Title:
Summer learning loss and summer school
Date:
July 2011
Question:
What does the research say about summer learning loss and the
effectiveness of summer school for at-risk students?
Response:
We conducted a search for research reports, policy-oriented briefs, and articles in this area. We also
searched for appropriate organizations that may serve as resources on the topic of summer school.
We have not done an evaluation of these resources themselves, and offer them to you (with links,
where available) for your own review. Abstracts and summaries are provided by the authors or
organizations themselves.
We found several publications on summer learning loss and summer school for at-risk students. For
example, a new report (McCombs et al. 2011) includes a review of the literature on summer
learning loss and summer learning programs as well as data from programs offered by districts and
private providers across the United States. A randomized controlled trial of the Building Educated
Leaders for Life (BELL) program found that the BELL group students “gained about a month’s
worth of reading skills more than their counterparts in the comparison group during the summer”
(Chaplin 2006). Another article synthesized findings from studies of several summer programs (for
economically disadvantaged children and youth (Terzian 2009). An ERIC Research Digest (Harris
2005) reports that “summer learning loss equaled at least one month of instruction as measured by
grade level equivalents on standardized test scores” and suggests three approaches to preventing
summer learning loss: extended school year, summer school, and a modified calendar that replaces
the long summer break with shorter cycles of attendance and breaks.
This memo also includes information on five relevant organizations. The Education Commission of
the States and the National Summer Learning Association, in particular, offer many additional
publications and resources to consult.
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Publications
Alexander, K. L., Entwisle D. R., and Olson L. S. (2007). Lasting consequences of the summer learning
gap. American Sociological Review, 72, 167–180.
Abstract: Prior research has demonstrated that summer learning rooted in family and community
influences widens the achievement gap across social lines, while schooling offsets those family and
community influences. In this article, we examine the long-term educational consequences of
summer learning differences by family socioeconomic level. Using data from the Baltimore
Beginning School Study youth panel, we decompose achievement scores at the start of high school
into their developmental precursors, back to the time of school entry in 1st grade. We find that
cumulative achievement gains over the first nine years of children’s schooling mainly reflect schoolyear learning, whereas the high SES-low SES achievement gap at 9th grade mainly traces to
differential summer learning over the elementary years. These early out-of-school summer learning
differences, in turn, substantially account for achievement-related differences by family SES in high
school track placements (college preparatory or not), high school noncompletion, and four-year
college attendance. We discuss implications for understanding the bases of educational
stratification, as well as educational policy and practice.
Alexander, K. L., Entwisle D. R., and Olson L. S. (2007). Summer learning and its implications:
Insights from the Beginning School Study. New Directions for Youth Development, 114, 11–
32.
Abstract: There is perhaps no more pressing issue in school policy today than the achievement gap
across social lines. Achievement differences between well-to-do children and poor children and
between disadvantaged racial and ethnic minorities and majority whites are large when children
first begin school, and they increase over time. Despite years of study and an abundance of good
intentions, these patterned achievement differences persist, but who is responsible, and how are
schools implicated? The increasing gap seems to suggest that schools are unable to equalize
educational opportunity or, worse still, that they actively handicap disadvantaged children. But a
seasonal perspective on learning yields a rather different impression. Comparing achievement
gains separately over the school year and the summer months reveals that much of the
achievement gap originates over the summer period, when children are not in school. The authors
review Beginning School Study research on differential summer learning across social lines (that is,
by family socioeconomic level) and its implications for later schooling outcomes, including high
school curriculum placements, high school dropout, and college attendance. These studies
document the extent to which these large summer learning differences impede the later
educational progress of children of low socioeconomic status. Practical implications are discussed,
including the need for early and sustained interventions to prevent the achievement gap from
opening wide in the first place and for high-quality summer programming focused on preventing
differential summer learning loss.
Alexander, K. L., Entwisle, D. R. and Olson, L. S. (2001). Schools, achievement, and inequality: A
seasonal perspective. Educational Evaluation and Policy Analysis, 23, 171–191.
Abstract: Are there socioeconomic differences in the seasonality of children’s learning over the
school year and summer months? The achievement gap across social lines increases during the
primary grades, as much research indicates, but descriptive analyses and HLM within-person
growth models for a representative panel of Baltimore school children demonstrate that the
increase can be traced mainly to the out-of-school environment (i.e., influences situated in home
and community). School-year verbal and quantitative achievement gains are comparable for upper
socioeconomic status (SES) and lower SES children, but summer gains, when children are out of
school, evidence large disparities. During the summer, upper SES children’s skills continue to
advance (albeit at a slower rate than during the school year), but lower SES children’s gains, on
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average, are flat. This seasonal pattern of achievement gains implies that schooling plays an
important compensatory role, one that is obscured when achievement is compared on an annual
basis, as is typical. Policy implications of the seasonality of learning are discussed, including
support for preventive measures over the preschool years and for programs, possibly including
calendar reforms and summer school, to support disadvantaged children’s learning year-round.
Borman, G. D., and Dowling, N. M. (2006). Longitudinal achievement effects of multiyear summer
school: Evidence from the Teach Baltimore randomized field trial. Educational Evaluation
and Policy Analysis, 28(1), 25–48.
Abstract: Employing a randomized field trial, this three-year study explored the effects of a
multiyear summer school program in preventing the cumulative effect of summer learning losses
and promoting longitudinal achievement growth, for a total treatment group of 438 students from
high-poverty schools. Longitudinal outcomes for the participants were contrasted to those for 248
children randomized into a no-treatment control condition….Maximum likelihood mixture models,
which estimated the effects of the treatment for compliers, revealed statistically significant effects
on learning across all three literacy domains tested for those students who attended the Summer
Academy at an above average rate across two or more of the three summers that it was offered.
Relative to their control-group counterparts, treatment compliers held advantages of 40% to 50%
of one grade level on the final posttests.
Borman, G. D., Goetz, M. E., and Dowling, N. M. (2009). Halting the summer achievement slide: A
randomized field trial of the KindergARTen Summer Camp. Journal of Education for Students
Placed at Risk, 14(2), 133.
Abstract: In this randomized field trial of KindergARTen Camp, a six-week summer enrichment
program in literacy and the fine arts, we analyzed the summer learning outcomes of 93 treatment
and 35 control students from high-poverty schools in Baltimore, Maryland. This experiment offers
evidence concerning the causal effect of the program on five measures of students' literacy
achievement. We found treatment effects during the summer months that were of both practical
and statistical significance on the Developmental Reading Assessment (DRA) and the Word List A
assessments. In addition, results from surveys of KindergARTen Camp students, parents, and
teachers revealed strong satisfaction with the program. We conclude by discussing the contextual
factors that may have contributed to these results.
Borman, G. D., and Boulay, M. (Eds.) (2004). Summer learning: Research, policies, and programs.
Mahwah, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates.
Summary: The purpose of this book is to provide scholars and policymakers with the most current,
research-based evidence concerning summer learning and a range of summer school programs.
Specifically, we discuss four aspects of the summer learning issue. In Part I we present evidence
describing seasonal variations in learning and how these learning differences affect equality of
educational opportunity and outcomes in the United States. In Part II we discuss the development,
characteristics, and effects of the most recent wave of summer programs, which are designed to
play key roles in the recent standards movement and related efforts to end social promotion. In
Part III we examine the impact of three of the most widespread, replicable summer school
programs serving students across the United States. Finally, in Part IV, we consider the
characteristics and effects of alternative programs and practices, which are designed to combat the problem of summer learning loss head on.
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Boss, S., and Railsback, J. (2002). Summer school programs: A look at the research, implications for
practice, and program sampler. Portland, OR: Northwest Regional Educational Laboratory.
Retrieved June 6, 2011, from http://educationnorthwest.org/webfm_send/451
Summary: This booklet is one in a series of “hot topics” reports produced by the Northwest
Regional Educational Laboratory. Each booklet in the series contains a discussion of research and
literature pertinent to the issue, a sampling of how Northwest schools and programs are addressing
the issue, selected resources, and contact information.
Chaplin, D., and Capizzano, J. (2006). Impacts of a summer learning program: A random assignment
study of Building Educated Leaders for Life (BELL). Washington, DC: The Urban Institute.
Retrieved January 27, 2011, from http://www.urban.org/publications/411350.html
Abstract: A growing body of evidence indicates that the test scores of low-income children drop
significantly relative to their higher-income counterparts during the summer months. This study
finds that a well-implemented summer learning program can improve reading skills and increase
the extent to which parents encourage their children to read during the subsequent school year.
These findings provide some support for investments in out-of-school time programming for lowincome children during the summer, such as those currently coming from the 21st Century
Community Learning Centers program and the Supplemental Services provisions of Title I of the No
Child Left Behind Act. This study used random assignment, the gold standard of evaluation
methods, to evaluate the effectiveness of the Building Educated Leaders for Life (BELL) program—a
summer program designed to improve academic skills, parental involvement, academic selfperceptions, and social behaviors among low-income children and families. Over 1,000 elementary
school children who applied to BELL summer programs in New York and Boston in 2005 were
randomly chosen to be in either a treatment group that was selected to participate in the BELL
summer program, or a comparison group that was not. Independent researchers collected student
reading tests (Gates-MacGinitie) and student and teacher surveys. The study found that children in
the BELL treatment group gained about a month’s worth of reading skills more than their
counterparts in the comparison group during the summer. This is a modest, yet notable increase in
reading skills for a six-week program. The study also found evidence of positive impacts on the
degree to which parents encouraged their children to read. No impacts were found on academic
self-perceptions or social behaviors. Overall, this study provides scientifically rigorous evidence
regarding the ability of the BELL summer program to improve the reading skills of low-performing
elementary school children.
Cooper, H., Nye, B., Charlton, K., Lindsay, J., and Greathouse, S. (1996). The effects of summer
vacation on achievement test scores: A narrative and meta-analytic review. Review of
Educational Research, 66, 227–268.
Abstract: A review of 39 studies indicated that achievement test scores decline over summer
vacation. The results of the 13 most recent studies were combined using meta-analytic procedures.
The meta-analysis indicated that the summer loss equaled about one month on a grade-level
equivalent scale, or one tenth of a standard deviation relative to spring test scores. The effect of
summer break was more detrimental for math than for reading and most detrimental for math
computation and spelling. Also, middle-class students appeared to gain on grade-level equivalent
reading recognition tests over summer while lower-class students lost on them. There were no
moderating effects for student gender or race, but the negative effect of summer did increase with
increases in students’ grade levels. Suggested explanations for the findings include the differential
availability of opportunities to practice different academic material over summer (with reading
practice more available than math practice) and differences in the material’s susceptibility to
memory decay (with fact- and procedure-based knowledge more easily forgotten than conceptual
knowledge). The income differences also may be related to differences in opportunities to practice
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and learn. The results are examined for implications concerning summer school programs and
proposals concerning school calendar changes.
Harris, C. (2005). Summer learning loss: The problem and some solutions. Champaign, IL: ERIC
Clearinghouse on Elementary and Early Childhood Education. Retrieved January 27, 2011,
from
http://www.eric.ed.gov/ERICDocs/data/ericdocs2sql/content_storage_01/0000019b/80/
29/d4/7a.pdf
Summary: Noting the National Education Commission on Time and Learning report, which reflected
a growing concern about the impact of a long summer break on at-risk students, this Digest
examines loss of learning over summer and offers suggestions for addressing the problem. The
Digest first examines concerns raised by long summer vacations: children learn best when
instruction is continuous; the long break affects special needs students; and equity concerns, as
higher SES students often return from summer break with considerable educational advantage. The
Digest next summarizes research into summer learning loss. Meta-analyses are cited, which found
that summer learning loss equaled at least one month of instruction as measured by grade-level
equivalents on standardized test scores, that summer loss was more pronounced for math facts and
spelling—both factual/procedural rather than conceptual learning; and that individual differences
among students may also play a role. Finally, the Digest details three approaches to preventing
summer learning loss: extended school year, summer school, and a modified calendar that replaces
the long summer break with shorter cycles of attendance and breaks.
McCombs, J. S., Augustine, C. H., Schwartz, H. L., Bodilly, S. J., McInnis, B., Lichter, D. S., and Cross,
A. B. (2011). Making summer count: How summer programs can boost children's learning.
Santa Monica, CA: The RAND Corporation. Retrieved June 20, 2011, from
http://www.rand.org/content/dam/rand/pubs/monographs/2011/RAND_MG1120.pdf
Abstract: Despite long-term and ongoing efforts to close the achievement gap between
disadvantaged and advantaged students, low-income students continue to perform at considerably
lower levels than their higher-income peers in reading and mathematics. Research has shown that
students’ skills and knowledge often deteriorate during the summer months, with low-income
students facing the largest losses. Instruction during the summer has the potential to stop these
losses and propel students toward higher achievement. A review of the literature on summer
learning loss and summer learning programs, coupled with data from ongoing programs offered by
districts and private providers across the United States, demonstrates the potential of summer
programs to improve achievement as well as the challenges in creating and maintaining such
programs. School districts and summer programming providers can benefit from the existing
research and lessons learned by other programs in terms of developing strategies to maximize
program effectiveness and quality, student participation, and strategic partnerships and funding.
Recommendations for providers and policymakers address ways to mitigate barriers by
capitalizing on a range of funding sources, engaging in long-term planning to ensure adequate
attendance and hiring, and demonstrating positive student outcomes.
Miller, B. M. (2007). The learning season: The untapped power of summer to advance student
achievement. Quincy, MA: The Nellie Mae Education Foundation. Retrieved January 27,
2011, from http://www.nmefdn.org/uploads/Learning_Season_ES.pdf
Summary: Today, leaders looking to improve our education system are again focusing on
lengthening the school day, making this an opportune time to explore the links between
children’s summer experiences and school success. This report’s goal is to help readers
understand the connection between a child’s summer experiences and his or her success in
school and beyond, and to highlight the potential for the summer months to bridge persistent
educational gaps.
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Roderick, M., Engel, M., and Nagaoka, J. (2003). Ending social promotion: Results from Summer
Bridge. Chicago: Consortium on Chicago School Research. Retrieved June 27, 2011, from
http://ccsr.uchicago.edu/publications/p59.pdf
Abstract: In the 1996-97 school year, the Chicago Public Schools (CPS) began a national trend when
it included a required summer program, Summer Bridge, as a central component of its efforts to
end social promotion. Over 21,000 students in the third, sixth, and eighth, or promotional gate
grades, have attended Summer Bridge each year, making it one of the largest and most sustained
summer school programs in the country. This report presents a rigorous and careful evaluation of
Chicago’s Summer Bridge program. It is designed to address the following central questions that
arise in the use of summer programs to support low-achieving students under high-stakes testing:
 To what extent is Summer Bridge effective in increasing students' test scores and allowing
more students to be promoted? And, how do the short-term effects of the program vary by
whether students have very low skills or are closer to the test scores required for
promotion?
 To what extent is there evidence that large-scale mandatory summer programs can produce
uniform effects across students and schools? To what extent do summer programs like
Summer Bridge provide positive learning environments for students?
 How did staffing characteristics, teachers' implementation of the curriculum, and classroom
learning environments shape the program's impacts?
 Can a summer program provide help for low-achieving students that is sustained over time.
Schacter, J., and Jo, B. (2005). Learning when school is not in session: A reading summer day camp
intervention to improve the achievement of exiting first-grade students who are
economically disadvantaged. Journal of Research in Reading, 28(2), 158–169.
Abstract: During the summer vacation children who are economically disadvantaged experience
declines in reading achievement, while middle- and high-income children improve. Previous
research has demonstrated that the most widely implemented intervention – sending economically
disadvantaged students to summer school – has not led to increases in reading achievement. In this
longitudinal randomized trial, a randomly assigned group of exiting first-grade children who were
economically disadvantaged was enrolled in a seven-week summer reading day camp. The
intervention students' reading achievement was then compared to control group participants at
four time points. Results showed noteworthy differences for intervention students in reading
comprehension.
Schearer, M., and Canner, J. (2002). Instructional innovation in summer school: Outcomes for urban
students. Research in Middle Level Education Online, 25(2). Retrieved January 27, 2011, from
http://www.nmsa.org/portals/0/pdf/publications/RMLE/rmle_vol25_no2_article3.pdf
Abstract: In this paper, we present evaluation findings from a high-stakes summer school program
intended to help students failing Grade 8 in June 2000 meet promotion requirements by midAugust. Program components included: teacher professional development, an interdisciplinary
curriculum, a Classroom, Inc. computer simulation and a related student workbook, and weekly onsite support visits. Over 300 students and 27 teachers in an urban district’s nine middle schools
participated in the program. The district and a not-for-profit organization (Classroom, Inc.)
collaborated to offer the program. We used a pre-/post- design with traditional and non-traditional
measures to examine student outcomes. The program fostered positive outcomes, including
improvements in attendance, disciplinary referrals, and academic engagement. Performance in four
core subjects—mathematics, reading, science, and social studies—was enhanced. District students
made a greater than average improvement in standardized mathematics test scores, and reading
gains comparable to the citywide Grade 8 results. Overall, scores on problem-solving performance
assessments improved modestly between the pre- and post-testing; the scores of the lower twothirds of the sample improved significantly. Students and educators deemed the program valuable;
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they would recommend it to others. Educators would use the program again—for Grade 8 and
other levels. Implications for a larger scale implementation are discussed.
Terzian, M., Moore, K. A., and Hamilton, K. (2009). Effective and promising summer learning
programs and approaches for economically disadvantaged children and youth: A white paper
for the Wallace Foundation. Washington, DC: Child Trends. Retrieved March 10, 2011, from
http://www.wallacefoundation.org/KnowledgeCenter/KnowledgeTopics/CurrentAreasofF
ocus/Out-Of-SchoolLearning/Documents/Effective-and-Promising-Summer-LearningPrograms.pdf
Summary: This White Paper summarizes findings from an extensive literature review that was
conducted to identify effective and promising models and approaches for meeting the needs of lowincome children, youth, and families during the summer months. Special attention is paid to
summer learning programs that serve urban, low-income children and youth. Data on program
participation suggest that children and youth who would stand to benefit the most from summer
learning programs (i.e., children and youth who are economically disadvantaged, have low school
engagement, and/or exhibit problem behavior) are the least likely to participate.
Terzian, M., and Moore, K. A. (2009). What works for summer learning programs for low-income
children and youth: Preliminary lessons from experimental evaluations of social interventions.
Washington, DC: Child Trends. Retrieved January 27, 2011, from
http://www.wallacefoundation.org/KnowledgeCenter/KnowledgeTopics/CurrentAreasofF
ocus/Out-Of-SchoolLearning/Documents/Effective-and-Promising-Summer-LearningPrograms-Fact-Sheet.pdf
Summary: Children and youth who reside in economically disadvantaged households and in lowresource, urban neighborhoods are more likely to lose ground in math and reading over the
summer than their higher-income peers. Although summer learning programs are a promising
strategy for narrowing this achievement gap, surveys indicate that only 25 to 36 percent of U.S.
children between 6 and 11 years of age attend summer programs (excluding summer school). This
Fact Sheet presents some emerging lessons from 11 summer learning programs that were
evaluated using experimental research designs. These programs are included in the Child Trends’
online database of experimentally evaluated, out-of school time interventions–LINKS (Lifecourse
Interventions to Nurture Kids Successfully; available online at www.childtrends.org/LINKS). All of
the programs were implemented with economically disadvantaged children and youth.
Warger, Eavy & Associates (2009). Summer bridge programs. Washington DC: The Center for
Comprehensive School Reform and Improvement. Retrieved July 5, 2011, from
http://www.centerforcsri.org/files/Center_PB_May09.pdf
Summary: This policy brief focuses on one type of activity that is designed to help eighth-grade
students make a successful transition to high school—eighth-grade summer bridge programs.
These programs are similar in concept to their counterparts for aspiring college bound students
who may benefit from extra support. Students are identified and recruited into a summer program
that offers academic remediation, social support, and orientation activities that are designed to
enhance their ability to succeed during their freshman year. As part of a comprehensive transition
approach, summer bridge programs can be a promising practice for school administrators and
policymakers to consider.
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Other resources
Education Commission of the States
http://www.ecs.org/
The Education Commission of the States (ECS) is an interstate compact created in 1965 to improve
public education by facilitating the exchange of information, ideas and experiences among state
policymakers and education leaders. As a nonprofit, nonpartisan organization involving key leaders
from all levels of the education system, ECS creates unique opportunities to build partnerships,
share information, and promote the development of policy based on available research and
strategies. ECS has a Policy Issue Site on summer school, with selected research and readings:
http://www.ecs.org/html/issue.asp?issueid=121&subissueid=0
National Center on Time & Learning
http://www.timeandlearning.org/
The National Center on Time & Learning (NCTL) is dedicated to expanding learning time to
eliminate the achievement gap and provide a well-rounded education for children in high-poverty
schools. NCTL conducts research and advances public policy at the federal, state, and local levels
and provides direct technical assistance to states, districts, and schools that add significantly more
school time for academic and enrichment opportunities to help children meet the demands of the
21st century.
National Summer Learning Association
http://www.summerlearning.org
The National Summer Learning Association serves as a network hub for thousands of summer
learning program providers and stakeholders across the country, providing tools, resources, and
expertise to improve program quality, generate support, and increase youth access and
participation. We offer professional development, quality assessment and evaluation, best practices
dissemination and collaboration, and strategic consulting to states, school districts, community
organizations, and funders. Our efforts are focused on achieving the following results:
 Increase the number of providers offering high-quality summer learning programs to young
people living in poverty;
 Increase the number of organizations and policymakers that identify summer learning as a
public policy priority; and
 Increase funding for high-quality summer learning programs for young people who
currently lack choices and opportunities.
Partnership for Children and Youth, Summer Learning and Enrichment Initiative
http://partnerforchildren.org/
The mission of the Partnership for Children and Youth is to ensure that school-age children and
youth living in low-income communities have the support and the opportunities they need and
deserve to be successful in school and in life. We help schools secure the resources necessary to
provide after-school and summer programs, health care, and nutritious meals – the things we know
children need to succeed and thrive. Partnership for Children and Youth, along with collaborators
such as The David and Lucile Packard Foundation, the National Summer Learning Association,
Senator Mark deSaulnier, and State Superintendent of Public Instruction Tom Torlakson, are
working to change the landscape of California’s summer learning opportunities through a Summer
Learning and Enrichment Initiative (http://partnerforchildren.org/what-we-do/out-of-schooltime-initiatives/summer-programs).
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The Partnership works at the local, state and federal levels to strengthen existing summer
programs and to advocate for a supportive environment in which to develop new summer
opportunities. The Partnership is addressing these issues by helping communities build effective
summer programs for children and youth. Our strategies include:
 Researching and disseminating information about possible sources of funding for summer
programming to schools, community organizations, municipalities and other possible
providers;
 Supporting providers in strengthening the program quality through planning, partnerships,
assessment and continuous improvement; and
 Building the tools and capacity of local technical assistance providers to support summer
program development and expansion.
The Wallace Foundation, Summer and Extended Learning Time site
http://www.wallacefoundation.org/knowledge-center/summer-and-extended-learningtime/Pages/default.aspx
Launched in 2010, the Foundation’s More Time for Learning Initiative supports efforts to engage
children in more hours of learning both over the summer and during the school year. A central part
of our work is to study these programs, measure their effects on student achievement, and make
the findings public. Our summer learning and extended learning efforts are guided by three
common strategies:
 Inform mayors, school district leaders, parents and others about how more hours for
learning could improve student achievement.
 Strengthen the few well-established nonprofits with strong summer or extended learning
programs so they can serve more children.
 Help selected city school districts introduce and test more-learning-time programs on a
wide scale, and then evaluate the results.
Beginning in summer 2011, in a major new phase of The Wallace Foundation’s multi-year, $50
million summer learning initiative, children in low-income communities in six cities will take part
in improved summer learning programs (http://www.wallacefoundation.org/view-latestnews/PressRelease/Pages/Project-to-Test-Whether-Summer-Learning-Programs-ProduceLasting-Academic-Gains.aspx). Through 2014, these school district-based programs will provide
much-needed experience and evidence on how schools can end the damage from summer learning
loss, which leaves many students several years behind by the time they enter high school. The
summer learning urban district project seeks to confirm whether intensive summer programming
that combines academics and enrichment can boost achievement and narrow the gap, a question of
considerable importance to educators, policymakers and parents, especially in a time of tight
education budgets. The Wallace initiative also has two other separately-funded parts: support of
nonprofits that run successful summer learning programs; and communication efforts to build
awareness among policymakers and the public of the value of high-quality summer learning
programs.
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Methods
The research summarized here was located by searching Institute of Education Sciences (IES)
resources [Regional Educational Laboratory Program (REL); IES Practice Guides; What Works
Clearinghouse (WWC); and Doing What Works (DWW)], the Education Resources Information
Center (ERIC), and Google/Google Scholar electronic databases for recent publications that
referenced the following set of keywords: summer school effectiveness, summer school, summer
learning, or academic summer learning.
This memorandum is one in a series of quick-turnaround responses to specific questions posed by educators and
policymakers in the western region (Arizona, California, Nevada, Utah), which is served by the Regional Educational
Laboratory West (REL West) at WestEd. This memorandum was prepared by REL West under a contract with the U.S.
Department of Education’s Institute of Education Sciences (IES), Contract ED-06-CO-0014, administered by WestEd. Its
content does not necessarily reflect the views or policies of IES or the U.S. Department of Education nor does mention of
trade names, commercial products, or organizations imply endorsement by the U.S. Government.
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WestEd — a national nonpartisan, nonprofit research, development, and service agency — works with education and
other communities to promote excellence, achieve equity, and improve learning for children, youth, and adults.
……………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………..................................
REL West at WestEd • 730 Harrison Street • San Francisco, CA 94107 • 866.853.1831 • relwest@WestEd.org • http://relwest.wested.org
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