The Question of Comparability as between Educational Systems in Europe
Author(s): Vernon Mallinson
Source: Oxford Review of Education, Vol. 12, No. 2, W. D. Halls: A Tribute (1986), pp. 117-124
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OxfordReview of Education, Vol. 12, No. 2, 1986
117
The Question of Comparability as between
Educational Systems in Europe
VERNON MALLINSON
It was as long ago as 1872 that the Belgian educationalhistorian,Leon Lebon, found it
necessary to remind his reader that:
The true history of any people is that of its instruction. No study is more
worthy of interest and none more fruitful as regards the useful lessons it
teaches us. By itself, such a study offers a key to all that has taken place. It
reveals to us at one and the same time both the consequences and the
premises. Educationalestablishments,which are the fruit of both civilisation
and progress, have their part to play in every variation of the total social
scene. Public opinion, moral attitudes, religious institutions, the political
situation-all these determine the importance of the school system which, in
its turn, rejuvenatesthem.
To look at the matter from still another angle, we can say that each and every
society must demand from its members a certain basic cultural knowledge, the
acquisition of clearly defined skills, and the observation of appropriate behaviour
patterns. None of these can be allowed to be optional. And the school itself is called
upon to play the important role of enforcing the group will which itself is a
manifestation of those forces of cultural continuity which determine the social
behaviour of a nation as a whole. Thus, each separate nation-state has its own clearly
defined cultural imperatives, and each seeks through its educational programmes to
ensure both their enforcement and, accordingto changingcircumstances,their renewal
and revitalisation. It needs also to be borne in mind that there are imperativescommon
to the whole nation and others, no less important, that can in their application be
termed 'regional' and vary in importance and emphasis according to the family
background of a given pupil, according to geographical location, according to vocational ambition, according to changed economic circumstances.
These several 'regional' factors can best be illustrated by reference to the life and
life-style of the distinguished French Catholic philosopher, Gustave Thibon
). "No man", said T. S. Eliot, "may ever escape the culture the family
(1903imposes upon him". And indeed, Thibon's entire way of life and thinking turns on this.
The last in the line of generations of peasant farmers in the Dordogne, it was
inconceivable that he should do other than leave school as early as possible to work on
the family concern. Yet he was an outstandingly bright child who, from an urban
environment, would have automatically proceeded via the lycee to acquire the highest
possible academic distinctions. But he was of peasant stock. He was vowed to the land.
He attended his local village school where he obtained at the early age of 12 his
elementary school leaving certificate and so was enabled to enter at once the world of
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118 OxfordReview of Education
work. But the highly competent and willing farmer's boy had acquired a thirst for
knowledge. The local cure initiated him to the mysteries of Greek and Latin. A
member of the gentry gave the young Gustave the run of his richly stocked library.
The autodidact was on his way. His first published work (La Science du Caractere)
appearedin 1934, and book after book has followed down to the present-all from the
pen of a highly successful Dordogne farmer.
When I once asked him did he not feel somewhat aggrievedthat he had been denied
a formal academic education he seemed genuinely puzzled. "Why aggrieved?" he
queried. "It was only right and proper that I should follow the family line. All the rest
was my hobby with which I filled my ample leisure time." Regional imperatives
decided for him where his future lay, whilst the cultural imperativein general gave him
(via his village school) a firm grasp of the niceties of the French language, an ability to
handle that language with ease and elegance, a thorough understandingof the history
and geographyof his native country, a Cartesian approachto the solution of the many
problems which would present themselves, an abiding love for things French and for
the French way of doing things-all, as I have said elsewhere, ad maioremFrancorum
gloriam.
Education, however, is far removed from having as its chief aim the individual and
his interests. It is above all the means by which society constantly renews the
conditions of its own existence. Education is the transmission from one generation to
another of acquired experiences, and what is transmitted within an organised society
with a history is not individual experience but the cumulative experiences of past
generations which become enshrinedin its traditions,folk-lore, customs, literature,and
so on. These crystallise aroundand mirrorthe basic concept of the place of man in this
universe that a given society has developed and now cherishes. To be effective, an
educational system must closely reflect the ethos of those it is called upon to serve. To
know what we want from education we must know what we want in general. Our
theories about education must be derived from our philosophy of life. And so it is that
the real nature of a system of education, and its marked differences from others, can
only properly be understood when the concept of MAN underlying it is analysed and
examined.
Yet the social history of a people, allied to national ideals (the cultural totality of the
group), is much more significant in determining the nature of the schools than the
acceptance of any creed or philosophy. Ultimately, each country's educational system
has to be seen as having its present characterbecause (a) it has been conditioned to
develop in a certain manner and along certain clearly defined lines, and (b) it has had
to make the effort to correspond with and adjust itself to the social realities of the
times. Putting it still another way, we must concede that every educational system
worth the name has to have a value system compound of two essential elements: first
there are the unalterable basic features which distinguish it from all other systems
-and if these basic features for one reason or another disappear, then so does the
whole system; secondly, there must be in-built mechanismsfor the change of non-basic
features-and if such mechanisms do not exist, then the system becomes incapable of
adapting itself to change and will tend to stagnate and finally disappear.Or, as I have
argued in earlier writings, an education must be deemed unsuitable unless conceived in
terms of the world as it nowadays exists. It is definitely not suitable when given in
terms of a world which has ceased to exist or to which the people cannot or will not
belong. In education there must co-exist AIMS and PURPOSE, never at variance with
one another. Purpose remains relatively constant, whilst aims must change from
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Comparabilityof European Educational Systems 119
generation to generation and so re-vivify purpose. Indeed, if we turn to a scrutiny of
how the various countries of Europe have faced up to the post-war problem of
granting equality of opportunity and so elaborating some scheme of comprehensive
education, we clearly see how each individual system still evolves in terms of the
basics-of that constant purpose in education. The aim has become to introduce
comprehensive schooling in some form or another, but that aim is tailored to fit in as
neatly as possible with over-riding purpose.
There can be found no better example of how all this works out in practice than in
France where, whilst speaking of the democratisationde l'enseignement,they are at all
times careful to filter out the elite considered necessary if not vital to the well-being of
the country as a whole. Some fifteen years ago I was invited to a small mining town in
the north-east of France to visit its purpose-built college d'enseignementsecondaire,in
theory comprehensive for all post-primarypupils for at least four years (ages 11-15).
The Socialist mayor gave me a warm welcome and proudly introduced me to the
school's headmasterwho, far from being an agrege,had previously been head of an oldfashioned ecole primaire superieure.It was his proud boast that he had at least four
agregeson his staff. It soon became clear that he went in awe of this august body of
men (there were no women agregeesalthough the school was mixed) and they in turn
were a law to themselves, teaching only the potential academic high-fliers.
The college was V-shaped in build, the arms of the V opening on to the access road.
It was severely cut off from any possible fraternisationwith the next-door lycee by a
tall metal fence. Pupils entering the college had already been classified from their
primary schools as academically-minded,just average and below average. Average and
below average pupils were housed in classrooms located in the arm of the V more
remote from the lycee fence. In theory it was always possible for a pupil who had been
dubbed non-academic to transfer from his arm of the V to the academic arm by
proving his worth as a late-developer. In practice, this rarely happened, if at all, but
there was a constant flow in the other direction. All pupils in the collegecame together
for joint lessons in rooms situated at the base of the V-lessons in music, gymnastics,
metal and woodwork, domestic science-and, of course, they ate together in the
refectory which was also situated in that area. I spent most of my time talking to the
academic rejects, and found no evidence that they felt in any way 'rejected'.They had
a different furrow to plough and that was all there was to it. Boys and girls alike
looked forwardto becoming early wage-earnersand following in the footsteps of their
parents, albeit at a more sophisticated level and with appropriatechances for promotion and higher awards.
Given all this, it should now be clear that in studying other systems of education all
we can realistically hope for is to note how other countries are tackling problems not
dissimilar from our own, and so gain a greater awareness of the problems themselves.
We become more acutely conscious of how many-sided these problems can be. There
is a dawning sense of how inadequately (or vice versa) we are tackling our own
particular problems in comparison with what another country is attempting to do.
There comes the clear conviction that where a country would appear to be more
successful than another in solving a common problem, that success is due to a realistic
approachbased on the genuine aspirationsof the people as opposed to the idealism of
planners. Or, as one Belgian educationalist recently put it: "in matters of reform,
would you have your reforms in some measure successful, then you must begin with
the people as they are and not as you would wish them ultimately to be".
All that we can really bring away from a study of other systems of education to be
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120 OxfordReview of Education
put to practical use is a proper understandingof the working of cultural imperatives
and how they must always influence any attempt to solve a particularproblem. If the
problem be common to several countries, then the attempted solution will differ from
country to country accordingto pressuresexerted by these cultural imperatives.It thus
becomes impossible to answer the sort of question so frequently put by those who have
little or no knowledge of the comparativestudy of education: which is the best system
of education? Or indeed to deal adequately with the question Sir Keith Joseph
allegedly recently put to his own civil servants:"Do they do it better abroad?I suspect
they do!" All we can ever say is that country A has come closer to realising its avowed
objectives than country B, and give some sort of explanation why. When this has been
done it usually will be found that this relative success stems from a healthy tradition
which we can best define as being the constant adjustmentof experiences of the past to
meet the changing needs of the present.
Some attempt should now be made to off-set all this against what are to be seen as
the general trends and common problems throughoutEurope in dealing with necessary
reforms in education. All stems, of course, from what Jean Capelle has aptly termed
the 'triple explosion' in knowledge, in population, and in aspirations.Every European
country has had to revise curricula in schools to cope with extended knowledge. The
school leaving age has again and again had to be raised. Provision has had to be made
for both continuing and recurrent education. The aspirations of a rapidly growing
population (including immigrant workers) had to be heeded. The vexing problems of
(usually) run-down inner city areas are still calling for sensible solution. Over all there
is the attempt to realise as nearly as possible the dream of equality of educational
opportunity. For dream it is, and dream it must remainunless more radical approaches
are made at national levels-an important point that Bill Halls himself has stressed
again and again in recent articles (together with revealing statistics) which call for the
closest attention.
Not surprisingly,it was to the USA as the great, new and much vaunted democracy
that Europe first looked for guidance as to how best to re-shape its school systems and
decided that 'comprehensivisation'in some form or another had to be the answer. In
too many cases, however, a number of nation states (including England and Wales)
fell into the error of assuming that what the USA could do, so might they. Yet once
again they neglected to observe that 'transplantation' can never succeed. They
neglected the important role played by the cultural imperatives. They failed also to
grasp how different social systems and differing systems of administration must
produce differing school patterns. They finally took little heed of the fact that, whilst
they were steadily moving towards the American pattern, Americans themselves were
becoming disillusioned with what they had created.
For the American comprehensive school, originally designed to meet the requirements of relatively isolated communities of the Middle West, was soon discovered not
to be properly functioning in large urban areas.As long ago as 1971, when I last taught
Summer School at the University of Missouri, Senior High School pupils of promise
(and usually at about 16 years of age) were regularlybeing enrolled alongside mature
students in their middle twenties to attend such courses as would stretch their abilities
to the utmost. And the courses they attended were usually in mathematics, physics,
chemistry, biology. In turn, the primary schools were regularlyopening their doors on
Saturday mornings to welcome back their most promising elements for intensive
preparationfor a secondaryschool career at the most rigorousacademic level, and they
even in some cases instituted their own form of Summer School-all of which
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Comparabilityof European Educational Systems 121
naturally flattered parents anxious to have a bright child recognised as such in good
time.
In the urban areas themselves there arose the problem of 'neighbourhood'schools
which led a parent ambitious for his child's education to remove to anotherpart of the
city so that the child in question might legally attend a school whose reputation stood
much higher than the one he would otherwise have had to attend. How this can work
out in practice may best be illustrated again from Columbia (Missouri). University
teaching staff seek to live as conveniently close to the campus as possible, thus creating
their own special 'neighbourhood' needing appropriate schools for their children.
Teachers of first-rate ability are easily recruited to these schools at both the primary
and secondary levels, and a certain number of these teachers are regularlyemployed by
the University School of Education for demonstrationlessons and the like. The High
School of the neighbourhoodnaturallyoffers a large range of highly academic subjects,
including Latin and Greek which are to be found nowhere else in the city. Parents in
Columbia who are ambitious for their children and who are unable to remove into the
catchment area of the 'university' High School take advantage of a clause in the local
legislation which permits a parent to send his child to a High School where a subject is
taught which is not on offer in the school of his own catchment area, and which the
parent insists the child has to learn.
What holds for Columbia (Missouri) has clearly been taking place throughout the
whole of the USA and it should in passing be carefully noted that in England similar
problems are already manifest in large urban areas. It has at all times to be
rememberedthat administratorsmay legislate but that education in the abstract(about
which they so often legislate) itself can have no aims:it is the people who do-parents,
teachers and the public at large-and ultimately they will have what they consider
needful. And so it is that, since 1973 in the USA, the idea of streaming or of
homogeneous grouping has become increasingly popular particularly in urban areas.
There can equally be special elective programmes for optional in-depth treatment.
Further developments have led to the creation of what have been dubbed 'magnet'
schools, each with its own clear identity and so geared to specialisation in a given
direction and a special interest in preparingpupils for work along lines connected with
the given specialisation.
As for the USSR, the Russians have been in full retreat from a fully comprehensive
system since the 1960s and, as the idea of 'socialist competition' has graduallybecome
more acceptable, so have different types of schools been opened for different elites
with selection for such schools sometimes starting as early as seven. True, the ultimate
goal in the USSR is held to be the truly classless society, but since this is so it becomes
the duty, during this important interim period, of each and every Russian to equip
himself, according to aptitude and ability, to help his country move towards that goal.
Thus, education theory stresses the importance of the individual (within the framework of the totalitarian State), insists on the possibilities for greatness that reside in
the ordinary man, and urges the release of those creative forces which reside in all
human beings and which alone can bring them to the highest peak of human
achievement. Talent, it is claimed, is specific and concrete and reveals itself through
activity. If it does not force itself forward it must diligently be sought out.
Apart from schools for music, the arts, and a notable circus school, high amongst the
selective schools in the USSR must rank the four university boarding schools situated
in four principal cities and open to gifted children from rural areas only. Entry is
competitive and based on success at an examinationin maths and physics as covered in
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122 OxfordReview of Education
the eight-year school. Successful candidates follow a two-year complete secondary
school course which leads to the Maturity Examinationat which they are expected to
distinguish themselves sufficiently to pass directly into the university rather than
undergo a two-year stint of work experience that about 80% of those sitting the
Maturity examination will have to endure. Numerous other schools are allowed to
develop a particular bias towards the teaching of mathematics and languages from
Grade Two onwards, but are required to recruit from their immediate catchment area
before awardingplaces on a wider basis. In short, every attempt is now being made to
seek out various types of gifted and promisingchildren for later service at many levels
to the State.
The approachto the idea of comprehensive schooling in Western Europe generally
differs markedly from that in either the USA or the USSR. The attempt to produce
elites of different kinds has always been firmly kept in view and any changes effected
have carefully built on the healthy traditions of the past and so taken full note of the
cultural imperatives. In Belgium, however, the situation would appear to be much
more volatile than in France. Ministerial pronouncements in Belgium declare that,
whilst the new structure to secondary education (education renovee) is developing and
expanding gradually, the conventional structure still applies in a number of schools.
What this means in practice is that the two Ministries (Dutch-speaking and Frenchspeaking) have not dared issue a Diktat to compel all to conform to the idea of
education renovee. Indeed, as late as the autumn of 1985 I was confronted by several
groups of highly vociferous parents in various parts of the country who were firmly
against the 'new structure' and bitterly complainingthat the Ministries were seeking to
foist idealistic concepts they in their ivory towers had dreamed up on an unwilling
public! Was it not Julius Caesar who all those centuries ago maintainedthat Fortissimi
sunt Belgae? Those who try to ignore the basic imperatives must always watch their
step.
In France, of course, matters are organiseddifferently. It will be rememberedthat in
creating the new college d'enseignementsecondairethe pundits held that pupils leaving
the primary school to enter the college could be classified as academically-minded
(some 39%), just average (36%), and below average (some 25%). Alarm is currently
being expressed that this balance has been seriously upset and the blame has been laid
firmly on the shoulders of the progressivists who, it is claimed, have for far too long
held sway in the primaryschools and been turning out pupils who can neither spell nor
add up, and who know little or nothing about French history and geography. By
ministerial decree all that must now change. In future, traininghas to be given in both
spoken and written French (with an emphasis on spelling) and mathematics must
return to the basics of simple addition, subtraction,multiplicationand division. Simple
science will be compulsory.And history proper is back with restored emphasis on dates
and events. Once again the cultural imperatives take over and there is a return to the
strict old disciplines for which France has been famous-a return to the idea of ad
maiorem Francorumgloriam.
When we consider the German Federal Republic, we have to note that West
Germans have never made the mistake of adopting the comprehensiveprinciple in toto.
Post-war reconstruction has been based on the separate identity of each of the eleven
Ldnder which comprise the whole, and the age-old principle of allegiance to one's
Land predominates. Each Land has its own Ministry of Education, and over-all
consensus on matters educational is secured by regularmeetings of the eleven separate
Ministers of Education. Thus, while West Berlin opts for a comprehensive system
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Comparability
of European Educational
Systems
123
based on the original Einheitsschule,and Hamburg and Hessen have clearly moved
towards comprehensivisation,other Linder may be said still to favour a division after
compulsory primary education (the Grundschule) into three streams: the classical
academic type of education as given in the prestigious Gymnasium and leading to
university entrance via the awards of Abitur I and II; the Realschulewhich has proved
to be one of the most successful ventures of post-war Germany and which has also
proved popular with parents who shied away from the long and demanding Gymnasium courses; the Hauptschule which largely remains the school for the culturally
undemanding and for the socially low-placed sections of the community. After six
years at a Realschulea pupil can obtain the final leaving certificate leading to a job in
industry or administration,and these flourishing technical schools (for that is what
basically they are) have with reason long been regardedas a majorfactor in the Federal
Republic's economic success. The Hauptschulepreparesa pupil neither for apprenticeship nor for working life, though at the leaving age of sixteen a certificate is awardedto
the most capable whilst the best may prolong their courses to obtain the equivalent of
the Realschule leaving certificate.
It should finally be noted that the so-called Structural Plan (Strukturplan) of 1970
recommends an orientation phase after four years of the Grundschuleof about two
years (as in Belgium) to be followed by a common basic curriculum for the first two
years of secondary education (albeit with streaming and setting as proves necessary)
and specialisation in the next two. Between the ages of 16 and 19 would follow
specialisation according to a student's proven interests and ability. There is equally
some consideration of the possibilities of amalgamatingGymnasiumwith technical and
commercial courses so as to form a more genuine upper comprehensiveestablishment.
But will such thinking ever fully materialise?
That Western Germany has now got the right mix is the belief of Fred Naylor who
was for six years headmasterof a flourishing technical school in Bath. That school was
swallowed up in the comprehensive movement. He has now published his 'I Accuse', a
document in which he argues that comprehensivisationshould stop and that government and industry should together set up a new type of experimental technical school
to try to emulate what has been going on for so long in Western Germany. He believes
that the Germans have got it right for their own country and would have us attempt to
do the same in termsof our own culture. He produces telling facts and figures to show
that, whilst 30% of German 16-year-olds manage to get the equivalent of four 'core'
'O' Level passes, the figure for England and Wales is a mere 12%,and that even the
pupil from the Hauptschule can be said at the age of 16 to be two years ahead of his
English counterpartin mathematics!
In this essay I have concentratedon comprehensivisationnot only because it is the
burning issue of the moment everywherein Europe but also because much else besides
is involved. The administration of education, which in detail differs greatly from
country to country, plays an importantpart in deciding how comprehensivethe schools
shall be, and the administration itself is determined by the cultural imperatives.
Indeed, how can one ever meaningfully compare the autonomy of the German Land
with that of an LEA in England and Wales, or with provincial and communal
autonomy in Belgium? How can you compare centralisation of educational effort in
France with that in the USSR, local responsibilityin the USA with that in England and
Wales? A country ultimately gets the educational system it deserves, and this is not
necessarily the one ideally it would seek.
Once the administratorshave opted for some form of comprehensiveeducation then
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124 OxfordReview of Education
the structure of the curriculumimmediately becomes involved. The responsibilities of
the inspectorate take on a new significance. The education of teachers, both old and
new, becomes of paramountimportance.As to how generally to define 'comprehensivisation', the brief answer is that you cannot, since it must imply a different approachin
different countries. What I have tried to show in this paper are some of the causes of
the differences in approach which exist. If, however, we look to the causes of
differences between Englandand Wales and the rest of Europe, one of the chief ones is
that the European,by and large, believes in education as such to an extent unparalleled
with us. The rest of Europe also tries clearly to distinguishbetween what it would call
'instruction' and 'education'. Instruction is primarily the job of the teacher (though
from good instruction education is bound to result) whilst education is a parent's
responsibility involving him in the total educative process in a manner in which the
average Englishmanwould not wish to be involved.
I was recently invited to write an essay for a respectable educational journal under
the general title of The EuropeanIdeal in Education and therein to consider how Great
Britain would be affected if the EEC were to insist on general harmonisationof school
policies. I had to refuse. The project was a non-starter in that, were the EEC to be so
foolish, it could only lead to acrimony and the probable withdrawal of Great Britain
from the EEC. For here we stand clearly aloof from the general European insistence
that the entire schools programmesshould be based upon a kind of culturegeneralede
base, the aim being to equip even the early leaver with a minimum of social and
economic skills to be able to function effectively in this increasingly complex society
of ours.
When I once asked colleagues abroad what they understood by the phrase culture
generale de base, they pointed out that education at all levels should provide this and
finally defined such an education as one which enables a person to come to play a full
and constructive part in democratic living. They stressed that the basis for such a goal
must first of all be to equip a child to earn his daily bread and butter. Anyone who
becomes a drag on society, they argued,through living an aimless life, and who feels he
has been cheated in life can never actively contribute to the common good and has
therefore not been properly educated. Give a youngster the means for obtaining a
satisfying job, of keeping it, of progressing in it, and you have given him his basic
cultural background.Note that there is never any narrow vocational intent in all this.
How do we in Great Britain match up?
To sum up, we need to make meaningful comparisons between one country and
another, but we need to compare rightly-and for this we need real depth of
understanding of what cultural imperatives are at work, why, and with what result.
The job of the comparativistis to seek out rigorouslythat understanding,to propagate
his findings as best he can, but never arrogantlyto assume that he has ever got a final
definitive answer. All the time he is groping and feeling his way. In terms of his
findings he can and should advise the planners. And the best advice he can ever give
them is constantly to remind them that they can only succeed in their proposed
reforms in proportion as they bow to the dictates of the cultural imperatives. In other
words, the study of comparative education can never become a special discipline but
must remain in the guise of a 'hand-maiden'. Is it because of this that too many
comparativists become obsessed with methodology? Did not Friedrich Schneider as
long ago as 1966 remind us that "we have had enough discussion and differentiation of
methods in comparative education... Enough time has been spent choosing and
sharpeningthe knives. Now is the time for cutting"?
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