450
MONEY AND SUCCESS
Sources
Horatio Alger, Ragged Dick. Rpt. New York and London: Collier Macmillan,
1962.
Peter Baida, Poor Richard 's Lega cy: Ame rican Business Values from Benjamin Franklin to Donald Trnmp. New York: William Morrow , 1990.
J. Hector St. Jean de Crevecoeur, Letters from an Am erican Farm er. New
York: Dolphin Books, 1961. First published in London , 1782.
BEFORE READI NG
• Working alone or in groups, make a list of people who best represent
your idea of success. (You may wan t to consider pu blic and political
figures, leaders in government , entertainment , sports, education, or other
fields.) List the specinc qualiti es or accomplishm ents that make these
people successful. Compare notes wi th you r classmates , then freewrite about the meaning of success: What does it mean to you? To the
class as a whole?
• Keep your list and your definition. As you work through this chapter,
reread and reflect on what you've written , comparing you r ideas with
those of the authors included here.
• Write a journal entry that captures t11e thoughts of the man pictured in
the photo at the beginning of this chapter. What feelings or attitudes
can you read in his expression, his dress, and his body language? How
do you think he got where he is today?
The New American Dreamers
RUTH SIDEL
"The American Dream" -the notion that success will reward hard
work -is one of the most important American myths. Certainly it is one
of the oldest, most cherished , and most powei ful ; it has drawn immigrants
to our shores and motivated generations of Americans to keep striving toward difficult goals. In the selection below, Ruth Sidel studies the myth s
impact on young Americ an women who "want it all," even though many of
themfac e tremendous obstacles. Sidel (b. 1933) is an internationall y recognized sociologist, author, and educator whose work has taken her f rom a
community health center in the Bronx to Sweden, Chile, and China. She is
currently a profes sor of sociology at Hunt er College of the City University
of New York. This
i
On Her Own: Grow1
enoug
She is the prot
knowledgeable, invc
Sbe may have a "vid
committed to them
central issues facing
sex, drugs, and alci
fmth1ightl y. She wi
how to get from w
convinced that if sl
sions, she will be a
desires; in time , m
She plans, as the e
She lives in a1
towns of New Eng
along the West Cc
the middl e class, f1
What is clear is th;
the heroines of th
as the central char
story. These youn
in someone else's
see their lives in l
Beth Conant
moth er and stepf
five brothers, fou
librarian, and her
high school, she h
Streep." She wou
Shakespeare. ShE
in her own aparb
at another job h
life " be "really
fmiture, everyf
By the tim e
SIDEL • TH E N E W A M E R I CA N DREA MER S
mdon:Collier Macmillan,
1siness Values fr om BenWilliam Morrow, 1990.
1 Ame rican Farmer. New
1 London , J. 782.
ople who best represent
;ider public and political
nt, sports, education, or
·omplishm ent:s that: make
our classmates, th en free·s it mean to you ? To the
)rk th rough this chapter,
•mpa 1ing yo ur ideas with
ts of the man pictured in
feelings or attitudes
451
of New York. This selection is excerpted f rom one of her several books,
On Her Own : Growing Up in the Shadow of the American Dream (1990).
It's your life. You have to live it yourself . .. Ifyou work hard
enough.you will get there. You must be in control of your life, and
then somehow it will all work out.
-ANGELA DA WSON, high-school junior, southern California
She is the prototype of today's young woman -confiden t, outgoing,
knowledgeable, involved. She is active in her school , church , or community .
She m ay have a wide circle of friends or si mply a few close ones, but she is
committed to th em and to their friendship. She is sophisticated about the
central issues facing young people today-plannin g for the future, intimacy,
sex, drugs, and alcohol -and discusses them seriously , thoughtfully, and
fo1thrightly. She wants to take control of her life and is trying to figure out
how to get from where she is to where she wants to go. Above all, she is
convin ced that if she plans carefully, works hard , and makes the right decisions, she will be a success in her chosen field; h ave the material goods she
desires; in time, marry if she wishes; and, i n all probability, have children.
She plans, as the expression goes, to "have it all."
She lives in and around the major cities of the United States, in the
ccess will reward hard
towns of New England, in the smaller cities of the South and Midwest, and
along the ·west Coast. She comes from an upper-middle-class family, from
the midd le class, from the working class, and even sometimes from the poor.
What is clear is that she has heard the message that women today should be
the heroines of their own lives. She looks toward the future, seeing herself
as the central character, planning her career, her apartment, her own success
story. These young women do not see th emselves as playing supporting roles
in someone else's life sc1ipt; it is their own jow·neys they are planning.They
see their lives in terms of their aspirations, their hopes, their dreams.
Beth Conant is a sixteen-year-old high-school junior who lives with her
mother and stepfather in an affl uent New England college town. She has
five brothers, four older and one several years younger. Her mother is a
yths. Certainly it is one
librari an , and her stepfath er is a stockbroker. A junior at a top-notch public
has drawn immigrants
high school, she hopes to study dram a in college, possibly at Yale, "like Meryl
ans to keep striving to-
Streep.:' She would like to live and act in England for a time, possibly doing
idel studies the myth 's
Shakespeare. She hopes to be living in N ew York by the age of twenty-five,
," even though many of
in her own apartmen t or condo, starting on her acting career while working
1 intemationally recog-
at anoth er job by which sh e supports herself. She wants to have "a great
life," be "really independent," an<l have "everything that's mine -crazy
his body language? How
has taken her f rom a
hile, and China. She is
of the City University
furniture, eve1ything my own style."
By the time she's thirty ("that's so bming"), she feels, she will need to
452
\!ONEY .\ND SUCCJ· ss
be sensibl e, because soon she will be "Lied down.'' Sl 1e hopes that lw then
her career will be "slarting to go fo1th" and Lhat he '"ill be tc>rettin b 1roocl
t>
wi th several stiikes a
end of the rainbow.
ro Ies. By thirty-five she'll have a child ("probably be married beforehand ").
ta\,.i. ng. Generally, th
be working in New York and have a house i n the com1tn· How will she
man age all this? Her husband wiil share responsi bi liti es. Sl;e's not going lo
be a "supermom. " They'll both do child care. He wo11·t do it as a favor;
it 'Nill be thei r joint responsibili ty. Moreover, if she doesn 't have the ti n w
t o give to a child , she won 't have one. Ifnecessary. she'll work for a whi le, then
have children, and after that "make one movie a year."
·
Amy Morrison is a petite, black, fifteen-year-old high-school sophomore
who lives in Ohio. Her moth er works part-time, and h er father works for a
local art museum. She plan s to go to m edical sch ool and h opes to become
a surgeon. She doesn 't want to many un ti l she has a good, sernre job hu t
indicates that she might be living with someon e. Sh e·s not sure about havin«
children but says emphati cally that she wanls to he successful, to mak
mo1ey, to ha,·e cars. In fact, 01iginally she wanted to become a doctor ..priman ly for the money," but now sh e claims other factors are drawing her to
medicine.
"
Jacquelin e Gonzalez is a quiet, self-possessed , nin eteen-vear-old Mexican -Am erican woman who is a sophomore at a com mun ity cllcge in soulhern California. She desctibes her father w; a "self-employed contractor " and
her mother as a "housewife. "Jacguclinc, Lhe second-youngest of six children .
is the first in her fa1nily to go to college. Among her four brothers and one
sister, only her sister has finished h igh school. Jacqu eline's goal is to go to
law school and then to go into privalc prnclice. While sh e sees bersclf as
even tually married with ''on e or two children ," work , professional aC'hievemcnt , and an upper-middl e-class life-sty le are cen tral to her plans for l ier
future.
Ifin the past, and to a considerable extent still today, women have hoped
to find their identity through marriage , have sou ght t o find ·\·alidation of . . .
[their] uniqu eness and importance by bPing si ngled out amon g all other
wom en by a man ,"1 the New Am e1ican Dreamers are settincr out on a ,·e1y
djfferent quest for self-realization. They are, in th eir plans Jor th e futur .
separating iden tity from intimacy, saying that they must first figure out who
they are and that then and only then will they form a partnership with a
man. Among the youn g women Iinterviewed , the New A11 1e1ican Drealllers
stand apart in th eir intention to m ake their own way in the world and determi ne Lheir own destiny prior to forming a significcnl and lasting intimate
relationship.
You ng women today do n ot need to con1e from upper-m idd le-class
hom es such as Beth 's or middle-class hom es such as Amy's or work ing-class
homes such as Jacqueline's to dream of ''the good life... Even vmmg wom en
few women of any '
teaching or nursing.
and-a-half-month-al ·
a bank or wi.th a con
car," and the ability
future as dating but
these days," she say
Yet another y·
mother of an infant
be "rich ," maybe h
the picture, she res
An eighteen-yE
boss" in a large co
"the best schools."
These young '
quintessentially An
"make it" in Am er
fantasies are of u
choice and materi:
life even more up
look toward a life
want; and some y
nan cial dep1ivatio
out of Dallas, Dy1
of her friends are
there will be a nu
to live their lives.
long enough to h
Young womE
imaae
of a b1igl
I:>
women, dressed i
ing home to a co
band and a coup'
How realistic is i·
about those you
about those who
no dream at all?
No. 5 perfum e
achieving it?
Perhaps thE
Baker, a dynarr
Simone's mothE
1
Rachel M. Bro\\01stein , Becoming 11 Hl'J'oillf:· Rt!adi11g AlRwt \\ omen i11 Nowls ( N ew
York: Penguin. 1984), p. .w. [Author's not e]
- I
·
)
SIDEL • THE NEW AMERICAN DR EAM ERS
She hopes that by then
;he will be getting good
e manied beforehand"),
· count1y. How will she
l ities. She's not going to
won ·l do it as a favor; i t
loesn't have th e ti me to
'11work for a while, then
ar.
I high -school sophomore
J her father works for a
>l and hopes to become
a good. secure job but
:·s not su re about having
be successful, to make
o becom e a doctor "pritors are drawing her to
453
:lay. women haq> hoped
with several strikes agai nst them see material success as a key prize at the
end of the rainbow. Some seem to feel that success is out there for the
taking. Gen erally , th e most prestigious, best-paying careers are mentioned ;
few women of any class mention traditional women's professions such as
teachi ng or nursing. A sixteen-year-old unm arried Arizona mother of a fourand-a-half-mon th-old baby looks forward to a "professional career either in
a bank or with a computer company," a "hou se that belongs to me," a "nice
car," and the abili ty to buy her son "good clothes." She sees herself in the
Future as dating but not married . "There is not so much stress on marriage
these days," she says.
Yet anoth er yo11ng wom an, a seventeen-year-ol d black unmanied
mother of an infant, hopes to be a "professional model ," have "lots of cash,"
be "1ich," maybe have another child. Wh en asked if a man will be part of
the picture, she responds, "Idon 't know."
An eighteen-year-old Hispanic un married mother hopes to "be my o>vn
10
boss" in a large company, have a "beautifu l home," send her daughter to
"the best schools." She wants, in her words, to "do it, make it, have mon ey."
These young women are b1ight , thoughtfu l, personable. And they are
quintessentially Am erican:they believe that wit11 enough hard work they will
"make it" i n Am e1ican society. No matter wh at class they come from, their
fantasies are of upward mobility, a comfortable life filled with personal
choice and matc1ial possessions. Th e upper-middle-class wom en fantasize a
life even more upper-middle -class; middle-class and working-class women
look toward a fife of high stah1s in wh ich they have vi rtually eve1ything they
want; and some you ng women who come from families with significant financial deprivation and numerous other problems dream of a life straigh t
out of Dalla s, Dynasty , or L.A. Law. According to one you ng woman, some
of her friends are so determined to be successfu l that they are "fearful that
there will be a nuclear war and that they will die before they have a chance
o find "validati on oF . . .
to live their lives. If there is a nuclear war," she explained, "they won't live
·cl 011t among all other
long enough to be successf ul."
1inctcc n -vca r-old Mex.inunity college in south1ploye<l eontractor" and
youngest of six children,
r fo1 ir broth ers and one
11eline's goal is to go to
hile sl1e secs herself as
k, p rof essional achievcral to her plans for her
5
I
I
re setting out on a ve1y
Youn g women are our latest trn e believers. They have bought into the
ir plans for the future.
image of a bright future. M any of them see themselves as professional
' I'
1w,t first figure out who
women , dressed in handsome cloth es, carrying a briefcase to work, and com -
·1
a partnership with a
ing home to a comfortahle house or con do, possibly to a loving, caiing hus-
11
?w Am erican
Dreamers
band and a cou ple of well-behaved child ren . How widespread is the dream?
v in the world and de-
How realistic is it? What is the function of this latest Am erican dream? What
ml and lasting intimate
about those young women who cling to a more traditional dream? What
lm upper-rniddlc -class
about those who feel thei r dreams must be deferred? What abou t those wi th
no dream at all? And what about those who "share the fan tasy," as the Chanel
Amy's or working-class
No. 5 perfume advertisement used to say, bu t have little or no chance of
>.,. Even vouncr women
,
0
,.
'
.
,',,
(
I
111 \\'01111•11
in Norr·ls ( New
achieving it?
Perhaps the most poignant example of the impossible dream is Simone
Baker, a dynamic, bright, eigh teen-year-old black woman from Louisiana.
Simone's mother is a seam stress who has been off and on welfare over the
454
MO NEY A ND S UCCESS
years, and her father is a drug addict. Simone herself has been addicted to
drugs of one kind or another since she was five. She has been in and ou t of
drug-abuse faciliti es, and altl1ough she attended school for many years and
was passed from grade to grade, she can barely read and write. When I met
her in a drng rehabilitation center, she was struggling to become drug free
so tlrnt she could join the Job Corps, finish high school, and obtain some
vocationa l training. Her dream of the future is so extraordina ry, given her
background, that she seems to epitomize the Horatio Alger myth of another
era. When asked what she wou ld like her life to be like in the future, Simone
replies instantly, her eyes shining: "I want to be a model. I want to have a
Jacuzzi. I want to have a big, BIG house and a BIG family- three girls and
two boys."
"And what about the man?" I ask her .
"He'll be a lawyer. He'll be responsible, hardworking , and sensitive to
my feelings. Eve1ything wi ll be fifty-fifty. And he'll take the little boys out
to play football and I'llhave the girls inside cooking. That would be a dream
come true!"
Simone's dream is an incredible mixture of the old and the new -a
Dick-and-Jane reader updated. And she's even mouthing the supreme hope
of so many women in this age of the therapeutic solution to personal problems -that she'll find a man who is "sensitive" to her "feelings." She has
lived a life far from the traditiona l middle class and yet has tlrn quintessential
image of the good life as it has been formulated i n the last quarter of the
twen tieth century. But for Simone, it is virtually an impossible dream. One
wishes that that were not so; listening to her, watching her excitement and
hope at the mere thought of such a life, one gets caught up and wa nts
desperately for it all to happen. The image is clear: the white house in the
sub urbs with the brass knocker on the front door, tl1e leaves on the lawn in
the fall, the boys playing football with this incredibly wonderfu l husband!
father, and Simone sometimes the successful model, other times at home ,
cooking with her daughters. But we know how very unlikely it is that this
pa1ticular dream will come true. And yet, maybe. . . .
How have young women come to take on the Ame1ican Dream as their
own? That this is a relatively new dream for women is clear. Until recent
years women, for the most part , did not perceive themselves as separate,
independent entities with their own needs and agendas. Women fit themselves into otl1er people's lives, molded their needs to fit the needs of others.
For the full-time homemaker the day began early enough to enable husband
and children to get to work and school on time. Chores had to be done
between breakfast and lunch or between lunch and tl1e end of school. Dinnertime was when the man of the house returned from work. When a woman
?
-Horatio Alger: American author (1834-1899) of books for boys , now synonymous with
the rags-to-rich es dream.
15
worked outside of th
the schedules of othe
needs of others, as oJ
What some wolT
own identities , devel
will be the central c
work at, earn the mo
time to play all the l"
What has becon
country is that many
..public" roles as we.
to significant and sat
claim also to the au!
commands."3 Histor
mestic" sphere of Ii
men, for the most f
in social, economic,
broader social struc
has led to "an asymi
appears to be unive
observed that "what
of property , and ev{
the temperamental
attach to the activit
In New Guine<
are the prestige foe
and men hunt for
more exclusively m
Because male activ
have become "abso
as mothers;·s worn•
ever, as poli tical sc
dichotomy betwee1
of the female bu1
3Nadya Aisenber;
Grove (Amherst, MA: .
4 Michelle Zimba1
Culture, and Society, l
Stanford Un iversity Pr·
:;Margaret Mead:
6Ibid. [Author's 1
'Ibid. [Author·s 1
81bid., p. 24. [Au
SIDEL • THE N EW A M E R ICAN DRE AME RS
455
1:
r·
r has been
addicted to
has been in and out of
>ol for many years and
md w1ite. When I met
to become drug free
1001, and obtain some
:traordin ary, given her
l\lger2 myth of another
i n the future, Simone
odel. I wa nt to have a
tmily -three girls and
s
rking, and sensitive to
ake the l ittle boys out
'hat wou ld be a dream
old and the n ew -a
1ing the supreme hope
tion to personal prob-
15
worked outside of the hom e, her work hours were often those that fit into
the schedules of other family members. Her needs were determ ined by the
needs of others, as often her identity rested on her affiliation with them.
What some women seem to be saying now is that they will form their
own identities, develop their OW11 styles, and meet their own needs. They
will be the central characters in their stories. They will work at jobs men
work at, earn th e money men earn; but many of them also plan at the same
time to play all the roles women have traditionally played.
What has become clear in talking with young women throughout the
country is that many of them are planning for their future in terms of their
"public" roles as well as their "domestic" roles, that they are "laying claim
to significant and satisfying work . . . as a normal part of their lives and laying
claim also to the authority, prestige, power , and salary that . . . [that] work
cornmands."3 Histo1ically, women have been confined prima1ily to the "domestic" sphere of life, particularly to child rearing and hom emaking, and
men, for the most pa1t , have participated i n th e "public" sphere -that is,
in social, economic, and politi cal institution s and forms of association in the
broader social structure. This dichotomy between "public" and "domestic"
has led to "an asymmetry in the cultural evaluation
of male and female that
5
appears to be universal."4 Margaret Mead noted this asymmetry when she
er "feelings." She has
·has the qui ntessen tial
:he last quarter of the
npossib le dream . One
ig her excitement and
observed that "whatever the arran gements in regard to descent or 0W11ership
of property, and even if these formal outward arrangem ents are reflected in
the temperam ental relations between the sexes, the presti ge values always
attach to the activitie s of men."6
In New Guinea, women grow sweet potatoes and men grow ya ms; yams
are the prestige food. In societies where women grow iice, the staple food,
caught up and wants
and men hunt for meat , meat is the most valued foocl. Traditionally, the
he white house in the
: leaves on the lawn in
y wonderful h usband/
oth er times at home,
unlikely it is that this
erican Dream as their
is clear. Until recent
emselves as separat e,
:las. vVomen fit themfit the needs of others.
igh to enable husband
10res had to be done
ie end of school. Dinwork. vVhen a woman
7
more exclusively male the activity, the more cultural value is attached to it.
Because male activities have been valued over female activities and women
have become "absorbed prima1ily in domestic activities because of their role
as moth ers,"8 women's work of caring has traditionally been devalued. However, as politi cal scientist Joan Tronto has pointed out, it is not simply the
dichotomy between the public and the private that results in the devaluation
of the female but the immense difference in powe r between the two
3Nadya Aisen berg and Mona Harrington, Women of Academ e: Outs iders in tlie Sacred
Grove (Amherst, MA: University of Massachusetts Press, 1988), p. 3. [Auth or's note]
4 Michelle Zimbalist Rosaldo, "Women, Culture, and Society: An Overview" in Women,
Cultri re, and Society, M ichelle Zim balist Rosaldo and Louise Lamphere , eds. (Stanford, CA:
Stanford University Press, 1974), p. 19. [Author's note)
5 Ma rgaret 1Wead : Influ ential American anthropologist ( 1901-1978).
6 Ibid.
•oys, now synonym ous v.ith
[Author's note]
[Author's note]
8Ibid., p. 24. [Autbor"s note]
7Ibid.
20
456
MON EY AN D SUCCESS
spheres.9 So long as men have a monopoly on the public sphere and it in
turn wields great power within society, wom en, identified with the private
sphere, which is seen as relatively powerless, will be devalued .
Since the emergence of the women 's mov ement in the 1960s, women
in the United States as well as in many other parts of the world have been
qu estioning the traditional asymrnetJy between men an<l women , seeking to
understand its roots, its causes, and its conseque nces, and attempting to
modify the male monopoly of power. Many strategies have developed toward
this end: laws have been passed in an attempt to eliminate disc1imination;
groups have formed to elect more women to positions of power ; those already in power have been urged to appoint more women to administrative
roles; dominant , high-status , high-income professions have been pressured
to admit more women to their hallowed ranks; and strategies to bring greater
equity to male and female salaiies have been developed.
Great stress has been placed on raising the consciousness of both women
and men concerning this imbalance of power , but particular attention has
been devoted to raising the consciousness of women. Discussion about the
relative powerlessn ess of the non-wage- earning "housewife"has been wid espread. Books and articles about the impoverishment of the divorced
woman , the problems of the displaced homemak er, and the often desperate
plight of the single, female head of household have been directed at women.
During the 1970s and 1980s, the message suddenly became clear to many
wom en: perhaps tl1ey are entitled to play roles form erly reserved for men ;
perhaps they wou ld enjoy these challenges; perhaps they have something
special to offer and can make a difference in the practice of medicine or law
or in running the count1y. Moreover, i t became clear that if women want
power, prestige, and paychecks similar to those men receive, if they wai1t to
lessen the asym met1y between male and female, then perhaps they must
enter those spheres traditionally reserved for men . If men grow yams, m ust
women grow yams? If men hunt and women gather, must women purchase
a bow and arrow? If men are in the public sphere while women are at home
ca1ing for children and doing the laundry , the consensus seems to say that
women must enter the public sphere. If men are doctors and lawyers and
earn great rewards while wom en are nurses and teachers and earn meager
rewards, then wom en see what they obviously must do. If men have focused
on doing while women have focused on caring, then clearly women must
become doers.
It is not sufficient, however, to become a doer in a traditi onally female
occupation, for, as we know, these occupations are notoriously underpaid
and uncl eresteemed
counts: they must lt
her breakfast -cereal
power, status, rnone
possibly, acting, 1110<
An illustration 1
the road to success .
azine's "Top Ten C
astronaut ; a second
a biologist, another ·
to obtain a <legree i
journalism. One co
and the last three
according to Gla mc
tomorrow's society.
to honor are enter:
profession -not e·
"possess the talent
The word has gom
Arne1ican society a
male route.11
Once singled
ideology of the A1
NBC's Today sho·
sen, one woman 1
do whatever you v
she had clearly gi·
In addition t<
receiving inferior
tunity for advane<
and
acquire val
relatively recent
well be forced to
providing for th
because of divon
and men on the a
the inability of n
maining single must be prepare•
responsible.
But what of
to
9
Joan C. Tronto, ''\Vom en and Caring: What Can Femini sts Learn About Morality from
Caring?" in Body, Gender a11d !Vwwledge, Alison Jagger ru1d Susan Broda , eds. ( New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press, in press). See also Linda lmrny and Audrey Middleton ,
"Public and P1ivat e: Marking the Boundarie s," in The Public and the Pri vate, Eva Garnarnikow
et al., eds. ( London : Heinemann , 1983), pp. 12--27. [Auth or's note]
10
fonJ
Lo11
R
ll c/nmo11r ( A 1
SIDEL • TH E N EW A M ERICAN DR EAM E RS
457
_1blic sphere and it in
and underesteemed. Women must becom e real doers in the arena
that
10
_ified with the private
counts: they m ust learn to play h ardball, or, as Mary Lou Retton
levalued.
in the 1960s, women
- the world have been
ncl women, seeking to
'S, and attempting to
ave developed toward
ninate discrimination;
is of power; those al'llen to admi nistrative
have been pressured
tegies to bring greater
ed.
usness of both women
uticular attention has
Discussion about the
wife" has been wideient of the divorced
1cl the often desperate
n directed at wom en.
)ecame clear to many
·rly reserved for men;
they have something
ice of medicine or law
r that if women want
eceive, if they want to
m perhaps they must
men grow yams, must
nust women purchase
le women are at home
isus seems to say that
ctors and lawyers and
hers and earn m eager
1. If men have focused
1 clearly women must
a traditiona lly Female
notoiious ly underpaid
Learn About Morality from
n Brodo, eds. (New Bru ns"<l)' and Audrey Middleton,
e P rivat e, Eva Gamarnikow
I
says in
her breakfast-cereal advertisements, "eat what the big boys eat." For real
power , status, mon ey, and "success," it's law, m edicine, and finance -also,
possibly , acting, modeling, or working in the media, if one is very lucky.
An illustration of the current em phasis on male-dominated careers as
the road to success for young women arc the career goals of Glamour magazine's "Top Ten College Women '88." One woman hopes to become an
astronaut; a second plans to work in the area of public policy, anoth er to be
a biologist, another to obtain a degree in busin ess administration , yet another
to obtain a degree in acting; and one you ng woman is currently working in
journalism. One college senior is und ecided between journalism and law,
and the last three are planning to go to law school. These you ng women,
according to Glamou r, "possess the talents and .ambition necessary to shape
tomorrow's society." Itis noteworthy that none of the women Glamour chose
to honor are entering any traditionally female occupation or any "helping"
profession -not even medicine. Don't nurses, teachers, and social workers
"possess the talents and ambition necessary to shape tomorrow's society"?
The word has gone out and continues to go out that the way to "make it" in
American society and the way to "shape tomorr ow's society" is the traditional
male route.11
Once singled out , these young women play their part in spreading the
ideology of the Am erican Dream. Three of the ten honoree s appeared on
N BC's Today show. When asked about the significance of their being chosen , one wom an replied w ithout hesitation that if you work hard , you can
do whatever you wan t to do. This statement was greeted by smiles and nod s;
she bad clearly given the right message.
In addition to wanting to break out of the mold of a secondary worker
receiving infe1ior wages and benefits and having little autho1ity or opportunity for advancement , women have been motivated to make real money
and to acquire valued skills and some semblance of security because of their
relatively recent realization that women, even women with children , may
well be forced to care for themselves or, at the ve1y least, to participate in
providing for the family unit. Women have come to realize that whether
because of divorce (wh ich leaves women on the average 73 percent poorer
and men on the average 42 percen t richer), childbearing outside of marriage,
the inability of many men to earn an adequate "family wage ," or their remainin g single -either through design or through circum stance -they must
be prepared to support themselves and anyone else for whom they feel
responsibl e.
But what of all that caring women used to do-for children , for elderly
10Mm·y
Lou Retton: 1984 U .S. Olympic gold medali st in gymnastics (b. 1968).
(August 1988), pp. 208--09. [Author·s note]
11Clamour
25
458
MONEY AND SUCCESS
parents, for sick family members , for the home? What about Sunday dinner,
baking chocolate-chip cookies with the kids eating up half the batter, serving
Kool-Aid in the bad')'ard on a hot summer day? What about sitting with a
child with a painful ear infection until the antibiotic takes effect, going with
a four-year-old to nurse1y school the first week until the child feels com fo1table letting you leave, being avai lable when there's an accident at school
and your second grader must be rushed to the emergency room? Who's
going to do the caring? Who is going to do the cari.ng in a soci ety in which
few institutions have been developed to take up the slack, a society in whi h
men have been far more reluctant to become carers t11an women have been
to become doers. Members of the subordinate group may gain significantly
in status, in self-image, and in mate1ial rewards when they take on the activities and characte1istics of the dominant group, but there is little incentive
for members of the dominant group to do the reverse.
Above all , how do young women today deal with these questions? How
do they feel about doing and caring, about power, prestige, and parenting?
What messages is society giving them about the roles they should play, and
how are they sorting out these messages?
A key message the new American Dreamers are both receivi ng and
sending is one of optimism -the sense that they can do wh atever they want
with their lives. Many Ame1icans, of course -not ju st you ng people or young
women -have a fundamentally optimisti c attitude toward the future. Histoiically, Ameticans have believed that progress is likely, even inevitable, and
th at they have the ability to con trol thei r mvn destinies. A poll taken early
in 1988 indicates that while the Ametican publ ic was concerned about the nation
's future and indeed more pessimistic abou t "the way thin gs [were] going in the
United States" than they had been at any other time since the Carter presidency
in tJ1e late 1970s, they nonetheless believed that th ey could "plan and regulate
their own lives, even while the national economy
and popul
e>-'Pect, th·
than thos<
Independ·
looking to
upward m
historicall
twenty-fiv
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tat about Sunday dinner,
p half the batter, serving
'hat about sitting wi th a
· takes effect, going with
1til the child feels come's an accident at school
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than women have been
1p may gain significantly
en tl1ey take on the act there is little incentive
·se.
'1 these questions? Uow
>restige, and parenting?
s they should play, and
are both receiving and
1 do whatever tl tey wan t
t young people or you ng
toward the futu re. Hislikely, even inevilable,
destinies. A poll taken
ic was concern ed about
t "the way thi ngs [were]
ny other tim e since th e
less believed that th ey
' the national economy
459
and popular culture appear[ed] to be spinning out of control." As one would
expect, those with higher incomes and more education are more opti mistic
than iliose with less; Republicans are more optimistic than Democrats or
Independents; and, significan tly. men are more hopeful than women . In looking
towa rd the future, young men clearly dream of "the good life," of upward
mobility and their share of material possessions.While young women hi
storically have had far less con trol over their lives than men, for the past
twenty-five years they have been urged to take greater control, both i n the
workplace and in their private lives, and they have clearly taken the message
very mu ch to heait.
Angela Dawson, a sixteen -year-old high-school juni or from southern
California , sums up ilie views of ilie New American Dreamers: "It's your life.
You have to live it you rself. You mu st decide what you want in high school
, plan your college education, an d from there you can basically get what you
want. If you work hard enough, you will get there. You must be in control of
your life, and then somehow it will all work out .'"
ENGAGI N G THE TEA'T
1. Who are the "New American Dreamers," and how do they differ from previou s
generations of Americans seeki ng success? What seems lo be Sidel's attitude
toward this group?
2. Side!implies that many young dreamers \\ ll be disappointed, that their cl.reams
arc too go.od to come true. \Nh at specific obstacles, according to Side!, may stand
in the way of the dreamers' desires to "have i t all"?
3. What advice do you thi11k Side!would give these young women? What advice
about success, direct or indirect, have you actually received from parents, teachers, the media, or other sources?
4. Pick one of the women Side!mentions (Beth Conant , Amy Morrison, Jacqu eline
Gonzalez, or Simone Baker); read about her hopes and then write an imaginary
end to her story. Share these in class and discuss what the results revea l about
your own altitudes toward success.
5. Side!is writing here p1imarily about you ng wome n. What would you say about
you ng men today and their dreams of success? Do men and women vary widely
in their dreams or in their chances of achieving them?
EXPLO RIN G CON NE CTION S
6. Several selections earlier in the book featu re people succeeding. strivi ng for
success, or prepa1ing themselves for success; these include "The Achievement
of Desire" (p. 61), "Para Teresa" (p. 74), "Looking for Work " (p. 145), "Nora
Quealey" (p. 253), and "Child of the Americas" (p. 444). Compare and contm t
one or more of these pieces with "The New America n Dreame rs." How is success portrayed in eacb selection? What roles do family, gender, or race play?
How do the experiences in the poems and narratives compare to the dreams
described in Sidel's piece?
7. Most of the women Sidcl describes are still i n high school. How might the
30