The feminization of depression due to poverty: Focusing on Uganda
한국외국어대학교 국제학과 이다영
Abstract
This paper uses the Mental Health and Poverty Project (MHaPP) in Uganda as a case study to
demonstrate that mental health projects must be conducted from a feminist perspective. This
perspective acknowledges that mental health is influenced by gender, and gender is shaped by
social structures. Based on the theory that poverty and depression are interrelated, this study
posits that chronic poverty is underpinned by the feminization of poverty, which, in turn,
suggests the feminization of depression. This paper attempts to examine Ugandan society
through a psychological lens.
The key arguments of this study are as follows:
The partial success of Uganda's MHaPP can be attributed to its failure to consider the gendered
nature of mental health. Mental health should not be treated as a secondary concern in
international development cooperation but must be prioritized as a key strategy to escape
poverty.
Keywords
Poverty, Mental Health, Feminization, Uganda, MHaPP, Development Cooperation
Introduction
The phrase, “Poverty is everywhere and nowhere” (조문영, 2022, p.8), appears to be only halftrue for Uganda. As of 2023, Uganda, classified as a low-income country (GNI per capita under
$1,085 according to the World Bank), has 41.7% of its population living in poverty (earning less
than $2.15 per day). 1 For these individuals, poverty is not merely an issue—it is their daily
1 Country Office Annual Report 2023 Uganda, UNICEF
reality. Amartya Sen, an Indian economist, argues that “the lack of substantive freedom is
directly related to economic poverty” (아마르티아 센, 2002, p.26). Economic poverty, therefore,
serves as a barrier to substantive freedom, which Sen defines as the ability to pursue one’s
desires. Expanding substantive freedom requires enhancing the capability of individuals to choose
their life goals. From this perspective, economic poverty hinders the expansion of substantive
freedom, making poverty eradication a prerequisite for individual development. Although Sen
prioritizes not just economic factors but also human development as a means of expanding
freedom, in the context of the African continent, this development seems dependent on economic
growth and equitable distribution of resources. For instance, in Uganda, 7.5% of its GDP in 2017
came from Official Development Assistance (ODA), amounting to $2 billion. 2 Major donors
included the United States, the EU, and Germany. Uganda’s per capita net ODA received has
steadily increased, with minor fluctuations, since 1990.3
This raises the question: despite consistent international aid, why does Uganda remain trapped
as a low-income country? While there are multiple answers, this paper focuses on mental health,
which is closely intertwined with poverty. Numerous studies demonstrate a strong correlation
between poverty and mental health. The impoverished are more likely to be exposed to
environments detrimental to mental health, manifesting in mental illnesses such as depression.
There remains some debate as to whether “mental health issues originate from diminished social
status (social selection) or whether poor social status leads to mental health problems (social
causation)” (이상록, 2010, p.279). However, the connection between poverty and mental health
is undeniable.
The concept of the feminization of poverty is not new. However, examining how it manifests in
Uganda, an East African country, may shed light on similar trends in neighboring countries that
2 Development financing flows to Uganda 2019, African Development Bank Group
3 World Bank Open Data. (2024.12.22). World Bank Open
Data. https://data.worldbank.org/indicator/DT.ODA.ODAT.PC.ZS?locations=UG
share characteristics such as histories of civil war and low-income status. To explore this, one
must first analyze Uganda’s poverty and deprivation of freedom from a comprehensive
perspective, followed by an examination of how women are both part of and disproportionately
affected by vulnerable groups due to societal structures.
The feminization of poverty, first introduced by scholar Diana Pearce in the 1970s, highlights the
increasing number of women living in poverty. It is defined as "the absolute rise in the number of
women living in poverty" (김영란, 1998, p.66). For example, in South Korea, the poverty rate for
women is 3.12 times higher than that of men (석재은, 2004, p.178). This phenomenon is not
exclusive to South Korea but is a global issue, supported by several key findings: According to
the International Labour Organization (ILO), women globally earn only 77% of what men earn,
highlighting wage disparities even within the same professions. UNESCO reports that two-thirds
of illiterate adults worldwide are women, indicating gender disparities in access to education. UN
Women notes that many countries have laws that restrict women’s economic activities.
Patriarchal cultural and legal barriers prevent women from engaging in economic activities,
further reinforcing their dependence on men who control economic resources. The World Bank
and the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) emphasize that women’s poverty rates
are universally higher than men’s, with these gaps being especially pronounced in developing
countries. These findings indicate that the feminization of poverty is a global phenomenon,
particularly severe in developing countries where weak welfare systems and patriarchal cultures
amplify the issue. The concept of the feminization of depression, while not as established in
academia, is generally understood to mean that women are more likely to experience depression
than men. Women, due to their biological cycles (menstruation, pregnancy, childbirth, menopause,
etc.), experience hormonal fluctuations that affect emotional regulation. Studies show that
women’s brains are more sensitive to stress, leading to higher cortisol secretion, which increases
their risk of developing depression (Dedovic et al., 2009, pp. 864-871). Additionally, social and
cultural factors often negatively impact women. Societies with entrenched misogyny and
patriarchal systems create environments where women are more vulnerable to stress, which can
lead to depression. According to the World Health Organization (WHO), globally, women are
twice as likely to be diagnosed with depression compared to men. These biological, social, and
cultural factors collectively make women more susceptible to depression. This leads to a natural
question: if poverty is globally feminized and women are also more likely to be diagnosed with
depression, is there a link between the two phenomena? Given the significant correlation
between poverty and mental health, this paper hypothesizes such a connection and explores the
relationship. This paper builds upon the premise that “lower social status is associated with
poorer mental health outcomes” (이상록, 2010, p.281). It investigates the meaningful
relationship between mental health and poverty, examines the feminization of poverty in Uganda,
and evaluates the incomplete success of the MHaPP project (2005-2010). The paper argues
that the MHaPP’s shortcomings stem from its insufficient consideration of gender issues.
To substantiate these claims, the following steps are taken: Justifying why Uganda was chosen
as the case study, given its similarities to other African nations. Demonstrating the simultaneous
occurrence of "social causation" and "social drift" in reinforcing the cycle of poverty and
depression (Crick Lund et al., 2018, p.396). Providing detailed evidence of the feminization of
poverty in Uganda, including gender wage gaps, age at first marriage, fertility rates, and
employment statistics. Evaluating the key targets, goals, and outcomes of the MHaPP project,
with a particular focus on Uganda, to identify its achievements and limitations, especially
regarding gender sensitivity. By analyzing the MHaPP, this paper aims to highlight the
importance of adopting a feminist perspective in future mental health and poverty eradication
projects.
The importance of mental health in the field of international development cooperation and aid
relationships has only been recognized relatively recently. In 2013, the World Health
Organization (WHO) released the Mental Health Action Plan 2013-2020, emphasizing the
significance of mental health and incorporating it into the global health agenda. Subsequently, the
United Nations' Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs), adopted in 2015, included mental health
and well-being under Goal 3: "Ensure healthy lives and promote well-being for all at all ages."
However, according to a 2023 report by the Korea Institute for Health and Social Affairs, "ODA
projects in the mental health sector are rarely implemented, and OECD DAC data reveals that
mental health-related ODA initiatives remain minimal at the global level" (Korea Institute for
Health and Social Affairs, 2023, p.2). Despite more than a decade since the importance of mental
health emerged, the limited share of relevant ODA projects suggests a field atmosphere that
prioritizes other ‘major causes,’ much like environmental and gender issues.
Mental health is a long-term project that requires sustained effort and extended follow-up to
yield results. It demands multifaceted approaches beyond financial support, including the
establishment of infrastructure such as hospitals and counseling centers, the training of skilled
professionals, and reducing gaps between rural and urban areas. Repeatedly emphasized is the
need for a gender-sensitive attitude—carefully analyzing how gender affects mental health and
recognizing the overlapping influences of other factors such as poverty and disability.
The limitations of this paper stem from my academic background. As someone without a formal
education in psychology, my acknowledges a lack of foundational knowledge in the field. To
address this, extensive efforts were made to supplement the work by studying numerous
research papers on depression. Additionally, the MHaPP project, which serves as the central
case study, took place approximately 20 years ago, prior to the establishment of the Sustainable
Development Goals (SDGs) during the 2015 UN General Assembly. Therefore, it is
understandable that the project reflects the limitations of its time, with discussions on gender
issues being inevitably scarce. The fact that this project is relatively dated poses a challenge
when dealing with it in the context of contemporary social science. However, it also provides an
opportunity for constructive reflection, allowing for a meaningful comparison between the
feminization of poverty and depression in Uganda as observed during the project’s
implementation and the current situation, 20 years later.
Literature review
The correlation between depression and poverty has been confirmed in numerous studies. As
noted by 이상록 (2010, p.277), “There were significant differences in mental health levels
between the poor and non-poor. Among the poor, those experiencing more severe poverty
exhibited worse mental health, confirming the negative (-) relationship between poverty and
mental health.” Similarly, I reviewed over 20 studies on mental health, which consistently
demonstrated that individuals in poverty report lower mental health satisfaction.
“There is now increasing recognition that mental health problems form the greatest public health
challenge of our time, and that the poor bear the greatest burden of mental illness” (Lee Knifton
et al., 2020, p.193). Globally, as well as in South Korea, poverty has been shown to adversely
affect mental health, as evidenced by numerous English-language studies. Depression and
anxiety disorders are the most common mental health conditions, affecting 3–4% of the global
population. Furthermore, “Rates of depression, anxiety, and suicide correlate negatively with
income and employment. Those with the lowest incomes in a community suffer 1.5 to 3 times
more frequently from depression, anxiety, and other common mental illnesses than those with
the highest incomes” (Matthew Ridley et al., 2020, p.1). This indicates that low-income groups
are 1.5 to 3 times more vulnerable to mental health issues compared to high-income groups.
The studies summarized the relationship between poverty and depression as follows: the causal
relationship effectively explains the negative (-) correlation between poverty and mental health.
Poverty increases vulnerability to mental health problems, while mental health vulnerabilities
exacerbate poverty. Economic instability caused by low income leads to chronic stress, which
triggers mental health issues. Additionally, the substandard living conditions often experienced
by those in poverty can further harm mental health. For example, factors such as pollution or
inadequate housing environments negatively impact mental well-being. For example, factors
such as pollution or inadequate housing environments negatively impact mental health. Notably,
the mental stress caused by poverty experienced during childhood, as well as conflicts arising
from parental stress, can have long-lasting adverse effects. This is the key argument presented
in the previously mentioned study, which is significant for its detailed explanation of the
mechanisms linking poverty and mental health. However, it falls short of adequately addressing
gendered depression, which is the focus of this paper. Specifically, the study does not explore
how patriarchal societal norms or cultural barriers limiting women’s potential might contribute to
differing rates of depression between men and women.
Although not all individuals with depression experience suicidal impulses, it is widely understood
that the majority of suicide attempters have experienced depression, highlighting a potential
correlation between depression and suicide attempts. Taking South Korea as an example, “6.91%
of women and 5.63% of men reported experiencing suicidal impulses. After adjusting for age,
women were found to be 1.25 times more likely than men to experience suicidal impulses, which
was statistically significant” (신상진 et al., 2007, p.39). In summary, women are more likely
than men to experience suicidal impulses, and as they age, the relative prevalence of suicidal
thoughts increases. “Additionally, the study found that individuals who had experienced
bereavement, divorce, or separation were more likely to have suicidal thoughts. Similarly, lower
education levels were associated with higher rates of suicidal ideation, and military personnel
and unemployed individuals were also more prone to such thoughts (신상진 et al., 2007, p.36).
While the study highlights that women are more likely than men to experience suicidal impulses,
it does not explicitly address the correlation between depression and suicidal tendencies, which
remains a limitation. To overcome the restriction of focusing solely on South Korean examples,
the keywords "Gender differences in depression prevalence" and "Sex differences in depression"
were used to search for relevant studies. One study 4 noted that "Rates of suicide in most
countries, including Denmark, are higher in males than in females," emphasizing that men tend to
4 Hawton, K. (2000). Sex and suicide: Gender differences in suicidal behaviour. British Journal of Psychiatry, 177(6),
484–485.
have higher suicide rates in most countries (Hawton, K., 2000, p.484). However, this finding
does not contradict the argument that women are more likely to suffer from depression and
suicidal impulses. Furthermore, the study stated, "In females, the appeal function of deliberate
self-harm (DSH), whereby DSH is used to communicate distress or to modify the behavior and
reactions of other people, seems more common. In males, DSH is more often associated with
greater suicidal intent. It is interesting that in community samples, suicidal ideation is reported
far more often by females than males (e.g., Paykel et al., 1974)" (Hawton, K., 2000, p.484).
DSH, or deliberate self-harm, is more prevalent among females than males. Women's suicide
attempts often involve less lethal methods, such as drug overdoses, leading to a phenomenon
where women attempt suicide more frequently than men, but men have higher suicide completion
rates. This phenomenon is known as the "gender paradox." The aforementioned studies
demonstrate that women have a higher prevalence of depression and experience frequent suicidal
impulses, a phenomenon observed globally. Next, this paper will explore how poverty and mental
health in Uganda have been studied to date, which is the central theme of this research. There is
a scarcity of studies addressing the relationship between poverty and mental health in Uganda,
and research specifically examining depression among Ugandan women is particularly limited.
This gap is likely a reflection of the inadequate mental health infrastructure and lack of
comprehensive data collection in Uganda. One study examining the mental health of 153 women
in rural Uganda found that these women reported depression due to factors such as poverty,
spousal unemployment, extramarital relationships, and substance abuse. The study revealed that
65.4% of the participants exhibited symptoms of depression. Uganda remains a patriarchal
society where harmful practices such as female genital mutilation and child marriage persist.
Despite women playing a significant role in agriculture, their labor contributions and property
inheritance rights are often unrecognized. In this context, the study reported that women whose
husbands were unfaithful or struggled with substance addiction were 8.15 times more likely to
suffer from depression. This study sheds light on external factors beyond poverty that influence
women's depression, providing a foundation for establishing indicators related to women's
depression in this research. The studies referenced in this paper are peer-reviewed and have
gained credibility through multiple citations, lending logical validity to this research. Therefore,
the literature review based on the aforementioned studies will serve as a basis for developing
the arguments and claims presented in this paper.
Body
The correlation between poverty and depression seems self-evident. The mechanisms by
which poverty increases the prevalence of depression can be summarized as follows: Risk of
onset due to economic stress: Exposure to mental stress from financial difficulties, job insecurity,
and housing instability can lead to depression.5 Social isolation caused by poverty: Poverty often
results in exclusion from social activities or experiences of stigma and discrimination, leading to
social isolation and feelings of alienation, which are significant contributors to depression. 6
Psychological vulnerability in impoverished environments: Poverty depletes psychological
resources, leading to low self-esteem, feelings of helplessness, and loss of hope. Studies have
shown that infants raised in impoverished conditions may continue to experience povertyinduced depression well into adulthood. 7 Limited access to healthcare services for the poor:
Those in poverty often miss the opportunity to utilize healthcare services promptly, delaying
treatment and allowing conditions to worsen. Mild feelings of depression are more likely to
5 Lund, C., Breen, A., Flisher, A. J., Kakuma, R., Corrigall, J., Joska, J. A., ... & Patel, V. (2010). Poverty and common
mental disorders in low and middle income countries: A systematic review. Social Science & Medicine, 71(3), 517-528.
6 Patel, V., Burns, J. K., Dhingra, M., Tarver, L., Kohrt, B. A., & Lund, C. (2018). Income inequality and depression: A
systematic review and meta-analysis of the association and a scoping review of mechanisms. World Psychiatry, 17(1),
76-89.
7 Costello, E. J., Compton, S. N., Keeler, G., & Angold, A. (2003). Relationships between poverty and psychopathology:
A natural experiment. JAMA, 290(15), 2023-2029.
develop into clinical depression due to this lack of timely care. 8 For these reasons, the
correlation between poverty and depression is widely accepted in academic circles. Furthermore,
poverty has been shown to be highly correlated not only with depression but also with other
mental health conditions such as schizophrenia and anxiety disorders. The feminization of
poverty, as mentioned earlier, is a global phenomenon.. The lack of welfare systems specifically
tailored for women, coupled with gender wage gaps and differences in educational attainment,
makes women more vulnerable to poverty. When patriarchal cultural norms are added to this
equation, women's labor often becomes "shadow labor," unseen and unacknowledged, while they
remain trapped in exploitative systems. In many agriculture-based societies, women's labor is
essential, yet they are often denied inheritance rights. Given the high fertility rates in many
developing countries, it is evident that women bear the dual burden of domestic work and
childbirth. According to a 2020 report by the International Labour Organization (ILO), the global
gender wage gap averages over 20%. 9 Additionally, women are more likely to work in informal
sectors, where they are often excluded from social protection systems, making them even more
vulnerable to poverty. The proportion of women working in informal sectors is particularly high
in developing countries. These jobs are typically characterized by low wages and precarious
working conditions, which lead to both economic instability and mental stress. When women are
the heads of households, their risk of falling into poverty increases further. This is due to a lack
of social safety nets and the additional burden placed on women, who must simultaneously
manage childcare, household responsibilities, and financial obligations. Access to quality
education is a fundamental factor in enabling individuals to pursue diverse future opportunities.
However, basic literacy, which serves as a foundation, varies significantly by gender. UNESCO
reports that two-thirds of the world’s illiterate adults are women, perpetuating the vicious cycle
8 World Health Organization (WHO). (2010). Mental health and development: Targeting people with mental health
conditions as a vulnerable group. Geneva: WHO.
9 International Labour Organization. (2020). Global Wage Report 2020–21: Wages and minimum wages in the time of
COVID-19. Geneva: ILO.
of poverty. Situations such as refugee crises caused by war or the recent aftermath of the
COVID-19 pandemic have not affected all genders equally. Vulnerable groups, including women,
often bear the brunt of these challenges.Vulnerable groups are left with deeper and more
difficult-to-heal scars. In regions affected by war and conflict, women and children are
particularly prone to economic and sexual exploitation and are often excluded from education and
basic infrastructure, further exacerbating their poverty rates. The economic downturn caused by
COVID-19 has accelerated the feminization of poverty, as many women employed in the service
sector lost their jobs, and their unpaid care work increased significantly. These examples
illustrate that the feminization of poverty is not only a global phenomenon but also one that is
even more pronounced in developing countries. The reasons for this include the absence of social
security systems, low levels of women’s education, environments vulnerable to war and conflict,
and patriarchal societies that emphasize fixed gender roles and women’s caregiving
responsibilities.
Before discussing the feminization of poverty and depression in Uganda, it is helpful to provide
an overview of the country to better understand its situation holistically. Uganda is 2.4 times
larger in land area than South Korea and had a population nearing 49 million as of 2023. The
median age of its population is 16.7 years, making it a young nation where nearly half the
population is classified as youth. The life expectancy is relatively low at 69.7 years, and there is
a notable literacy gap between men (84.8%) and women (76.5%). The GDP per capita as of
2023 was $1,014, categorizing Uganda as a low-income country with medium human
development. As of 2020, the depression prevalence rate in Uganda stood at 30.2%, a significant
figure. For comparison, South Korea, which ranked highest among OECD countries, had a
depression prevalence rate of 36.8% in 2020. Uganda also has the highest alcohol consumption
rate among neighboring countries (South Africa, Ghana, Zambia), although its suicide mortality
rate ranks third among these nations. HIV infection is another factor that impacts mental health,
particularly due to the stigma associated with the condition. Uganda ranks third in HIV infection
rates among the four countries. These four nations—Uganda, South Africa, Ghana, and
Zambia—were chosen for the MHaPP (Mental Health and Poverty Project) because of their
shared challenges. Summarizing Uganda’s situation reveals a nation grappling with high rates of
depression, a suicide mortality rate of 10.6%, and a PTSD prevalence rate of 3.1%. These data
highlight a country struggling with widespread mental health issues. Numerous studies suggest
that Uganda’s barriers to improving mental health are not only due to its weak infrastructure but
also the pervasive stigma surrounding mental health. Poverty in Uganda exacerbates depression,
while depression, in turn, worsens poverty, creating a vicious cycle. This phenomenon is not
unique to Uganda. Similar patterns can be observed in the Central African Republic, another
landlocked nation with a history of civil war and low-income status. Like Uganda, the most
prevalent mental health issue in the Central African Republic is depression, as highlighted by the
Humanitarian Practice Network. The MHaPP (Mental Health and Poverty Project) was designed
as a multilateral initiative to address these challenges. As mentioned earlier, it was implemented
in four African countries—Uganda, South Africa, Ghana, and Zambia—between 2005 and 2010.
With a total funding of 2,198,552 GBP, key partners included the WHO and local universities.
The primary activities of the project were research and policy analysis, capacity building and
advocacy, and service delivery. In Uganda, the project provided significant support in developing
a mental health policy and strategic plan, contributing to the enactment of mental health
legislation. It also focused on strengthening the integration of mental health into primary
healthcare in a model rural district in Uganda. These efforts addressed some of the most critical
gaps in Uganda’s mental health sector, particularly in research, legislative reform, and raising
awareness. On the practical side, the project worked to reduce the significant disparity between
rural and urban areas by supplying psychiatric medicines to under-resourced hospitals in rural
regions. The following table evaluates the MHaPP based on OECD criteria:
Criteria
Relevance
Evaluation of MHaPP
Highly relevant, addressing critical gaps in Uganda's mental health and
poverty nexus
Effectiveness
partially effective: achieved policy and awareness goals but limited in service
reach and implementation
Impact
Positice nut constrained: raised awareness and policy reform but systemic
challenges limited long-term effects
Efficiency
Efficient use of resources through integration into primary healthcare but
limitied by funding constraints
Coherence
alinged with global and national initiatives but lached intersectoral
collaboration
Sustainability
policy reforms were sustainable, but service delivery initiatives faced
challenhes due to underfunding
이다영, 2024
Overall, the MHaPP can be evaluated as relatively successful and sustainable. However, it
cannot be deemed a complete success. The primary reasons behind this include a lack of funding,
insufficient inter-agency cooperation, and inadequate government departmental activities. Most
notably, the project suffered from a lack of attention to gender issues. While the project was
implemented during the era of the MDGs (Millennium Development Goals) and before the SDGs
(Sustainable Development Goals) were introduced, it still lacked sufficient gender sensitivity,
which, in my judgment, was a critical shortcoming.
According to the World Bank, Uganda's fertility rate in 2005 was 7.1. Although it decreased
slightly to 5.01 in 2022, it remains exceptionally high. Gender wage disparities are significant,
with a gap of 32.3%. As per the Uganda Bureau of Statistics, the average age at first marriage
for women was 20 years in 2022, a slight increase over the past two decades. The same year,
the World Bank reported that 82.2% of Ugandan women were engaged in vulnerable employment.
Additionally, literacy rates reveal a considerable gap: in 2021, 85.3% of men were literate
compared to only 76.5% of women. When combining these figures, a picture of the situation for
Ugandan women emerges: women in Uganda are disproportionately vulnerable and at high risk of
poverty. Their educational attainment is lower than men’s (as evidenced by lower literacy rates),
they are exposed to precarious labor conditions (as shown by the high percentage of vulnerable
employment), and they bear the dual burden of childbirth and childcare (demonstrated by the low
age of first marriage and high fertility rates). Even when they are employed, they earn
significantly less than men, making it difficult to escape the cycle of poverty (as indicated by the
substantial wage gap). According to a 2023 Dispatch article, 12.6% of Ugandan women have
experienced depression, compared to 5% of men. This data strongly supports the widely
accepted notion that poverty contributes to depression. Considering Uganda's persistent high
levels of poverty and depression nearly 20 years after the completion of the MHaPP, questions
arise about the true sustainability of the project. In the following conclusion, the paper will
provide insights and recommendations for similar projects that may be implemented in the future.
In the end, the main argument of this paper is that the MHaPP project failed to address gender
issues. Gender is a cross-cutting issue that should serve as a foundation in any initiative. In
particular, the project should have explored why the age of first marriage is so low for women in
Uganda and whether this was due to a lack of opportunities for employment and education.
Stress caused by early marriage, frequent pregnancies, and childcare—such as postpartum
depression—should have been actively addressed. The project could have also examined whether
housewives, who spend a significant amount of time at home, were suffering from stress or
violence due to conflicts with their spouses. These additional considerations and support
mechanisms could have made the project more effective. Children grow up learning from the
environment at home, and they are particularly influenced by the emotions and mood of their
primary caregiver. In Uganda, where an overwhelming proportion of the population consists of
youth, there is an urgent need to actively support the mental health of mothers and women.
Despite the recognized importance of mental health, as discussed earlier, international
development cooperation and ODA initiatives have provided minimal support in this area. Mental
health projects are challenging because they require long-term commitment, significant
resources, and infrastructure. Moreover, relying solely on external experts is insufficient; it is
essential to train local experts who are well-versed in the local context and culture, which
makes these projects even more time-intensive. Ultimately, it is a race against time. Given that
even in South Korea, awareness of mental illness is still limited, implementing mental health
promotion projects in developing countries is undoubtedly more difficult. However, I think that
building a healthy society requires first ensuring the mental well-being of its members. This is a
foundational step toward creating a better future.
Conclusion
This paper began by emphasizing the importance of mental health, explored its correlation with
poverty, and concluded by discussing the limitations of Uganda's MHaPP project. Starting from
the idea that poverty influences depression—and vice versa—the paper was motivated by the
thought that the pervasive poverty in Africa might significantly impact mental health. With a
strong interest in women's studies, I extended this idea to the feminization of poverty,
hypothesizing that if poverty is feminized, depression may also be feminized. Uganda was used
as a case study to explore this hypothesis.
The feminization of poverty is a global phenomenon, making it relatively straightforward to
explain. Uganda is no exception, as the feminization of poverty tends to accelerate in developing
countries. While introducing the MHaPP, this paper discussed its roles, functions, and evaluations.
Unfortunately, due to space constraints, these explanations were not as detailed as I preferred.
Nevertheless, the main point was to highlight that despite being a 20-year-old project, the
MHaPP was innovative in linking mental health and poverty, which was a novel approach at the
time. However, its neglect of gender issues undermined its sustainability.
If I could implement a similar project in Uganda, the focus would be on the mental health of
women and youth. Concluding this paper, I hope for increased support and initiatives in the future
that focus on mental health, as it remains a crucial yet underfunded area in international
development.
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