Current Psychology (2024) 43:19283–19293 https://doi.org/10.1007/s12144-024-05735-w The influence of social norms and bullying types on the defending intentions of school bullying bystanders Xinyue Wu1 · Lu Li2 · Rui Zhen1,3 Accepted: 6 February 2024 / Published online: 21 February 2024 © The Author(s), under exclusive licence to Springer Science+Business Media, LLC, part of Springer Nature 2024 Abstract The defending behavior of bystanders toward bullied individuals in bullying situations can effectively prevent the occurrence and development of bullying incidents. However, owing to the influence of peer group behavior and specific situational factors, bystanders often do not undertake defending behaviors in bullying situations. To explore the influence of social norms (group factor) and bullying types (situational factor) on bystanders’ defending intentions among 325 senior high school students in China, a 4 (social norms: descriptive, injunctive, descriptive-injunctive, no norms) × 4 (bullying types: physical, verbal, relational, cyber) two-factor mixed design was used. The results revealed that the interactive effect between social norms and bullying types was significant after controlling for gender and age. Only when descriptive norms and injunctive norms were presented concurrently was the level of defending intentions in verbal and cyber bullying situations significantly higher than that in physical bullying situations. These results indicate that social norms and bullying types jointly affect bystanders’ defending intentions. This finding provides insight into the mechanisms underlying bystanders’ defending intentions in bullying situations, and how to improve defending intentions. Keywords School bullying · Social norms · Bullying types · Bystander · Defending intentions Introduction School bullying refers to the behavior of one party intentionally or maliciously using physical, verbal, relational, and cyber-based means to repeatedly bully or insult another party with less power, both inside and outside the school, causing physical, financial, or mental harm to the other party (Jeffrey & Stuart, 2020; Olweus, 1993). School bullying is also a group phenomenon, and bystanders are present in many bullying situations in addition to the bullies and victims (Hawkins et al., 2001; Stueve et al., 2006). Bystanders may undertake positive defending behaviors, or may be indifferent * Rui Zhen zhenrui1206@126.com 1 Jing Hengyi School of Education, Hangzhou Normal University, No. 2318 Yuhangtang Street, Hangzhou 311121, China 2 The No.1 Middle School of Xiaochi Town in Huangmei County, Huang’gang 435500, China 3 Zhejiang Philosophy and Social Science Laboratory for Research in Early Development and Childcare, Hangzhou Normal University, Hangzhou 311121, China and do nothing (Hawkins et al., 2001; Pozzoli & Gini, 2010). Bystanders’ defending behavior in bullying situations represents a particular type of prosocial behavior (Pozzoli & Gini, 2010). Specifically, when bystanders witness other students being bullied, they may use words and actions to discourage the bullies, or they may provide support and comfort to the victims. Furthermore, even if they think they cannot directly intervene, they may ask teachers or parents for help (Pozzoli & Gini, 2010; Salmivalli & Voeten, 2004). This behavior can effectively prevent more occurrences and the further escalation or development of bullying incidents, and can also reduce the physical and mental harm experienced by bullied individuals (Juvonen et al., 2016; Yun, 2020). However, not all bystanders in bullying situations undertake defending behavior. Previous studies reported that 88% of bullying situations involve the presence of bystanders, but students acted to defend the bullied individual in only 19% of situations (Hawkins et al., 2001). Therefore, exploring the underlying reasons for and ways to improve defending behavior is urgent and essential for developing school bullying prevention and intervention solutions. Importantly, previous studies found that, attitudinally, most people surveyed were against bullying, but only a small proportion undertook defending behavior in the face of bullying Vol.:(0123456789) 19284 (Hawkins et al., 2001; Salmivalli & Voeten, 2004). This divergence between attitude and behavior may be related to the group settings in which bullying often occurs, because individual behaviors are greatly influenced by group standards and expectations (Hymel et al., 2015; Pozzoli & Gini, 2010). These group-level standards and expectations are called social norms (Cialdini & Trost, 1998), and may be an important factor influencing bystanders’ defending behavior. Some previous research findings support this view, indicating that perceived expectations or rules of peers’ defending behavior are positively associated with an individual’s own defending behavior and negatively associated with passive bystanding behavior (e.g., being an indifferent onlooker) (Kubiszewski et al., 2019; Pozzoli et al., 2012). However, most of these previous studies used questionnaires to measure people’s perceptions of social norms, while few used experimental manipulation to explore whether showing people defending norms can influence defending intentions. Furthermore, because norms and expectations are often implicit (Perkins et al., 2011), it is possible for misunderstandings to arise in the perception process, which may have impacted explorations into the roles of social norms in bystanders’ intentions. To avoid this problem, explicit and positive norms can be directly presented to bystanders through experimental manipulation, enabling exploration of the impact of social norms. Furthermore, social norms include both descriptive norms and injunctive norms (Cialdini et al., 1991), and it is still unclear whether these different norms have different effects on bystanders’ defending intentions. Therefore, to expand and deepen previous research, and to provide theoretical support and suggestions for practical bullying interventions, this study investigated the influence of social norms on bystanders’ defending intentions through experimental manipulation, and further explored the influence of different types of social norms. Individuals’ behaviors can be influenced by current situational factors (Oh & Hazler, 2009). In addition to considering the behavior of a group, people may also observe specific information in the current bullying situation, conduct a relevant risk assessment, then decide whether to engage in defending behavior (Oh & Hazler, 2009; Ren et al., 2018). Owing to differences in types of bullying (i.e., physical, verbal, relational, and cyber bullying), bullying situations can vary widely (Antiri, 2016; Olweus, 1993; Smith et al., 2008). The characteristics of a given bullying type include severity, risk, and cost of intervention; thus, bystanders may behave differently in response to differences in these factors (Oh & Hazler, 2009; Pozzoli & Gini, 2010). At present, few studies have specifically explored the underlying mechanisms of bystanders’ defending intentions from these two perspectives (social norms and bullying types), and no research to date has investigated whether group factors and situational factors have interactive effects on bystanders’ defending intentions. Therefore, the current Current Psychology (2024) 43:19283–19293 study explored the influence of bullying types on bystanders’ defending intentions, as well as examining whether social norms and bullying types have interactive effects. Social norms and bystanders’ defending intentions Social norms are typically viewed as standards and rules of behavior that are accepted and followed by members of a group (Cialdini & Trost, 1998), which is different from the explicit stipulations of laws and regulations. According to the theory of normative social influence (Pettigrew, 1991), social norms strongly influence people’s behaviors. To be accepted and liked by others, individuals will adhere to the norms of the group to ensure their behavior meets the rules and expectations of the group. Thus, in school bullying events, when the norm is to defend the victim, students are more likely to take such actions themselves (Kubiszewski et al., 2019; Pozzoli et al., 2012). In addition, Bandura’s (1977) social learning theory can provide useful suggestions for interpreting bystanders’ intentions and their relationships with social norms. For example, by observing others, one forms an idea of how to perform new behaviors, and this coded information serves as a guide for action on subsequent occasions. Hence, if students predominantly see other people defend bullying victims, they may learn to implement that behavior in similar situations. Furthermore, social norms include descriptive norms and injunctive norms (Cialdini et al., 1991). Descriptive norms refer to what most people do in a specific situation (e.g., most students do or do not defend their victimized classmates when they observe a bullying situation). Injunctive norms refer to what should be done in a specific situation (e.g., most students typically believe that victims of bullying should be defended whenever such a situation is observed). Social psychology research on the two norms has shown that descriptive norms have a greater impact than injunctive norms on individuals in many cases (Cialdini et al., 1991; Pearson & Hustad, 2014). This is because the influence of descriptive norms on behavior is often unconscious, and the information processing speed of fact judgment involved in descriptive norms is faster (Chen et al., 2018; Smith & Louis, 2008). However, some studies on social norms and bullying suggest that injunctive norms may have a primary effect (Kollerová et al., 2018), because their effect is more likely to transcend situational boundaries, whereas descriptive norms are more likely to exert influence only in the specific context in which the behavior occurs (Smith & Louis, 2008). Some researchers also suggest that both types of norms can exert a powerful influence on behaviors, but for different reasons (Kubiszewski et al., 2019). Moreover, descriptive and injunctive norms may appear at the same time, and when they remain consistent, injunctive norms can enhance the effect of descriptive norms and create the Current Psychology (2024) 43:19283–19293 strongest behavioral intention (Rimal & Real, 2003; Smith et al., 2012). In general, it is still unclear how the two norms affect bystanders’ intentions in school bullying. Through combining relevant theories and studies, we hypothesized that when presenting information regarding descriptive and injunctive norms together, the level of defending intentions would be higher compared with that when only presenting single norms or no norms. Bullying types and bystanders’ defending intentions Individuals’ behavior is not only influenced by group factors, but also by situational factors (Oh & Hazler, 2009). Bullies may commit different types of bullying, including physical (e.g., pushing and punching), verbal (e.g., satirizing, threatening, and nicknaming), relational (e.g., spreading rumors and isolating to discredit the victim’s reputation or social status), or cyber bullying (e.g., slandering and exposing private information via the internet) (Antiri, 2016; Olweus, 1993; Smith et al., 2008). Thus, different characteristics of these bullying types may influence bystanders’ behavior. A study by Tapper and Boulton (2005) reported that bystanders had different responses to different forms of aggression. Compared with bystanders’ responses to witnessing direct physical and verbal aggression, their responses were more strongly supportive of the aggressor when they witnessed indirect verbal and relational aggression (Tapper & Boulton, 2005). Notably, cyberbullying is a special type of bullying that differs from traditional bullying in important ways, and also differs in its influence on bystanders’ behavior (Bastiaensens et al., 2014). However, limited studies to date have explored the specific relationship between different bullying types and defending intentions. According to social information processing theory (Crick & Dodge, 1994), the cognitive processing of specific information in social interactions affects the subsequent response. On the basis of this perspective, whether a school bullying bystander responds positively mainly depends on their cognitive processing of bullying information, such as the risk and severity of the bullying incident, in that situation (Oh & Hazler, 2009). Additionally, according to the cost-reward model (Dovidio et al., 1991), if people believe their defending behavior may incur some negative evaluation—that is, when the cost of defending behavior is greater than the reward—they will be less likely to engage in defending behavior. For example, in a physical bullying situation, students may witness intense physical aggression and might feel that they also risk being attacked if they attempt to defend the victim; the cost may be deemed too high, making the student less likely to engage in defending behavior (Oh & Hazler, 2009; Ren et al., 2018). In contrast, in verbal bullying situations, students may observe an individual 19285 being ridiculed by others, and may conclude that it is easy and not very risky to defend the victim. Therefore, from the perspective of information processing and cost- and risk-assessment, and by accounting for the characteristics of different bullying types, we argue that bystanders may exhibit higher levels of defending behavior in verbal bullying situations compared with physical bullying situations. Furthermore, although intervening in relational bullying confers less risk on a bystander, the concealed and complex (Bauman & Del Rio, 2006) nature of this type of bullying often means bystanders cannot easily engage in defending behavior. The risk for a bystander of intervening in cyber bullying situations is also relatively low, and because of the inherent anonymity and convenience (Bastiaensens et al., 2014; Machackova et al., 2013), bystanders’ defending intentions in such situations tend to be high. Social norms and bullying types may each influence bystanders’ behavioral intentions, but social norms do not always affect people’s behavior, and the power of social norms is precarious (Smith et al., 2012), sometimes depending on the specific situation (Schwartz, 1977). For example, because verbal bullying is less dangerous and easier to intervene in, bystanders may be more likely to help victims in such situations if that is what they believe most people would do. However, bystanders may be unwilling to defend others in physical bullying situations even if that is the social norm because of the high risk and the difficulty involved in intervening. Additionally, the roles played by bullying types in bystanders’ defending behavioral intentions may change according to varying social norms. This background raises the question of how social norms and bullying types interact to affect bystanders’ defending intentions. Addressing this question could provide insights into the inherent complex mechanisms and specific conditions that determine whether school bullying bystanders engage in defending behavior; this may, in turn, inform more targeted and effective interventions for school bullying. Overall, the current study aimed to examine the effects of social norms and bullying types on adolescents’ defending intentions as school bullying bystanders. Using an experimental design, we manipulated various social norms and bullying types, then measured adolescents’ defending intentions under different situations. On the basis of the theory of normative social influence (Pettigrew, 1991), social learning theory (Bandura, 1977), social information processing theory (Crick & Dodge, 1994), the cost-reward model (Dovidio et al., 1991), and previous studies, three main hypotheses were tested. First, we hypothesized that when adolescents are under both descriptive and injunctive norms at the same time, their defending intentions will be higher than those under a single norm or no norm (H1). Second, we hypothesized that adolescents’ defending intentions would be higher in a verbal and cyber bullying situation compared with those 19286 in a physical or relational situation (H2). Third, we hypothesized that social norms and bullying types would show an interactive effect on adolescents’ defending intentions (H3). Methods Participants In total, 343 Grade 10 students in Hubei Province, China, participated in this study. Data for 18 students were excluded because of missing information on many items or presenting regular responses, leaving valid data for 325 participants. Of these, 175 (53.8%) were boys, 135 (41.5%) were girls, and 15 (4.6%) did not report their gender. Participants had an average age of 15.96 years (SD = 0.57), ranging from 14 to 18 years old. Study design The experiment employed a 4 (social norms: descriptive, injunctive, descriptive-injunctive, and no-norms) × 4 (bullying types: physical, verbal, relational bullying, and cyberbullying) mixed design. Social norm was a between-participants variable, and bullying type was a within-participants variable. The dependent variable was adolescents’ intentions to undertake defending behavior. Four sets of questionnaires were designed, and each of them contained one social norm condition and four bullying type conditions. Students were randomly assigned to rate one set of questionnaires. The numbers of participants under each of the four social norms were as follows: descriptive norms 80 (24.61%), injunctive norms 80 (24.61%), descriptive-injunctive norms 80 (24.61%), and no-norms 85 (26.15%). Materials Social norms manipulation We used the manipulation paradigm of social norms reported by Smith et al. (2012), which has been found to be effective in both British and Chinese samples (Smith et al., 2012). In this paradigm, participants are typically provided with an investigation report that includes information about how many people (majority or minority) had performed a behavior (descriptive norms) or approved or disapproved of a behavior (injunctive norms). On this basis, we manipulated social norms of defending behavior by presenting statements about a large proportion (more than 50%) of people who engaged in (descriptive norms), or suggested that people ought to engage in (injunctive norms) defending behavior. Social norm was manipulated as a between-participants variable, and comprised four conditions: descriptive, injunctive, descriptiveinjunctive, and no norms. In the four sets of questionnaires Current Psychology (2024) 43:19283–19293 we designed, each contained only one social norm condition. For example, for descriptive/injunctive norms, the statement was “Previous investigations showed that the proportion of participants who take action to/suggest that one ought to care for and comfort bullied individuals when witnessing a bullying scene was 88%.” The proportion was presented in a pie chart. For the descriptive-injunctive norms condition, we presented the two norms at the same time, and for the nonorms condition we did not present any norms (see Table 1). Bullying types manipulation Bullying type was a withinparticipants variable, and contained four conditions: physical, verbal, relational, and cyberbullying. In each of the four sets of questionnaires, there were four bullying type conditions. Bullying types were manipulated by textual description based on the definitions of physical, verbal, relational, and cyber bullying (Antiri, 2016; Smith et al., 2008). The physical bullying situation was described as follows: “A is a student at Liuxing Middle School. At school, some students often threaten A, maliciously push A, deliberately break A’s things, and even punch and kick A” (see Table 1). The verbal bullying situation was described as follows: “B is a student at Baiyun Middle School. At school, some students often laugh at B, call B an ugly nickname, and say things that hurt B.” A different description was also provided for relational bullying and for cyberbullying in accordance with their respective definitions (Olweus, 1993; Smith et al., 2008). The relational bullying situation was described as follows: “C is a student at Yumin Middle School. At school, C is often bullied by some classmates, who often exclude C from school activities, speak ill of C during school activities, or tell or encourage others not to be friends with C.” The cyberbullying situation was described as follows: “D is a student at Shengli Middle School. At school, D is often bullied by some classmates who use WeChat, QQ, SMS, or other electronic communication methods to send threatening messages to D. They also post negative messages about D on social media sites such as WeChat Moments, QQ, or Weibo.” Defending intentions We adapted a five-item defending intentions questionnaire on the basis of the definition of bystander intervention behaviors reported by Kubiszewski et al. (2019), as well as the items assessing “defending the victim (three items)” and “passive bystanding (three items)” from Pozzoli and Gini (2010) and Pozzoli et al. (2012). Kubiszewski et al. (2019) proposed that bystander intervention behaviors included three main defending behaviors (e.g., alert, care, and opposition) and one passive behavior (e.g., passive bystanding). The “defending the victim” and “passive bystanding” items from Pozzoli and Gini (2010) and Pozzoli et al. (2012) also entailed alert, care, opposition, and passive bystanding behaviors, and showed acceptable reliability. In our adapted five-item questionnaire, the Current Psychology (2024) 43:19283–19293 19287 Table 1 Material sample of social norms and bullying types Physical bullying situation: A is a student at Liuxing Middle School. At school, some students often threaten A, maliciously push A, deliberately break A’s things, and even punch and kick A. If you were a classmate of A, what would you do when witnessing such things? (Please circle a number from 1 to 5; with 1 representing “Completely disagree” and 5 representing “Completely agree”.) Sample item of defending intentions: I would care for, comfort, and encourage Slightly disagree Uncertain Slightly agree Completely agree 1 2 3 4 5 A, make friends with A, and help A overcome diffiiculties. Completely disagree 12% 88% Cared for and comforted the bullied Sample information of descriptive norms: On the left is the proportion of participants who “cared for and comforted the bullied” in previous surveys. No action was taken 10% 90% People suggested ought to care for and comfort the bullied Sample information of injunctive norms: On the left is the proportion of participants who “suggested that they ought to care for and comfort the bullied” in previous surveys. People suggested ought not to care about this language was revised to be more suitable for understanding by Chinese adolescents and in line with the context of the above variable manipulation. The items were: “I would persuade those classmates who bully A and tell them that doing so is wrong (opposition)”, “I would warn the bullies to stop bullying A (opposition)”, “I would care for, comfort, and encourage A, make friends with A, and help A overcome difficulties (care)”, “I would tell my teachers or parents what I see and seek their help (alert)”, and “I wouldn’t do anything because I would be afraid of encountering unnecessary trouble (passive behavior)”. Participants were first shown a text description of one bullying situation and a pie chart with information about social norms. Next, they thought about the question, “If you were a classmate of A/B/C/D, what would you do when witnessing such things?” and responded to all the questionnaire items, which were measured on a 5-point Likert scale (1 = Completely disagree, 5 = Completely agree). Higher summed scores indicated higher intentions to undertake specific defending behaviors. The Cronbach’s alpha coefficients of this questionnaire in the four bullying types situations ranged from 0.70 to 0.78. Procedure This study was approved by the Research Ethics Committee of Hangzhou Normal University and the principals of the participating schools. The research assistants explained the purpose of the study and the voluntary nature of participation 19288 Current Psychology (2024) 43:19283–19293 before the investigation. Written consent forms were provided to participants, who were informed that they were free to withdraw from the survey at any time. The research assistants distributed questionnaires to five participating classes. Four sets of questionnaires were randomly distributed to students. Participants were first asked to provide demographic information. After reading the text description of bullying situations and specific social norm-related information, they responded to the items about defending intentions. It took approximately 20 min to complete the questionnaires. When all of the questionnaires were completed, the researchers thanked the participants and collected the questionnaires. Data processing and analysis SPSS 26.0 was used for analyzing the missing data (Little’s MCAR test). The results indicated that missing items were completely random, and the proportion of missing data was less than 1%. We interpolated data using the expectation maximization algorithm. We then conducted a normal distribution test on defending intentions under different social norms and bullying types. The P-P and Q-Q plots showed that most points were distributed on a straight line with a clear linear trend. Hence, overall, the data followed a normal distribution. Descriptive statistics and analysis of variance were used in the subsequent analysis. Results Descriptive statistics were calculated for participants’ defending intentions relative to different social norms and bullying types (see Table 2). Additionally, a 4 (social norms: descriptive, injunctive, descriptive-injunctive, no norms) × 4 (bullying types: physical, verbal, relational, cyber bullying) mixed analysis of variance was conducted. The results revealed that the main effect of social norms was not significant, F (3, 321) = 1.57, p = 0.20, ηp2 = 0.014 (see Fig. 1), but the main effect of bullying types was significant, F (3, 319) = 4.07, p = 0.007, ηp2 = 0.037 (see Fig. 2). Specifically, Table 2 Descriptive statistics of bystanders’ defending intentions Social norms (M ± SD) Bullying types Descriptive norms (n = 80) Injunctive norms (n = 80) Descriptive-injunctive norms (n = 80) No norms (n = 85) Total (n = 325) Physical bullying Verbal bullying Relational bullying Cyber bullying Total 3.50 ± 0.88 3.51 ± 0.93 3.43 ± 0.98 3.50 ± 0.93 3.49 ± 0.85 3.70 ± 0.71 3.81 ± 0.78 3.72 ± 0.72 3.70 ± 0.82 3.73 ± 0.70 3.55 ± 0.84 3.70 ± 0.70 3.67 ± 0.76 3.73 ± 0.87 3.66 ± 0.75 3.71 ± 0.73 3.70 ± 0.82 3.64 ± 0.84 3.67 ± 0.81 3.68 ± 0.75 3.62 ± 0.79 3.68 ± 0.82 3.62 ± 0.84 3.65 ± 0.86 3.64 ± 0.77 Fig. 1 The main effect among social norms. There were no significant differences between different social norms. Descriptive = descriptive norms. Injunctive = injunctive norms. Descriptive-injunctive = descriptive-injunctive norms Current Psychology (2024) 43:19283–19293 19289 Fig. 2 The main effect among bullying types. *p < 0.05. Physical = physical bullying. Verbal = verbal bullying. Relational = relational bullying. Cyber = cyber bullying irrespective of social norms type, participants had higher levels of defending intentions in verbal bullying situations compared with physical (p = 0.02, Cohen’s d = 0.07) and relational (p = 0.02, Cohen’s d = 0.07) bullying situations. The interaction between social norms and bullying types was significant, F (3, 321) = 2.90, p = 0.035, ηp2 = 0.026. The simple effect of bullying types at each level of social norms on the measure of defending intentions was examined (see Fig. 3). For descriptive and injunctive norms, the simple main effect of bullying type was statistically significant, F (3, 319) = 4.06, p = 0.007, η p 2 = 0.037. Participants had higher levels of defending intentions in verbal (M = 3.70, p = 0.035, Cohen’s d = 0.19) and cyber bullying (M = 3.73, p = 0.024, Cohen’s d = 0.21) situations compared with physical bullying situations (M = 3.55). For injunctive norms, the simple effect of bullying type was marginally significant, F (3, 319) = 2.19, p = 0.09, ηp2 = 0.020, but there was no significant difference between any two different bullying types. For descriptive norms and no norms, the simple effect of bullying type was not significant, F (3, 319) = 1.36, p > 0.05; F (3, 319) = 0.52, p > 0.05. The simple effect of social norms at each level Fig. 3 The simple effect of bullying type at each level of social norms. * p < 0.05. Descriptive = descriptive norms. Injunctive = injunctive norms. Descriptive-injunctive = descriptive-injunctive norms. Physical = physi- cal bullying. Verbal = verbal bullying. Relational = relational bullying. Cyber = cyber bullying 19290 of bullying type on the measure of defending intentions was examined. For every bullying type, the simple effect of social norms was not significant. We also examined the effects of gender and age based on previous evidence (Kollerová et al., 2018; Salmivalli, 2010). Gender and age were not related to the overall defending intentions (p > 0.05). Gender (1 = boy, 2 = girl) was significantly and positively related to defending intentions in the physical and verbal bullying conditions (ps < 0.04), and age was significantly and positively related to defending intentions in the relational bullying condition (p = 0.03). Controlling for gender and age, the results showed that the main effects of social norms (F [3, 304] = 1.30, p > 0.05, ηp2 = 0.013) and bullying types (F [3, 302] = 1.60, p > 0.05, ηp2 = 0.016) were not significant, but the interaction effect between social norms and bullying types was still significant (F [3, 304] = 2.71, p = 0.045, ηp2 = 0.026). For descriptiveinjunctive norms, the simple effect of bullying type was statistically significant: F (3, 302) = 3.91, p = 0.009, ηp2 = 0.037. Participants still had higher levels of defending intentions in verbal (M = 3.69, p = 0.042, Cohen’s d = 0.18) and cyberbullying (M = 3.73, p = 0.022, Cohen’s d = 0.22) situations than in physical bullying situations (M = 3.54). Additionally, we conducted a 4 (bullying types: physical, verbal, relational, cyberbullying) × 2 (gender: boy and girl) analysis of variance to test the effects of gender. The results showed that the main effect of bullying types was significant: F (3, 306) = 4.15, p = 0.007, ηp2 = 0.039. The main effect of gender was not significant: F (3, 308) = 2.95, p = 0.087, ηp2 = 0.009. The interaction between bullying types and gender was not significant: F (3, 306) = 1.48, p = 0.221. The simple effect showed that participants had higher levels of defending intentions in verbal (M = 3.69) situations compared with physical (M = 3.62, p = 0.006, Cohen’s d = 0.09) and relational bullying situations (M = 3.62, p = 0.012, Cohen’s d = 0.08). Discussion The present study explored the relationship between social norms, bullying types, and bystanders’ defending intentions using experimental manipulation. We further distinguished between descriptive and injunctive norms and examined their different effects, as well as the interactive effects of social norms and bullying types. Although we observed no significant differences in defending intentions under different social norms, defending intentions were significantly different under distinct bullying types. Moreover, the results showed that social norms and bullying types had significant interactive effects, even when controlling for gender and age. Overall, these findings contribute to a better understanding Current Psychology (2024) 43:19283–19293 of the mechanisms underlying bystanders’ defending intentions, which may be helpful for informing suggestions for school bullying prevention and interventions. The present study did not find an individual effect of social norms on bystanders’ defending intentions when no other variables were considered, which was inconsistent with our hypothesis and did not support the theory of normative social influence (Pettigrew, 1991) and some previous studies (Kubiszewski et al., 2019; Pozzoli et al., 2012; Smith et al., 2012). We speculate that one possible explanation for the current results is that social norms were examined with a between-participants design, which might not be as sensitive as a within-participants design, and there may have been too many different social norm situations. From a statistical analysis perspective, this might decompose the variation to some extent, making significant differences more difficult to observe. Another possible reason for the current results is related to the way we manipulated our experiment through questionnaire scenarios rather than normative manipulation, which would be closer to a real-world scenario. Thus, it is possible that the participants may not be sensitive enough. In future, more research should be conducted on this question, and attention should be paid to these factors. The current study revealed that bullying types significantly affected bystanders’ defending behavior without considering gender and age effects. Additionally, the simple effect of interaction between social norms and bullying types showed that under descriptive-injunctive norms, the levels of defending intentions were higher for verbal and cyberbullying compared with those in physical bullying situations, even when controlling for gender and age. This result supports information processing theory (Crick & Dodge, 1994) and cost-reward theory (Dovidio et al., 1991). Adolescents process specific information in a school bullying situation, and make evaluations on the basis of cost and risk. If the risk of defending a victim is too high and the cost of investment is too high, adolescents will not engage in defending behavior (Fischer et al., 2011; Jenkins & Nickerson, 2017). For example, bystanders may be involved in a physical conflict and get hurt when intervening in a physical bullying situation; thus they may be less likely to engage in defending behavior because of the perceived high risk and cost. In contrast to physical bullying situations, in verbal and cyberbullying scenarios, bystanders’ defending behavior is unlikely to result in direct physical harm, and the potential harm is relatively minor (Grassetti et al., 2020). In addition, in the context of cyberbullying, bystanders can provide assistance anonymously, and a simple expression or “like” can be helpful for the bullied individual with a relatively low risk and cost (Bastiaensens et al., 2014; Machackova et al., 2013). Therefore, it is relatively easy to intervene in verbal and cyber bullying situations. These results indicate that it is important to consider the risks and costs associated with Current Psychology (2024) 43:19283–19293 different bullying types when exploring bystanders’ defending behavior. For relatively low-risk and low-cost bullying situations, high levels of defending behavior can be encouraged, whereas in relatively high-risk and high-cost situations, the problem of low levels of defending behavior must be properly addressed. The norm activation model (Schwartz, 1977) suggests that the role of social norms in people’s behavior might be affected by individual internal norms, awareness of consequences, ascription of responsibility, and some situational factors. This model indicates that social norms may interact with other factors to influence people’s behavior or intentions. In the present study, the interactive effect between social norms and bullying types was significant in the present study, even after controlling for gender and age. We further found that only when most bystanders engaged in and believed they should engage in defending behavior was the level of defending intentions in verbal and cyber bullying situations higher than that in physical bullying situations. This indicates the co-promoting effects of descriptive norms and injunctive norms on the defending intentions of bystanders in low-risk situations. As discussed in some previous studies, that when descriptive and injunctive norms were presented simultaneously, this not only conveyed to teenagers that most people help bullied individuals, giving them the confidence and effectiveness to help victims, but also led them to perceive pressure from the group (Hymel et al., 2015; Pozzoli et al., 2012). Thus, to align with the group, they were also more inclined to defend bullied individuals. Moreover, the group’s injunctive norms may further strengthen bystanders’ defense of the victims, because they may be criticized or punished if they violate the group’s expectations and regulations (Kollerová et al., 2018; Rimal & Real, 2003). Therefore, when the two norms occur simultaneously, bystanders’ defending intentions in low-risk situations (i.e., verbal and cyber bullying) may be more easily stimulated. Compared with the no-norms condition, the descriptive or injunctive norms did not significantly promote defending intentions in lower-risk verbal situations. Indeed, presenting only descriptive norms may have negative effects (Perkins et al., 2011). That is, a bystander’s perception that most people will defend the bullied individual may lead to the bystander effect (Darley & Latané, 1968; Fischer et al., 2011): for example, adolescents may decide to not help a victim in a bullying situation because they think others will. Additionally, given the particular developmental stage of adolescents’ self-consciousness and independence, when presented with only injunctive norms, adolescents may challenge the voice of authority and engage in the opposite behavior. Hence, the impact of social norms information on behavior is the most effective when the two social norms are consistent, appear at the same time, and strengthen each other (Chen et al., 2018; Smith & Louis, 2008). 19291 In light of previous evidence, the exploration of gender effects was included. Through correlation analysis, we found that gender was positively related to defending intentions in physical and verbal bullying conditions. Girls had higher defending intentions in physical and verbal bullying conditions compared with boys. Consistent with previous studies, girls were more likely to defend the bullied individual (Jenkins & Nickerson, 2017; Kollerová et al., 2018; Salmivalli, 2010), and a preponderance of girls among defenders has been reported (Sijtsema et al., 2014). Some researchers have reported that this pattern occurs because boys tend to exhibit more moral disengagement than girls, and girls tend to have stronger empathy skills and a greater susceptibility to peer pressure (Jenkins & Nickerson, 2017; Sijtsema et al., 2014). In the present study, we found that girls had higher defending intentions regarding physical and verbal bullying. It is possible that girls tend to be more sensitive to verbal and physical bullying behaviors, and these bullying situations more strongly stimulate girls’ empathy and moral sense. However, this interpretation is speculative, and the interaction effect between gender and bullying type was not found in the analysis of variance in the current study. Therefore, more research will be required in future to further explore and elucidate this question. Additionally, gender did not influence the interaction of social norms and bullying types, indicating that our results were still valid after excluding gender effects. Limitations and implications Some limitations of the present research should be noted. First, because norms reflect behaviors that are performed by most people (greater than 50%) and the code of conduct that is expected in a group, we used proportions between 70% and 100% to manipulate social norms of defending behavior in a bullying situation. However, we did not examine the proportions as a control variable, and neglected the potential effects of different proportions in different intervals. Future research should take the proportions into consideration. Second, because the current study assessed adolescents’ defending intentions using a self-report measure, the results may be affected by the social-desirability bias effect. Future research can present bullying situations through videos, virtual reality technology, and simulating bullying scenes by experimenters, and record adolescents’ defending behaviors through cameras to reduce social-desirability bias. Third, although defending is a multidimensional construct that involves direct (aggressive and solution-focused behaviors) and indirect (comforting and reporting to authority) behaviors, this study assessed defending intentions as a single construct. In future research, the current findings could be extended by differentiating specific defending behaviors. Fourth, this study only investigated freshmen in senior high school. To fully understand the mechanisms of the defending behaviors 19292 of adolescent bystanders, follow-up studies should expand the sample by including adolescents in different age groups and grades; this would also improve the ecological validity of the research. Finally, the present study only focused on bullying types as the situational factor. Other situational factors (e.g., adolescents’ relationships with others present) require more exploration in future empirical research, as they may also play important roles with social norms in adolescents’ defending intentions. Despite these limitations, our findings enhance current understandings of the difficulties bystanders face when deciding whether to intervene in school bullying situations, and have important implications for the development of bullying interventions. First, the current results suggest that it is necessary to present both descriptive norms and injunctive norms to bystanders. That is, it is important to not only convey the value of fraternity and mutual support, but also to formulate school or class disciplines of conduct to promote defending and helping behaviors in schools. Importantly, the effect of social norms on adolescent bystanders was limited and depended on their evaluations of the cost and risk in specific bullying situations. This indicates that we must create more effective and safer interventions for bystanders, especially in relatively high-risk situations such as physical and relational bullying. When school bullying occurs, for example, instead of attempting to stop or reprimand the bullies alone, bystanders could inform teachers or their school security department via a real-time network alert system, or ask other students to collectively defend the victim. Students could also show care for and comfort the bullied individual after the event. These options ensure that bullies cannot discover who the defenders are and retaliate, which reduces the cost and risk of intervention for bystanders. Bystanders can thereby also develop a better sense of efficacy and responsibility toward defending in school bullying situations. Conclusion The current findings indicate that bullying types influence the positive defending intentions of bystanders, and, compared with physical bullying, low-risk and low-cost verbal and cyber bullying situations are more likely to stimulate the defending intentions of bystanders. The impact of social norms on bystanders’ defending intentions is limited, and may affect bystanders’ defending intentions together with bullying types. When descriptive norms and injunctive norms are presented at the same time (i.e., when there is an atmosphere of universal fraternity and mutual support in the social group environment), and there are also certain social requirements and disciplines, compared with high-risk and high-cost bullying situations (physical bullying), the level of bystanders’ defending intentions under low-risk and low-cost Current Psychology (2024) 43:19283–19293 bullying situations (verbal bullying and cyber bullying) will be higher. These results have implications for revealing the mechanisms underlying bullying bystander defending intentions and how to improve defending intentions. In future bullying interventions, descriptive and injunctive norms may play a joint role in promoting defending intentions in verbal and cyber bullying situations. In addition, interveners should strengthen guidance for bystanders to adopt safe and effective defending behaviors in physical and other bullying situations. 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New approaches to defender and outsider roles in school bullying. Child Development, 91(4), e814–e832. https:// doi.org/10.1111/cdev.13312 Publisher’s Note Springer Nature remains neutral with regard to jurisdictional claims in published maps and institutional affiliations. Springer Nature or its licensor (e.g. a society or other partner) holds exclusive rights to this article under a publishing agreement with the author(s) or other rightsholder(s); author self-archiving of the accepted manuscript version of this article is solely governed by the terms of such publishing agreement and applicable law. Current Psychology is a copyright of Springer, 2024. All Rights Reserved.
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