A ‘new system of
slavery’? The British
West Indies and the
origins of Indian
indenture
Thursday 3 December 2020 | Michael Mahoney | Records and research | 9
comments
In March 1837, John Gladstone, a sugar plantation owner in British
Guiana and representative of the West Indian Association (representing
sugar planters), requested by letter a meeting with the Colonial Secretary
Lord Glenelg, and Sir George Grey, his deputy.
‘Unless a system of regular continuous labour is then
adopted, the cultivation of the sugar cane cannot then be
carried on to a productive result.’
Gladstone was anxious to obtain ‘a supply of Hill Coolies from Bengal’ to
be imported as indentured labourers for a period of five years. The
letter’s reply (CO 111/161) is but one component of the British
government’s ‘Great Experiment’ in the post-emancipation world. The
question facing the imperial government was this: could ‘free labour’
successfully deliver profitability to the British West Indian sugar plantations
in competition with the slave producing sugar colonies?
Letter from John Gladstone to Sir George Grey, Assistant Secretary at the
Colonial Office, 25 March 1837. Catalogue ref: CO 111/161
The contract
Gladstone was promptly granted permission by Order in Council to recruit
indentured labourers from his agent in India. Each indentured labourer
signed a ‘girmit’ or indenture contract. The labourer was agreeing to work
for a plantation owner for the period of five years as a ‘free labourer’ and
with ‘mutual consent’, in return for accommodation, food and medical
attention. Theoretically, the labourer would secure free passage back to
India after five years. Gladstone’s ship, the Hesperus, sailed from Calcutta
to Georgetown, British Guiana in September 1837.
Extract of a page in an indentured labourer contract. Catalogue ref: CO
111/161
Below is a page from CO 323/733 containing an indenture contract written
in English with translations. The contract had to be endorsed by both the
labourer and a magistrate in India.
Catalogue ref: CO 323/733
Moral outrage
Less than three years later, however, a new Colonial Secretary, Lord John
Russell, under pressure from the metropolitan members of the British and
Foreign Anti-Slavery Society (BFSS) suspended the Indian Indenture
scheme to British Guiana stating:
‘I am not prepared to encounter the responsibility of a
measure which may lead to a dreadful loss of life on the
one hand, or, on the other, to a new system of
slavery.’
Russell to Governor Light, 15 February 1840. Parliamentary
Papers. Volume XVI (No56)
Lord Russell’s change of mind was prompted by the campaign of the BFSS
and its newspaper the British Emancipator. The newspaper had sent its
investigators, Messrs Scoble and Anstie, to British Guiana to expose the
inhuman treatment of Indian ‘coolies’ or labourers. The following file (CO
111/163) contains a handwritten extract from the British Emancipator, as
well as reports of witnesses interviewed by the Stipendiary Magistrates of
the colony and statements made by plantation managers.
‘I see the British public have been deceived with the
idea that the Coolies are doing “well”; such is not the
fact; the poor friendless creatures are miserably
treated, at least I can speak confidently of plantation
Bell Vue. On this estate they have made two attempts to
escape …’
Extract of report published in the British Emancipator, 9 January
1839
Life on the plantation
Of the 419 ‘coolies’ landed by Gladstone’s ship in May 1838, 38 had died
and 70 were on the sick list a few months later. The file also contains
written accounts of the treatment of the labourers in several of the sugar
plantations. Labourers were in the habit of running away from the estates,
many believing they could escape over land back to Calcutta. A large
number had fled Belle Vue estate, declaring they would rather die than go
back. At least two of the ‘coolies’ – Jummun and Pulton – were found dead
outside the estate.
A Stipendiary magistrate, Justice Coleman, was appointed to investigate
the alleged ill-treatment of labourers and the mysterious death of a 10-yearold child. Three men were eventually convicted of brutal assaults on the
‘coolies’ and either fined or imprisoned. Below is an extract from the
investigation. An eye-witness stated that the ‘sick-house’ (presumably
hospital) was ‘heart-rendering’.
‘The house itself was wretchedly filthy the persons and
the clothes of the patients were filthy also; the poor
sufferers had no mats nor mattresses to lie on; a dirty
blanket was laid under them and their clothes wrapped
together formed a kind of pillow.’
Extract from Justice Coleman’s report, CO 111/163
In the report on the Belle Vue estate, 20 labourers had died from disease
contracted in the colony and a further 29 were in a ‘wretched state’ from
ulcers. The owner of the estate, a Mr Colville, when confronted with the
evidence, blamed the actions upon his manager and overseers.
Subsequently, John Gladstone’s estate, Vreed-en-Hoop, was inspected
and was also found wanting, with reports of flogging and salt rubbed into
wounds. In a letter written by Mr Young, the Colonial Office representative,
to Gladstone’s attorney, a damning indictment was given of the conduct of
the General Manager, Mr Sanderson, and his overseers. Speaking of the
resident manager of Vreed-en-Hoop, Mr Young stated:
‘Mr Sanderson, either did know, or ought to have known of
these transgressions; under the most charitable
supposition, his ignorance must be esteemed highly
culpable.’
Extract from Justice Coleman’s report, CO 111/163
Mr Young recommended the dismissal of both the General Manager
(Sanderson) and his overseers. However, neither lost their position. What
such investigations did result in was the suspension of the indenture
experiment pertaining to the West Indian colony of Guiana.
Reforms
Lord Russell, the Colonial Secretary, had to be careful not to antagonise
anti-slavery activists, as well as give practical application to Britain’s’
declared imperial mission to uplift and civilize less-privileged people
throughout the world. Less than four years later, the argument that
indentured migration gave Indians an opportunity to improve their moral
and material condition and solve labour shortages had won over. Soon a
proper legal and regulated framework, enacted in the British Parliament,
would, it was believed, secure both the economic and social wellbeing of
the British West Indian colonies. Immigration was deemed essential.
Further reading
Madhavi Kale, ‘Fragments of Empire: Capital, Slavery, and Indian
Indentured Labor Migration in the British Caribbean‘ (Penn Press, 1998)
THE EXPERIENCE OF INDIAN INDENTURE IN
TRINIDAD: ARRIVAL AND SETTLEMENT
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Between 1845 and 1917 a total of 143,939 Indians migrated to Trinidad under the system of
Indian indenture. Most of these indentured labourers were drawn from the agricultural and
laboring classes of the Uttar Pradesh and Bihar regions of north India, with a comparatively
smaller number being recruited from Bengal and various areas in south India. Approximately
85% of the immigrants were Hindus, and 14% Muslims. Despite the trying conditions
experienced under the indenture system, about 90% of the Indian immigrants chose, at the end
of their contracted periods of indenture, to make Trinidad their permanent home. The
predominant age group of the immigrants was 20-30 years and, while most came as unmarried
individuals, there were those who came as small family units. The debate surrounding the
nature and workings of the system of Indian indenture in India is multifaceted and relatively
open-ended. A lot of ambiguity has marked the system, especially during it first three decades
of operation. These include the recruitment process in India, British role in the impoverishment
of 19th century India- a main push factor of Indian indenture, whether or not the Indians were
fully cognizant of the real nature and details of what they were embarking on, and their level of
awareness of the fact that they were leaving Indian soil. Initially, the journey from India to
Trinidad averaged at about three months, but became substantially shorter and less turbulent
with the opening of the Suez Canal in 1869. Conditions on board the ships were cramped and
depressing and there were frequent outbreaks of such diseases as cholera, typhoid, dysentery
and measles which led to high mortality rates on some of the journeys.
The first two decades of the system were highly experimental in nature, lacking in settled rules
and conditions. However, there were two central and constant features of the system:
immigrants were contracted for long periods with a single employer, and, there were penal
sanctions for breaches of the contract. From the Immigration Ordinance of 1854 until 1917, the
system remained relatively consistent with a few notable changes, a most significant of which,
for Trinidad, was the granting of Crown land in lieu of the free return passage between 1869
and 1880. On arrival in Trinidad the indentured immigrants were quarantined on Nelson Island
and then assigned to the various estates for the contracted three year period; this was followed
by a two year period which completed the “industrial residence” of five years. At the end of this
five year period, the Indian immigrant would be granted his Certificate of Industrial Residence,
a sort of “freedom paper” certifying that the individual was no longer under indenture. However,
in order to qualify for the free return passage back to India, the Indian had to re-indenture
himself for a further five years, but was free to choose both employer and occupation. The only
alternative for returning to India without completing the full ten years of labour in the colony
was at one’s own expense.
For the indentured immigrants, life on the estates was bound by the terms and conditions of
the contract which they had signed; though most were illiterate in all of the three languages in
which the contract was formulated. In effect, the Indians were not free during their periods of
indenture. They could not demand higher wages, leave the estate without permission, live off
the estates, or refuse the work assigned to them. The basic minimum wage as stipulated in the
contract was 25 cents per day or task for adult males and 16 cents for adult females. Although
this amount could not be reduced legally, the plantation often lengthened the task. Wages also
varied according to type of work, season and the area. The contract stipulated a 45 hour work
week but during crop time it could be six 9-hour days. Sunday was a holiday.
A most troublesome feature of the system for the indentured labourers was the fact that they
could be and were prosecuted as criminals for what were really civil offences; the slightest
breach of contract and immigration laws. Indians leaving the boundaries of their respective
estates were required to carry a pass stating that they had been granted permission to do so.
Being found off the estate without such a pass or “Ticket of Leave” saw many Indians being
imprisoned for vagrancy or being found “at large”. Such “unlawful” absence from the estate
could result in a maximum sentence of seven days in jail. Absence from the estate for three or
more days was termed “desertion” and could earn the immigrant a maximum of two months in
prison. Official investigations revealed that the common occurrences of both absenteeism and
desertion were deeply connected to the question of management on the estates, the harsh
treatment of the immigrants, and unscrupulous employers actually conniving for desertion by
unfit or unwanted persons. In an effort at dealing with the issues of absenteeism and desertion,
Indians who had completed their periods of indenture were still required to carry on their
persons their Certificates of Industrial Residence for both the purposes of proving that they
were not deserters and when seeking employment; their word did not suffice. Other offences
carrying sentences included willful disobedience, threatening or verbally insulting the employer
and deception in performing work. The courts were heavily weighted against the Indians and
excessive sentences were often unfairly imposed upon them. Very few Indians actually
understood the Immigration Ordinances, could defend themselves or pay for legal aid. By the
1870s, Immigration Laws were becoming increasingly arbitrary and confusing for the
immigrants. Also, each revision of the law saw penalties becoming more stringent and
comprehensive.
While, in theory, there were a number of apparatus put in place for the well-being and
protection of the immigrants, these were more often than not very ineffectual. The Immigration
Department headed by the Protector of Immigrants/Agent General which was supposed to be
seeking the interests of the Indians via its regulations and regular estate inspections, and even
acting as a court of last appeal was extremely vulnerable to pressure from the planters. The
various authorities often failed to discharge their duties of protecting the immigrants and
inspection of the estates was too infrequent. Too few immigrants lodged complaints for fear of
victimization and a general suspicion of the impartiality of the magistrate’s court, which was
often inclined to accept the evidence of the estate authorities over that of the Indians. These,
together with an all pervading influence of the planters, overarching administrative weaknesses
and general complacency in the operation of reformed laws led to excessive exploitation being
an integral aspect of the system of Indian indenture. However, the ultimate sanction against the
maltreatment of the immigrants was the power of the Governor to remove even an entire gang
from an estate. Two such instances occurring in Trinidad were on the Patna Estate for
unhealthy conditions and on the La Gloria Estate where the Indians were not being treated
properly.
By the 1870s, Indians had proven themselves as the virtual backbone of the sugar industry in
Trinidad. However, during the 1880s, competition from beet sugar and the full implementation
of the 1946 Sugar Duties Act saw depression looming over the British West Indian sugar
industry. Planters began shifting the burden of the resulting economic adjustment on the sugar
workers. Though not as frequent as in British Guiana, this generated a notable level of strikes
and disturbances on some of the estates in Trinidad, including the Cedar Hill Plantation and
the Jordan Hill Plantation. Most of these were on account of the withholding or non-payment of
wages, extending of tasks and harsh and unfair treatment on the estates. The 1884 “Muharram
Massacre” provided a most palpable example of the gravely tense anti-Indian colonial mindset
of the 1880s. For the Indian, estate life had become irrevocably unattractive. Indians now
began moving off the estates in large numbers to become independent farmers, settling on and
cultivating lands granted to them through the land commutation scheme or that they had
purchased from the State. By 1902, more than half of the sugar cane in Trinidad was being
produced by independent cane farmers; the majority of which were Indians. A significant
number of Indians also went into cocoa and wet rice cultivation.
The arrival of the Indian indentured labourers into Trinidad seemed to provide the solution to
the existent economic and labor related crisis of the time. It also saw the introduction of a new
dimension to the social and cultural fabric of Trinidad society. The dynamism of the experience
of Indian indenture is evident in the multifarious debates that it has spawned; debates that
continuously reaffirm the global presence and contribution of the Indian indenture diaspora.
CATÉGORIE : Waves of Colonization
POUR CITER L'ARTICLE : (2013). "THE EXPERIENCE OF INDIAN INDENTURE IN TRINIDAD:
ARRIVAL AND SETTLEMENT" in Cruse & Rhiney (Eds.), Caribbean Atlas, http://www.caribbeanatlas.com/en/themes/waves-of-colonization-and-control-in-the-caribbean/waves-of-colonization/theexperience-of-indian-indenture-in-trinidad-arrival-and-settlement.html.
RÉFÉRENCES
Brereton, Bridget, A History of Modern Trinidad 1783-1962 . USA: Heinemann International,
1981.
Dabydeen, David, and Brinsley Samaroo, eds. India In The Caribbean. London: Hansib.
Publishing Limited, 1987.
La Guerre, John, ed. Calcutta to Caroni: The East Indians of Trinidad. St. Augustine: Extra
Mural Studies Unit, University of the West Indies, 1985.
Laurenc e, K.O. A Question Of Labour: Indentured Immigration into Trinidad and British Guiana
1875-1917 . Jamaica: Ian Randle Publishers, 1994.
Tinker, Hugh. A New System of Slavery: The export of Indian Labour Overseas. London:
Hansib Publishing Limited, 1993.
Vertovec, Steven. Hindu Trinidad: Religion, Ethnicity and Socio-Economic Change. London:
Macmillan Education Ltd., 1992.