World Expansion of Mass Education, 1870-1980
Author(s): John W. Meyer, Francisco O. Ramirez and Yasemin Nuhoglu Soysal
Reviewed work(s):
Source: Sociology of Education, Vol. 65, No. 2 (Apr., 1992), pp. 128-149
Published by: American Sociological Association
Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/2112679 .
Accessed: 15/06/2012 09:36
Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at .
http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp
JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of
content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms
of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact support@jstor.org.
American Sociological Association is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to
Sociology of Education.
http://www.jstor.org
World Expansion of Mass Education, 1870-1980
JohnW. Meyer
University
Stanford
Francisco 0. Ramirez
University
Stanford
Yasemin Nuhoglu Soysal
HarvardUniversity
Newlyavailable enrollmentdata for over 120 countriesfor the period
1870-1980are used to examinetheoriesofmass educationalexpansion.
analysesindicatethatmass educationalsystemsappeared
Event-history
at a steadyratebeforethe1940sand sharplyincreasedafter1950.Pooled
panel regressionsshow that the expansion of mass education,once
patternbefore1940, continuing
formed,followedan S-shaped diffusion
withadded forcelater.Expansion is endemicin the system.National
variationexists;indicationsof nationalmodernizationor of structural
It seemsthat
have onlymodesteffects.
locationin worldsociety,however,
mass educationspreadsin a worldorganizedpoliticallyas nation-states
and candidate states.Rates of appearance of mass educationand of
expansionacceleratedsharplyafterWorldWarII, withtheintensification
of mass educationin this
model and the centrality
of the nation-state
model.
M ass schoolinghas become a
worldwide institution,both as
a normativeprinciple and as an
organizationalreality.1The aspiration to
achieve universal educational enrollment is found in virtually all national
societies and is oftenwritteninto their
grounding constitutions (Boli-Bennett
and Meyer 1978) and national laws and
policies (Fiala and Lanford1987). Opposition to mass schooling, an ideological
stance well documented in educational
histories (cf. Furet and Ozouf 1982;
Maynes 1985, Melton 1988, Mueller,
Ringer, and Simon 1987), has disappeared. By 1985, mass education was
compulsory in 80 percent of the countries of the world (Ramirez 1989). The
rightto a free elementary education is
enshrined in the United Nations' Declaration of Human Rights (Article 26).
have also expanded
Mass enrollments
greatly.Over 90 percentof the world's
childrenspend some time enrolledin
schools, and over 20 percent of the
world'spopulationis enrolledin elementary or secondary schools (UNESCO
1987). National educational expenditureshave increasedand representsuboftotalgovernmenstantialproportions
tal expenditures. Even the poorest
countriesmaintainprimaryschool systems and receive financial assistance
and moralsupportto do so fromother
agencountriesand frominternational
cies (World Bank 1987).
triThe normativeand organizational
umph of mass schoolinghas unfortunatelynotled tothecriticalassessmentof
theoriesofmass eduearlierexplanatory
cation.This articleaddressesthisissue.
theclassictheoretWe startbyreviewing
in the fieldthatare often
1 By institutions,we mean "standardized ical arguments
accounts that stressvariactivitysequences thathave taken forgranted functionalist
ofsoin
the
internal
characteristics
ations
rationales, that is some common social 'account' of their existence and purpose" (Jep- cietiesto explaineducationalexpansion.
expandseitherto
Schooling,itis thought,
person 1991, p. 147).
128
SOCIOLOGY OF EDUCATION 1992, VOL. 65 (APRIL):128-149
Meyer,Ramirez, and Soysal
129
solve problemsof social order(through European countries and their settler
ortomaintainthedominance offshoots-including the United Statesintegration)
In boththe in the centurybefore 1870 (Maynes
co-optation).
ofelites(through
mainstreamand the criticalvariantsof 1985; Tyack,James,and Benavot1987).
theexpansionofschool- The nationallyrootedstate,secularizing
theory,
functional
ing is a solutionto societal-levelprob- earlierreligiousideas and institutions,
lems. Such argumentsdo not easily everywhereincorporatedmass educaThe political
explainthe worldwidecharacterof edu- tion as a main enterprise.
construction
of societyas a consciously
cationalexpansion.
projectWe argue thatmass schoolingmade articulatedprogress-oriented
sense in so manycontextsbecause it be- an active participantin and object of
and public (usually state) action-was cenoftheWestern,
camea centralfeature
theworld,modelofthena- tral, as was the constructionof the
subsequently
as theprincition-stateand its development.Nation- individualcitizen-member
statesexpandschoolingbecausetheyad- pal unitofsociety(fora detailedhistory
hereto worldmodelsoftheorganization oftheprocessin Sweden,see Boli 1989).
lines ofanalysispresupFunctionalist
(themodernstate)and the
ofsovereignty
ofsocietyas composedofin- pose societies made up of people and
organization
interconthataresystematically
dividuals(themodernnation).This de- activities
velopmenttookplace earlierin political nected and orientedtoward collective
to involve
entitiesthatservedas the organizational goals.These goalsarethought
ofthenewworldmodels,andthus survival in traditionalsocieties and
carriers
ratherthan in progressin the literaturein modern
in the new nation-states,
ar- ones. The collectivegoals are thoughtto
the old dynasticempires.We further
gue thatthe rise and expansionof mass reflectconsensus in a "social-order"
analysis,but are
schoolingin coloniesand dependencies variantoffunctionalist
is bestunderstoodas a functionoftheir discussed as being drivenby dominant
variin a "social-reproduction"
linkagesto the world models and the interests
extentto whichcolonieswereorganized ant. The models of nation and state
Thus,thisar- within both variants are similar and
as candidatenation-states.
gumentsituatesnation-stateswithina clearlyfollowfromthe Westernmodel
and seeksto of a nationalsociety(Hobsbawm1983).
broaderworldenvironment
within Functionalistlines of analysis emphaexplaineducationaldevelopments
as a consequenceoftheirex- size the systematiccharacterof society
nation-states
posureto the pressuresof this environ- as a naturalphenomenonand explain
model masseducationalexpansionas reflecting
mentto adhereto thenation-state
Our argument, the socialization requirementsof the
of politicalorganization.
and industrialized
society.
hence,is an instanceofthemoregeneral differentiated
As social scientifictheory,functional
schooloforganizational
analinstitutional
ysis(cf.Meyerand Scott1983;Powelland notionshave flourishedin the workof
historians(Bailyn1960) and sociologists
DiMaggio 1991; Zucker 1983).
analysesthat (Dreeben1968). Despitemuchcriticism,
Weproceedwithempirical
datasetreported theseideas continuetobuttress
manyexuse a newcross-national
by Benavot and Riddle (1988). The data planationsoftheroleofmass education,
for especiallywithinthe"educationand deinformation
setassemblesenrollment
(Psacharopoulous
many countriesthroughoutthe world, velopment"literature
fromthe late 19thcenturyto 1980. The and Woodhall 1985). Theoretical crianalysesfocuson explainingtheappear- tiquesofthe"social-orderfunctionalist"
the perspectiveare well established(Berg
ance of mass educationthroughout
worldduringthisperiodand theexpan- 1971; Collins 1971, 1979), but the perspectivepersistsand powerfullyinfluenrollments.
sion ofprimary
ences educationaldevelopmentsaround
world.
the
BACKGROUND
Many criticismsof social-orderfuncThe principlesand practicesof mass tionalistthinkingneverthelessretaina
perspective.Societies are
education appeared in the core north functionalist
130
World Expansion of Mass Education
still seen as autonomous functioning similarways,despitemuchvariationin
systems,but the functionsemphasized thesupposedinternalsocietaleconomic,
Thus,we
are those that elites need and benefit political,and social predictors.
thepotenfrom.Educationis seen as maintaining explorewithmuchskepticism
discipline and orderin a systemcon- tial impacton mass educationalexpantrolledbydominanteconomicand polit- sion of such internalsocietalpredictors
ical elites; it maintainsthe legitimacy as urbanization;religious,ethnic,and
and power of dominantclasses (Bern- racial composition;or state authority.
stein 1973) and effectivelycontrols The core hypothesesof all types of
suggestthese sothe lower classes (Bowles and Gintis societal functionalism
and expansionof cietalproperties,
and we makeuse ofthe
1976). The emergence
mass schoolingis conceptualizedas a best available indicatorsto gauge their
mechanismof social control necessi- effects.
withbothlinesoffunctated by excessive verticaldifferentia- Disenchantment
has led researchers
in two
tion-itselfbroughtabout by the same tionalisttheory
One direction
forcesof industrialization(and some- sharplydistinctdirections.
interests
and
times political dominance) discussed has emphasizedtheconcrete
involvedinthecreationofmass
within social-orderfunctionalism.An structures
enormousamountof socializationeffi- education,calling attentionto the speand competitions
involved
cacy is againassumedwithinwhatmay cificconflicts
func- and to particularhistoricalconjunctures
be called this "class reproduction
tionalisttheory"ofmass schooling.The and sequencesat issue. Studiesemphaofcountries,
such as
theoretical
weaknessand empiricalshort- size uniquefeatures
ofthePrussianbureaucracy,
comingsof thisline of thoughtare also thecharacter
the
well documented(Archer1983; Boli, the statusofthe Swedishpeasantry,
to theEnglish
Ramirez,and Meyer1985; Olneck and extensionofthe franchise
workingclass,or thegreatersignificance
Bills 1980; Rubinson1986).
on mass educa- ofracethanofclass in theUnitedStates.
Empiricalresearchers
tional expansionhave grownskeptical Thereis an emphasison theuniqueinterof almost any version of functional actionsorsequencesofvariablesas deteroutcomesin particular
theory.The evidentiaryproblem has miningdistinctive
been thatmuchmass schoolingemerged cases (Archer1979). At a more general
in theoretical
ofstatus
level,theimportance
and expandedbeforeindustrialization
in drivingedubothWesternEurope (Furetand Ozouf conflictand competition
1982; Maynes 1985) and the United cational expansion has been stressed
States (Kaestle and Vinovskis 1980; (Boudon 1974; Collins 1971, 1979). The
ofthesestudieshas beento unMeyer et al. 1979). It arose later in neteffect
and classthesocial-order
industrialized Britain than in less- dercutfurther
theories(see
developed Scotland and Prussia and reproductionfunctionalist
aroseas rapidlyin theAmericanWestas Melton 1988 forAustria and Prussia;
in theindustrialized
East.In analysesof Katznelsonand Weir1985 fortheUnited
educationalenroll- States).
thegrowthofprimary
These studies are importantin their
WorldWarII, neitherindusment-after
trializationnor such social organiza- own right,as is researchthatexamines,
tional correlatesas urbanizationshow withlongitudinaldata,thedevelopment
substantialeffects(see, for example, of schooling within a single country,
focusingon sources of internalvariaMeyeret al. 1977).
Political and cultural,as opposed to tions (see Hage, Garnier,and Fuller
theories 1988; BarnhouseWalters,McCammon,
economic,variantsoffunctional
farelittlebetter.Mass schoolingappears and James1990). But these studies do
to be compatiblewith both expanded not systematicallydeal with cross(Prussia, Sweden) and limited (the national variationand cannot directly
United States) stateadministrative
and confronttheoriesthat seek to explain
fiscal powers and with a varietyof educational expansion at the societal
The emergenceand level of analysis (Rubinsonand Ralph
religioustraditions.
expansionof mass schoolingoccurs in 1986). This article focuses on cross-
Meyer,Ramirez, and Soysal
131
If we considermass education as a
national educational data to address
these theoriesdirectly,as well as the centralfeatureofan articulatedcultural
we advance.
project,we can betterexplain its early
alternative
argument
history:Mass schoolingappearedwhere
the nation-state
model appeared,often
THE ARGUMENT
despite some society-specific
realities.
We
can
also
better
explain
its later
As an institution,
Westernmass edus.pread:
The
core
models
involved
were
cation involvesthe followingfeatures:
in
culturally
dominant
the
world
through(1) It focuses on the socialization of
individualsformembershipin society. out the period, ensconced in every
to all importantsocial theoryand ideology.
(2) Itaspiresto extendmembership
individuals within the society. (3) It Everylocal statethatwas eitherdriven
articulatesa secular vision of progress, to or choose to enterthe competitive
in which action and achievementtake social, economic,and culturalsystem
place in thisworld,notin sometranscen- involved(the United Statesis an early
an increas- example)adoptedthesemodels,oftenin
dentalcosmos.(4) Itsetsforth
inglystandardizedcurriculum(Benavot theirhighestforms,at least as abstract
(Meyer1980; Thomaset al. 1987).
et al. 1991). (5) And it putativelylinks policy
In
mass educationbecamea core
sum,
withpersonal
masteryofthecurriculum
ofthenation-state
model.Its
component
developmentand the latterwith the collectivestandardization
the
celebrates
progressof the nation-state.It is not
unified
and
sovereignty
purposiveness
thatnationalsetbacksor failsurprising
(thestate),itsindividuresoftenresultin reform
movements
in ofthecollectivity
ual
focus
and
enact the
universality
which educationalreforms
play a leadand
universal
integrated
character
of
ingrole.But it is difficult
to bringthese
nation
of
its
and
society
(the
citizens),
propertiesto termswiththe immediate
of 19th-centurysecularizedculturedefinesthecharacter
functionalrequirements
as an enterprise
thatis
social systemsunless we recognizethat ofthenation-state
to
attain
designed
From
progress.
this
whatwas involvedwas a growingadherence to a translocalculturalproject,not point of view, mass education is not
an adaptationto societalrealjust an adaptationto local social reali- primarily
ities
of
function
and power.It arose as
ties.This projectwas developedas such
nation-states
and
candidate states afby thevariouseliteswho were its main
firmed,
and
thus legitimated
enhanced,
advocates. It involved an ideological
nationhood
within
the
broader
Western
conceptionofa new society,incorporatcivilizational
network
(Boli
et
al.
1985;
ing all individuals in a unified and
Meyer,
and
Boli,
Thomas
1987;
Ramirez
thatwould sucprogressivecollectivity
and Boli 1987). The wider world envicessfullyoperatein a real world as a ronment
and itsmodelsofthelegitimate
nation-state,whether organizationally
mustbe centralto
political
organization
centralizedor not (Anderson1983). The
the
explanation
of
the
similaristriking
relationshipof mass education to the
in
ties
the
of
mass
expansion
schooling
nation-stateis, of course,a centralin-nationalcircumstud- across widely varying
sightin thepioneering
comparative
stances.3
ies ofMarshall(1948) and Bendix(1964).
butreformulate
We acceptthisinsight,
it
to go beyond both the conjuncturalist
and society-specificnuances of their in Bergerand Luckman's(1966) explication
thenation- oftheconceptofsocietyas objectivereality.
work.Fromour perspective,
state itselfis a transnationalcultural Of immediaterelevanceto our argumentis
model within which schooling the Bergerand Luckman'scontentionthatsocishould notbe consideredin
masses became a majormechanismfor etal integration
functionalist
termsbut,rather,as
creatingthe symbolic links between structural
integrated
legitimations
(p. 199).
individualsand nation-states.2
3 Our argument
resonateswithAnderson's
(1983) conceptualization
of "imaginedcom2
A similarbutmoregeneralview is found munities"and withFuretand Ozouf's(1982,
132
World Expansion of Mass Education
We thus arguethatthe expansionof statistics.At least since the early19th
mass education around the world is century,data were assembled by naof unified tional and imperialbureaus and were
dependenton the formation
and laterto internasovereignprojectsthatare linkedto and reportedinternally
and statistirecognizedbythewiderworldsocietyof tionalgroups,conferences,
ofinter- cal agencies.Much ofthisdatagathering
and the formation
nation-states
were undertakenforthe
nal principles of nationhood within and reporting
countries.Since both the nation-state comparativepurposes of competition,
principleand thelinkageofmass educa- emulation,and the trackingof world
overthe progress.Since WorldWar II, UNESCO
tionto it have gainedintensity
collecteddata forall
we expectratesofpenetra- has systematically
past century,
tionand expansionofmass educationto thecountriesoftheworldas well as for
the colonies.Beforethen,the League of
have increasedovertime.
bodies
In the present analyses, then, we Nations and otherinternational
For these earlier
contrastempiricallythe effectson the made similar efforts.
expansionofmass educationaroundthe periods,available compendiums(Banks
worldoftheclassicsocietal-levelindica- 1975; Flora 1983; Mitchell 1980, 1982,
torsemphasizedby the functionaltheo- 1983) provide many enrollmentstatisries withotherindicatorsof the expan- tics, but other sources (such as the
sion and spread of mass educationas reportsof the Colonial Officeof Great
partofthedevelopmentoftheprojectof Britain 1890-1940) provide additional
the nation-state.We examine changes information.(For a complete list of
over time in the world context and sourcesofthepresentdata,see Benavot
variationsamong countriesin links to and Riddle 1988.)
The basic data consistof the number
this context and to its models of a
nationalsociety.Our aim is to developa of studentswho werereportedas being
bettersense of the rise of a world in enrolledin primaryschool. Secondary
which mass education of a particular enrollmentswere very small in the
typehas becomepracticallyuniversal. earlier decades of the analyses, and
whentheybecamesignificant,
werekept
clearlyseparatein nationalreports.We
do not knowhow manyofthe enrolled
THE DATA
studentsactuallyattendedschool or for
Dependent Variable
how manyhoursor days a yearschools
were in session. But formalenrollment
To describeand analyze the expan- itselfis a significantindicationof the
in establishment
sion ofmass educationalenrollments
or formation
ofa national
countriesaroundtheworldfrom1870 to educational system.The data include
1980, we employdata assembledfrom public and privateschool enrollments.
manysourcesand reportedby Benavot Early statisticalreportstended to be
and Riddle (1988). The self-conscious- clear in theirconceptionof what was
ness ofnationsaboutthevirtuesofmass and whatwas nota schooland included
educationled, even early,to an empha- onlyorganizations
thatincorporated
edsis on recordkeepingand on reporting ucational arrangements
that one might
enrollmentstatistics.This process was consider"modern."Traditional
religious
by no means trueof earliereducational or local culturalschooling,as in Islamic
venturesin the Europeanworldsphere countriesor in severalAsian countries,
or elsewhere.Analogousto the rise of such as China,Japan,and Korea, was,
census taking,ideological views that practicallyspeaking, neither counted
society is made up of persons who nor reportedby the professionalsand
matterand whose socializationmatters bureaucratswho were concernedwith
to the calculable benefitsof society managing"education."This omissionis
fosteredan emphasis on enrollment itself an importantindication of the
charspecialrationalizedand projectlike
p. 314) discussion of the rise of mass society acter of moderneducation throughout
theworld.Instruction
was kepttrackof,
in the West.
Meyer,Ramirez, and Soysal
133
and seen as relevantto the nationand over time fora given case, theireffecton
the world, only if it aspired to the longitudinal analyses is likely to be
reduced.
modernform.
To use enrollmentstatistics,it is
The major problems with the data set
necessaryto establisha reasonablede- are not in the inaccuracy of the numbers
nominator,so we can calculate the available, but in the systematiccharacter
proportionof the eligiblestudentswho of the numbers that are not available.
wereenrolled.Doing so is somethingof Countries with low enrollments were
a problem.First,enrollmentstatistics unlikely to report statistics, and the
are availableformorecountriesthanare process that generates mass education
reasonablygood census data that clas- turns out to involve the creation of
sifypeoplebyage. Second,itis oftennot officialstatistics,too. Thus, the data set
clearexactlyhow manyyearsofschool- is biased against cases with little mass
the appropriateprimary education. For instance, even though it
ing constituted
educationalcycle. For recentdecades, was common in the late 19th centuryfor
both problemscan be partiallysolved more peripheral countries or colonies to
detailednationalcen- have no mass education, we have no
becausereasonably
suses and UNESCO recordsthatdefine case in which no mass education was
the lengthof the primarycycle in each statisticallyreported. We can correct a
areavailable.These dataareless little for this bias in case selection by
country
commonlyavailable forthe periodsbe- including (with a value of zero) earlier
data for countries for which we have
foreWorldWarI.
Benavotand Riddle (1988) built sev- later data indicating that this is approeral sensiblecompromisesintothe data priate, that is, enrollments were near
setwe use. First,all primaryenrollment zero. But doing so fills in few of our
datawerestandardizedto an estimateof missing data points. In our analyses, we
the national populationaged 5-14. In make a substantive issue out of this
practice,most countrieshave had pri- methodological one and approach the
mary cycles of about six years, with matterdirectly.4
decreasingvariationaround this standard over time. Thus a realisticmaxiIndependent Variables
mum enrollmentratiois about 70 perPropertiesof a national "society." It is
cent. Some countries,especiallyin the
earlierdecades,had longerprimarycy- difficultto find variables that capture
of some of the themes of the functionalist
cles in principle,butlow proportions
studentswereenrolledin thelateryears literaturecoveringthe whole 1870-1980
ofthecyclein a typicalcountry.Hence, period. In the later part of the period,
the errorsintroducedare almost cer- more variables are available (see the
tainlysmall.In any event,muchenroll- analyses in Meyer et al. 1977). We have
in developingcoun- assembled a few variables that cover
ment-particularly
trieswithnewereducationalsystems- most cases of countries, but data are
tended to pile up in the firstyears of inevitably incomplete. The following
primaryeducation,with much repeti- indicatorsare used to reflectcharacteristion,so thismaybe themostreasonable tics of societies thathave been argued to
play a role:
procedure.
Second, when a detailedcensus esti* Urbanization (proportionof the popmate of the 5-14-year-oldpopulation ulation in cities over 100,000) is a main
was notavailable,an estimatewas made indicator of social and economic develto the opment, and one of the few that is
by (1) applyinga constantfraction
overall population or (2) interpolatingavailable to cover a long period. It is
fromcensus data forsurrounding
periods (see Benavotand Riddle1988 forthe
4 A list of the presentcountriesof the
exactprocedures).Errorsintroducedby worldand thetimepoints,runningto 1870,
theseproceduresare likelyto be small, forwhich we have enrollmentdata or estigiventhegreatvariationin enrollments. matesforeach country,
is availablefromthe
Since errorsare likelyto be reproduced authors.
134
WorldExpansionofMass Education
highlycorrelatedwithsuch otherindi- grated,and non-Whites
wereperipheralcatorsas per capitagrossnationalprod- ized. For instance,in the 19thcentury,
uct or energyconsumptionper capita, the American states with substantial
butis availableformanymorecountries non-White
populationsavoidedcompuland periods.Data are coded as of the soryeducationand slowed theireducaofeach decade oftheanalysis. tional expansion(Tyacket al. 1987). It
beginning
In additionto the explicitdata sources seemslikelythatcountrieswithprimarwitha knownscore ilyWhitepopulationswould showmore
we use, anycountry
of zero fora period is given the same educationalexpansion.Sinceracialcomscore forall earlierperiods,which re- position is highlyautocorrelatedover
flects that urbanizationhas declined time, we characterizecountriesat a
almost nowhere in the past century. singletimepoint,mainly1900. (Sources:
(Sources: Banks 1975; UNESCO 1987.)
Barrett1982; CIA 1987.)
* Religion(thepercentageofthepop* Ethnolinguisticfractionalization
is
ulationwho are Christian)is an indica- a conventionalmeasureof likelyintertorofthe dominancewithinsocietiesof group competitionin relationto such
thesortsofmodernvalues thatare often goods as education.In functionaltheothoughtto be associated with wide- ries, it is suggestedas an indicatorof
spreadliteracyand mass education(see, functionalneeds for education as a
for example, Stinchcombe1965). The mechanism of integration.In statusdata are takenfora singlepointin time competitiontheoriesof educationalex(1900), but this variable has a high pansion(see, forexample,Collins 1971,
autocorrelationover time, and more 1979), it can be an indicatorof the
precise measuresof denominationsor intensity
ofintergroup
culturalcompetireligiosity
would changelittle.(Sources: tions. In both lines of thought,high
Barrett
1982;CentralIntelligence
Agency fractionalization
may be expected to
[CIA] 1987.)
generatemorerapid educationalexpan* Independence (a dummy variable sion. Autocorrelation
in the variableis
indicatingindependentversus depen- veryhigh,so the variableis treatedas
dent or colonial status) is an obvious constant over time in our analyses.
indicatorofpoliticaldevelopment.
Mass (Source:Taylorand Hudson 1971.)
education,it is oftenargued,is a creatureofthisdevelopment,
whichrequires
A Typology of Polity Linkage to
a mobilized and socialized population
World
(Sources: Banks 1975; Mitchell 1982,
Models
1983; Statesman'sYearbooks[forvariA mainresearchaim is to contrastthe
ous years];Wilkieand Perkel1985.)
effectsof the sortsof internalvariables
* The presenceof a nationalrule of just definedwith those of a country's
compulsoryeducation (a dummyvari- links to the modern world polity of
able) is takento-indicatethe extended nation-states.
The fundamental
hypotheofthe statein the educational sis is that countriesthat are closely
authority
domain. Mass education is generally linkedto this systemthroughorganizato reflect
theriseofstateauthor- tional dependence or throughmemthought
ityas an organizational
matter.Previous bership and competitionare likely to
research(Soysal and Strang1989) sug- developmasseducationalsystems,
indegested that the variable is not itself pendentof local social conditions.Two
influenced,by the growth in enroll- crucialelementsare involved.First,the
ments.(Sources: UNESCO 1955-71, sup- external linkages of a countrywork
plementedbydatafromvariousnational throughtheestablishment
ofa principle
of unitarymembership(or direct or
sources.)
* Race (percentageof the population dependentmodernsovereignty)
in the
who are Caucasian), in the explicitly central organization,which takes on
racistworld of the late 19th and early modernstatelikeforms.Second, such
20thcenturies,
is an obviousindicatorof close linkagesbringto a countrythe
culturaland politicalstanding.In many projectofnationbuilding,the principle
areas, Whites were functionallyinte- of reconstructing
the masses into na-
Meyer,Ramirez, and Soysal
135
informationalcitizens.Whenone discussesthe ogywithdetailedcountry-level
in the world tion-on thesejointaxes:
ofterritories
incorporation
indepen- At one end of the continuum,of
organizational
intothissystem,
denceis nota crucialelement:Models of course,is thecoreitself(1): thenorthern
stateand nationcommonlyderivefrom European and Anglo-Saxon countries
theformacolonial dependence (Anderson1983), (19 cases). In thesecountries,
as well as fromindependentmember- tion of modern sovereigntyand the
principleofnationhoodarehigh.In fact,
ship in theworldsystem.
precededourperiodof
Bytheend ofWorldWarII, modelsof highenrollments
the constructionof integratedmodern analysis,and fewcases enterthedataset
and of modernnationalso- we analyze. But we clearlyexpect the
sovereignty
ciety were spread almost everywhere,rapid expansionof enrollmentsin this
thoughthe principleof organizational category.
Next come a series of typesof counautonomywas still contested.The cruwith close links to the central
tries
cial periodthatrequirestheconstruction
and with substantialsocietal
models
of a typologyforour researchis 1870bymodelsofnationbuilding:
1940-the period in which much vari- penetration
WesterncounPeripheral
independent
needs
ance in thegrowthofenrollments
tries
(35
cases).
Clearly
part of the
tobe explained.Indicatorsarenotdevelnation-state
system
are
more
peripheral
To proceed,thereoped in theliterature.
Euin
southern
and
eastern
countries
a
fore,we constructed simple typology
In
Latin
these
rope
(2)
and
America
(3).
of a country'sstructurallocation visa-vis the world polity (Meyer 1980) countries,links to world models of
duringthat period. First,how closely sovereignty are lower and nationare less developedthan
was thecountrytiedto theworldpolity buildingefforts
in
the
But
on both dimensions,
core.
and exposed to its models of integrated thesecountriesare clearlyembeddedin
or stateformation,
through thesystem,and we expecttheexpansion
sovereignty
direct independent involvement or of enrollments
to be rapid,althoughit
throughclose organizationallinkages? mightbe less so forLatin America,at
Ideally,we would like indicatorsofthe leastuntilafterWorldWarII and therise
extentof clarityand consensus in the ofextensiveinternalmobilization.
worldabout the existenceand political
Core colonies and dependencies(4)
aboutthe legitimate (ofBritain,
unityofa territory,
France,and theUnitedStates:
thatwas sovereignoverit,and 52 cases). We referhere to colonies of
authority
about the membership(and status) of corecountriesthatwerelocatedoutside
this sovereignauthorityin the wider the Sub-Saharan region (which was,
world.
during much of the 1870-1940 period
Second, how closelywas the country less tightlyorganizedby real colonial
mod- statesthat attemptednationalpenetrasovereign-constructed
tied,through
els of nationbuilding,to the models of tion and construction).The cases we
societythatweredominantin theworld examine are mostly in North Africa,
polity?At issue is the degreeto whicha Asia,andtheCaribbean).
Ourargumentas which differsfromothers-stressesthe
politicalentitywas institutionalized
oper- relativelyclose linkagesof these counan actual or projectednation-state
Ideally, triesto world centersand theirmodels
atingin a worldofnation-states.
we would like indicators,such as the and the consequenteffortsat colonial
censuses national construction(such as by the
existenceofmapsofa territory;
extend- BritishColonialOffice).We expectthese
ofpopulations;legalregulations
ingdowntovillagesand individualsand cases to show muchgreatereducational
coveringmany sectors;and economic, expansionthan classic functionaltheosystemsand accounts ries would predict.Our emphasisleads
tax,and monetary
character(see to theexpectation
of a similarlypenetrating
thatlinksto dominant
Boli et al. 1985).
worldcenters,combinedwithaggressive
We distinguishtypes of countries- center-legitimated
nation-buildingefproducedmuchearliereducational
lackingthe resourcesto createa typol- forts,
136
World Expansion of Mass Education
expansionthan would be predictedby thisperiod,a numberofcountries(such
local economic,racial,independence,or as Ethiopia,Kuwait,and Mongolia) alreligiousstatus.Argumentsthat stress thoughin somesenseindependent,
were
the interestsof core powers in the so farremovedfromtheworldmodelsof
maintenance of simple domination eitherstateor nationbuildingthatwe
would also not lead to this prediction. may expect little expansion of enrollWe arguethatcoredominationresultsin ments.
therapidincorporation
ofcoreideological models. The examinationof early
British imperial attemptsat national
RESULTS
constructionin particularled to our
The Existence of EnrollmentData
conceptualizationof this category.The
historyofAmericanefforts
in thePhilipThe existenceofinformation
on enrollpines and in PuertoRico led to thesame mentsfora countryturnsout, as was
conclusion.
noted earlier,to be relatedto the exisLong-term
non-Western
independents tence and expansionof mass education
(5) (8 cases). A smallnumberofindepen- itself.Countrieswithno primaryenrolldentpolitiesoutsidetheWesternsystem mentsto report-andtherewereclearly
enteredthis systemand competitivelymanysuch countriesat thebeginningof
mobilized during the period (Strang our period-did not reportdata on the
1990). Japan is the most commonly subject. And it seems that data were
discussed case, but Turkey,China,and morecommonlyreportedand available
Koreaarealso noted.Thesepolitieswere when enrollment
rateswere high.Mass
linkedto worldcentersthroughcompet- education and its reportingsystemgo
itive processes duringthe period and together,a situationthat poses some
attempted
reactivemobilizationand na- problemsforouranalysis.
tion building. We expect educational We examined,foreach category
ofour
expansionin thesecountries,
giventheir typologyof polity linkage to world
internaland externalstrugglesto com- models,theproportions
ofcountriesthat
pete in thewiderworldsystem.
reportedenrollmentdata for each peOther categoriesof countrieswere riod.By 1980, datawerereportedforthe
much more distantlyconnectedto the great majorityof countries in every
worldsocietyand itsmodelsofstateand category(92 percentoverall).But in the
nation building during the 1870-1940 early decades, therewere few data in
period:
most categories.The polity categories
Core (British [6] and French [7]) Sub- fall into a rough sequence in data
Saharancolonies(35 cases). These cases reporting-asequence thatmaytell not
weremuch less closelylinkedto world only about the availabilityof informacenters,giventheirsystemsof indirect tion, but about the spread of mass
rule in the earlier colonial decades. educationitself.
Centralizedsovereignty
was less likely
Firstcome the core countries,mostof
to appear, as were nation-building
ef- which (89 percent) reporteddata in
forts,thoughthe latterare morevisible 1870, followedby the more peripheral
in the Britishthanin the Frenchcases. independentWesterncountries,which
We expect low levels of educational enteredthe data set in 1880 (59 percent
expansionin thesecountries.
and in 1890. Then come the
reporting)
Peripheral (8) (Spanish and Portu- main colonies and dependenciesof the
guese) colonies (13 cases). These cases core powers, which tended to enter
were distantlylinkedto the worldcen- around1900 (58 percentreporting).
The
tralityand were unlikelyto experience non-Western
independentcountriesenaggressivenationbuildingby metropol- tered around 1910 (50 percentreportitan powers that did little at home, ing), and the Britishand FrenchSubeither. We expect the low levels of Saharancoloniestendedto enteraround
educational expansion in these coun- 1920 or 1930 (51 percent reporting).
tries.
Finally,the peripheralcolonies entered
Far peripheries (9) (15 cases). During the data set around 1950 (62 percent
137
Meyer,Ramirez, and Soysal
and whatwe have called the of enrollmentsabove 10 percent.This
reporting),
farperipheryenteredthe data set only rateappearsto be highenoughto indiaround1960 (with87 percentreporting). catethattheaspirationto establishmass
A country'sappearancein the data set, educationhad probablybeen presentfor
in otherwords,followsthespreadofthe some decades. But for71 countries,the
principles of sovereigntyand nation- firstrecordedvalue foran enrollment
hood around which our typologyis rate is below 10 percent. This is a
in entryintothe small-enoughfigureto make at least
built.Time differences
thatthesecounplausibletheassumption
data set are extreme.
So much missingdata, and the obvi- trieshad recentlyacquiredthepurposes
ofmasseducation.We
ous relation of missing data to the and arrangements
absence of mass educationitself,poses explore this possibilityby analyzing
methodologicalproblemsfor our later rates at which such countriesentered
analysisoftheexpansionofenrollments the world of mass education and the
this entry.Of course,
and may lead us to overemphasizethe factorsaffecting
universalityof this expansion. It also the data set is far froma reasonable
poses problemsforour analysis of the sample, and the assumptionof recent
earlyoriginsofmass educationin coun- entryis plausible but not certain.But,
tries,since withoutdata reportingthe we submitthattheresultsareinteresting
absence of enrollments,we have no and add to the understandingof the
ofmass schooling.
on transitionsfrom formation
directinformation
Time. In Table 1, we show therateat
no mass educationto some mass educawhen which the countriesin this subset enmanycountries,
tion.Furthermore,
theyfirstenteredthe data set,reported teredthe system(thatis, appearedwith
below 10 percent)
substantial enrollment rates, which reportedenrollments
clearlydevelopedoversubstantialperi- overtime.In each periodtheproportion
for of the available cases that enteredis
all thecorecountries,
ods. Practically
instance,already had high enrollment reported.This itselfis a numberthat
levelsin 1870,whenthedata setbegins. perforcedeclinesovertime,since cases
Manyothercountriesenteredlaterwith thatalreadyenteredare no longeravailable forfurtherentry.The resultsare
levels.
highenrollment
however,our simple and striking.The rate of entry
Fora subsetofcountries,
butroughlyconstantat
ratesindicate was substantial,
data on initialenrollment
low enrollmentlevels, suggestingthat around 10-15 percent per decade, until
we are close to thepointoforiginofthe the post-WorldWar II period. It then
system.This possibilityis strengthenedleapt to a high value (72 percent)-so
by the fact that,as we observe later, high that the available cases were exgrowthwas endemic in the primary
educationsystemsof the world during
Rates of "Entering"Mass Educathe period under study.In an explor- Table 1. tion
forCountries,
by Decadea
atoryway, we can considerinitial relevelsas indicatNumber of
portsoflow enrollment
Countries
ing'a pointoforigin.
An ExploratoryAnalysis of Origins
Year
1880
1890
As was noted earlier, nothing can be 1900
said from our data about the entry of 1910
most countriesinto the world of mass 1920
education. First, 30 countries already 1930
1940
(over 1950
highenrollments
relatively
reported
10 percentof the 5-14 age group) by 1960
1870,includingpracticallyall countries 1970
that are now considered developed. 1980
Percentage
of Countries
(Available
for"Entry")
14
10
11
18
23
13
11
8
72
83
100
71
61
55
49
40
31
27
24
22
6
1
a
Second,81 countriesenteredthedataset
Countries that reported an initial enrollment
onlylater,butwitha firstrecordedrate ratio below 10 percent.
138
World Expansion of Mass Education
haustedquickly,arndno further
informa- Table 2 reportsthe resultsof a set of
tioncan be obtained.
theseanalyses.
There are two obvious explanations First,we includeourtypology
ofpolity
forthe dramaticpost-WorldWarII rise structural
linksto worldmodelsas a set
in the rate. First, the world society ofindependent
variables.Thisanalysisis
changedat about thattime,with mass reportedin the firstcolumnof Table 2.
education becoming a more pressing We omitthedummyvariableforthecatobligationforany nation-state
and with egoryperipheralindependentWestern
a dramaticincrease in the likelihood countries-thecountries
that,overall,enthatany given countrywould be seen, terthesystemmostquickly,so the coefinternally
and externally,
as an actualor ficientsfortheothercategoriesare nega-'
prospectivenation-state(Strang1990). tive in comparison.(Note again thatno
Bothforcesprobablyoperated,withthe core-country
casesentertheanalysis,since
triumphof both liberal and socialist these countriesalreadyhad enrollment
formsof nation-states
thatwere deeply rates above 10 percentand were thus
rooted in mass education over more droppedfromtheanalysis.)
traditionalempiresand withthe rise of
The results show that the type of
themoderninternational
organizational polity linkage greatlyaffectsrates of
system(such as the UnitedNationsand entryinto mass education. The core
UNESCO) emphasizingboththe nation- colonies and dependencies,long-term
stateand mass education.
non-Westernindependents,and core
Second, the foundingof UNESCO, BritishSub-Saharancolonies enter at
with its more efficientdata-gatheringratesbelow-but notfarbelow-those of
system,helps produce our resultas an the peripheral independent Western
because all sortsof countries, countries. The peripheral colonies,
artifact,
includingthosewithlittlemass educa- FrenchSub-Saharancolonies,and espetion, were then more likely to report cially countriesin the far periphery,
data. This effectis undoubtedlyoperat- enterat significantly
lower rates. The
ing,but the resultis so extremethatit dummyvariableforthepost-WorldWar
seemsobviousthata realincreasein the II period shows significant
positiveefformation
of world mass educationoc- fects.Overall,in our typology,
nearness
curred.In all probability,the rise of to thenation-state
systemturnsoutto be
agencieslike UNESCO indicateda real a powerfulpredictorofthisindicatorof
change,ratherthansimplyan improve- theoriginsofmass education.
mentin data collection.In any event, A furtherquestion arises: Beyond
giventheinitialresults,subsequentanal- structural
location,do characteristics
of
yses include a dummyvariableforthe societies themselvesadd much to our
period 1950-80. Entryinto the mass abilityto predictentryintomass educaeducationworld increasedso much at tion? To investigatethis question,we
thispointthata controlfortimeperiod added to the initial analysis available
is obviouslyneeded forfurther
analysis. indicatorsof characteristics
of national
Table 1 shows societies that might be suggestedby
characteristics.
Country
thatforthe 1880-1940 period,the rate
at which countriesenteredthe mass
educationarenavariedwithina surpris- Tuma and Hannan (1984) is used to analyze
conditions affectingthe probabilitythat
inglynarrowrange.We now examine the
"entry" will occur. The dependent variable
characteristics
ofcountriesthataffected is the instantaneous rate at which "entry"
how rapidlythecountrieswentthrough occurs,
this transition.We pursue the analysis
r(t) = lim (dt -* 0) Pr(t, t + dt)ldt
of rates of entrywith simple eventhistorymodels,analyzingthe instanta- where Pr(t, t + dt) is the probability that
neous rateof entryas it was affected
by "entry" occurs between time t and t + dt.
a variety of independent variables.5 The effects of explanatory variables are
modeled in a log-linearframeworkto ensure
nonnegativerates:
5
The event-history
methoddescribedby
r(t) = exp(B* independent variables).
139
Meyer,Ramirez,and Soysal
LOt
.
5
0
X~~~~~~~~~~~~c
DCO
_
___
co
t0~~~~~~c
U'
C. tO. X. 0. 00. 0._
cl
.O~~C~
____
,
cq
co co ( co cs r-aX*
v -
.o .a. .3
X~~~~~~~
X
o
|~~~~~~0
sO N Q C
N
___~~~~~~r
fu
X
LO
eN
NOCD~~~~~~~~~~~O^
Ps
_ i
0 LO
!;
m co;m
vUmmt
Fas
t
cn
t_
t~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~o
8
@
Zmn^v>-:2ausSs
<
X~~~~~~~~~~cl
:zz
140
World Expansion of Mass Education
the- variousnumbersofcases. Case numbers
variousfunctional
(andcompetition)
ories emphasizingthe causal role of expandovertimewiththe entryofnew
propertiesof societies themselves(see countries,many with low enrollment
column 2 of Table 2): urbanization, rates,intothe data set. Betterestimates
racial composition,religiouscomposi- of inclinationstowardgrowthare made
frac- by lookingat thegrowthin enrollments
tion,independence,ethnolinguistic
tionalization,and the existence of a forconstantsets ofcountries.We examnationalrule of compulsoryeducation ined the mean growthin enrollment
(see definitionsand sources presented ratiosforall cases forwhich we have
theperiod.
earlier).Thesevariablesare added to the data,foreach decadethrough
initialanalysisone at a time,giventhe We also examined the percentageof
small size of the case base. The coeffi- countries,duringeach decade, thatexcients of the typologycategoriesvary perienceda growthin the enrollment
little,no matter
whichvariableis added. ratio.The data show thatthe expansion
in mass educationis the
The analyses cannot be directlycom- of enrollments
pared with the initial one, since the generalrule. Overall, more than--twoadditionofsocietalpropertiesresultsin thirdsofthecountriesshowgrowthin a
theloss ofsomecases becauseofmissing typicaldecade,withthe averagegrowth
data.
being about 5 percentof the available
of the societies age group.
Such characteristics
The exceptionsto the patternof geninvolved, over and above our basic
add littleto theexplanationof eral growthturn out to be of little
typology,
entryintomasseducation.The originsof substantiveinterest.Most of themarise
ceiling
mass education,thesespeculativeanal- in cases thatreachedtheeffective
about 70 percentof
ysessuggest,lie morein theorganization ofmass enrollment,
oftheelementsofthenation-state
model the population aged 5-14. We then
in a given territory
than in any direct looked at the growthin enrollments
for
ofthe local those countrieswith ratios below 50
ofthe characteristics
-effects
societyitself.As a finalstep,in the last percentat thebeginningofeach decade,
columnof Table 2, we show the effects along with the proportionsof these
of the societal characteristics
that we countriesthat showed positivegrowth
considered,independentof our polity duringthe decade.
The resultsturnedout to be clear.
Case bases are reducedby the
typology.
lack of available data foreach period, More than 85 percentof the countries
but the resultsare roughlysimilarto withroomforincreasedenrollments
in
thosein theinitialanalyses.The results each decade did, in fact,grow-a result
show thatthesecountrycharacteristics,thatappearsconsistently
the
throughout
meangrowth
by themselves,produce a less satisfac- wholeperiod.Furthermore,
torypredictionof rates of entrythan was substantial.Finally,thereseems to
does thepolitytypologystandingalone. have been a good deal of homogeneity
Again,theresultssuggestthattheimpor- overtimein the overallaveragerateof
tantfactorin the originsofmass educa- growth(ataround5 percentperdecade),
tion is the organizationof the polity withthe striking
exceptionthatgrowth
around the nation-state
principle.This rates increased,startingaround World
principle increasinglytriumphsin an War II. The growthin enrollments
was
increasingly
integrated
and competitive around5 percentperdecadebefore1940
Westernnation-state
and thenmorethandoubledafterWorld
system.
WarII to around12 percentper decade.
The implicationof these data is that
The Expansion of Mass Education
once masseducationbeganin a country,
The overall data on mean enrollment growth
was a worldwideprocessthroughrates for countries in each category out the period,increasingin intensity
suggestthat rates generallyrose through withWorldWar II. We know fromthe
the centuryofthe study.These data are analysisthatmanycountriesbeganthe
of littleuse, and greatlyunderstatethe process late-and thus experiencedno
changes,because theyare computedon growthin the early decades of the
Meyer,Ramirez, and Soysal
141
period.The pointhere is thatonce the witha goodmanyotherphenomena,two
processbeganin a country,
growthwas broad sets of growthmodels may be
likelytobe considerable.Itmaybe noted distinguished(see Meyer et al. 1977).
that the expansion in reportedenroll- Correspondingto the causal image of
mentswas evenmoreimpressivethanit educationspreadinglike a disease from
may firstappear. It occurredagainsta those who have it to the untouched
in which,in mostcountries, population are the familiarS-shaped
background
therewas rapidgrowthin the 5-14 age curvesofdiffusion.
Growthis low at low
groupthatis the main targetformass levels-there are plentyof people to be
education.Thus, despite great expan- educated,but fewto spread education.
sionsin theunderlying
population,rates Growthis low near the ceiling-the
of enrollmentconsistentlyincreased impulse is spread fromthe many edutheperiod.
cated,but thereare fewleftforgrowth.
throughout
Growthin theenroll- Growth is maximal at ratios in the
Modelinggrowth.
ment rate is obviously likely to be middleofthedistribution.
Alternatively,
pointin a one mayimagineeducationas spreading
relatedto a country'sstarting
thereareceiling froma commoninstitutional
givendecade.Certainly,
force-for
that were alreadyat instance,worldmodels,withtheirprineffects-countries
near-fullenrollmentwere unlikelyto ciples of state sovereigntyand nation
educationfurther.
There building-ratherthan fromthe already
expandprimary
are almostcertainlysome flooreffects- educated.In such cases, growthis more
countries with little mass education likelyto be simplyproportionalto the
were likelyto expand enrollmentsless population remainingfor penetration
than those with the institutional
infra- and thusis onlya decliningfunctionof
in place. In short,it is neces- the startingratio. Growthis highestif
structure
sary to see how growth,in a given there is little or no education at the
countryovera decade, is relatedto the startingpoint,decliningto zero among
at theceiling.
starting
point.The issue is ofsubstantive thecases starting
interest,
since different
growthtrajecto- Table 3 shows,foreach decade in our
ries imply different
causal processes. data, the relation of the growth in
But the issue is also a crucialmethodo- enrollmentsto a country'senrollment
toanysubsequentanal- ratioat thestartofthedecade. Countries
logicalprecursor
In are classifiedby theirinitialenrollment
ysis ofthe expansionof enrollments.
models of the effectsof otherindepen- ratio,and foreach groupofcountriesso
dentvariableson laterenrollments,
ear- distinguished,mean growthlevels are
lier enrollments,
witha specificationof reported.Clear-cutpatternsresult.First,
theireffects,
are themostcrucialcontrol forthe decades fromthe 1870s through
variables.
the 1930s,growthtendedto conformto
Witheducationalenrollment
ratios,as the S-curvemodel,suggesting
local difTable 3. Mean Growthin EnrollmentRatios, with CountriesClassified by Initial Enrollment
Ratio
Enrollment
Ratioat StartofDecadea
(0-20)
(21-49)
(50-70)
4 (13)
8 (12)
4 (7)
3 (19)
4 (16)
2 (6)
4 (28)
6 (26)
9 (10)
3 (32)
5 (31)
-.4 (14)
3 (32)
3 (37)
- 3 (12)
7 (40)
4 (39)
4 (16)
5 (14)
6 (20)
3 (14)
8 (12)
9 (21)
5 (15)
11 (37)
13 (37)
4 (31)
11 (29)
10 (45)
3 (49)
13 (12)
13 (50)
2 (61)
a
Cell entriesaremeangrowth.
in
Cases are parentheses.
Period
1870-80
1880-90
1890-1900
1900-10
1910-20
1920-30
1930-40
1940-50
1950-60
1960-70
1970-80
(71+)
4 (4)
5 (6)
2 (8)
2 (11)
- 1 (13)
.7 (12)
- 1 (6)
-7 (5)
- 5 (24)
- 6 (33)
-7 (38)
142
World Expansion of Mass Education
fusion.Thatis, growthwas highesthalf- countriesduringthe past centurywas
wayfromthefloorofzeroto theeffective probably nearer 90 percent than 70
ceilingofaround70 percent.Itwas lower percent. But with the rise of mass
belowandforthosestart- secondaryarrangements(such as the
forthosestarting
ingabovethismiddlerange.
middle, or junior high, school), the
Second, after1940 or 1950, the pattern primaryschoolingcycletendedto stanchanged.To the earlierS-curvepattern dardizearounda shorterperiod,as with
was added a tendencyfor growth'to theAmericandriftfroman eight-year
to
points,sug- a six-yearprimarycycle.
declinewithhigherstarting
gestingthe impact of a strongcentral The importantfindingthatthe mass
forceforeducationalexpansion.Those educationalexpansionprocesschanged
pointsgrew aroundWorldWarII can be investigated
countrieswithlow starting
step.Table 4 reportsresults
much morerapidlyin the laterperiod in a further
thanin theearlierones. Butthird,forall from a series of multiple regression
countriesthatwere some distancefrom analyses of all countries in all the
theeffective
ceiling,growthtendedto be decades pooled together.We exclude
higherduringthe later period. There instancesof countriesat or above an
seemsto havebeen muchless resistance enrollmentratio of 70 percentat the
to,mass educa- beginningofa decade (whichwe taketo
to, or feweralternatives
be theceiling),butotherwiseincludeall
tionalexpansion.
Finally, the data show that growth availablecases. Thus,a givencountryis
indeed diminishedabove an effective likelyto enterthedata set severaltimes.
ceilingofabout 70 percentofthepopu- In fact,thepoolinggivesa datasetof927
lationaged 5-14. This has clearlybeen cases. Growthin theenrollment
ratioin
the twentiethcen- percentages
ofthepopulationaged 5-14
the case throughout
the effect is takenas the dependentvariable.As
tury.In the late 19thcentury,
was less strong.Beforethe rise of the independentvariables,we considerthe
masssecon- twoformulations
oftheenrollment
ofdifferentiated
institutions
startdary schooling,primaryeducation in ing point for the decades that were
somecountrieshad a longercycle,ofup discussed earlier. Leading to the Sto nineyearsinsteadofthemoretypical, curve, we include as an independent
and the more recent,standardof only factorthe initial enrollmentrate (pi)
ceilingthat multipliedbytheeffective
six. As a result,theeffective
ceilirlgminus
was reached in a few more developed this rate (70 -pi). This factorcaptures
Table 4. Multiple Regression Estimates of Growth of PrimaryEnrollment Ratios, Pooled
Panel Model With 10-Year Lags: Models of Effectsof StartingPointa
I
b+
c+
b (1940-80 only)
c (1940-80 only)
Constant
R2
Numberofcases
(countries* timepoints)
a
Coefficient
.007**
(.26)
.067**
(.15)
-
S.E.
.00
.01
-
-
-
-1.55
.92
.08
927
Coefficient
.006**
(.24)
.05*
(.10)
.002
S.E.
.00
.07*
(.16)
-1.71
(.09)
.13
927
S.E.
.00
.02
Coefficient
.007**
(.25)
-
.00
-
_
.02
.115**
(.25)
- .35
.01
.65
.12
-
.72
927
in parentheses.
Standardizedcoefficients
+ b = pl * (70-pl)
c = (70-pl)
wherep1 is the primaryenrollment
ratioat the beginningof a decade and p2 is the primary
enrollment
ratioat theend ofa decade
* p < .05.
**
p <
.001.
Meyer,Ramirez, and Soysal
143
theidea thateducationexpandsintothe models.Thus, we concludethateducathe period
available population at a rate deter- tional expansionthroughout
processoperminedby its local presence.Leadingto reflecteda local diffusion
thesimplemodelofgrowthas occurring atingwith greaterforceas enrollments
froma constantsourceintotheavailable expanded.Added to thisprocessaround
population,oursecondindependentfac- WorldWarII was a worldwidedrivefor
ceilingminus the expansion of educational enrolltoris simplythe effective
the initial rate (70 - pl). Thus, the basic ments into the available population,
levels.
regardlessofpreviousenrollment
model is
The events around World War II
clearly made mass education a more
(1) p2 - pi = a + b(p1)(70-p1)
urgentbusiness. Two slightlydistinct
+ c(70-pl) + error,
causal factorsmay have been involved:
(1) an intensifiedpressureto enact the
at
the
ratio
enrollment
the
is
p2
where
and (2) a
modeleverywhere
end ofa decade and p1 is theratioat the nation-state
beginningofthe decade. In Table 4, we tightenedrelationshipbetweenthe namodeland masseducationas a
estimatethis model forthe entiredata tion-state
set acrossthe whole 1870-1980 period. legitimatedmeans, bolsteredby both
But we also, giventhe earlierempirical humancapitaland politicalmodernizacontemobservationthatthe educationalexpan- tiontheories.Boththesefactors,
sion process changed as of the World porarythinkingin political sociology
War II period,estimatemodels permit- suggests,were enhancedby such variting effectsto differforthe early and ables as the breakdownof the older
empiresin thewarand thehegemonyof
laterperiods:
nationtheliberaland education-focused
state model. The simple analyses of
= a,+ b(pl)(70-pl)
p2-pl
(2)
Table 4 account for notable but still
+ c(70-pl)
relativelymodest proportionsof the
+ d(1940-80 only)
across
variancein growthin enrollments
(pl)(70 -pi)
countriesand decadesoftheperiod.The
+ e(l940-80 only)(70 - pl)
question,now, is how additionalinde+ error.
pendentfactorsmayaccountformoreof
The resultsin Table 4 showthatin the thisvariation.
ofnationalcharaceffects
overall analysis, both the coefficient Independent
in thefield
The mainarguments
the S-curvediffusionprocess teristics.
reflecting
and the coefficientreflectinga world tookit forgrantedthatmass educational
processoperatingwitha simpleceiling expansionis a productof the requireaffectgrowth.In the mentsofsocietyand internalsocial relaeffectsubstantially
that allows for tions.For all sortsof reasons,complex
refined
analysis
more
effectsover time,the S-curve modernsocietiesdemandbettertrained
different
process of diffusionclearly operates and socialized participant members.
aremainlyecotherequirements
throughoutthe whole period. But the Whether
added process reflectingan increased nomic,political,social,or culturalis not
tends
buttheassumption
worldwidedirectimpetusto educational clearlydefined,
expansion, limited only by a ceiling to be thatvariousdimensionsofmodernmainlyafter ization require-and produce expanded
becomes significant
effect,
WorldWarII. In fact,simplyeliminating mass education.It is hardto findindicaand
thisfactorbeforeWorldWarII, as in the torsofvarioussortsofmodernization
final equation in Table 4, lowers the developmentformanycountriesover a
period,but we have meaoverall variance accounted for only a century-long
areas.If
suresin a numberofsubstantive
little.
Furtherexperimentswith the data, generalsocial or culturalmodernization
effectsto differacross more is a mainfactorin expansion,theindicapermitting
refinedperiods than our simple 1940 torswe haveoughttobe adequateenough
breakpoint,suggestedlittleoverallim- to reflectit.
provementin the fit of the regression In Table 5, we examinethe effectsof
WorldExpansionofMass Education
144
that
withtheexpectation
interaction
terms,
theywouldacceleratethemaindiffusion
in this
process.An additivespecification,
context,makes less sense. No independentvariablemaybe expectedtoproduce
an effect
at theceiling,norshoulditsefCoefficient S.E. fectat the floorbe large.For the 1870BasicModel
is simplyby
1940 period,theinteraction
.001 thesingleS-shapedbasic term.
.004**
b (1870-1940)+
(.25)
The results of Table 5, a series of
.923
.271
Constant
obvioustestsofstandardlinesofthought,
.06
R2
279
ofcases
Number
ofthe
are strikingly
negative.The effects
Model
Elaborated
independentvariablesare generallyin.002 significant,
.007**
b(1870-1940)+
and addingthemto thebasic
(.39)
increases
the variance acequation
.000
.000
Urbanizationb
counted for only modestly.Only the
(.03)
Race
effectof nationalindependencereaches
.000
.000
(percentageWhite)b
statisticalsignificance,and that effect
(.10)
lies
in the wrong directionfromthe
.001
- .000
Christianb
(-.03)
predictionsof received theory. This
.001
- .000
Compulsoryb
surprising
findingreflectsthe earlyrise
(- .07)
in such cases as the
of
mass
education
- .003*
.001
Independenceb
BritishCaribbeancoloniesand thePhil(-.22)
.925 ippines. The effectof urbanization-a
.169
Constant
.10
R2
greatmainstayofall versionsoffunction279
Numberofcases
alist theory-is essentiallyzero. The
+ b = pl * (70-pl)
effectof ethnolinguisticfractionalizaratioatthe tion-a directindicatorof the potential
enrollment
wherep1 is theprimary
ofa decade.
beginning
a
towardeduforcesofstatuscompetition
in parentheses.
Standardizedcoefficients
b
with cationalexpansion-is also verysmall.
variablesare interacted
All independent
thetermb.
resultsappearedin earParallelstriking
*p < .05.
lier work on the expansion of enroll** p < .001.
mentsafterWorldWar TI (see Meyeret
al. 1977). But it was assumedthatthey
several independent variables for the simplyreflected
a worldin whichmass
1870-1940 period (the baseline model educationwas so completelytakenfor
forthe later period differs,as shown in grantedas a nationaldesideratumthat
Table 4, requiring a separate analysis). local variationin independentfactors
We considerthe variables definedearlier: retainedlittleeffect.
It was reasonableto
urbanization, religious composition, in- expectthatlocal societalvariationwould
dependence status, racial composition,
effects
earlier.Itis surprisshowstronger
ethnolinguisticfractionalization,and the
variation
does not.
but
local
ing,
presence of a national rule of compulthe
earlier
To
research,we
replicate
sory education. Each variable is entered
the
in
Table
5 forthe
analysis
repeated
into our models ofeducational growthin
Table 5. Multiple RegressionEstimatesof
RaEnrollment
GrowthofPrimary
tios (1870-1940), Pooled Panel
Model With10-YearLags:All SubstantiveIndependentVariablesInteractedwithba
Table 5. The analysis takes the formof 1940-80 period. In this case, since the
the following model, which is a simple baseline model includes two distinct
terms,theanalysiswas carried
elaboration of our basic model for the diffusion
twice:
out
first,with the independent
1870-1940 period:
(3)
p2 - pl = a + b(pl)(70
- pl)
+ c(Ind. Var.)
+ err.
(pl)(70-pl)
The independent variables are added as
variables interactedwith the S-curve
diffusionterm and then, with them
withthe simpleceiling-effect
interacted
term.The resultsare notpresentedhere,
since again the independentvariables
In one analysis,urbanshowfeweffects.
lAgac1'iTrgr
RPom iro,7
rnn
145
.4nvxcnl
ization shows a slightpositive effect, Table 6. Multiple Regression Estimates of
Growthof PrimaryEnrollmentRaand the existenceof a compulsoryedutios (1870-1940), Pooled Panel
cationrule shows a slighteffect(butin
Model with 10-Year Lags: All Indethe "wrong" direction)in one other.6
pendent Dummy Variables InterBut overall,the five independentvariacted with ba
and only
ables show almostno effects,
Coefficient. S.E.
triviallyincreasethevarianceaccounted
for.
Basic Model
.000
.005**
b(1870-1940)+
A decade-by-decadeexaminationof
(.23)
the data to findcases ofthe exceptional
.78
.697
producesclear Constant
expansionofenrollments
R2
.05
illustrationsof why the independent Number of cases
487
variablesdo notoperate.We foundearly ElaboratedModel
in such func- b(l870-1940) +
expansionof enrollments
.001
.007**
(.36)
places as PuertoRico,
tionallysurprising
.001
-.004*
the Philippines,and Barbados-entities Peripheralindependent
(-.23)
Westerncountriesb
outside the orbitof urban or indepen- Core
.001
-.002
colonies
or Whitesociety. and dependencieshb
dentorbureaucratized
(-.12)
.003
-.005
Thesecases suggestedthatourstructural FrenchSub-Saharan
(-.08)
typologyof polity linkages to world coloniesb
.002
-.002
BritishSub-Saharan
modelsmightshow effects.
(-.07)
coloniesb
To explore this possibility,we re- Peripheral coloniesb
.014
-.002
peated the analysis in Table 5 with a
(-.005)
.002
.004
parallel analysis in Table 6, this time Non-Western
(.08)
independentsb
typologyas a
using the polity-linkages
countriesb
set ofindependentvariables(coreis the Core
.78
.518
Constant
omittedcategory).Again,each dummy R2
.09
by Numberofcases
487
variablein thetypologyis interacted
a
our main diffusioneffectforthe 1870Standarderrorsin parentheses.
b
with
1940 period.The resultsof Table 6 are
All independentvariablesare interacted
again surprisinglynegative.The vari- the+ termb.
b = pl * (70-pl).
ance explained in the analysis is nol
ratioatthe
enrollment
wherep1 is theprimary
much greaterthan with the baseline
ofa decade.
beginning
model. And the specific coefficients * p < .05.
** p < .001.
suggestrelativelylittlevariationacross
the categoriesofthe typology.Only the
independentsand thecore
non-Western
countriesbehaveas expected,withpos- the world of mass education,reporting
growthis genitive effectson expansion. The same some level ofenrollment,
floor
and
ceiling efby
eral-modified
analysisrepeatedforthe1940-80 period
by
the
suggested
Neither
properties
fects.
(again, with two formsof interaction
the
catnor
functional
analyses
traditional
termsconsidered)also showsalmostnc
ofpolity
overthebaselinemodel egoriesdevelopedin a typology
enhancedeffects
difmake
much
models
to
world
linkage
in predictingthe expansion of enrolluniversal
move
toward
Countries
ference.
and
the
appears,
ments.Littleofinterest
mass educationat ratesthatvary,butdo
resultsare notshownin thetables.
Thus, overall,the analyses permita not varymuch withthe generalpredicwe have considered.
simpleconclusion:Once countriesentei tivefactors
CONCLUSIONS
6 Studiesof educationalexpansionin the
countriesin the
Overall,we findthat
of
UnitedStatesalso failto show theeffects
old
core were alreadyapproachingunithe passage of compulsoryeducationlaws
mass educationby 1870. Thereafversal
often
laws
Such
(Soltowand Stevens1981).
follow,ratherthanprecede,educationalex- ter,mass educationalsystemsappeared
pansion.
at a rathersteadyratearoundtheworld
146
World Expansion of Mass Education
untilWorldWarII, witha sharpincrease itwas likelyto expandtowarduniversalin therateat thatpoint.The rateofentry ity.Boththeratesofappearanceofmass
into the world of mass education is education and the rates of expansion
affectedlittleby such propertiesof a acceleratedsharplyaround WorldWar
byboththeintensinationalsocietyas urbanization,racial II, probablyaffected
principleand
independence, ficationofthenation-state
orreligiouscomposition,
of mass educaor even the existenceof a compulsory the increasedcentrality
education rule. The rate of entryis tion withinthe model of the national
stronglyaffectedby structurallocation state.
The logicofuniversalmodernschoolin theworldsociety.Countriesthatwere
linked to both elementsof the nation- ingis one thatlinkstheindividualswho
val- are conceivedas makingup themodern
statesystem,withcentralauthority
in or dependence nationwiththeunifiedcollectivethatis
idatedbymembership
by the modernstate.Other
on theworldsocietyand withsomesort represented
present, historicalmodels of polityand society
ofprincipleofnationalformation
were much more likelyto createmass do not carrythis logic or the universal
education systems.What is important socializationsystemthatthe logic imand contraryto some explanatoryim- plies.
ages,theyincludedmanyofthe central
coloniesofthe corepowers.
REFERENCES
The expansion of mass education,
once formed,was endemicthroughout
the period,but rates of expansion in- Anderson,Benedict. 1983. Imagined Commuon theOriginsand Spread
creased after World War II. In the nities:Reflections
of Nationalism. New York: Verso.
Archer,Margaret.1979. The Social Originsof
an S-shaped diffusionpattern,limited Educational Systems. Beverly Hills, CA:
as ifeducaby floorand ceilingeffects,
Sage Publications.
1870-1940 period, expansion followed
tional systemswere growingon a soci. 1983. "Process Without System."
etallyengenderedprocesswithina supEuropeanJournalofSociology24:196-221.
portiveworldcontext.AfterWorldWar Bailyn, Bernard. 1960. Education in the
II, the same process continued,but an
FormingofAmericanSociety.ChapelHill:
added force that applied everywhere Universityof NorthCarolina Press.
(limitedonly by ceilingeffects)gained Banks, Arthur. 1975. Cross-National Timestrength-asif the world societyitself Series Archive. Albany: State Universityof
was playing an immediatelydirective New York Press.
role. While expansionwas endemicin Barnhouse Walters,Pamela, Holly J.McCammon, and David R. James.1990. "Schooling
thesystem,leadingto a modernworldin
or Working?Public Education, Racial Poliwhichalmostuniversalmass education tics,
and the Organization of Production in
appeared,the effectsofparticularprop- 1910." SociologyofEducation63:1-27.
erties of national modernizationor of Barret,David. 1982. WorldChristianEncyclolocationin the world society pedia. Nairobi: OxfordUniversityPress.
structural
were modest.Therewas nationalvaria- Benavot, Aaron, Yun-Kyung Cha, David Kation-in expansion,but it was affected mens, John Meyer, and Suk-Ying Wong.
1991. "Knowledge for the Masses: World
little by the propertiessuggestedby
Models and National Curricula, 1920traditionalfunctionaltheoryor by a
typologyof locationsin the world sys- 1986." AmericanSociologicalReview56:
85-101.
tem.
Mass education spread around the Benavot, Aaron and Phyllis Riddle. 1988.
"National Estimates of the Expansion of
world with the spread of the Western Mass
Education, 1870-1940." Sociology of
system,with its joined principles of Education 61:191-210.
nationalcitizenshipand stateauthority. Bendix, Reinhard. 1964. Nation-Buildingand
As theseprinciplesappearedin a terri- Citizenship.New York: JohnWiley & Sons.
tory,sometimesthroughindependence Berg, Ivar. 1971. Education and Jobs: The
but more oftenthroughcolonialization Great TrainingRobbery.Boston: Beacon
Press.
by core powers, mass education appeared.Once mass educationappeared, Berger, Peter and Thomas Luckman. 1966.
147
Meyer,Ramirez, and Soysal
ofReality.Garden
The Social Construction
City,NY: Doubleday.
Bernstein, Basil. 1973. Class, Codes, and
Control (Vol. 2). London: Routledge &
Kegan Paul.
Boli, John. 1989. New Citizens for a New
in OrganizaIn The New Institutionalism
tional Analysis, edited by Walter Powell
and Paul J.DiMaggio. Chicago: University
of Chicago Press.
Kaestle, Carl F. and Maris Vinovskis. 1980.
Originsof Mass
Society:The Institutional
NineteenthEducationand Social Changeyin
CenturyMassachusetts.Cambridge,En-
tunity,and Social Inequality:Changing
Prospectsin WesternSociety.New York:
and the EighteenthCenturyOrigins of
Schoolingin Prussiaand AusCompulsory
from Calvin to Jules Ferry.Cambridge,
ican JournalofSociology85:978-86.
in The Inventionof Tradition,edited by
tics: The Americasand Australia.Detroit:
gland: Cambridge UniversityPress.
Schooling in Sweden. Oxford: Pergamon
Katznelson, Ira and Margaret Weir. 1985.
Press.
Schoolingfor All: Class, Race, and the
Boli, John,Francisco 0. Ramirez, and John
DeclineoftheDemocraticIdeal. NewYork:
Meyer. 1985. "Explaining the Origins and
Basic Books.
Expansion of Mass Education." ComparaMarshall, T. H. 1948. Class, Citizenship and
tiveEducationReview29:145-70.
Social Development. Garden City, NY:
Boli-Bennett, John and John Meyer, 1978.
Doubleday.
"The Ideology of Childhood and the State:
Rules DistinguishingChildren in National Maynes,MaryJ.1985. Schoolingin Western
Constitutions,1870-1970." American SoEurope. Albany: State University of New
York Press.
ciologicalReview43:797-812.
Boudon, Raymond. 1974. Education, Oppor- Melton, James Van Horn. 1988. Absolutism
tria. Cambridge,England: Cambridge UniversityPress.
Schoolingin CapitalistAmerica.NewYork: Meyer, John. 1980. "The World Polity and
Basic Books.
the Authority of the Nation-State." Pp.
109-38 in Studies of the Modern World
CentralIntelligenceAgency. 1987. The World
System, edited by Albert Bergesen. New
Fact Book. Washington,DC: Author.
York: Academic Press.
Collins, Randall. 1971. "Functional and Conflict Theories of Educational Stratifica- Meyer,John,JohnBoli, and George Thomas.
1987. "Ontology and Rationalization in the
tion." AmericanSociological Review 36:
Western Cultural Account." Pp. 11-38 in
1002-19.
George Thomas, JohnW. Meyer, Francisco
. 1979. The Credential Society: A
HistoricalSociologyofEducationand Strat- 0. Ramirez, and John Boli, eds. Institutional Structure:Constituting
State,Sociification.New York: Academic Press.
ety,and the Individual. NewburyPark,CA:
Colonial Officeof Great Britain. 1890-1940.
Sage Publications.
The ColonialOfficeList.London,England:
Meyer,JohnW., Francisco 0. Ramirez, RichWaterlow & Sons.
ard Rubinson, and JohnBoli-Bennett.1977.
Dreeben, Robert. 1968. On What Is Learned
"The World Educational Revolution,1950in School. Reading, MA: Addison-Wesley.
1970." Sociology of Education 50:242-58.
Fiala, Robertand Audri Lanford. 1987. "Educational Ideology and the World Educa- Meyer,JohnW. and W. Richard Scott. 1983.
Ritual and
OrganizationalEnvironments:
tional Revolution." Comparative EducaRationality.Newbury Park, CA: Sage Pubtion Review 31:315-33.
lications.
Flora, Peter. 1983. State, Economy, and
Society (Vol. 1). Frankfurt:St. JamesPress. Meyer, JohnW., David Tyack, Joane Nagel,
and Audri Gordon. 1979. "Public EducaFuret, Francois and Jacques Ozouf. 1982.
tion as Nation-Buildingin America." AmerLiteracyin France
Reading and Writing:
JohnWiley & Sons.
Bowles, Samuel and Herbert Gintis. 1976.
Mitchell, Brian. 1980. European Historical
England: Cambridge UniversityPress.
Statistics 1750-1975. New York: Columbia
Hage, Jerald, Maurice Garnier, and Bruce
UniversityPress.
Fuller. 1988. "The Active State,Investment
. 1982. InternationalHistorical Statisin Human Capital, and Economic Growth."
tics: Africaand Asia. New York: New York
AmericanSociologicalReview53:824-37.
UniversityPress.
Hobsbawm, Eric. 1983. "Mass-ProducingTra. 1983. InternationalHistorical Statisditions: Europe, 1870-1914." Pp. 263-308
Gale Research Corp.
Eric Hobsbawm and Terence Ranger. Cambridge, England: Cambridge University Mueller, Detlef K., Fritz Ringer, and Brian
Press.
Simon, eds. 1987. The Rise of the Modern
EducationalSystem:Structural
Changeand
Jepperson, Ronald L. 1991. "Institutions,
Social Reproduction,1870-1920. CamInstitutionalEffects,and Institutionalism."
148
World Expansion of Mass Education
bridge, England: Cambridge University Statesman's Yearbook.Various years.London:
Macmillan.
Press.
Olneck, Michael and David Bills. 1980. Stinchcombe, Arthur. 1965. "Social Struc"WhatMakes SammyRun? An Empirical ture and Organizations." Pp. 153-93 in
oftheBowles-Gintis
Correspon- HandbookofOrganizations,
Assessment
editedbyJames
dence." AmericanJournalof Education
March. Chicago: Rand McNally.
89:27-61.
Strang, David. 1990. "From Dependence to
Powell,Walterand Paul J.DiMaggio.1991.
Sovereignty:An Event HistoryAnalysis of
The New Institutionalism
in Organiza- Decolonization, 1870-1987." American Sotional Analysis. Chicago: Universityof
ciologicalReview55:846-60.
ChicagoPress.
Taylor, Charles L. and M. C. Hudson. 1971.
Psacharopoulous,
GeorgeandMaureenWoodWorldHandbook of Political and Social
hall. 1985. Education for Development. Indicators, Vol. 2. Ann Arbor:InteruniverOxford:OxfordUniversity
Press.
sity Consortium for Political Research,
Ramirez,Francisco0. 1989. "Reconstituting Universityof Michigan.
Children:Extensionof Personhoodand Thomas, George, John Meyer, Francisco 0.
Citizenship."Pp. 143-65 in Age Structur- Ramirez, and JohnBoli. 1987. Institutional
ing in ComparativePerspective,
editedby
Structure:
Constituting
State,Society,and
David Kertzerand K. WarnerSchaie.Hillsthe Individual. Newbury Park, CA: Sage
dale,NJ:LawrenceErlbaumAssociates.
Publications.
Ramirez,Francisco0. and JohnBoli. 1987. Tuma, Nancy B. and Michael T. Hannan.
ofMass Educa"The PoliticalConstruction
1984. Social Dynamics:Models and Methtion: European Origins and Worldwide ods. New York: Academic Press.
Institutionalization."
Sociologyof EducaTyack, David, Thomas James, and Aaron
Benavot. 1987. Law and the Shaping of
Public Education. Madison: University of
Wisconsin Press.
UNESCO.
1955-71. World Survey of Educa519-48.
tionHandbooks (Vols. 1-5). Geneva: United
Rubinson,Richard,and JohnRalph. 1986.
Nations.
"MethodologicalIssues in the Study of
. 1987. Statistical Yearbook, Paris:
EducationalChange."Pp. 275-304 in John
United
Nations.
G. Richardson,ed., Handbook of Theory
and Researchforthe Sociologyof Educa- Wilkie, James W. and Adam Perkel, eds.
tion 60:2-17.
Rubinson,Richard.1986. "Class Formation,
Politics,and Institutions:
Schoolingin the
USA." AmericanJournalof Sociology92:
1985. StatisticalAbstractofLatinAmerica
tion.Westpqrt,
CT: GreenwoodPress.
(Vol. 24). Los Angeles: UCLA Latin AmeriSoltow,Lee and EdwardStevens.1981. The
can CenterPublications.
Rise ofLiteracyand theCommonSchoolin
the UnitedStates:A SocioeconomicAnal- World Bank. 1987. World Development Report 1986. Oxford:OxfordUniversityPress.
ysis from 1870. Chicago: Universityof
Zucker, Lynn. 1983. "Organizations as InstiChicagoPress.
Soysal,YaseminNuhogluand David Strang. tutions." Pp. 1-43 in Advances in Organi1989. "Construction
oftheFirstMass Eduzational Theoryand Research, Vol. 2,
edited by Samuel B. Bachrach. Greenwich,
cationSystemsin Nineteenth-century
EuCT: JAIPress.
rope."SociologyofEducation62:277-88.
JohnW. Meyer,Ph.D. is Professor,
Department
ofSociology,StanfordUniversity,
Stanford,
California.His main fields of interestare sociologyof education,organizations,
political
He is currently
conductingcomparativestudiesof the
sociology,and social stratification.
nation-state
and theworldsystemand cross-national
studiesofeducationalorganization.
Francisco 0. Ramirez,Ph.D., is Professor,
Departmentsof Educationand (by courtesy)
His mainfieldsofinterest
Sociology,StanfordUniversity,
Stanford,
California.
are sociology
of education,social change,gender,and political sociology.He is presentlyconducting
comparativestudiesof thepoliticalincorporation
of womenand cross-national
studiesof
educationand development.
YaseminNuhogluSoysal, Ph.D., is AssistantProfessor,
Department
of Sociology,Harvard
University,
Cambridge,Massachusetts.Her main fields of interestare the worldsystem,
political sociology,and comparativeand historicalculture.She is currently
conducting
and cross-national
comparativestudiesofregimes,citizenship,and guestworkers
research
on franchisedevelopment.
Meyer,Ramirez, and Soysal
149
Thisarticleis a revisedversionofa paperpresentedat theannualmeetingsoftheAmerican
EducationalResearchAssociation,San Francisco,March1989. The researchreportedhere
was supportedby GrantSES-8420232fromtheNationalScienceFoundationand byfunds
fromthe StanfordCenterforthe StudyofFamilies,Children,and Youth.The authorsare
in theComparative
indebtedtoa numberoftheircollaborators
EducationProjectat Stanford
fortheirhelp and suggestions,
particularly
forthedata-collection
efforts
ofAaronBenavot
advicefromNancyTuma,and adviceand helpin several
and PhyllisRiddle,methodological
Addressall correspondence
to Professor
areasfromJohnBoli and Mac Ventresca.
Francisco
CA 94305-3096.
0. Ramirez,School ofEducation,StanfordUniversity,
Stanford,
MANUSCRIPTS
FOR THE
TheASAArnold
and CarolineRose Monograph
Series
invites
authorstosubmitmanuscripts
forpublication.
The Serieswelcomesa variety
ofsociologicalwork:
orquantitative
qualitative
empirical
studies,and
ormethodological
theoretical
treatises.Forinformation,
ortosubmit
a manuscript
(fourcopies,please),contact
theEditor,
Professor
TeresaA. Sullivan,Rose Monograph
Series, 436 BurdineHall,Department
ofSociology,
TX78712-1088.
ofTexas atAustin,
University
Austin,