ARC3000: Dissertation
A zooarchaeological analysis of the faunal
assemblage from the Roman villa site of
Yewden, Buckinghamshire.
Student Number: 610005348
ABSTRACT!
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Contents:
1. Introduction
2. Methods and Evaluation
2.1. Identification and Recording
2.2. Taxonomic abundances (NISP, MNE, MNI and MAU)
2.3. Age and Sex Identification
3. Results
3.1. Taxonomic abundances
3.2. Age and Sex
3.3. Surface Features
3.4. Butchery
3.4. Pathology
4. Discussion
4.1. Taxonomic Abundances
4.2. Age and Sex
4.3. Surface Features
4.5. Butchery
4.4. Pathology
5. Conclusion
6. Appendices
6.1: Appendix 1: Map of site location
List of Tables:
List of Figures:
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1. Introduction:
The animal remains examined in this work were excavated in 1912 by Alfred Cocks from the
site known as the Yewden (or Hambledon) villa complex. The site is located south of the
village of Hambledon, on the banks of the River Thames (Appendix 1), and was ideally
situated for links to Dorchester, Verulamium (St Albans) and Silchester (Eyers and Mays
2011, 28). It is joined by another smaller villa about half a kilometre away at Mill End, which
is as yet unexcavated but has been identified through survey (Eyers and Hutt 2012, 75-82).
It is likely that the villas were connected through ownership and, although it is unclear what
the relationship was between them, it is assumed that the Mill End villa was a secondary villa
with a different function to the Yewden complex. The Yewden villa was established in the
early 1st century AD and occupation continued through to at least the end of the fourth
century (Cocks 1921, 141) - It should therefore be noted that the animal remains recovered
represent a palimpsest, accumulated over this whole period, and interpretation should take
this into consideration. The complex briefly comprises an enclosure wall, surrounding a
principal dwelling-house accompanied by two other dwelling structures and a fourth “Little
House”, potentially a shrine (Cocks 1921, 141-4). A total of fourteen furnaces and associated
flues were also identified, interpreted by Gowland (1921, 158) as having been used for grain
drying due to the discovery of barley and wheat specimens, as well as a lack evidence for
very high temperatures or iron-working slag (Appendix...).
Perhaps the most noteworthy feature of the site was the discovery of 97 peri-natal
infant burials (Mays et al. 2011, 1), leading to the controversial interpretation of the villa as a
potential brothel due to the similarity to other sites such as Roman Ashkelon, Israel (Mays
and Eyers 2011, 1931). However, this conclusion is seen as controversial, and some believe
that further analysis of evidence should be undertaken before it is accepted. In light of these
findings, the animal remains were given negligible attention by both Cocks and later works,
which solely focussed on the human remains. Hence, the aim of this work was to interpret
the site objectively using zooarchaeological remains to shed light on the economy operating
there.
2. Methods and Evaluation:
2.1. Identification and Recording:
The recording of the 45 boxes, amounting to 2860 specimens, was facilitated by the
use of a database. Where identifiable, the following information was recorded for each
specimen: location, based on Cock’s labelling on the specimens, species, element, zone (i.e.
proximal, distal, shaft, fragment), fusion (i.e. fused or unfused, and which end if bone with
multiple epiphyses), and side (i.e. left or right). The bones were also examine for evidence of
butchery or pathology – butchery marks were identified as either cut, chop, or saw marks,
and their position on the specimen was recorded. Any breaks in the specimen were
categorised as either fresh or dry fracture. Another factor to be considered was the presence
of surface features, documented as acid etching, gnawing, root etching, and any abnormal
colouration of the bone, including charring. Lastly, the recording of age or sex indicators was
also included in the database, for example estimates of age based on bone size or
formation, and mandible wear stages. Photographs were taken of specimens with notable
features, and the reference number for this image included in the table.
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Identification of species and element was undertaken using personal notes and
books, for example Cohen and Serjeantson (1986, 10-97) for the classification of birds.
Reference collections at Exeter University were also valuable, as well as personal
communications with Professor Alan Outram.
A number of challenges were faced in the analysis of the assemblage, particularly my
distance from assemblage, restricting time available to analyse it, and lack of a reference
collection whilst examining the bones at the Buckinghamshire County Museum Resource
Centre in Halton, Buckinghamshire. Furthermore, the previous context recording system
used by Alfred Cocks in 1912 in the form of stickers attached to bones was often unclear,
missing, and at times inconsistent.
2.2. Taxonomic Abundances (NISP, MNI, MNE and MAU):
The first taxonomic abundance to be recorded was the NISP (Appendix...) for each
species, meaning a count of the number of specimens identified per taxon (Lyman 1994,
100). The NISPs of each species in locations across the site were also tabulated to assess
species distribution across the site (Appendix...). However only specimens that could be
assigned to context were included - many were in boxes which, although labelled, did not
indicate find location. While NISP values are easy to derive, they do not account for interspecies variation in element number, causing some species to be over/under-represented,
and are also affected by varying fragmentation (Klein and Cruz-Uribe 1984, 25; O’Connor
2012, 55-6). To account for fragmentation the MNE was derived from the NISP values –
specimens were only counted as being from different elements if they differed in zones,
fusion states, surface features or side (Chaplin 1971, 70) (Appendix...). However, only
specimens assignable to a species and side could be included in this analysis, meaning that
some bias may have been introduced into the results at this point. To account for variation in
element number between species the MNI was obtained from the MNE data. This is the
smallest number of individuals to account for the recovered skeletal elements for a species
(Shotwell 1955, 330-1; Watson 1979, 127). It is calculated by dividing non-paired elements
by the number found in the skeleton to eliminate inter-taxonomic variation, and identifying
the most frequent side of the most abundant skeletal element (O’Connor 2012, 59). Decimal
values were rounded down for this purpose. This gives some indication of the number of
animals present on a site, however, Reitz and Wing (2008, 206) maintain that it should not
be taken as an exact number.
2.3. Age and Sex Identification:
With regards to age, mortality profiles, especially caprid, are very important in determining
economy, as they take into account the mortality patterns across the assemblage, and not
just of individuals (Zeder 2002, 87). Therefore, mortality profiles for both caprids and cattle
were constructed for the Yewden assemblage using the following methods.
Firstly epiphyseal fusion was considered for cattle and caprids. The assemblage
contained no whole skeletons, so differing ages at which bones fuse were categorized into
stages based on known fusion ages (Silver 1969, 252-3), allowing for the assessment of age
distribution on the site as a whole rather than for individuals. Both the cattle and caprid
stages cover the fusion of epiphyses in around the first 4 years of life, meaning that an adult
individual cannot be accurately aged (Zeder 2002, 89), and the broad age range in each
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stage reduces the accuracy of ageing younger animals (Grant 1975, 395). Nonetheless, the
percentage survival at each stage was calculated using by comparing the number of fused
ends to the total MNE (Table...AND...). Furthermore, it could be argued that epiphyseal
fusion may be affected by the differential preservation of fusion points (Maltby 1981, 171) –
therefore ageing using tooth eruption and wear was also considered to provide a more
comprehensive age distribution.
While there were not enough cattle mandibles to successfully utilise tooth ageing as
outlined by Grant (1982, 91-105), the caprid specimens were assessed using this method.
This was achieved by following Payne’s (1973...) method of categorising mandibles into one
of eight wear stages, based on eruption and wear (Zeder 2002, 95). This method may have
some limitations, for example: it provides a relative sequence rather than an absolute age
indication (Maltby 1981, 171); it is only useful until the last tooth in the sequence comes into
wear; and it does not account for differences in individual animals and breed (Chaplin 1971,
78). However, it is considered more reliable than fusion as teeth are more often preserved
(Reitz and Wing 2008, 195). The highest age in the wear stage, in years, was plotted against
the percentage of mandibles exhibiting that wear pattern, and a percentage survival curve
was also plotted on the same axis, in which a cumulative percentage reduction indicates the
proportion of animals surviving to the next wear stage (Figure...).

Sex?:
o NOT METRIC; not enough evidence? Some observable traits include – cattle
horns/ pig canine/ one example of a horse pelvis which could be assigned to
a sex (Chaplin 1971, 100).
3. Results:
3.1. Taxonomic Abundances:
o Compare basic frequencies (NISP) to Cock’s results; BUT, doesn’t take into
account number of elements in skeleton of each species, or the same fragmented
elements from the same individual. Therefore...
o MNE: lower, as non-overlapping fragments may have come from the same
element and are therefore treated as such (ref.). Also, elements that could not be
assigned to a side were not included in the count, thus lowering the results
(BIAS???!).
o MNI: Considerably lower, and showing a slightly different prevalence of
species?
o DISTRIBUTION PATTERN IN SPECIES? TABLE IN APPENDIX! – locations
with most finds represent deposition of whole animals? (e.g. pit 15 and the well
are dominated by pig bones, pit 21 contains a near-complete hare skeleton, pit 1
mainly comprises dog)
3.2. Age and Sex:
o
Caprid Mandibles: Stage E (2-3 years) is the most frequent mandible wear stage,
comprising almost 30% of the sample, however peaks are also present at stages D
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o
o
(1-2 years) and G (4-6 years), representing 15% and 19% of the sample respectively.
This double peak in age distribution suggests higher mortality in caprids between 1-3
years, and 4-6 years. Furthermore, the percentage survival curve shows a relatively
high rate of survival until around 2 years, when survival drops from 70% to 40%. After
this point survival drops in a relatively consistent pattern, at a rate of approximately
10% per year, until it reaches 0% at 10 years.
Caprid epiphyseal fusion: GRAPHS??? Limited success? See cattle below...
Unfused bones often under-represented, especially in the first year, as they are
more susceptible to taphonomic factors (Grant 1975, 395) – BUT can this go as
far as explaining the overall lack of unfused elements?
Table...: Caprid percentage survival based on epiphyseal fusion. Source: author
Stage
MNE
unfused
fused
% survival
1 (6-10 months)
3
0
3
100.00
2 (13-16 months)
3
0
3
100.00
3 (18-28 months)
71
15
56
78.87
4 (30-42 months)
12
3
9
75.00
o
Cattle epiphyseal fusion: limited success, as fusion stages only age the animal up
to around 4 years (Silver 1969, 250)...ALSO over-representation of some elements
(e.g. 1st phalanges) causes problems??? – no infant mortality???
Table...: Cattle percentage survival based on epiphyseal fusion. Source: author
Stage
MNE
1 (7-10 months)
2 (12-18 months)
3 (24 -36 months)
4 (36-48 months)
o
unfused
19
408
53
78
fused
0
2
1
2
19
406
52
76
% survival
100.00
99.51
98.11
97.44
Sex?:
o not enough evidence? Some examples – cattle horns/ pig canines (?)/ one
example of a horse pelvis which could be assigned to a sex
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COMPARE TO PAYNE (1973)!!!
Figure...: Caprid percentage survival at each of Payne’s (1973) wear stages, and the distribution of
ages, based on tooth eruption and wear. Source: author.
3.3. Surface Features:
o
Gnawing: (Shipman and Rose 1983?)
Dog Gnawing can be identified in an assemblage by the presence of the following
features: round, blunt impressions caused by the canines; U-shaped furrows with very small
crushing marks at the bottom; splintering of long bone shafts; or by the complete gnawing
away of joints resulting in an uneven surface and a shaft with ragged ends (Noe-Nygaard
1989, 488-9; Reitz and Wing 2008, 135). In the Yewden assemblage there are 43 examples
of gnawing, with the latter characteristic especially evident (Figure...) – this supports
Haynes’ (1983, 165) assertion that gnawing marks are often found near the epiphyses as a
result of chewing using cheek teeth. The elements showing gnawing are mainly those of the
leg - astragalus, calcaneum, femur, humerus, metapodial, and first phalanges – however
there are also some examples on mandibles (Figure...). The most frequently gnawed bone
is the calcaneum, with 14 examples... (Haynes 1980...). There is less variation in species,
with only specimens from caprid, cattle and horse displaying signs of gnawing, totalling 2,
27, and 14 examples respectively.
Another surface alteration present in the assemblage was charring – often
characterised by a colour change, to black or brown initially, then blue-grey or white (Lyman
1994, 385). An increased brittleness was also indicative of burnt bone, as well as a size
decrease of up to 5% (Reitz and Wing 2008, 130-2). There are a number of factors which
will have affected the extent of charring, for example the intensity of heat, duration on
exposure, proximity to fire, and size or shape of the element (Bennett 1999, 2-5). However,
the alterations evident on all 24 examples in the Yewden assemblage are relatively
consistent, all being black (Figure...). The charred specimens again show a high frequency
of cattle bone alteration, with 17 examples. There are a further 4 charred caprid bones, and
single examples of red deer, horse and pig. However, the pattern in affected elements is less
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clear, as charring is found on a variety of elements with metatarsals being the most
frequently modified (Figure...).
Frequency
Frequency of Charring on Different
Elements
9
8
7
6
5
4
3
2
1
0
Element
Figure...: Frequency of different elements affected by charring. Source: author.
o
There is also a single example of acid etching in the assemblage - a whole
cattle metatarsal (Figure...), with the distal end of the shaft affected.
Root Etching is also evident on 9 specimens, varying in species: 3 caprid, 3 cattle,
and single examples of horse, red deer and dog. The elements affected also vary,
comprising 3 mandibles, 2 metatarsals, 2 metacarpals, a femur and a radius. : plant roots
leave “characteristic dendritic patterns”, evident as lightly etched grooves (Reitz and Wing
2008, 139). This resulted in the appearance of “dendritic patterns” of shallow grooves,
caused by the excretion of humic acid by plant roots (Lyman 1994, 375-6) ...
o

Fracture Features – taphonomy?? Taphonomy/ preservation level? Relative
completeness? (Shotwell 1955, 331 – NISP/MNI = number of specimens per
individual) REITZ AND WING 2008 – 141: FRAGMENTATION (FRESH/DRY)
Victorian vandalism! – A final surface feature which deserves a brief mention is
the alteration of specimens during the Victorian period for their use in museum
display. For example, ...
3.5. Butchery:
There are 94 specimens within the Yewden assemblage showing signs of butchery –
these consist of three types: cut marks, chop marks and saw marks (Figure...). Cut marks
were identified as small V-shaped incisions, often with fine striations parallel to the direction
of cutting and occurring in parallel clusters (Shipman 1981, 365; Reitz and Wing 2008, 128).
These were the most common type of butchery marks present in the assemblage, evident on
38 examples. They were most prolific in cattle (31 examples), especially on the lower leg
bones such as metatarsals and first phalanges (Figure...GRAPH!). However, cut marks
were also found in varying locations on 3 caprid specimens, 1 horse bone, and 3 red deer
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examples (Table...?) (Table...? – NEED TABLES FOR OTHER SPECIES?). Chop marks
consisted of a deep, non-symmetrical “V”-shaped features tilted in the direction as the chop
action, lacking striations (Figure...) (Noe-Nygaard 1989, 473). This type of mark was found
on 37 specimens, and were again most common in cattle leg elements (numbering 28),
followed by 3 red deer specimens, 2 caprid and horse specimens, and one example on both
pig and fowl. Saw marks were the least common type of butchery present in the
assemblage, with only 19 examples (Figure...). These were characterised by bone and
antler cut at a right angle to the shaft of the specimen, leaving a flat cross section with
serrations crossing each other at acute angles (Reitz and Wing 2008, 130; Noe-Nygaard
1989, 473). Most noticeably 84% of saw marks were found on the antlers of red deer (16
examples) (Figure...GRAPH!), with two bovine specimens and one roe deer antler
specimen constituting the remaining examples. It is likely that these marks are a result of
butchery, rather than taphonomic factors like...., as...(Shipman and Rose 1983, 63?;
Shipman 1981)
o
o
EXAMPLES! – PICTURES!!!
Butchery SEQUENCE?? (Shipman and Rose 1983, 75 – relevant, as hominids?)
Table...: Type and frequency of butchery marks found in the Yewden assemblage. Source:
author.
Cut marks
Chop marks
Sawn
caprid
cattle
fowl (Galliforme)
horse
pig
red deer
roe deer
3
31
3
2
28
1
2
1
3
Total
38
37
1
2
16
1
19
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Frequency of Butchery Mark (%)
Distribution and Frequency of Butchery Marks on Cattle
25.00
20.00
15.00
10.00
Cut
5.00
Chop
0.00
Saw
Element
Figure...: Chart showing the proportion of different butchery marks found on different cattle
elements .Source: author.
Figure...: Diagram showing the positions and frequency of cattle butchery marks. Source: author.
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3.4. Pathology:
Within the assemblage there are sixteen examples of pathology, all relating to either
horse, cattle, dog or large mammal. Two horse specimens showed pathological changes. A
second phalanx (Fig....) exhibits exostosis, which is the formation of new abnormal osseous
tissue on the outside of a bone (Baker and Brothwell 1980, 225), along the entire length of
the bone. It is especially distinguishable at the proximal end, while the articular surface of
distal end is not affected. A first phalanx also displays exostosis, although it only affects the
shaft of the bone and is less severe (Fig...).
Figure...: Horse second phalanx displaying exostosis, especially at the proximal end of the bone, with
the distal articular end unaffected. Source: author.
Figure...: Horse first phalanx showing slight exostosis along the shaft. Source: author.
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There are also three examples of cow phalanges displaying abnormal osseous
growth. Two exhibit ossification just below the articular surfaces of both proximal and distal
joints (Figure...), while the last shows ossification along the shaft, becoming more severe at
the distal end (Figure...). Other bovine lower leg bones are also affected, for example a
calcaneum also exhibits exostosis around the distal articular surface (Figure...). Another
cattle calcaneum shows signs pathological change in the form of ossification and a relatively
drastic deformation of shape, particularly at the distal end – potentially evidence for a healed
injury. Further bovine lower leg pathology occurs on a metacarpal (Figure...), which shows
osseous growth specifically at the distal end, with the carpals fused at the joint but
apparently intact articular surfaces. The only bovine pathology not affecting a leg is found on
a right cow mandible, which has bony outgrowth towards the proximal end (Figure...). The
final example of pathological changes to a bovine specimen is a tibia displaying enormous
amounts of abnormal bone growth along an abnormally-shaped shaft (Figure...), potentially
the result of another healed injury.
Figure ...: Cow first phalanx with exostosis below the proximal and distal articular surfaces. Source:
author.
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Figure...: Cow first phalanx showing exostosis along the shaft and distal end of the bone. Source:
author.
Figure...: Cattle calcaneum showing evidence for exostosis around the distal articular surface.
Source: author.
Figure...: Bovine calcaneum with osseous growth and abnormal shape, potentially as a result of
healed injury. Source: author.
Figure...: Cattle metacarpal with severe exostosis at the distal end, resulting in ankylosis of the distal
surface and carpals. Source: author.
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Figure...: Cattle mandible with bony outgrowth towards the proximal end. Source: author.
Figure...: Cattle tibia with huge amounts of
osseous growth, potentially resulting from a
badly healed injury. Source: author.
There are five large mammal
vertebrae which also display abnormal
osseous growth, although all specimens
are vertebrae. The destruction of cartilage
between the vertebrae has led to fusion of
the vertebral bodies, shown in the ring of
bone growth around the edge of the
centrum (Figure ...).
Lastly, two dog specimens show
pathological change. A metacarpal
shows signs of exostosis at the proximal
end (Figure...), resulting in destruction of
the proximal articulation. Also, a right
canine radius exhibits exostosis along
the shaft, indicative of a healed fracture
(Figure...).
Figure...: One of the five large mammal vertebrae, in which cartilage destruction has led to the fusion
of the vertebral bodies resulting in osseous growth around its rim. Source: author.
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Figure...: The proximal end of the dog metacarpal affected by exostosis. Source: author.
Figure...: Right canine radius showing exostosis along the shaft, probably due to a healed fracture.
Source: author.
4. Discussion:
4.1 Taxonomic Abundances:
o
species represented/ frequencies (MNI, MAU) – economy?
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o
o
o
o
Why does MNI so drastically reduce, especially in cattle?? Different fragmentation
patterns (Klein and Cruz-Uribe 1984, 26) – cattle more fragmentary/ more bones such as
phalanges?
What exploited from each animal?
General Roman pattern:
o Grant (2003, 373) states that there is no general Romano-British pattern for the
meat exploited or husbandry practice employed as there is substantial variation in
species proportions and age distributions – she suggests that the pattern of
animal exploitation on any given site depends upon a combination of local
environment, traditions, trade and distribution, social and economic status, food
preferences, and population migration.
o However, King (1989, 53) points to the general prevalence of domesticates like
sheep, cattle and pigs on Romano-British sites. : IS THIS THE CASE AT
YEWDEN??
o There is also an argument for a progressive decrease in sheep relative to cattle
and pig during the Roman occupation of Britain, described as the “Romanisation”
of diet by Hamshaw-Thomas (2000, 166-7). Grant (2003, 373) suggests that the
rapidity of this change from the previous Iron Age pattern depended upon the
proximity of the site to developing towns or roads.
o The distinction between villas and “un-Romanised” sites suggests that the
occupants of villas adopted a Romanised approach to diet and therefore
agriculture (King 1989, 54).
o (Yewden has a lot of cattle, but also a lot of caprid and relatively few pigs –
transition??); Is this similar to Barnsley Park, also in the Thames Valley, where
sheep are dominant in the assemblage throughout the Roman period. King
(1989, 58) describes the site as “semi-Romanised”, although it may just be that
the area was more suitable for grazing caprids – lowland areas with dry, light
soils (Maltby 1981, 163).
o Explanation? It has been suggested that this transition in Roman diet, evident in
zooarchaeological evidence, was the result of a population increase in 4th century
which necessitated the exploitation of marginal areas more suited to cattle or pig
husbandry, or that economic decline towards the end of the Romano-British
occupation led to the introduction of capitatio, or poll tax meaning that livestock
with more meat per head was preferred (Davis 1987, 183). Furthermore,
increased demand from non-food producing areas such as military settlements
and towns may have called for exploitation of animals which would provide more
meat per individual (Grant 2003, 373).
Cattle were certainly the most important species to the roman urban and pastoral
economy (Vann 2008, 36; Dobney 2001, 36; Maltby 1989, 89), perhaps explaining their
prevalence in the Yewden assemblage – although the higher number of caprids in terms
of MNI may suggest a different pattern in countryside villas. (BUT LARGER ANIMALS
SO LESS NEEDED??)
o Increase in cattle also relates to large-scale adoption of cereal production
therefore necessitating the use of draught animals (Grant 2003, 377);
o Cattle kept mainly for traction and sometimes for milk (Davis 1987, 183); “broad
multi-purpose use” for meat, milk and traction (Dobney 2001, 36).
o Although, Grant (2003, 372; 1971, 377-88 – Fishbourne) suggests that many
were killed before reaching maturity.
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“Head and feet”?? (Gidney 2000, 170): horn cores, frontal, lower jaw, and
metapodial fragments in archaeological record from Causeway Lane, Leicester,
suggest (industrial) horn working and/or tanning, in which the horns and feet were
probably attached to the hides and later removed for use.
o Another site situated close to the Thames and displaying a high frequency of
cattle specimens is Barton Court – King (1989, 56) suggests that this type of
location was ideal for raising cattle as it enabled the integration of the site into a
regional market. Therefore, the animals raised at Yewden may have provided not
only provisions for the site, but tradable goods distributed via the Thames.
Caprids:
o Probably sheep! British climate more favourable for them (Grant 1975, 397)
o kept mainly for wool (Maltby 1981, 171), and secondarily for milk and meat (Davis
1987, 183; Grant 1975, 396)
o Tend to be killed at older age in villa sites – increased importance on wool
production? (Grant 2003, 372).
Pigs: most regularly eaten in Roman diet (Davis 1987, 183); classical sources suggest
that pig meat was highly valued in Roman diet, however a prevalence of pig is not
evident in the zooarchaeological record at Yewden or indeed across Northern Europe
(Dobney 2001, 36) Grant (2003, 372) supports this, stating that at Fishbourne villa,
Sussex, there is a 2nd to 3rd century decline in the prevalence of porcine bones in
deposits. Noddle (1984, 111) states that there is no overall trend in Romano-British pig
exploitation, and therefore that the species did not play a major role in diet.
Dogs: Large amount of Roman evidence (Harcourt 1974, 164); used for herding or
hunting - even small ones (Groot 2008, 49). BUT: variation in size and build =
emergence of “lap-dog” – sheltered, would not have survived as a scavenger? (Harcourt
1974, 164); larger dogs used for hunting/ guarding/ fighting (Harcourt 1974, 168);
Fowl/Geese: Chickens first appear in the archaeological record in Britain in the Late Iron Age,
but they increase in importance in the Roman period; their remains, together with those of
geese and ducks, are common in Romano- British towns. (Grant 2003, 377).
Deer (both red and roe) over-represented due to large number of antlers, and a relatively
small frequency of other elements? – suggests that deer were NOT being used to
supplement the diet provided by domestic stock?? This may be due to the fact that
antlers are shed subsequent to the annual rut (Alhaique and Cerilli 2003, 103),
increasing the ease of procurement as the animal does not necessarily have to be
hunted and killed to obtain these elements. Grant (2003, 374) claims that deer, including
large red deer, played little part in the Roman diet – instead it is possible that, while the
meat from these animals was not exploited, products like antlers may have been used
for other purposes such as tool-making or ornamentation (Reitz and Wing 2008, 130).
The presence of mainly shed antler in the assemblage, as well as a lack of a comparable
amount of other red deer elements suggests that antlers were mainly collected, having
been shed after the rut, for use in craft production – Alhaique and Cerilli (2003, 104)
suggest that they were used by Romans to make items such as buttons, combs,
decorative clasps, needles and awls, and hafts for implements and weapons. Grant
(1981, 210) maintains that antler was more suitable then bone for such functions as it is
denser, and therefore stronger, than bone.
DISTRIBUTION! – locations with most finds represent deposition of whole animals? (e.g.
pit 15 and the well are dominated by pig bones, pit 21 contains a near-complete hare
o
o
o
o
o
o
o
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skeleton, pit 1 mainly comprises dog) Other species are spread throughout the
structures, as well as in pits all over the complex – no specialised areas of “industry”??
4.2. Age and Sex:





NOT ENOUGH EVIDENCE FOR SEX DISTRIBUTION?! Some elements provide
unambiguous indication of sex, such as pig canines, cervid antlers, cattle horns or
pelvic bones of equines and cattle (Greenfield 2002, 68-9; Grigson 1982, 10).
However, there were not enough distinguishable examples in the Yewden
assemblage to provide a comprehensive sex distribution for the site – for example,
only one example of a definite male pig mandible was identified, as well as a single
male horse pelvic section.
Grant (2003, 379): maintains that rural animal bone assemblages tend to comprise
animals killed at a variety of ages, indicating the use of both primary and secondary
products. It is also postulated by Grant (2003, 379) that villa sites display variation in
age distribution as animals are raised to meet primarily the demands of the villa
owner, with the potential for trade for other items.
Falkner (2000: 150–1) has inferred the existence of two economic systems – the estate
owners producing for a market, and the native farmers with a more self- sufficient
husbandry.
Cattle:
o Seems to be an unusual predominance of very elderly cattle, based on the
epiphyseal fusion data (Table...). BUT: is this reliable? over-representation of
some elements/ loss of unfused elements due to taphonomic reasons?
OLD CATTLE SUPPORTED BY EXAMPLES SUCH AS WORN MANDIBLE?!!!
(Figure...)
o
o
o
o
o
“The age and sex distribution of the slaughtered cattle can be used as
complementary evidence for the exploitation of animal power. A dominance of
animals killed at a young and sub-adult/adult age points to their importance
as meat suppliers while cattle kept until older age may indicate that dairy
products or physical power were important. In the latter case, the occurrence
of castrated animals can indicate the keeping of draught-purpose cattle.” (De
Cupere et al. 2000, 256)
Meat: best if animals killed around 4-5 years (Noddle 1984, 111); Milk: lots of
elderly individuals in assemblage, as well as a relatively large amount of
young individuals being killed, representing the male calves surplus to
breeding requirements (Dobney 2001, 37)
Roman pattern, based on mandibular tooth eruption and wear (Maltby 1981,
179-82) = mainly older individuals, but a range of ages are represented.
ALTHOUGH: Barton Court Farm; Shakenoak Farm, Oxfordshire; Fishbourne
– relatively immature cattle present (killed for meat, OR not needed for
breeding, working or dairying so killed for meat/hides).
Expensive to rear animals solely for meat – animals kept to an older age as
they could then also provide labour, young, and dairy produce (Noddle 1984,
111)??
Portchester Castle (GRANT 1975, 398-404): tooth eruption and wear –
mainly older individuals (over 5 years old) – unlikely that they were solely
raised for meat (Maltby 1981, 182), as cattle were allowed to reach maturity.
This suggests that cattle working and dairying were more important within the
economy. Grant (1975, 396) suggests that cattle used for traction would be
fairly old before they were killed, in order to receive return for the effort of
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o
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training them. – frequency of butchery cuts suggests that animals were eaten
in the end (Grant 1975, 404)
However, younger cattle also present as a site such as Yewden may have
been self-sufficient, meaning that some younger animals would have been
exploited for multiple resources (i.e. some also killed for meat) ???
Caprids: EPIPHYSEAL FUSION SUPPORTED BY MANDIBLE AGEING???
o Wool production: mainly ewes and castrated rams allowed to reach maturity
(Noddle 1984, 115) (RELEVANT?) – allows for the collection of several
annual growths of the fleece (Malbty 1981, 171).
o Meat production?: predominance of younger animals in the assemblage
(Malbty 1981, 171).
o Older age distribution on rural sites? (Grant 2003, 377) - points towards
animals being kept for non-meat products like wool, horn and hide (CATTLE
TOO) – may also have been used for milk (Dobney 2001, 37)
o The contribution of sheep to the urban food supply was small when compared to
that of cattle, but still significant. Sheep played another crucial role in the rural
economy: wool production was well established in Britain long before the Roman
Conquest, but it became increasingly important in the following centuries. In bone
assemblages in the third or fourth centuries at a wide range of towns and smaller
settlements, there is an increase in the remains of mature sheep, animals that would
have proved several clips of wool before being sold off for meat (for example,
O'Connor 1986; Levitan 1989; Dobney and Jaques 1996; Dobney et al. 1997; Grant
2000) – SITE EXAMPLES!!!. (Grant 2003, 380).
o HOWEVER!!! Portchester Castle (Grant 1975, 396): evaluated using a
numerical system of ageing mandibular cheek teeth; most animals were killed
at a value corresponding to Payne’s stages D and E (Maltby 1981). This
corresponds to the pattern at Yewden, and suggests that animals were killed
for meat at around 2-3 years (Maltby 1981, 175).
o Overall – sheep killed for meat around 2-3 years? BUT the survival of
older animals also suggests a mixed economy, in which wool was also an
important resource. This is supported by Payne (1973...), who suggests that
sites rarely operate a single economy.
4.3. Surface Features:
Clearly the incidence of dog gnawing suggests the presence of dogs at the site during
the period when elements of other species were being discarded – this is supported by the
presence of canine specimens in the assemblage. However, it could also give an indication
of speed of deposition, as less gnawing could imply a more rapid deposition after discard
(Maltby 1984, 128; Stallibrass 2000, 159). Therefore it follows that in the Yewden
assemblage elements such as astragali, calcanea, femurs, humeri, metapodials, and first
phalanges may have been left out longer before accumulation into the archaeological record,
as they exhibit a greater degree of chewing. The pattern of gnawing somewhat follows
Davis’ (1987, 26) assertion that long bones are most frequently affected, however he also
states that small bones under 2.5cm diameter are swallowed whole, meaning that acid
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etching, which leaves a characteristic smooth surface, should also be considered when
analysing scavenging activity. It should also be noted that dog can remove meat without
leaving marks (Kent 1993, 339), therefore gnawing may not be fully represented in the
archaeological assemblage.
As for species, Stallibrass (2000, 159) encounters more gnawing on caprid and pig
bones than cattle, and proposes that this is due to the fact that larger bones, from cattle for
example, are often removed prior to cooking and deposited, whereas smaller bones of
sheep and pig were often cooked with the meat still on them and then given to dogs when
the food was eaten. This processing decision may also be shown in butchery patterns, which
are discussed below. Although some examples of gnawing on caprid bones are evident, the
fact that cattle bones were most frequently gnawed in the Yewden assemblage suggests
that dogs had most access to these elements. This may be due to a delay in deposition of
bones of this species, allowing time for them to be chewed. Haynes (1980, 346) suggests
that joints disarticulated early in the butchering sequence may show more signs of gnawing.
If this is the case, it could be suggested that the leg bones, especially of cattle, were
removed early on during processing therefore leaving the epiphyses exposed to the gnawing
that is evident in the assemblage.
There are a number of explanations possible for the charring in the assemblage. For
example, Dobney (2001, 40) suggests that bones were often heated in order to make them
more brittle and therefore easier to break for marrow extraction. However, the lack of
evidence for the breaking of bones for this purpose at Yewden necessitates the search for a
more likely explanation for charring. Reitz and Wing (2008, 131) suggest that cooked meat is
usually boiled, baked or roasted – they state that whilst roasting meat parts of bone,
especially joints, covered by the least flesh are exposed to the flame and therefore burn. It is
therefore likely that the charred specimens in the Yewden assemblage were the result of
roasting meat for consumption. However, Lyman (1994, 384) states that this view is
simplistic, as charring can also result from accidental cause, such as the burning of a
structure containing bone, or the use of bone as fuel (Théry-Parisot 2002, 1415). The black
colouration of the burnt elements is suggestive of heating under a relatively low temperature,
as the organic components are carbonized (Bennett 1999, 2). This suggests that the
Yewden examples were exposed to relatively low heats, perhaps just deliberate domestic
fires required for cooking. The prevalence of charred cattle elements is suggestive of that
species being chosen most often for cooking – this may also be present in butchery patterns.
Cattle AND Metatarsals most often affected – why?? – ROMAN DIET BOOKS?

Acid Etching?? – complete cattle metatarsal – how??
o Root etching – examples in varied locations, suggesting it did not just occur in
one area of the site? Suggests that the specimens were deposited in a “plantsupporting sedimentary environment” and experienced little disturbance (Lyman
1994, 376).

Dry/ Fresh fracture – taphonomy?? Taphonomy/ preservation level? Relative
completeness? (Shotwell 1955, 331 – NISP/MNI = number of specimens per
individual)
4.4. Butchery:
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Consideration of butchery patterns can indicate not only the types of tools used at the
Romano-British villa, but also the elements chosen for butchery and therefore the diet and
economy of the site. Cut marks were the most common alteration found in the assemblage,
and are suggestive of the use of knives in removing meat - (Noe-Nygaard 1989, 471) argues
that these marks are often a result of skinning, disarticulating the carcass, or removing meat
prior to cooking. Also prevalent were chop marks, which Reitz and Wing (2008, 127-8) state
are probably the result of the use of a large instrument like a cleaver, hatchet or axe to
dismember a carcass, and that they are often located around large joints and sometimes
along bone shafts.
Butchery marks were most common on cattle bones, suggesting that this were the primary
species being utilised for meat on the site. As mentioned above, it is likely that the bones of
larger animals were removed before cooking, rather than roasting the meat on the bone
(Stallibrass 2000, 159) – this could explain why butchery marks were predominantly found
on cattle bones, as it is likely that the carcass was dismembered and portioned before
cooking.







The fact that both cut and chop marks were most common on bovine leg
bones suggests that limbs were being removed? (...),Maltby (1989, 75):
“major meat-bearing limb bones of cattle” = humerus, radius, femur, and tibia
– potentially why legs were being removed, as they contained the most meat?
Subsequent butchery to remove the large amounts on these bones may be
represented by the marks on the leg bones, especially at joints.
Dobney (2001, 40) Cattle butchery involved “chopping off all major elements” –
including legs? Although the splitting of long bones he also purports to be typical
Roman practice is not evident at Yewden.
Mandible chop mark – associated with detaching mandible from skull, probably
using a cleaver; seen in examples from Roman Winchester and Silchester (Maltby
1989, 78)
A typical Roman butchery practice described by Stallibrass (2000, 160) is the
defleshing of the scapulae to gain access to the large muscle mass on the bone – a
cleaver was used to trim around the articulation, in order to disarticulate the scapula
from the humerus (Maltby 1989, 79), then the meat was removed from the flat
section of bone (Grant 1975, 392). This type of butchery could account for the
presence of both cut and chop marks around the cattle scapulae, as well as an
occurrence of cut marks on the centre of the blade. This distribution of butchery
marks could provide evidence for the development of new butchery practices,
documented by Dobney (2001, 41), in which shoulders of beef were preserved by
smoking or salting (Maltby 1989, 81) – Grant (2003, 377) suggests that this could be
another result of increasing Romano-British population towards the second century
AD as meat then needed to be storable.
HUMERUS: (Maltby 1989, 81): disarticulation from the radius/ulna, as all found at
distal end.
FEMUR: (Maltby 1989, 81-4): Cut marks on long bone shafts = filleting? (Grant 1975,
392)
CALCANEUM: butchery marks associated with removing the extremities from the
tibia (Malttby 1989, 86).
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
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


METAPODIALS (Maltby 1989, 86-8): usually less marks than upper limb bones –
NOT the case here! fewer marks from filleting, as less meat on these bones?
Associated with bone working? OR disarticulation of metapodial from upper limb
(Grant 1975, 392)
1ST PHALANX: (Maltby 1989, 88): more cut marks than chop marks – “common
practice to make incisions around the toes to enable the skins to be removed”. The
chop marks could again represent disarticulation from the metapodials above.
BUT – butchery marks are accidental! Other animals may have been used for meat,
but the butchery may not show in the archaeological record (Lyman 1994, 297).
Furthermore, evidence for the butchery of smaller species like caprids and pigs may
not be present as, while cattle bones were removed through butchery prior to
cooking, smaller bones may have been cooked with the meat still on them
(Stallibrass 2000, 159).
Deer antlers: mostly sawn – used for making tools/ornaments, as mentioned above?
(Alhaique and Cerilli 2003, ...);
While dogs are relatively common on the site, there are no specimens showing signs
of butchery. This suggests that dogs were deposited as whole corpses (Stallibrass
2000, 160), although sufficient contextual information is not available for determining
whether they were found as whole skeletons. Grant (2003, 381) states that, while
dogs were eaten in pre-Roman times, the decrease in butchery marks on the bones
of these animals during the Romano-British period implies that a change in diet
meant that they were no longer consumed.
Overall Maltby (1989, 89) states that there is no universal Roman butchery pattern,
especially in rural areas were greater variation occurred. However at Yewden it
seems that, based on butchery marks, the main species exploited was cattle, with the
use of meat from the shoulder and limbs.
4.5. Pathology:
All of the pathologies in the Yewden assemblage were manifested as exostosis, i.e.
abnormal bone growth. Vann (2008, 32) claims that, while bone growth often indicating
inflammation or infection is common on Roman sites, it is difficult to identify specific causes
of bone growth - however an attempt has been made to identify cause where possible.
The arthropathies present on the first and second horse phalanges may be the result of
osteoarthritis (OA), which is the most common type of joint pathology (Jurmain and Kilgore
1995, 443). However, Baker and Brothwell (1980, 115) state that in order to positively
identify OA at least three of the following characteristics must be present: grooving on the
articular surface of the bone; eburnation; extension of articular surface by new bone
formation; and exostosis around the periphery of the bone. However, the lack of both
marginal and articular surface changes (Jurmain and Kilgore 1995, 444) in Yewden
specimens makes joint infection a more likely explanation. In horses this kind of interdigital
exostosis may be due to a condition known as ring bone, in which lesions occur around the
inter-phalangeal joints – Baker and Brothwell (1980, 120-1) link this pathology to repetitive
concussion, or “pedal thump”.
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The exostosis present on three bovine first phalanges could again indicate OA, however
a similar lack of eburnation or grooving on the articular surfaces makes this unlikely.
Therefore, it seems most likely that the ossification was caused by infection of the joint,
perhaps due to an infection carried to the area in the blood, or a penetrating wound
introducing bacteria to the area - Baker and Brothwell (1980, 123) argue that arthropathy like
this could indicate a specific interdigital infection such as foul-in-the-foot, a bovine-specific
pathology caused by the bacteria Fusiformus necrophorus, in which osteomyelitis (infection
of the marrow-cavity) results in pitting of the bone surface. The exostosis affecting the
bovine distal metacarpal articulation is also almost certainly the result of infection,
specifically spavin. This condition involves periosteal infection of the area, leading to
exostosis and often ankylosis of bovine metacarpals and carpals, while leaving the articular
surfaces intact, as in this case (Macqueen 1899, 120). A similar case can be seen in a
bovine metatarsal from Dragonby (Figure...), where tarsal bones have fused to the distal end
of the metatarsal, without affecting the articular surfaces. Such exostosis would cause mild
lameness, although in most cases eventual joint ankylosis would allow for the continued,
although slightly impeded, use of the joint (Baker and Brothwell 1980, 117-9).
Figure...: Bovine metatarsal from Dragonby displaying spavin at the distal end, which has caused
the fusion of the metacarpal to the tarsals without affecting articular surfaces. Source: Baker and
Brothwell (1980, 119).
The abnormal cattle mandible could indicate the presence of “lumpy jaw”; an infection
caused by the bacteria Actinomyces bovis which results in an enlarged mandible with
protruding osseous growth (Siegel 1976, 365). However, the lack of characteristic
“honeycombing” and the localised bony expansion suggests that the osseous growth is in
fact the result of a tooth root infection (Baker and Brothwell 1980, 158)
It is possible that infection responsible for the osseous growth seen on both horse and
cattle specimens could specifically be tuberculosis. The exostosis exhibited may represent
the “proliferative periosteal lesions” given by Bendrey (2008, 205) as a typical sign of the
condition. However, Baker and Brothwell (1980, 77) maintain that the condition is rare in
domestic mammals, and tends to proliferate in the vertebrae, ribs and pelvis due to
manifestation of the disease in the respiratory system (Bendrey (2008, 23). As the evidence
from Yewden comes from mainly lower leg bones it seems that this diagnosis is unlikely.
It is more probable that the observed pathologies are the result of animals being used for
draught purposes, especially as they predominantly concern large mammals. The
ossification between large mammal vertebrae may represent apophyseal OA, known as
“vertebral osteophytosis”, shown by the thickening of the edge of the vertebral body due to
the loss of cartilage from the fibro-cartilagenous joints – a condition often associated with
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weight-bearing or heavy draught work (Jurmain and Kilgore 1995, 443-8). This interpretation
is also supported by the frequency of arthropathy on the lower leg bones consistent with
excess workload in draught animals – a phenomenon demonstrated by Daróczi-Szabó
(2008, 59) in Roman Balatonlelle-Kenderföld, Hungary, who cites the inflammation of a
bovine second phalanx as evidence. Conditions such as ring bone and spavin also point
towards repetitive percussion on hard surfaces associated with heavy work (Brothwell and
Baker 1980, 118), or animals having been put to work too young (Siegel 1976, 362). (Vann
2008, 35) suggests that pathologies of the lower leg are often over-represented in
archaeological assemblages as these elements undergo greater locomotive stress, so are
therefore composed of denser bone and are more likely to be preserved. However, abundant
pictorial evidence of animals being used for draught work, such as pulling ploughs or carts,
on Roman votive monuments, mosaics and reliefs supports the interpretation of the Yewden
pathologies being draught-related (De Cupere et al. 2000, 255). It is also suggested that
such pathologies could be the result of animals kept in poor conditions or experiencing some
kind of neglect (Siegel 1976, 373). Increased susceptibility to disease could have been
caused by nutritional deficiency due to less access to grazing or surplus feed, or the
presence of parasites in alimentary canal, and specifically lower leg infection may result from
prolonged stalling, or keeping animals on soft, muddy pastures (Vann 2008, 33-4).
It is likely that that the healed injuries to the bovine calcaneum and tibia, and the dog
radius were fractures, as these are commonly seen in Roman archaeological assemblages
(Groot 2008, 40). The relative frequency of fractures in the Yewden assemblage is 0.105% although this is slightly higher than Siegel’s (1976, 359-60) estimate of typical frequency
(0.04%), a more comparable sample size would be needed to infer significance. The amount
of exostosis makes it difficult to identify the type of fracture, however it points towards the
breaks being acute, and therefore caused by either direct or indirect trauma (Baker and
Brothwell 1980, 85-7). Furthermore, the deformation of the cow tibia suggests malunion
during healing due to the angulation of the shaft – the severe exostosis also indicates
infection, making it more likely to have been an open fracture where the soft tissue and skin
is also injured (Groot 2008, 41-2). This may suggest a lack of human intervention in
attempting to treat the fracture and therefore potentially a lack of veterinary knowledge
(though Walker (1973, 302-43) argues for comprehensive Roman veterinary knowledge),
however the osseous growth suggests that the individual survived the injury (Baker and
Brothwell 1980, 85). Additionally, Groot (2008, 48-9) suggests that the fractured dog radius
could be as a result of kicks from large animals during hunting or herding, or bites from other
dogs, while Teegen (2005, 34-8) goes as far as suggesting human maltreatment, although
manifestation predominantly in rib and vertebral fractures makes this less likely at Yewden.
5. Conclusion:

economy (based on frequencies/ age and sex/ pathologies): Cattle most important?
Does Yewden follow the overall trend of “Romanisation”?
o DRAUGHT ANIMALS (PATHOLOGY + SWITCH TO CEREAL PRODUCTION
– also prevalence of cattle (Vann 2008, 36).
o Cereal production – grain drying kilns! (NOT metalwork!)
o Pathology – draught animals/ poor conditions?
o Allowed to reach maturity??
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Eaten after use for traction?? – older animals slaughtered? - backed up by
BUTCHERY??
sheds any light on brothel interpretation? Infant burials under floors and in farmyards
of villas are an indication of infanticide and surreptitious burial (Merrifield 1987, 51),
BUT simplistic view! (Scott 1991, 117) – BUT, no evidence from Yewden to suggest
that the deposition of animal remains at Yewden has votive associations – examples
of ritual burial include deposition in pits or wells; foundation burials, AND patterns
such as pairs of heads and feet (e.g. Barnsley Park), solely heads (e.g. Barton Court
Farm, Longstock). Furthermore, there does not appear to be any association
between the animal remains and the infant burials, unlike sites like Star, where
animal and human bone fragments were co-mingled in shallow pits. BUT, Scott
(1991, 117-8) also suggests that infant burials spatially associated with animal
deposits and “corn driers” in the case of Yewden could point to infanticide and
potentially some notion of ritual associated with fertility or rebirth – this is especially
the case moving into the fourth century when agricultural products and processing
areas became vital to sustaining the villa. OR...women “established ideological links
between the female domain and the settlement’s crucial cultural and agricultural
activities” (Scott 1991, 120)???
Further work:
o take location into account when calculating MNE? – look at distribution of
elements as well as species
o further consideration of “matching” for MNI – would be easier if taxonomic
abundances were calculated while recording took place, as specimens cannot
be so easily assessed for age, sex, or size once recording has finished (Reitz
and Wing 2008, 206-7; Klein and Cruz-Uribe 1984, 26; Chaplin 1971, 69-75)
o ageing of cows??
o It may be useful to take sex in to account in combination with age, for
example in the analysis of caprid mandible wear stages or caprid and cattle
survival. It may also provide more accuracy in epiphyseal fusion ageing, as
the age of fusion is dependent upon sex. Combining age and sex distributions
could provide a more useful indication of economy as it would display the
dichotomy between male and female mortality profiles, although it may not be
possible to garner this information from the assemblage. For example,
Greenfield (2002, 69-74) states that sex can be determined successfully from
the inominates of ungulates, which are more frequently preserved than
conventional sex indicators – this includes measurements like the height,
length and width of the acetabulum.
o X-rays of fractures useful? (Baker and Brothwell 1980, 91)
o Comparison of age (esp. cattle) to pathology – older animals more likely to
display pathologies (Siegel 1976, 357), especially lower leg joint disease if
used longer for traction? (Vann 2008, 35).
o sheep/ goat separation (Maltby 1981, 159-60): metric analysis of metapodials
or horns, for example; BUT not all elements can be differentiated! Maltby
does argue for goat presence in the Roman period, though, so might be
worthwhile.
o Metrical analyses (Maltby 1981, 185-92): helpful in determining size of stock,
sex and potential importation/exportation of stock by examining regional size
variation. (Noddle 1984, 115-22)
o
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
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

e.g.: cattle – astragalus maximum length; maximum proximal width of
metatapodials
e.g.: sheep – maximum distal width of tibia
6. Appendices:
o
o
o
6.1: Map of site location, including the associated Mill End villa - MAP! (Eyers and Hutt
2012???)
6.2: Map of site showing main villa complex features source: Cocks (1921, Plate XIII)
6.3: Frequencies table: NISP
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Appendix 6.4: Frequencies table: MNE
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Appendix 6.5: Frequencies Table: MNI
29