his close ties to Collins well in how he dealt with Cruise, he allowed Crouse to think
that all his reports on the truce were being monitored by the British Government at the very highest
level, he says in his interview;
“Cruise worked with me all right because he was afraid I had influence with Lloyd George. He was
really afraid of me. The arrangement was that I would report to Collins and that the British
representative would report to Lloyd George, and if either of us asked to see the other's report he
would have to be shown it. It was agreed that Collins would show my report to Lloyd George and
Lloyd George would show the British report to Collins (Staines, 1955).
25
The Life and Times of Michael Staines 2015
The raiding of mails went on during the Truce and we got a private report belonging to the British
representative and discovered that he was sending in an official report and also a private report
despite the arrangement that private reports would not be furnished They were playing a double
game (Staines, 1955)”.
5.2 Liaison officer for the jails
In September Staines was asked by de Valera to become liaison officer for the prisoners. He left Joe
Ring in charge of Galway, and travelled to Dublin to meet De Valera to protest about the
appointment, but was told someone had to do it, he says;
“I said that the prisoners had been kept in all the time since the beginning of the Truce, and that they
would think it impertinence on my part to go visiting them with a representative of the British
Government. Some of them did object and I was not too favourably received. The fact was that our
people wanted to keep the lads in jail quiet while the peace negotiations were proceeding and that
was the object of my visit. I impressed on them that there was nothing to prevent them escaping and,
in fact, there were several escapes during that time... (Staines, 1955)”.
When the treaty was signed on the 6th December 1921, Collins and his team returned from London
and it became clear that there would be problems ahead. Staines made contact with de Valera to try
and broker a deal, he describes his meeting with De Valera;
“Brugha and Stack, wanted to stop me but de Valera said I must be heard. I asked him was there any
hope of coming to an agreement about the Treaty and he said "Absolutely none", so I had to go back
and tell Griffith and Collins that there' was no hope. Griffith had told me that he did not think there
was much use in my going to see Dev, but I did what I could. Big numbers of people were delighted
about the Treaty, but some of them turned the other way overnight; somebody must have got after
them. The acceptance of the idea of a Truce was influenced by the fact that the position of the
fighting men was very serious in view of the grave shortage of ammunition. This fact very definitely
influenced Collins in his negotiations with the British. I was positive that the fighting would soon
start again, De Valera always asked everybody else's opinion and then made up his own mind.
(Staines, 1955)”.
26
The Life and Times of Michael Staines 2015
5.3 Staines appointed chairman of the Police organising committee
Following Dáil Éireann’s acceptance of the Anglo – Irish Treaty in January 1921 a Provisional
Government was created for the new Irish Free State with Michael Collins as chairman. In February
1922 the Minister for Home Affairs, Éamonn Duggan (the son of an RIC man), began arrangements
for the formation of a new policing service to replace the RIC. In January 1922 Staines was
appointed chairman of the police organising committee, established to plan the formation a new
police force (McCarthy, 2013).
The committee held their first meeting in the Gresham Hotel on Thursday, 9 February 1921, with
Staines as acting chairman. On 21 February the first candidates, recommended by their Volunteer
officers, were received by Staines at a temporary depot in the R.D.S. The name the civic guard was
decided on 27 February (Garda Museum, 2014) .
On the 10th of May 1921 Staines was appointed commissioner of police. He quickly began laying the
foundations of the new force. Officers and men were recruited, a new badge and name chosen.
However his appointment of several ex RIC men to senior positions led to mutiny, especially, Patrick
Walsh as deputy commissioner (Brady, 1974)
There is evidence that Collins from an early stage decided that the new force would be a replica of
the old RIC whom he admired greatly, and sense all his close advisers had little police experience
except Staines who liaised with the RIC, it was natural that the construction of the new force would
represent this model. The organising committee had nine senior ex RIC officers, including three
District inspectors and a head constable offering professional advice based on the British policing
model. Their influence with Collins was so great that at a later stage, he threatened to disband the
whole force rather than remove officers that had been appointed to senior rank (Brady, 1974).
However a major difference between the RIC and the new force was the new commissioner was to
be a direct political appointee to the government of the day and not to a police authority as was the
case with other British police forces (Brady, 1974).
The organising committee sent its report to the provisional government in February which was
accepted, it proposed an unarmed civil police force of 4,300 men, led by a commissioner answerable
to the Government. The basic rank would be equivalent to the British constable, and was to be nonpolitical, and named the civic guard.
27
The Life and Times of Michael Staines 2015
Recruitment began with no public announcement or advertising in the press, Collins and Staines
relied on the recommendations of trusted IRA officer contacts This decision proved good, as very
few of the new recruits went over to the republicans in the oncoming civil war.
The following month, Staines transferred his headquarters from Ballsbridge to the Artillery Barracks,
Kildare. On 15 May, a faction of the men demanded the removal from high rank of former members
of the old RIC. From April onwards discontent began to build in the ranks, Brennan was dissatisfied
with his own rank, passed on the men’s views to Staines. However Staines supported by Collins
considered that these RIC men had served the cause well from within the RIC during the war, and
were entitled to their reward. However many of the recruits did not see it this way (Brady, 1974).
Figure 14 Michael Staines as First Garda Commissioner (Garda Museum, 2014)
5.4 The Kildare Mutiny
The first serious confrontation was when the Kerry recruits recognised Deputy Commissioner
Kearney, the man who was in charge of Tralee barracks when Robert Casement was arrested in April
1916. A demand for the removal of Kearney and all former RIC men was sent to Staines through
28
The Life and Times of Michael Staines 2015
Brennan, Staines refused to move and there was talk of revolt. After this life became difficult for
Kearney in the force, he resigned and left for England (Brady, 1974).
According to Conor Brady, Whether Staines consulted the government, or depended entirely on
Collins support is not clear, Collins was adamant that the Guards should accept the leadership of the
men whom he had used in his intelligence network. On the other hand it was asking a lot from men
who had fought in the hills to accept without question the authority of RIC men they had fought a
short time earlier (Brady, 1974).
Things came to a head on 11th may 1922 when superintendent Brennan and superintendent Leddy
made a last appeal to Staines, for a couple of days they controlled the situation, but on the 15th May
when parade was called, Staines and Walsh appeared, flanked by five newly promoted ex RIC men,
this was the last straw, a group of guards appointed as spokesmen for the ranks stepped forward and
words were exchanged. Commandant Joe Ring immediately called the men to attention, there was a
hush as Staines spoke to the men. He spent three minutes defending, but not explaining the decision
to promote the RIC men, and warned of the seriousness of mutiny. Heckling began and there was a
surge forward. Staines stood back and asked all who backed him to move to his right. Joe Ring and
about sixty Mayo men stood still, another sixty moved to the right, but the vast majority of the
15,000 men moved to the left: after a few minutes of tense silence, Staines and his aides backed
away and locked themselves in their offices with guns drawn (Brady, 1974).
Staines was forced to slip out of the barracks and head back to Dublin where he informed the
government and offered his resignation. “I beg to tender my resignation as Commissioner of the
Civic Guard. I do so with regret, but in the circumstances which have arisen I can see no other
honourable course open”, it was refused. Collins, Duggan, and Staines, spent that night deciding
what to do next. They decided that the Kildare camp would be split up and occupied by the Army.
The next day Staines sent an Army force to the base to collect the arms stored there as he believed
they would fall into the hands of the anti-treaty forces, at this point the IRA had split (Brady, 1974).
A potential dangerous situation arose at the front gate of the barracks with both sides heavily armed.
Superintendent Leddy approached Captain Dunne, of the army and managed to explain that the
recruits in the base were loyal to the Government and this was not what the mutiny was about, Dunne
accepted this and returned to Dublin, avoiding a bloodbath. (Brady, 1974).
29
The Life and Times of Michael Staines 2015
A few days later Commandant Joe Ring and the Mayo men followed Staines to Dublin. During the
summer of 1922 the unusual situation of two rival depots existed with new recruits presenting
themselves to both Kildare, and to Joe Ring in Henry Street.
In Kildare the men’s committee handed over complete control to Superintendent Brennan on the 23th
of May 1922, he continued as if nothing had happened. But as the weeks passed the pressure of
boredom and no pay took its toll, and many left (McNiffe, 1999).
Things came to a head on the 17th June 1922, when Tom Daly of the men’s committee , left for
Dublin with a number of well-armed men, on the pretext of collecting men that was on guard duty at
Government buildings. He met with anti-treaty leaders Rory O’Conner, Ernie O’Malley, and Tom
Barry. O’Conner told the guards that if they joined him they would be paid very soon. A few joined
and the others were kept prisoner. These who joined returned with O’Conner to Kildare, using the
password given by Daly, they gained entry and cleared out the armoury and headed back to the four
courts. Three members of the men’s committee O’Brian, Daly, and Ryan were with them. This
incident spurred the government into action, Griffith and Duggan visited Kildare the next day and
offered a settlement. The men to be paid all money due, an inquiry set up, in the meantime all men
suspended. The proposals were accepted and the mutiny was over (Brady, 1974).
On the 27th of June 1922, Staines resumed charge of Kildare only visiting on occasion, making the
necessary arrangements to pay the men. Shortly afterwards Joe Ring took command and discipline
was tightened, with all arms and ammunition returned to storage (McNiffe, 1999).
5.5 Inquiry into the Mutiny
The inquiry took place on the 13th of July and was carried out by Kevin O’Sheil and Michael
McAuliffe. It had three main aims, to discover the origin of the mutiny, to suggest disciplinary action
if necessary, and to make recommendations for the future management of the force. Witnesses were
heard from both sides and by August the commission had reached its conclusion. It concluded that a
small group of anti-treaty sympathisers had manipulated the men and used the discontent already
there to further their own cause. It was pointed out that the president of the men’s committee and five
of its members out of fourteen had joined the Four Courts garrison (Brady, 1974).
The government itself had miscalculated especially Staines and Collins. It armed a new force of
young IRA men whose only experience of solving disputes was with a gun. Collins was satisfied
with his choice of RIC men but failed to understand the full extent of the backlash that followed from
the new recruits (Brady, 1974).
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The Life and Times of Michael Staines 2015
Staines himself was not in touch with the new recruits, and this allowed Superintendent Brennan who
was fully aware of the situation to manipulate the situation and eventually side with the men. The
commission recommended that the Civic guard be disbanded and reformed with selective re –
enrolment, that the vast majority be unarmed, in future politicians not to serve in the force.
Consequently on the 18th August Staines resigned and the post was offered to Sean Ó Muirthile who
declined, and general Eoin O’ Duffy became the new commissioner. After the mutiny Staines never
recovered effective authority of the force, and resigned to comply with the inquiry’s commissions
recommendation’s that all police personal should be divorced from politics, managing to save some
face in doing so (McNiffe, 1999).
What was the thinking that led Collins and Staines to hold firm against a group of men they knew
were loyal to the treaty and whose only quarrel was with ex RIC men. Staines believed that the
mutineers were being manipulated by small anti-treaty elements deliberately planted in the ranks,
and Collins accepted this. Later the inquiry into the mutiny concluded that such a plot was real and
did exist. (McNiffe, 1999).
Michael Joseph Staines remained in office, completing the ground work in the organisation of the
new police force. On the day he left office, September 9th, he issued instructions to the Civic Guard
defining its role as a moral force in Irish Society (Brady, 1974).
“The Civic Guard unlike other Police Forces will necessarily depend for the successful performance
of their duties not on arms or numbers but on the moral force they exercise as servants,
representatives of a civic authority which is dependent for its existence on the free will of the people”
(McNiffe, 1999).
5.6 Staines later life
After successfully contesting elections for Sinn Fein he found it very difficult to get elected with
Fine Gael in the new Free State Government. He saved his Dáil seat in 1922 In Dublin North West
despite a bitter poster campaign launched against him by Republicans. He did not contest the 1923
election, but remained on Dublin Corporation and acted as chairman of the committee of Grange
Gorman Hospital. He became a senator in 1930 and tried without success for a Dáil seat with Fine
Gael in Dublin North West in 1937, 1938, and 1943 (Feeney, 2010).
It is difficult to understand why Staines was so unsuccessful in his later, both in work and in politics.
Perhaps he was a man suited to the unusual war time situation he found himself in. Others like Ernie
O'Malley also ended up in difficult circumstances. Within weeks of his resignation as Garda
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The Life and Times of Michael Staines 2015
Commissioner, his two greatest allies, Collins, and Ring, were killed in the civil war, As time went
on the new Government and public began distance themselves more and more from people like
Staines and other hard men from the free state army who were now becoming a liability and seen as
divisive figures in a country moving nearer and nearer to a proper western style democracy.
These factors and the difficulty’s that faced him in the more left wing working class, Dublin North
West constituency that he stood for election in made it very difficult for him. He stood in 1937, 1938
and 1943 in all cases he was heavily defeated, getting less than 6% of the vote.
His qualities may have suited the more turbulent times of the troubles, more so than in a calm
democracy, some of his critics says he was an idealist and not a natural politician, not suited to the
mundane day to day work that a politician has to do (Yates, 2011).
Evidence of this is when he recalls his time in a similar situation, representing volunteers for
compensation from the National Aid Association, he recalls:
“After the election I was kept busy with the National Aid Association. I remember being present at a
number of Volunteer Conventions in Barry's Hotel in 1917, but I did not take much interest in the
proceedings and do not remember decisions reached” (Staines, 1955).
He was also the owner of the Central Wholesale Warehouse, Dublin. But this business failed. He was
out of regular employment for a period of time. According to a Garda report of 1938 he was
described as “A man who lives above his means". In 1939 his old friends in Fine Gael organised a
collection to assist him, and in 1941 he got employment as a clerk with the Great Southern Railway.
He died at his home, 8 Castle road Clontarf Dublin on 27thOctober 1955.He married Sheila Cullen in
1922 and they had nine children (Feeney, 2010).
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The Life and Times of Michael Staines 2015
Chapter 6: Conclusion
Michael Staines is best known for his role as the First Garda commissioner. However his
contribution to the founding of the new state is much greater than that including the role he played in
politics from before the 1916 rising, as well as all the other important function’s he performed in his
role with Sinn Fein in the formation of the new state, and also with the Fine Gael party in the 20’s
and 30’s when the first green shoots of democracy were struggling to survive.
He was an idealist with strong nationalistic views born into a country at a time of rapid change. His
early involvement in the Gaelic League soon developed into a militant role. While the majority of the
people of his generation compromised and sided with Redmond in the lead up to the First World
War, Staines sided with the minority when the volunteers split. He became part of a small nucleus of
idealist’s and revolutionaries that wanted break the link with Britain.
Apart from giving full commitment to the cause he was also a capable leader and organiser and
quickly became quarter master. He fought in the GPO and was part of the first wave of freedom
fighters, where he met and made strong friendships with people like Collins and De Valera who
would become important allies later on.
(Irish Times, 2010)
Figure 15 Photograph of Staines in Later life
33
The Life and Times of Michael Staines 2015
No doubt he had great organisation and leader ship skills and as leader of the prisoners at Frongoch,
W.J. Brennan-Whitmore described Staines as: “a highly efficient officer who earned the respect of
every individual prisoner. No doubt Staines was well capable of leading the ordinary men who was
willing to accept his authority like in Frongoch, these prisoners were described by Charles Townsend
in his book as mostly harmless men, who looked up to people like Staines.
Some contemporises of Staines might suggest that he was promoted very quickly and not on ability
alone, but mainly from his connections with important people like Pearce, and the important position
he held in Henshaws, Ironmongers, where he was able to order and organise arms in the lead up to
the rising.
Later on during the war of independence as GPO veteran with close links with Collins, and De
Valera, would have elevated his position: particularly to a new generation of young Sinn Fein
members down the country, who he worked alongside. He was also fortunate to have a very capable
associate in Joe Ring who was in charge of the Carrowkennedy ambush in Mayo. Joe was well
respected by both republicans and British alike and was of immense help to Staines especially during
his period as liaison officer in Galway, and during the Kildare mutiny.
Staines used his contacts and alliances well, during his time as liaison officer in Galway in his
dealings with Cruise the leader of the British forces he says "cruise was afraid of me; he believed
that I had direct contact with Lloyd George through Collins, I let him believe this” (Staines, 1955).
When he was appointed as the First commissioner of the Garda Mulcahy described him as “the
natural choice” However his leadership of the new recruits proved more difficult than in Frongoch.
The appointments of RIC District Inspectors Patrick Walsh and John Kearney by Staines with the
approval of Collins were to prove hugely controversial and sow the seeds for the mutiny. But as
commissioner it happened under his watch, he lost control of the situation and ultimately was held
responsible, the recommendations of the inquiry allowed him to resign saving some face.
Another notable difference between Staines and other politician/business men is that the vast
majority are not idealists by nature, and succeed in business first and then enter politics later, usually
being able to give time and funding to the campaign. Staines was the opposite first gaining success as
an idealist and politician in wartime, and then attempting to build up a business and to succeed as a
politician in difficult circumstances. This would prove a very difficult task, to match the success of
his early life .In the end he worked as a clerk with the Great Southern Railway (Feeney, 2010).
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The Life and Times of Michael Staines 2015
Figure 16 Staines final resting place (Final Journey, 2007)
35
The Life and Times of Michael Staines 2015
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The Life and Times of Michael Staines 2015
Appendix
Appendix 1
Figure 17 1901 Census of Ireland of the Staines Family
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The Life and Times of Michael Staines 2015
Appendix 2
Figure 18 1901 Census of Ireland showing Edward Staines, Father of Micheal RIC man in Ballaghaderreen
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The Life and Times of Michael Staines 2015
Appendix 3
Figure 19 1911 Census of Ireland showing the Staines Family in Dublin
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The Life and Times of Michael Staines 2015
Appendix 4
(Mayo County Libary, 2015)
Figure 20 Staines Election Posters 1918
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The Life and Times of Michael Staines 2015
Appendix 5
First Dáil 1918
Figure 21 First Dáil 1918 (Mayo County Libary, 2015)
46