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CHAPTER
03
Social welfare in a democratic
society
Learning outcomes
After you have read this chapter you should be able to:
Describe the new context within which social welfare is located
Discuss the South African conception of developmental social welfare with reference to social rights,
the inter-relationship between economic and social development, democracy and participation,
social development partnerships and bridging the micro-macro divide in intervention
Discuss the institutionalisation of developmental social welfare in relation to the structure and
functions of government, legislation and financial and fiscal arrangements
Reflect critically on the achievements and challenges of social welfare in a democratic society.
3
.1
Dismantling the old and constructing the new
After the unbanning of political organisations in 1990, the parties embarked on a protracted and
difficult process of constitutional negotiations, which culminated in the adoption of the interim
Constitution known as The Constitution of the Republic of South Africa (Act No. 200) of 1993. The
constitutional negotiations took place against the backdrop of escalating and unprecedented levels
of violence in the country as political parties struggled to reach compromises on the nature and
direction of a new democratic nation. That such compromises could be reached and a relatively
peaceful transition to democracy achieved after the injustices of the past remains a phenomenal
achievement. The South African example of achieving a democracy through negotiations is highly
regarded internationally as a model of what is possible in a conflict-ridden and divided world.
3.1.1 The Constitution
The 1993 Constitution laid the foundation of the new society and paved the way for the first
democratic elections held in April 1994, which resulted in an electoral victory for the African
National Congress (ANC). The new democratically elected government led by former President
Nelson Mandela was inaugurated on 27th April 1994 and a Government of National Unity was
formed by the ANC, the National Party (NP) and the Inkatha Freedom Party (IFP). The promotion of
national unity and reconciliation was one of the distinguishing features of the Mandela government.
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The post-1994 period saw the formation of a Constituent Assembly made up of all political parties
and, after a nationwide consultative process, The Constitution of the Republic of South Africa, 1996
was adopted (this is also referred to as the final Constitution).
The Constitution in its founding provisions recognises a common South African citizenship,
universal adult suffrage, a multiparty democracy, a free press and judicial review of government and
legislation to ensure that government operates within the framework of the Constitution and a Bill
of Rights. The Bill of Rights guarantees civil and political rights, language and cultural rights, the
right to social security, children’s rights and social and economic rights of all citizens. The
Constitution followed the lead of international human rights instruments, which informed many of
the demands of opposition movements for a just, democratic and peaceful society committed to
human rights. Some of the international instruments that were particularly pertinent to
constitution-making in South Africa were the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (1948); the
European Convention on Human Rights (1950), The United Nations Educational, Scientific, and
Cultural Organisation (UNESCO) Convention against Discrimination in Education (1960), United
Nations Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (1966), the Convention on the
Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination against Women (1979), the African Charter on
Human and People’s Rights (1981), the Convention on the Rights of the Child (1989), and the
United Nations World Declaration on Education for All (1990).
Provision was made for a Constitutional Court to protect and interpret the Constitution and for
judicial review. Other independent institutions were created to promote human rights and gender
equality and an Independent Electoral Commission was set up.
The Constitution also made provision for a move to a federal structure of governance. Schedule 6
of the Constitution sets out the areas of governmental responsibility for services. Schedule 4
outlines concurrent responsibilities between national and provincial governments for social service
delivery such as health, education and social welfare. These provisions provide for a complex
system of service delivery, which is discussed further in this chapter.
3.1.2 The Reconstruction and Development Programme (RDP)
The Reconstruction and Development Programme (RDP), the political programme of the ANC, was
adopted by the new democratic government. The White Paper on Reconstruction and Development
(1994) set out the government’s strategy for transformation which included five key policy
objectives: the provision of basic needs, developing human resources, building the economy, the
democratisation of the state and society and the implementation of the RDP. The RDP advocated
the idea of developmental social welfare and set out preliminary proposals, which were widely
supported by the social welfare sector. It also paved the way for the further development of social
welfare policy in South Africa (Sewpaul 1997; Triegaardt 1996).
A special Cabinet Committee on the RDP, co-ordinated by the Minister without Portfolio, was
responsible for RDP policies and programmes, co-operation, funding, change management and
monitoring and evaluation of programmes. Key projects were identified, and targets were set for
these projects in health, primary school nutrition, land reform and restitution, housing,
infrastructure development, small and medium enterprise development and public works
programmes to create employment. An RDP fund was established and R2,5 billion was allocated in
1994/1995. The funds came from savings that were affected by government departments. The fund
was intended to grow and was to be supplemented by international donor funds. In addition,
government departments were required to effect savings within their existing budgets, to
reprioritise their programmes in line with the RDP and to fund new priorities from savings.
The targets for many of the programmes were extremely ambitious given the inadequate
institutional delivery systems, lack of capacity in government, limited funding, an over-loaded
transformation agenda coupled with the simultaneous restructuring of the public sector and high
expectations of the new government to deliver on its promises. These realities and constraints
impacted on the successful roll-out of RDP programmes within the short time frames that were set.
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In addition, the RDP was to be implemented through government departments whilst the RDP
office was to play a facilitating and co-ordinating role and ensure the effective management of the
transformation process. Government departments were required to develop transformation policies
and plans which would constitute one of the main vehicles for the transformation of government
programmes.
This was an extremely complex endeavour given the way in which government administration
and Ministries were organised and given their accountability to the executive and Parliament.
Competition between the RDP office and Ministries and departments ensued, coupled with the
complex political dynamics of operating within a coalition government. The inability of the RDP to
meet its targets also led to waning public confidence. This situation, coupled with political and
public management difficulties, eventually resulted in the closure of the RDP Ministry and office in
1997. In future, the RDP was to be mainstreamed through government departments led by Ministers
responsible for their portfolios and the government reaffirmed its commitment to the policy
framework and intentions of the RDP. The RDP achieved great visibility for government’s social
goals and it was widely supported as the beacon of what the government sought to achieve. In the
years following the closure of the RDP Ministry and office, the government’s commitment to its
social goals was constantly questioned.
3.1.3 Growth, employment and redistribution
The closure of the RDP coincided with the subsequent adoption in 1996 of the government’s
macroeconomic policy – the Growth, Employment and Redistribution (GEAR) policy. The GEAR
strategy was intended to stabilise the economy and to integrate the economy into the regional and
global economic system. GEAR has been described as a voluntary structural adjustment
programme that embraced economic liberalisation and led to the opening of the economy to
foreign investment and competition (Mhone and Edigheji 2003). The strategy aimed to generate an
economic growth rate of six per cent, employment through a market-based approach, the reduction
of inflation and the budget deficit, and to contain fiscal expenditure and achieve a macroeconomic
balance. The government argued that this was necessary given the long-term structural economic
crisis that faced the South African economy, international isolation of the economy, the need to
restructure the economy and to promote investor confidence.
Critics on the left argued that GEAR represented a shift away from the government’s
commitment to its social goals and that the government embraced a neo-liberal paradigm in
response to pressures from big business and economic globalisation (Sewpaul 2001; Bond 2000).
Critics cautioned against shifting responsibility for social welfare from government to individuals,
families and the private sector, and resulted in the abrogation of state responsibility for meeting
needs. It was also argued that the intractable problems of poverty, inequality, unemployment and
large-scale social disintegration in the society could not be adequately addressed because of the
tension between GEAR and the RDP in the post-apartheid period between 1996 and 2004 (Mhone
and Edigheji 2003).
The challenge remains to promote equitable and sustainable human development that is
inclusive and that addresses the twin challenges of the country’s apartheid past, and the demands
of an industrialising society and an emerging economy and democracy in the global era.
3
.2
Establishing a developmental path for social welfare
It is against this background that the Ministry for Social Welfare and Population Development was
established in 1994 and welfare policy and strategy was developed and implemented. For the first
time in South Africa’s history a separate Ministry for social welfare was created, as social welfare
was historically part of the health portfolio. This was viewed positively as reflecting the
government’s commitment to the promotion of social well-being, poverty reduction and support for
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the most vulnerable. The social welfare sector welcomed this initiative but grave concerns were
expressed when the Mandela government appointed a National Party Minister, Abie Williams, to
head the welfare portfolio. At provincial level, Members of the Executive Councils (MECs) were
responsible for the social welfare function or combined social welfare with other functions such as
health, sport and recreation and culture. Two of the MECs were National Party representatives, one
was from the Inkatha Freedom Party (IFP) and the remaining MECs were ANC representatives in
the provincial governments. The Government of National Unity (GNU) was created to build
national consensus and to include diverse political perspectives in the leadership and management
of the new social welfare portfolios. Since the provincial governments had concurrent powers with
the national government for social welfare, there was political contestation between them about
their respective powers and functions and the political direction of the welfare portfolio. In the early
years of the GNU, political leaders struggled to find a way forward because of their different
perspectives on social welfare.
Restructuring and Transformation Committees were established at provincial level in 1994. The
members of these committees were appointed by the MECs and consisted of specialists and
practitioners from the voluntary sector, government and academia. Most of the restructuring
committees conducted situation analyses of the welfare function and social security and made
recommendations on the strategy, functions and new structures of social welfare departments in
the provinces. New senior management teams were appointed in keeping with the provisions of
Chapter 8 Special of the Interim Constitution of 1993 to create a representative public service. A key
challenge that the restructuring committees and the new leadership addressed was rationalising
and amalgamating the different racially-based administrations from 14 down to 9 provincial
departments and one national department. The amalgamation of the different social security
systems occurred.
3.2.1 The White Paper for Social welfare
3.2.1.1 The White Paper process
Whilst the pace of change in the provinces progressed, albeit slowly, there was considerable
political contestation between the National Minister and the ANC Members of the Executive
Councils over the leadership and direction of change in social welfare. In December 1994 the
national Minister and the MECs convened a meeting in Cape Town and it was agreed that a national
consultative process was needed to develop a new national consensus for social welfare. It was also
hoped that such a process would build co-operation and understanding between the parties and
would break the impasse that had been reached. The terms of reference of the process of developing
a White Paper through a democratic consultative process was agreed. Leila Patel, a social worker
and social policy specialist was appointed to manage and lead the process and the drafting of the
White Paper. In view of the political dynamics described above, the process of consensus-building
and restructuring in social welfare commenced much later than in other government departments
and accounted for the slow pace of change in the early years of the transition.
The National Strategic Management Committee mandated by the Ministers Committee for Social
Welfare and supported by the national Department of Social Welfare and Population Development
had the task of building the national consensus. Six technical committees were established: these
consisted of representatives from governmental and non-governmental organisations,
practitioners, interest groups representing different populations at risk and service user groups. The
National Welfare Social Services and Development Forum, which had established itself as a
national organisation with membership across all the provinces, represented organised social
welfare and development organisations. This forum conducted its own research and consultative
processes to develop its policy positions and to inform its contributions and mandates (Mazibuko
1996).
The technical reports were collated into a Discussion Document which was released by
government that was widely consulted. A national consultative conference held in Bloemfontein in
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June 1995 and attended by over 400 national organisations debated the policy framework and finally
endorsed the developmental model of social welfare. The document was then published for
comment; again, extensive comments were received and integrated. The Portfolio Committee on
Social Welfare and Population Development in the National Assembly chaired by Cassim Saloojee,
held public hearings and many organised groups and individuals made formal submissions.
After a two-year consultative process, the White Paper for Social Welfare was extensively debated
in Parliament and unanimously adopted by all political parties in 1997. By this time the National
Party had withdrawn from the GNU and the first ANC Minister for Social Welfare, Geraldine
Fraser-Moleketi, was appointed in 1996.
The process of developing national policy was a complex one, as it involved the mediation of
divergent sentiments, histories, philosophies and paradigmatic perspectives, and professional,
organisational and sectoral interests of various kinds. Fiscal resource constraints loomed large in
the debate as the parties hoped for increased fiscal allocations in order to expand service provision
to the majority of the population.
The new developmental model was extensively debated as the current remedial model of service
delivery, coupled with residential institutional care and the delivery of services to specialised groups
of clients, was not only costly but considered to be of limited impact. The challenge was to address
service needs in an integrated fashion with maximum developmental impact. However, service
providers and practitioners were cautious in their support as this approach required a fundamental
shift away from old methods of practice and the balancing of micro and macro interventions.
Social workers were also concerned about what the impact of the policy would be on the
profession as the policy envisaged expanding human resource capacity by recognising other social
service professions. The need to renew the financing policies of social welfare services and to
address the rising costs of implementing welfare legislation was also highlighted. The government
faced a particular challenge to expand its financing of progressive development organisations which
were not previously funded by the former government.
In relation to social security, trade unions called for a review of the social security system and for
the development of a comprehensive system of social security. The particular contribution of social
assistance to poverty reduction was reaffirmed and the research towards developing the policy also
brought to light the inequity of the child maintenance grant system and the cost implications of the
expansion of that system to all South Africans. The Lund Committee on Child and Family Support
was established in 1996 to review the child maintenance system which resulted in the adoption and
implementation of the child support grant (CSG). Lund (2008), a social worker and sociologist
documented the policy development process and her reflections of the lessons learnt.
It remains a phenomenal achievement that such a consensus was forged. There were four factors
that made this possible.
• The birth of the new nation was a powerful unifying force. For many professionals in the social
services, the adoption of a Bill of Rights and Constitution that resonated with the values and
mission of social welfare and the social work profession was a strong catalyst to promote a
convergence of ideas.
• The Reconstruction and Development Programme (RDP) of the Mandela government provided a
national integrated policy framework that sought to reconcile economic growth and social
development.
• The social development vision itself for social welfare was compelling and was shaped from the
bottom up. In addition, it received global endorsement by governments around the world at the
United Nations World Summit for Social Development, which was held in Copenhagen in 1995.
• The policy formulation process was explicitly designed to promote participation, build on the
extensive knowledge of service providers and users and promote consensus based on the
people’s willingness to make compromises in the national interest.
In relation to the policy development process, Mazibuko (1996) points out that, previously,
bureaucrats and government officials made decisions that were undemocratic. The policy
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formulation process afforded the welfare sector the opportunity to participate fully in the process
and to gain first-hand knowledge and experience of the policy-making process, policy advocacy,
negotiation and compromise and in identifying issues pertinent to policy implementation.
Letsebe (1997:87) said that ‘the principles of participation, transparency and accountability were
espoused as ideals in the process, but in practice they were not easy to realise. For example,
decisions on who participated in the process were largely the prerogative of welfare departments.’
The tight time frames did not allow for adequate preparation of participants and for comment on
the documents. Across the nine provinces there was uneven preparation and input into the process.
For some critics the compromises achieved favoured the formal voluntary welfare organisations in
the early stages of the process. They also argued that the emerging policy framework advocated
social reform and was not sufficiently oriented to social transformation (Sewpaul 1997; Asmal 1995).
Finally, for some participants, the policy did not go far enough and for others it went too far. It was,
however, the beginning of dismantling the old and constructing the new. It also provided valuable
lessons for the training of social workers in policy practice (Patel 2014).
3.2.1.2 The challenge of realising the vision
The White Paper set the policy framework for the restructuring of social welfare in the
post-apartheid era. The policy was premised on the social development approach to social welfare.
The key features of the approach are set out below in a discussion of South Africa’s conception of
developmental welfare. Guided by the restructuring priorities contained in the White Paper, the
Department of Social Development set about creating a single national welfare department for all
South Africans. A key task was to revise existing policies and legislation and to establish viable
institutional arrangements to implement the new policy. This was a complex undertaking requiring
the appropriate human resource capacity and adequate financing to implement. While much was
achieved in the implementation of the new policy at an institutional level outlined below, many
challenges have been noted. The challenges are discussed in the section on institutional
arrangements.
During this period, economic and political changes occurred that impacted on the direction and
implementation of the new policy. As mentioned before, the adoption of the GEAR policy, under the
leadership of former President Mbeki, was criticised as a departure from the more socially oriented
development strategy of the RDP.
The diffusion of neo-liberal ideas in social policy, outlined in Chapter 1, was of great concern to
the social welfare sector. This was because welfare programmes were cut back in many countries
around the world and market-oriented strategies were favoured. Significant changes in
employment rights occurred as work became more insecure. A review of social spending in South
Africa indicates that a contraction in overall social spending did not occur during the middle and
late 1990s, and neither were the newly adopted labour rights eroded. While social security spending
increased, no real increases in welfare services were achieved. Funding of welfare services remains
a major challenge and is discussed in the section on finance in this chapter.
Balancing labour rights and economic growth remains highly contested between the labour
movement and the private sector. The latter argue that there is need for greater flexibility in the
labour market to promote economic growth and increase employment. The trade unions however
continue to oppose this on the grounds that it would lead to the reversal of the rights of workers
which is one of the major gains of post-apartheid South Africa.
The failure of government policies in the early years to address the HIV/AIDS epidemic had far
reaching social and economic impacts on children and families which in turn placed great pressure
on the foster care system and welfare services. Although South Africa now has one of the largest
antiretroviral treatment programmes in the world, the social consequences of the government’s
earlier policy stance will be felt for some time into the future. During this period, social assistance
was expanded especially due to the introduction of the CSG as well as the expansion of foster care,
child protection for orphaned and vulnerable children and home- and community-based care.
Much confusion existed about the new approach to social development among social service
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professionals, in government and in the non-profit organisation (NPO) sector. A lack of
understanding of the new approach, a lack of conceptual clarity and how it is to be implemented
were constantly cited as major obstacles to the implementation of developmental welfare (Lombard
2008; Patel and Hochfeld 2008). At governmental levels, leadership changes and loss of institutional
memory also hampered implementation. Institutional transformation on this scale requires change
management interventions that could facilitate the change process (Patel, Schmid and Hochfeld
2012). Although the White Paper committed the government to the development of a national
welfare plan to implement the policy and for effective monitoring and evaluation of the changes,
this did not occur (Patel and Hochfeld, 2008). Instead, the process of change was managed in a
short-term and a reactive way, for instance a national welfare plan and comprehensive legislation to
implement the White Paper was not achieved. The achievements and challenges of the
implementation of the White Paper are discussed further in the sections below.
At the economic level, slower economic growth rates and jobless growth increased
unemployment and poverty in the latter half of the 1990s to around 2000. Unemployment reached
between 25 per cent and 40 per cent depending on how it is defined. This placed increasing
pressure on the government. However, economic growth rates improved from 2000 to 2008 coupled
with the expansion in social assistance which had a significant impact on reducing poverty and
inequality, but the persistency of poverty and inequality remained a major concern.
In the period after 2004, the idea of a developmental state began to receive greater prominence in
the ANC and the government. They held the view that the country’s developmental challenges
required a ‘developmental state that is democratic and socially inclusive’ and that state capacity
needed to be enhanced to achieve its social, economic and political goals (Edigheji 2010). Economic
growth, rising productivity, poverty reduction and the building of social cohesion were emphasised
in which the state would play a leading role in close interaction with its social partners (National
Planning Commission 2013:119). These policy ideas were also influenced by the global economic
crisis of 2008 which was felt a little later in South Africa. It nevertheless confirmed the view that
unregulated markets were neither sustainable nor capable of producing the social well-being
outcomes needed.
While the government acknowledged that much had been achieved, in order to speed up social
and economic progress, the National Planning Commission led by former Minister Trevor Manuel,
developed a National Plan to eliminate poverty and reduce inequality by 2030 (National Planning
Commission 2011).
The NPC was made up of multidisciplinary experts and prominent persons in the society and
included a social work educator and social protection specialist, Vivienne Taylor. The plan was
accepted by the ruling party and Parliament in 2013. The diagnostic report ‘identified the failure to
implement policies and the absence of broad partnerships as the main reasons for the slow
progress’ in achieving the development goals of the society (NPC 2013:14).
The key challenges facing the country were persistent poverty and high unemployment, an
unsustainable economy, the poor quality of public education, gaps in infrastructure and spatial
divides, inadequate health systems, uneven provision of public services, high levels of corruption
and a divided society.
The plan prioritised the need for economic growth, jobs, education and skills and a capable
developmental state. Immediate measures to receive attention over the coming decades are to
introduce employment policies for youth, public works programmes, the expansion of welfare
services, primary health care and nutrition, quality education, housing and investments in public
transport (NPC 2013:18).
The plan also drew attention to population changes such as lower birth rates, increasing
urbanisation and the need to reap the economic and social benefits of a large young population.
The plan therefore places a high priority on youth development, education and employment
generation. These measures are coupled with a continuing commitment to the provision of social
protection including social security and welfare services.
In the following section, the theoretical approach to social welfare is discussed followed by the
mechanisms to institutionalise the new approach.
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3
.3
South Africa’s conception of developmental social welfare
South Africa’s developmental approach to social welfare evolved from the country’s unique history
of inequality and the violation of human rights as a result of colonialism and apartheid. This history,
experience and meaning of oppression for the majority of South Africans, together with a long
tradition of human agency and social action to change these conditions, shaped the construction of
the new society.
Consequently, social welfare thinking and practice were infused with notions of transformation
and human emancipation and an acknowledgement that reconciliation and healing the divisions of
the past were critical to building a united South Africa based on democratic values, social justice,
gender equality and human rights. These ideas are enshrined in the Constitution of the Republic of
South Africa, 1996. A rights-based approach is the first theme in the conception of developmental
social welfare in the South African context.
The other four themes informing the policy framework of the White Paper for Social Welfare are,
second, the interrelations between social and economic development to overcome the distorted
and unequal nature and form of development, third, democracy and participation in development,
fourth, social welfare pluralism with particular reference to the role of the state, civil society and
other actors in social development. A fifth theme relates to reconciling the micro-macro divide in
developmental social welfare theory and practice.
3.3.1 A rights-based approach
The developmental perspective to social welfare in South Africa is firmly rooted in a rights-based
approach. Its goals include achieving social justice, a minimum standard of living, equitable access
and equal opportunity to services and benefits, and a commitment to meeting the needs of all South
Africans with a special emphasis on the needs of the most disadvantaged in the society. These ideas
are firmly embedded in the Constitution of the Republic of South Africa, 1996, which guarantees to
all citizens the right to dignity, a central value of the Constitution. The right to human dignity refers
to the inherent worth and humanity of the human being (Davis, Cheadle and Haysom 1997).
The Constitution makes provision for social rights, such as the right of access to water, housing, food and
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shelter
The Bill of Rights and the Constitution also make provision for legally enforceable economic and
social rights such as the right to housing (Section 26), the right to health care, food, water, shelter
and social security (Section 27) and the right to education (Section 29). These rights are judicially
enforceable and the Constitutional Court has in a number of cases, such as the Grootboom and
Treatment Action Campaign, affirmed the interconnectedness and indivisibility of social and
economic rights, and civil and political rights. The Constitution also obligates the state to give effect
to these rights within its available resources and to achieve progressively the full realisation of these
rights (South African Human Rights Commission 2002–2003). In the case of children, the state is
obliged to meet their needs and rights. Developmental social welfare approached from a social
rights and social justice perspective proceeds from the assumption that social justice is ‘definable,
desirable and possible’ (Longres and Scanlon 2001:448). The philosophical ideas of T. H. Marshall
(1950) and John Rawls (1971) are useful in the theoretical study of social rights and social justice.
These ideas have influenced international social welfare thinking in the post-World War Two
period.
Marshall’s views on citizenship are based on a progression of civil, political and social rights. For
him, civil rights assure the individual the rights to freedom of action and dissent, whilst political
rights assure the individual the opportunity to influence political decisions and political power.
Social rights are considered to be substantive and necessary to afford the individual the opportunity
to achieve a minimum social status in society. They also include the achievement of economic
welfare and security and the ‘right to share fully in the social heritage and to live the life of a civilised
being according to the standards prevailing in the society’ (Marshall 1963:10). These rights,
according to Marshall, are guaranteed to the individual as a right of citizenship and are founded on
the principle of equality. Marshall’s conception of social citizenship and the social rights derived
from it legitimate the inequalities produced by capitalism – inequalities that gave rise to ‘welfare
state capitalism’, notions of equal opportunity and the right of access to education, health care and
social services (Drover 2000).
Drover criticises Marshall’s view of social citizenship as fostering a passive notion of social
citizenship based on the state’s obligations to individuals rather than a deep social citizenship
grounded in active citizen participation, relational reciprocity, care and civic virtue. Citizenship,
according to Drover (2000), needs to be reconceptualised to be more active and should not only
address inequalities derived from class, but should also include other social divisions in society
derived from race, gender, age, disability and sexual preference. In this regard Drover (2000:31–32)
states the following:
‘Unlike passive citizenship, which relies on political representation and delegation of
authority through electoral processes, deep citizenship implies a set of civic virtues and
participation. Hence, deep citizenship values the struggles for identity claims, and the
importance of institutional checks and balances as well as responsible personal
life-style decisions in which expectations about entitlement are backed by co-operation
and self-restraint’. (Permission granted)
The principles undergirding the White Paper for Social Welfare (Department of Welfare 1997)
reaffirm the government’s commitment to securing basic welfare and human rights and active
citizen participation in promoting human well-being. Section 30 of the National Developmental
Welfare Strategy states that the ‘promotion of social development is a collective responsibility and
the co-operation of civil society will be promoted’ (Department of Welfare 1997:19). In the policy
debate, the policymakers embraced a broader notion of social citizenship and social welfare rights:
they saw these phenomena as active, reciprocal and participatory, and their approach resonated
with Drover’s thinking about active social citizenship.
The social welfare policy framework also embraces the principle of equity, which refers to the
equitable distribution of services and benefits to overcome past disparities of race, gender,
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geography, the urban/rural divide and sectoral disparities. The policy states explicitly that services
and benefits should benefit the least advantaged. This principle is central to upholding social rights
and achieving social justice as it refers to the way in which economic and social goods and services
are distributed in a society.
John Rawls’s Theory of Justice (1971) acknowledged the importance of the equal distribution of
material and non-material goods and services. He argued that such primary social goods – liberty
and opportunity, income and wealth and the bases of self-respect – should be fairly and equally
distributed and that such distribution was just if it benefited the least advantaged. Rawls claimed
that a just society can allow for differences in the distribution of resources as long as the result
accrues to the benefit of the least advantaged and there is equal opportunity for access to resources.
Rawls’s work has been influenced by the social contract theories of Locke and Rousseau and gave
rise to the notion of minimum protection for the least advantaged. His theory combines
libertarianism and egalitarianism and is also referred to as a liberal egalitarian view of social justice.
For libertarians, the core value is liberty or freedom and such thinkers focus on individual rights,
from which all other rights are derived. Libertarian ideas go back to the social thought of Herbert
Spencer and John Locke, who advocated individual liberty. Egalitarianism can be traced to
Jean-Jacques Rousseau and Karl Marx and their emphasis on the distribution of social advantage.
‘Liberal egalitarianism combines the features of libertarianism and egalitarianism’ (Fleurbaey 2000:
2).
The core values of the liberal egalitarian view of
justice is firstly individual rights and freedom where
liberty is considered to be a basic human right from
which other rights are derived. A second value is to
achieve genuine equality in economic conditions by
giving priority to the least advantaged.
In this regard, it can be argued that the South African Bill of Rights and the Constitution
embodies both liberal and egalitarian ideas and that the new constitutional dispensation
envisaged ‘not only … a political transformation of South Africa society, but also its social and
economic transformation’ (Albertyn and Goldblatt 1998:272).
Closely related but distinct from Rawls’s theory of justice is the notion of relational or processual
or procedural justice, which is particularly meaningful in the field of social development and social
work practice. Relational justice refers to the need for fair decision making processes about the
distribution of goods and services and whether institutions are organised in a manner that achieves
a fair and just distribution. This takes us into the realm of the just administration of social welfare
services and benefits and ethical decision making in direct and indirect practice (Longres and
Scanlon 2001). Section 33 of the South African Constitution provides for administrative action that
is just, reasonable and procedurally fair. It also states that citizens have the right to demand reasons
for decisions taken, review of administrative action by a court and the promotion of efficient
administration.
Normative theory is evaluative in nature and consists
of principles or criteria to evaluate whether social
interventions achieve their goals.
These approaches to social rights, which are derived from social citizenship and theories of
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distributive justice, are normative theories, which are especially useful in the applied social
sciences to formulate principles to inform social policy, research and practice. Normative theories
provide criteria by which societies are able to evaluate their performance in realising civil, political,
social, cultural and economic rights.
There has been much debate about whether universal principles of this nature could provide a
meaningful understanding of ‘the rich texture of moral experience or the varied demands of justice’
(McCormick 2003:22). Different models of justice focusing on feminist, pluralist or theological
notions of justice have been posited as alternative models of social justice (McCormick 2003).
In the post-World War Two period, universal principles, norms and standards advancing human
rights have been widely institutionalised through the United Nations system and have also
influenced the formulation and adoption of national constitutions and regional charters in different
parts of the world. This gave rise to the development of modern international human rights law,
which was needed for the protection of human rights. The United Nations Universal Declaration of
Human Rights adopted in 1948 was the first comprehensive international human rights instrument
to be proclaimed. It has enjoyed high moral, legal and political status over the years.
The Universal Declaration of Human Rights provides for two broad categories of rights: civil and
political rights, on the one hand, and economic, social and cultural rights, on the other hand. The
declaration is based on the proposition that everyone is entitled to the realisation of economic,
social and cultural rights within the limits of the resources of the state. It is also proposed that the
realisation of such rights is fundamental to the achievement of human dignity and the free
development of the individual personality.
In relation to social and economic rights, the United Nations Declaration proclaims the right to
social security, to work and to ‘protection against unemployment’, to ‘equal pay for equal work’ and
to ‘just and favourable remuneration ensuring for himself and his family an existence worthy of
human dignity, and supplemented, if necessary by other means of social protection’ (United
Nations Universal Declaration of Human Rights 1946, Article 24). Article 25 of the latter document
also states that everyone has a right to a standard of living adequate for the health and well-being of
himself and of his family. It also recognises the right to security in the event of loss of income due to
circumstances beyond the individual’s control such as unemployment, sickness, disability, age or
lack of livelihoods.
The United Nations Human Rights system has evolved over the years and many new instruments
were adopted that have been outlined previously and that influenced the drafting of the
Constitution of the Republic of South Africa. In addition to the rights mentioned previously, the
rights of children are established in Section 28 of the Constitution and are in line with the United
Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child adopted in 1989. The Constitution provides special
safeguards for children in view of their vulnerability and due to particular social conditions that may
not be in the best interests of the child – such as situations of armed conflict, exploitation, hunger
and disability. The rights of children are considered further in Chapter 6.
Social welfare in the South African context is firmly rooted in a rights-based approach to social
development policy and practice. The Constitutional Court in its judgments over the years has
affirmed the obligation of the state in giving effect to social rights but subject to the limitation of
available resources. However, in its judgment the Court indicated that the state must take
reasonable steps to realise these rights and is required to use all the appropriate means at its
disposable and to work expeditiously towards the full realisation of these rights.
The Constitution and the social development policy framework envisages an expanded role for
the state in social welfare including the horizontal application of these rights in civil society and
partly in the private sphere to achieve social justice. According to Klare (1998), the South African
constitution can be characterised as ‘post-liberal’ in that it promotes social redistribution and a
caring, positive, participatory, multicultural society that is geared to social transformation of the
society.
To sum up, South Africa’s conception of developmental social welfare is based on both a liberal
egalitarian and a normative approach to social justice. The National Development Plan 2030
adopted the human capabilities approach that resonates with Sen’s theory of justice.
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3.3.1.1 Social justice and human capabilities
The liberal egalitarian approach to justice was concerned with the establishment of ‘just
institutions’ that form the basis of the structure of South African society. However, Amartya Sen
(2009) in his seminal work titled The Idea of Justice argues that it is also important to think about
how societies may reduce injustice and promote justice.
While Rawls placed the emphasis on creating institutional fairness, Sen reminds us that one
should not assume that people will automatically align their behaviour with the principles of justice
as defined by the constitution. He argues that societies should also be concerned with the quality of
the actual daily lives that people are able to lead beyond public institutions. This is pertinent in
understanding issues of racial and gender discrimination, marginalisation and how sociocultural
beliefs and practices promote or hinder the creation of justice in institutions such as the family and
in gender relations amongst others. Assessments of justice should therefore take account of how far
the society has come in achieving the rights outlined in the constitution, rather than with creating
‘perfectly just’ institutions only (Sen 2009:ix–xii).
In this way, societies will be able to assess their progress against that of other countries, using
similar measures of social progress that could lead to them taking corrective action. Sen’s social
justice theory moves away from the traditional focus on achieving economic development only.
Together with theorists such as Nussbaum (2011), the human capabilities approach to social justice
has received increased attention. They stress that it is not the internal abilities that a person
possesses, such as knowledge and skills, that is important, but also the opportunities that are
available to them to make choices about their lives. In addition, Nussbaum (2011:18–19) also
emphasises the importance of respecting people’s right of self-definition and self-direction. This
resonates well with the social work approach to human development.
Also worth noting is the fact that people’s capability achievements are different and this should
be taken into account. For instance, a person with a physical and/or a mental disability may have
variable capabilities to meet their needs and appropriate levels of support will need to be tailored to
enhance the individual’s capabilities. Public action should therefore be directed at addressing
entrenched social injustice and inequality as well as working for improvements in the quality of life
of all people.
The human capabilities approach features prominently in the White Paper for Social Welfare of
1997 and in the National Development Plan 2030 which states the following in this regard: ‘A
developmental state builds the capabilities of people to improve their own lives, while intervening
in historical inequalities’ (NPC 2011:17).
3.3.2 Economic and social development
A second theme undergirding the policy framework set by the White Paper for Social Welfare
(Department of Social Welfare 1997) relates to the interrelation between economic and social
development. It states that the welfare of the population will not automatically be enhanced by
economic growth only. Development must be accompanied by redistribution through social
investments in key social sectors that can make a significant contribution to human and social
capital and can improve the human well-being of the population. Economic growth and
redistribution are mutually reinforcing, and social investment in social development is not
considered to be a drain on national resources, but contributes positively to economic
development.
These ideas are based on the theory of developmental social welfare, which have been advanced
by Midgley and his colleagues in a series of publications (Midgley 2001; Midgley and Sherraden
2000; Midgley and Livermore 1998; Midgley 1995; 2014). The central tenet on which the theory is
based is the need to integrate economic and social policy, as these are equally important
components of the development process: one cannot replace the other and both contribute to social
well-being. The harmonisation of these policies are achieved through:
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•
•
•
macroeconomic policies that promote employment
people-centred economic development outcomes coupled with social policies such as social
protection
provision of basic services.
Organisational and institutional arrangements at all levels of government should give effect to
integrating economic and social development. For instance, high youth unemployment in South
Africa is a social issue of national concern. Solutions that combine economic and social
intervention might include active labour market policies to create jobs for young people, the
development of vocational skills, life skills, psychosocial support, on-the-job-training, job
placement, work experience, building financial capabilities and promoting a savings culture
amongst young people.
Public works programmes and youth service programmes are other examples that have been
used to promote the employability of young people. This approach is also known as a productivist
approach to social welfare in that it promotes economic participation in the economy, which in turn
leads to positive economic returns. This is in line with the social investment approach which was
outlined in Chapter 1.
3.3.2.1 Human capital investments
Achievements in the harmonisation of social and economic development are reached via the
following strategies. Human capital investments in, inter alia, education, housing, health care,
substance abuse rehabilitation programmes. Nutritional interventions are widely recognised to
yield positive economic and social returns in educational development, improved nutritional status
of children and school performance. Empirical research on early childhood development
investments confirm the long-term positive returns in educational achievement, employment and
income over the life cycle (Heckman 2008). These programmes are therefore not a drain on the
economic resources of the society but contribute to both social and economic development.
3.3.2.2 Asset-based strategies
Other social development strategies found to have high long-term social returns are asset-building
strategies, e.g. savings for low–income families and vulnerable populations (McKernan and
Sherraden 2008). These ideas are based on Sherraden’s theory of how assets might be a tool for
poverty reduction, a means of easing consumption spending and in bringing about change in
attitudes and behaviour. Thus asset building can lead to a more positive outlook and improved
behaviour (Sherraden, 1991; Nam, Huang and Sherraden 2008).
Asset-based policies are growing in importance in many countries especially for people living in
poverty and for vulnerable populations. In the United States, innovative asset-based policies are
being implemented through the matching of the savings of poor people. These types of economic
development strategies attempt to build the financial and tangible assets of poor people through
household savings and asset accumulation as a means of exiting out of poverty (Sherraden 2003).
A recent focus is also on building financial capabilities (Sherraden 2013), such as financial
literacy, and expanding access to financial services, such as a bank account, savings and access to
borrowing. Access of this kind can assist families and households to withstand economic shocks
that affect their income earning capacity and ease spending on buying basic goods such as food
(World Bank 2014).
3.3.2.3 Social capital formation
Social capital formation is another dimension of social and economic development. Social capital
refers to social networks, relationships and ties that bind people together. It encourages trust and
co-operative social interaction for the benefit of the community in order to promote social
integration (Midgley 2014; Putnam 1995). Communities that have a high degree of social capital are
more likely to be economically prosperous (Diaz, Drumm, Ramirez-Johnson and Djarv 2002).
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Communities that have a high degree of social disintegration due to crime and violence, alcohol
and drug misuse tend to have low levels of economic development. Strengthening community
networks, trust and co-operation, participation and community care and support are important
goals in themselves, but such networks when combined with local economic development
strategies have improved the financial situation and the level of self-sufficiency of communities
(Diaz et al. 2002; Midgley and Livermore 1998).
Social networks also provide opportunities for gaining access to resources and to promoting the
livelihoods activities of the poor. For instance, membership of indigenous networks such as stokvels
and burial societies provide both economic and psychosocial benefits for its members. The
application of social and economic development strategies at micro, mezzo and macro levels are
discussed further in Chapter 4.
Developmental social welfare is being implemented in the South African context through various
macroeconomic and social policies across various sectors such as public works programmes, social
assistance and support for entrepreneurship. Many challenges remain in deliberately integrating
these policies across different sectors.
Expanding economic opportunities have been created through small business development,
skills development policies and programmes through Sector Education and Training Authorities
(SETA) for each of the economic and social sectors. Companies are ‘taxed’ a skills levy on their
payroll from which they can claim back funds for investment in skills development. These initiatives
have been slow in meeting their objectives with institutional capacity being a major reason for the
lack of progress. Labour laws have been enacted to promote greater protection for workers and the
Employment Equity Act (No. 55) of 1998 has instituted active labour market policies to remove
discrimination based on race, gender and disability to create opportunities and access to
employment. Broad-based black economic empowerment policies are intended to promote
economic inclusion of women, youth, people with disabilities and people in rural areas. Although
these groups have benefited to some extent, a few individuals who are politically and economically
well connected in the society have benefited disproportionately from the policy (Patel and Graham
2012).
While the goal of these macroeconomic policies is to promote economic growth and
redistribution, economic growth has not kept pace with the increased number of people seeking
employment. Also the type of economic growth strategies that have been implemented, rely more
on capital intensive strategies that have resulted in job losses. Slow economic growth after the
economic crisis of 2008 also resulted in job losses. Employment creation therefore remains the
country’s greatest challenge. How might social development practitioners, researchers and policy
makers contribute to this grand challenge?
3.3.3 Democracy and participation
A third theme, democracy and participation in social and economic development, is a key premise
of the developmental approach to social welfare in South Africa. The concept democracy has its
origin in the Greek term ‘demokratia’, which means rule by the people. Democracy broadly means a
striving for political equality, the protection of liberty and freedom and the defence of the interests
of the people of a society.
This idea is embodied in the demand that the ‘people shall govern’, which is contained in the
Freedom Charter adopted at the Congress of the People in 1955. The Constitution echoes this idea
in its preamble when it states that the people of South Africa commit themselves to laying the
‘foundations for a democratic and open society in which government is based on the will of the
people’. Whilst the Constitution makes provision for democracy in the political sphere (i.e. electoral
democracy), it also takes a broader view of democracy by referring to the social sphere or broader
social life – workplace, school, community, family and other institutions of society.
The Reconstruction and Development Programme (RDP) aimed to democratise the state and
society. The RDP and the White Paper for Social Welfare also introduced the notion of participatory
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democracy to promote social development. Social welfare policy states that welfare and
development constituencies must be consulted in decisions that affect them and that citizen
participation in development is critical to ensure accountability by government and civil society for
their actions. It also incorporates the concept of citizen participation in service delivery as partners
in meeting human needs. Participatory democracy is a more direct form of decision making
involving those affected by decisions taken; it also includes direct consultation (Giddens and Sutton
2013). Proponents of participatory democracy are critical of liberal or representative democracy in
that it is considered to be a more passive form of democracy whereby elected representatives take
decisions affecting the society. In the field of social development, participatory democracy rests on
three axioms:
• Through participation and active involvement in social and community life, personal
responsibility to act as a responsible citizen is fostered. It emphasises character-building and the
fostering of a democratic ethos based on active citizenship. Examples include volunteerism,
paying taxes, donating blood and acting responsibly in one’s community to benefit the common
good of society.
• Participation also involves consultation about decisions with those affected and the fostering of
active involvement of citizens in their communities and organisations to care for those in need,
the promotion of economic and social development, the solving of social problems, and the
improvement of the quality of life of the people.
• Participation rests on the notion of active or ‘deep’ citizenship that incorporates rights and
obligations, emphasises the interests of the disadvantaged and is critical in that it attempts to
uncover the causes of social, economic and political injustice. The social justice approach to
democracy and participation is concerned with effecting structural change in society through
participation, open and informed social dialogue, the contestation of power and by ensuring the
accountability of the powerful (United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) 2002; Green
2008).
Whilst some theorists classify these approaches to citizen participation and participatory
democracy into conservative, liberal and social justice perspectives (Westheimer and Khan 2002),
all of these notions are pertinent to a broader formulation of democracy in the South African
context, which emphasises both representative and participatory democracy and people-centred
development. The policy documents also make the link between democracy, participation and
human development more explicit. These ideas are based on the assumption that democracy in
itself is a public good, fosters social integration and is more likely to lead to equitable development.
South Africa is a new and emerging democracy and the desire for democracy is deeply rooted in
the people’s struggle for a democratic and just society. However, democracy could be built through
active participation of the people in the wider social sphere of the society. This in turn will
strengthen democracy in the political sphere. The UNDP (2002) argues that improved human
capabilities through education, health and a decent standard of living, coupled with human action
to improve social life, can only benefit democracy, as these are mutually reinforcing capabilities.
The term ‘active citizenship’ has re-emerged in social development as a way of increasing citizen
participation to promote change through advocacy for policy change at all levels in the society.
Green (2008) argues that the collective action by social groups and social movements to improve
the living conditions of poor people is an expression of active citizenship. Holding elected
representatives and officials accountable for their actions, is an important part of active citizenship.
Active citizenship may find expression at both individual and collective levels, and together with
effective states, human well-being may be greatly improved.
3.3.4 Social development partnerships
The fourth theme in developmental welfare is a partnership approach. A prominent role for the
state in social development and a mixed economy of social welfare or welfare pluralism is envisaged
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by national social welfare policy. The meeting of human needs is a national collective responsibility
and the policy states that, in view of resource constraints and the neglect of basic needs over many
years, government, civil society, corporate social investment and occupational social service
programmes should be provided through a collaborative partnership. Private social service practice
for social workers and psychologists is envisaged for those people in need who are able to pay for
services.
3.3.4.1 Welfare pluralism
Welfare pluralism refers to the way in which social welfare provision is structured, organised and
delivered, including the roles and relations of the public, private, voluntary effort as well as the
commercial sectors in service delivery. In South Africa, the state is envisaged to play a leading role
in promoting social development in a collaborative partnership model in service delivery.
A mixed economy of social welfare or welfare pluralism consists of four sectors – government,
voluntary (e.g. non-governmental organisations), informal (e.g. informal support by family,
friendship and other social networks) and commercial sectors – through which social provision
could be financed and delivered (Gilbert 2000). In the public domain, welfare resources are
allocated via government through the budget and other fiscal measures such as grants or subsidies,
indirect spending through special tax subsidies and tax exemptions and through the regulatory
power of government. The private sector refers to informal networks of family and friends that
provide social support and mutual aid, and the voluntary sector, which is made up of non-profit
voluntary welfare and development organisations. Finally, there is the commercial sector made up
of profit-oriented firms that are involved in social welfare. Gilbert (2000) points out that the
boundaries between these sectors are often blurred and can overlap.
Although a commercial sector is developing, the public-private mix (also known as
state-voluntary or civil society relations) remains the dominant approach in the South African
context, with the state continuing to be the major financier of social assistance and services for the
poor and marginalised. Social welfare services are predominantly delivered by voluntary and
faith-based organisations in fields of service, such as child and family welfare, mental health,
disabilities, substance abuse, crime prevention, rehabilitation and restorative justice, and chronic
illnesses. Voluntary organisations operate as public service contractors, on the one hand, and also
raise funds independently and operate autonomously from government, on the other hand. South
Africa has a substantial voluntary sector estimated to consist of 102 297 registered organisations
(Department of Social Development 2013b).
NPOs make a significant contribution to social development. Based on the only available
estimates, the operating budget of NPOs was assessed by Swilling and Russell in 2002 to be R9,3
billion (representing 1,2 per cent of gross domestic product in 1998) and providing employment
equivalent to 645 316 full-time employees (Swilling and Russell 2002). Over the medium term
expenditure framework (MTEF) 2014–2016, transfers to NPOs comprise 37,4 per cent of the total
provincial social development budgets (Republic of South Africa National Treasury 2014). The
average annual growth in transfers to NPOs was 11,8 per cent between 2010/11 and 2013/2014. But
the annual growth of transfers will slow down to 7,8 per cent by 2016/2017 (Republic of South Africa
National Treasury 2014). Challenges by NPOs of the underfunding of services are discussed in
Chapters 6 and 10.
3.3.4.2 Voluntarism and enabling policies
Volunteerism is also substantial. Approximately 1,2 million volunteers are active in South Africa in
areas such as faith based programmes, sport, culture and social services (Statistics South Africa
2013). Volunteerism is worth R7,5 billion based on estimates made by Statistics South Africa (2013).
The majority of volunteers are however located in the services sector of the society (Statistics South
Africa 2011).
Close to a quarter of voluntary organisations focus specifically on social services, and have
expertise, infrastructure and other resources that could complement public provision. Policy and
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enabling legislation was developed to promote an inclusive partnership. The Welfare Laws
Amendment Act (No. 106) of 1997 authorised financial awards to non-profit organisations
rendering developmental social welfare services. In addition, the Non-profit Organisations Act (No.
71) of 1997 created an administrative and regulatory framework within which relations between the
state and civil society could be funded and managed.
The Taxation Laws Amendment Act (No. 30) of 2000 also provided for a more favourable tax
regime to support non-profit organisations. The new policy further recognised partnerships with
less formal and community-based organisations. These organisations are considered to have a
comparative advantage over formal welfare organisations, as they are believed to be more
accessible at the local level and are better able to target the poor. At least half of the total number of
voluntary organisations were localised, less formalised and community-based and could play an
important role in poverty alleviation, providing indigenous support networks, savings schemes,
income generation and HIV/AIDS care and support. Further research is needed to assess the
development potential of these organisations. Data on the NPO sector also needs to be updated.
3.3.4.3 Government non-profit organisation models
Government non-profit relations are generally classified into different models based on two
distinguishing activities: the financing and authorisation of services, on the one hand, and the
actual delivery of services, on the other. Gidron, Kramer and Salamon (1992) identified three types
of government non-profit models to describe the complex relations between the parties. The
government-dominant model refers to government financing and direct provision of services,
whereas the third sector-dominant model is characterised by voluntary financing and delivery of
services. A hybrid of the two types is referred to as a dual- or parallel-track model, where non-profits
could either supplement or complement public provision. This provides a useful way of thinking
about government non-profit organisation relations in South Africa.
Using these models, Patel (2009; 2012) describes four types of nonprofit organisations (NPOs)
that deliver social welfare and development services (Patel 2009 ). Type one are formal, registered
welfare organisations also referred to as public service contractors. These organisations have a long
history of service delivery and a sound service delivery infrastructure. They rely on the state for
funding and operate within strict bureaucratic procedures and accountability systems. Of the
different types of NPOs, they also have the least autonomy to set their own priorities and have
limited flexibility in programme development and implementation because these are based on
national norms and standards, e.g. legislation on foster care or child protection. Donor funded
NPOs (Type 2) and some faithbased organisations (FBOs) are funded by religious bodies (Type 3)
and are also formally registered by government.
These two types however enjoy greater flexibility to set their own agendas in terms of what they
deliver, where they deliver services and what methods and practices they employ in service delivery.
They may be constrained, however, by the priorities and focus of donors. Some Type 3
organisations appear to be able to influence donor agendas through bargaining and mutual
influence about programme priorities and the direction of donors. The character and approach to
service delivery of FBOs (Type 3), estimated to constitute 11 per cent of the total number of NPOs,
are shaped by a religious ethos. The number of NPOs that are exclusively donor funded is unknown.
Community-based organisations (CBOs) is the fourth type of NPO engaged in welfare service
delivery. Recent data is not available of the size of this sector, but earlier estimations are that
between a third and half of all NPOs in the country are CBOs (Swilling and Russell 2002). This type
of NPO is generally unregistered, informally organised, use mainly volunteers and are small
locally-based organisations with limited access to skills or funding. They are perceived as the service
delivery or implementing agencies for government, public service contractors, donor funded NPOs
and FBOs.
In general, CBOs receive their funds for care services and development programmes from
different types of NPOs mentioned above. In this way, CBOs tend to reconfigure their programmes,
e.g. home and community-based care programmes, along the lines of the primary funding
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organisations. This reflects the power differentials between CBOs and other intermediary NPOs who
rely on CBOs because of their direct access to grassroots communities.
The challenge therefore remains how to maximise the rich development potential of CBOs and
their comparative advantage. In this regard, Patel (2012: 610) states the following: ‘On the one hand,
policy and legislation could protect CBOs and their volunteers from exploitation and lead to
increased recognition and the strengthening of CBOs. On the other hand, this may require a level of
institutionalisation and formalization of CBOs that could compromise their authenticity.’
3.3.4.4 Balancing government and NPO roles
The South African collaborative partnership model has features of state dominance in financing and
third-sector dominance in relation to delivery of services. A hybrid relationship also exists in
relation to the delivery of specific types of services. Often governments retain control over those
services for which they are accountable, such as statutory services and contract external agencies to
deliver services that could be delivered at greater arm’s length from governmental agencies. The
division of responsibilities between government and NPOs remains a contested issue. The National
Planning Commission (NPC) (2013) proposed a complementary role for NPOs in service delivery.
This would require a review of the types of social welfare services that NPOs and CBOs are expected
to deliver, including the revision of financing policies and greater efficiency in the contracting and
management of services.
Financing of NPOs need to take account of the actual costs of services and should not lead to the
abrogation of state responsibility. A high court ruling against the provincial government of the Free
State reiterated the view that NPOs deliver services that government is obliged to provide and that
financing policies should be fair, equitable and transparent (National Association of Welfare
Organisations and Non-governmental Organisations and Others v. the Member of the Executive
Council for Social Development and others. Case No. 1719/2010 Free State High Court, 2010). This is
a landmark ruling that called for the revision of national policy on the financing of welfare services
(Free State High Court 2010; Budlender 2010).
South Africa’s partnership model of social service delivery in collaboration with NPOs followed a
similar path to that of the pre-1994 government. While this may be considered to be a form of path
dependency, the idea of partnership following the creation of democracy was reframed in light of
the country’s history of civil society involvement in development. It was also necessary for the new
democratic government to mobilise the support of civil society and other actors to meet the
country’s considerable developmental challenges. Building consent for a vision of a more just and
caring society through synergistic state-civil society relations to build trust, reciprocity and
co-operation are important tenets of welfare policy.
Evans (2010:55) uses the term ‘embeddedness’ to explain the importance of developing social
ties between the state and society as this provides institutional channels for negotiation and
re-negotiation of social goals and policies. State-NPO relations in social welfare service delivery had
the promise of providing such a mechanism in the South African case, but governance and
institutional challenges resulted in a breakdown in partner relations in the years following the
adoption of the White Paper.
3.3.4.5 Innovations
A new trend emerging in the voluntary sector is towards income-generation strategies and
entrepreneurial initiatives to achieve sustainability, cross-subsidisation of social programmes, and
the diversification of programme funding. The purpose is to increasing the organisations’
independence from the government. For example, organisations in the disability field have formed
empowerment partnerships with other commercial consortia bidding for large public contracts and
the licensing of public services. Another institution caring for mentally disabled children won a
contract to bake bread for one of the local prisons. Still others have formed investment groups and
are empowerment partners in black economic empowerment deals. For example, twenty three
non-governmental organisations involved in development activities have formed a black economic
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empowerment group called Ditikeni which is now a shareholder in a major black economic
empowerment consortium. The intention of Ditikeni is to redirect income from investments to
community based development programmes.
These are important innovations as organisations begin to embark on economic development
initiatives. However, the question should be posed as to whether such entrepreneurial activities
divert organisations from their core services or whether these distort the goals of voluntary
organisations. Do voluntary organisations compromise their comparative advantage when they
engage in public service contracting or black economic empowerment? Should public funds
earmarked for basic needs be used to generate commercial ventures to cross-subsidise services?
(Patel 2003; Patel and Graham 2012).
Finally, voluntary organisations play a vital role in complementing government efforts in meeting
human needs and in strengthening democracy. South Africa’s collaborative approach to social
development partnership is also a viable option in middle-income countries faced with resource
constraints and a limited institutional capacity to meet human needs. However, the state has a
primary responsibility for meeting needs and voluntary sector partnerships should not lead to the
abrogation of state responsibility for meeting human needs.
3.3.5 Macro- and micro divide
The fifth and final theme of developmental welfare is the attempt to bridge the divide that has
existed historically in the social work and social service professions between micro interventions, on
the one hand, and mezzo- and macro interventions, on the other hand. This dichotomy between
micro interventions aimed at individuals and families and macro interventions aimed at changing
the structures and institutions of society that caused social economic injustice, is a long-standing
debate in social work. Social development must transcend this dichotomy and enhance individual,
family, community empowerment and development. It must build on the strengths of all those it
purports to serve and meet their needs in a contextually appropriate manner – one, in other words,
that recognises the diversity and dignity of all people.
The point of departure of the social development approach is that social welfare users of services
and those who seek help are not passive recipients of services but are active partners in solving
problems in human relations and social conditions which impede people’s functioning. In addition,
its intersectoral focus emphasises collaboration with social service professionals and sectors to
solve real-life social problems and promote citizen participation, community development and
deliver community-based services within an integrated and generalist model of social work and
social service practice. Instead of delivering casework services only, it needs to expand its methods
to include group, organisational, community, and research and policy interventions, which balance
rehabilitation, prevention, promotion and social and economic development goals. Social
development therefore does not privilege one method of intervention over another. Instead,
interventions are applied in complementary ways to achieve individual and wider social outcomes.
Interventions should be selected that have a greater developmental impact and that are
cost-effective and use resources in a sustainable manner for the benefit of future generations. A
focus on the poor, and on those who are socially, economically and politically excluded, should be
placed at the centre of interventions. An understanding of economic issues and how to infuse
economic development strategies into social work and social service intervention processes is
critical. The social development approach breaks with the traditional micro-macro social work and
social service dichotomies. It requires an integration of methods and levels of intervention to
address the complex dynamics of change in the changing local and global scenario. This is
examined further in Chapter 4 which sets out the social development practice model.
3
.4
Institutionalisation of social development
National policies are institutionalised through legislation and the adherence to rules and
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procedures. These rules and procedures should be inclusive and fair and operate within clearly
defined institutional arrangements governing social interactions, which define the roles and
relations between the parties. Rules and procedures must also be transparent and the people
should be able to hold decision makers accountable for their actions. These are some of the
principles of good governance, which is considered to be one of the most important critical success
factors in eradicating poverty and promoting social development. The achievement of social
development requires sound institutions, as many problems in service delivery are caused by
institutional and organisational failures.
3.4.1 Structure and functions of government
Government refers to the enactment of policies, decisions and matters of state by the officials within
a political apparatus. Government is the sphere where power is exercised. It is also about who holds
the power (e.g. elected political representatives and public service officials) and what they do with
that power in terms of implementing policies, legislation and in achieving the social development
goals of a society (Giddens and Sutton 2013:971). Governance is the activity or manner of governing
a society or functions of government. How is the social development function governed in South
Africa? What are the basic principles, structures and mechanisms to ensure that government
policies are developed and implemented?
The Constitution is the supreme law of the country and all other laws and policies are derived
from it. It also makes provision for a form of governance known as Co-operative Governance.
According to the Constitution, there are three spheres of governance, which are distinctive,
interdependent and interrelated. These are national, provincial and local government. All spheres
of government must observe and adhere to the principles of co-operative governance. Some of the
pertinent principles of co-operative governance include:
• securing the well-being of the people
• providing effective, transparent, accountable and coherent government
• respecting the constitutional status, institutions, power of government in other spheres
• assuming only the powers and functions conferred on them
• co-operating in mutual trust and good faith through fostering friendly relations, assisting and
supporting one another, informing one another, consulting one another on matters of common
interest, co-ordinating actions and legislation, adhering to agreed procedures, avoiding legal
action against one another
• establishing structures to promote and facilitate intergovernmental relations and the settlement of
disputes.
The structure and functions of the South African government are embodied by Parliament (also
known as the National Assembly), which is made up of 400 members. Parliament acts as the
legislative authority and has parliamentary portfolio committees consisting of members
representing different political parties; these are known as ‘multiparty committees’. The functions
of the Portfolio Committee for Social Development are to exercise oversight of government and to
consult with government and constituencies in civil society in the development and
implementation of legislation. Much of the legislative deliberations are conducted in these
committees. It also has a monitoring function and may call a Minister or any official of government
to account to it on any matter of its choice in relation to social development. The National Council
of Provinces is made up of 90 delegates and also considers national laws that have provincial effect.
Should there be disagreement on such laws, a mediating committee is appointed to negotiate
agreements between the National Council of Provinces and the National Assembly.
The executive authority of government is vested in the Cabinet, consisting of the President,
Deputy President and Ministers who are responsible for government decisions. Judicial authority
rests with the Constitutional Court, a Supreme Court of Appeal, high courts and magistrates’ courts.
There are provincial governments in each of the nine provinces. Each provincial government has
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a legislative authority and an executive authority that is made up of the Executive Council headed
by a Premier and Members of the Executive Council (MEC). The nine provincial governments have
the authority to decide if there will be a single social development portfolio or a combination of this
portfolio with other portfolios. Social development issues have a higher visibility and political
standing when they fall under a single portfolio and constitute a formal function of government at
national and provincial levels. Finally, there is the third sphere of government known as local
government, which is made up of six metropolitan municipalities, 231 local municipalities and 46
district municipalities. The Constitution and the Local Government: Municipal Structures Act (No.
117) of 1998 contain criteria for determining the three types of municipalities, which were
rationalised and restructured in 2000.
The social development function operates within the overall structure and functions of
government. A national Ministry and Department of Social Development is responsible for national
functions, which include national policy, planning, information management, policy monitoring
and evaluation of inputs and outcomes, national laws, national programmes, social development
finance and human resource development. It is also responsible for the population and
development function for government as a whole including the Directorate for Non-Profit
Organisations and the administration of the National Development Agency (NDA), which is
responsible for the financing of non-governmental organisations involved with the delivery of social
and developmental services.
The provincial governments share these powers and functions concurrently with the national
government. According to Schedule 4 Part A of the Constitution, welfare services are shared
functions between national and provincial governments, along with health, education (except
tertiary education), urban and rural development and housing. The provinces are responsible for
the delivery of welfare services. In all the provinces, welfare services are combined with other larger
functions such as health. Consequently, it receives less attention and tends to occupy a marginal
position at provincial level unlike its prominence in the early years of the transition when social
security was still a provincial function.
Social security became a national function after the passing of the South African Social Security
Agency Act (No. 9) of 2004 when the function was transferred to the national government. The
provincial Executive Councils are responsible for ensuring that national legislation is implemented.
This responsibility is limited to the extent that the province has the administrative capacity to
assume effective responsibility. The national government has an obligation to build the capacity of
provincial governments to assume these responsibilities. This principle also applies to the
responsibility of provincial governments in relation to building capacity at local government level.
Local governments have limited social welfare responsibilities and provinces may delegate
responsibilities to local authorities. None of the provinces has to date enacted legislation or
delegated functions to the local level, although some local authorities do perform a limited social
development function. Schedule 4, Part B of the Constitution specifies other functions of local
government, such as childcare, municipal health services and municipal public works. The White
Paper on Local Government (Department of Consitutional Development, 1998) makes provision for
the establishment of developmental local government responsible for the mobilisation of capacity
to deliver services to meet the basic needs of its communities and to promote local social and
economic development amongst other things. Considerable scope exists for the further
decentralisation of developmental welfare functions in order for them to be more accessible to
people at local level and to promote social and economic development.
3.4.2 Legislation
The term legislation refers to Acts of Parliament and provincial legislatures, and includes
subordinate legislation such as Regulations issued to guide the implementation of legislation. Prior
to 1994, the former Department of Social Welfare and Population Development and the tricameral
welfare departments administered nine Acts of Parliament. These Acts pertained to children, the
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elderly, criminal justice, substance abuse, social assistance and legislation regulating the profession
of social work and welfare services. The former independent homelands also administered
legislation on social pensions, children and national social welfare provision. In addition, the
welfare departments administered a range of laws in co-operation with other government
departments such as health, justice and correctional services, and there were also many other laws
that had a direct bearing on the protection and enhancement of social functioning. The legislation
was fragmented, and there was considerable duplication and a lack of co-ordination in the
administration of the legislation.
The approach adopted by the White Paper for Social Welfare (Department of Welfare 1997) was
to amend legislation in the short term to align it with the Constitution and the new policy directions
of the democratically elected government after 1994. In the medium to longer term comprehensive
legislation was to be developed. Between 1994 and 2001, approximately 27 laws administered by the
Departments of Social Development were amended or repealed, and new laws were adopted by the
National Assembly and provincial legislatures.
The Department of Social Development is responsible for the drafting of legislation, the
management and facilitation of participatory processes with constituencies and the management of
the adoption of legislation by Parliament and provincial legislatures in keeping with parliamentary
rules and procedures. The Departments of Social Development are also responsible for the
execution and monitoring and evaluation of legislation, which includes setting up the
administrative and management systems, and building the capacity of personnel to implement the
legislation and funding. Norms and standards set in legislation should be appropriate to the local
social and cultural context, should be in line with the level of development of the country, should be
feasible in terms of implementation and should be financially viable. Parliamentary rules and
procedures also provide for mechanisms of public participation in the process of law-making.
Social workers, social service and development workers should be acquainted with these
processes in order to participate effectively in the formulation, adoption, monitoring and review of
policy and legislation. Professional social service workers can also provide technical support and
advice and advocacy for policies and legislation to reflect the interests of client groups and
communities. In order to contribute effectively, human service and development professionals,
agencies and communities should keep abreast of legislative developments, Bills that are tabled,
and policies and subordinate legislation published by the Government Printers for public comment,
or give oral evidence at public hearings.
The most noteworthy legislation adopted since 1994 are:
• Non-Profit Organisations Act (No. 71) of 1997
• Social Assistance Act (No. 13) of 2004
• Children’s Act (No. 38) of 2005
• Older Persons Act (No. 13) of 2006
• Prevention of and Treatment for Substance Abuse Act (No. 70) of 2008.
Other national policies implemented by the Department of Social Development pertain to
population development, the Integrated National Disability Strategy, the National Drug Master Plan
and the newly adopted National Family Policy to mention a few.
The Department of Social Development also implements national policies in collaboration with
other government departments such as health, public works, education e.g. school fees exemption
and the National Primary School Nutrition Programme, housing, justice, safety and security. Some
of the policies are mainstreamed across government departments (Patel and Selipsky 2010).
The Integrated Service Delivery Model devised by the Department of Social Development was an
attempt to conceptualise the complex relations between different social development programmes
and across government departments. Efforts to implement integrated services across government
departments remain a key challenge.
The development of policy and legislation is therefore a significant achievement in the
institutionalisation of developmental welfare. Another strength is that civil society groups and
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practitioners are continuing to play an important role in developing responsive legislation which is
crucial to a democratic welfare dispensation. Some of the challenges in the development and
implementation of legislation are:
• The need to create opportunities for genuine participation of communities and users as legislative
processes are technical and it is not accessible (Allen, Forrester and Patel 2008). Stakeholder
groups may represent the interests of some groups but not others. Government may need to
mediate these competing interests and trade-offs may need to be made.
• Legislation needs to take account of what is workable and feasible in terms of implementation. In
some instances, the legislation built on past modes of provision such as statutory child
protection with scant attention paid to new modalities such as prevention and developmental
interventions with a high impact. Laws are passed that require substantial human resources to
implement which may not be available in the short term.
• Comprehensive legislation to implement the White Paper for Social Welfare (Department of Social
Welfare 1997) was not adopted. This is a weakness as the policy continues to be implemented in
a piecemeal fashion. Different interpretations of the policy and ambiguity remains leading to
inertia in the sector.
• National policies and guidelines were developed by the Department of Social Development, but
many remained in draft form for a considerable length of time, e.g. the Integrated Service
Delivery Model, before being formally adopted by Parliament. This lack of formalisation of
policies contributed to uncertainty about the Department’s mandate.
• The challenge of implementing intersectoral policies across government departments remains a
difficult challenge despite the establishment of interdepartmental working groups and enabling
provisions to facilitate implementation.
3
.5
Financial and fiscal arrangements
Financial and fiscal reforms have been implemented since 1994 to realign budgets and the
financing of the social services with the principle of co-operation between different spheres of
government and the new policy directions and priorities of government. The overall approach to
social development budgets is described in the next section.
3.5.1 Overall approach
Budget reforms were effected to improve planning, transparency, accountability and to improve
public service delivery. Annualised budgeting was replaced with multiyear budgets and the Public
Finance Management Act (No. 1) of 1999 was implemented to improve accountability for managing
budgets and for results and outputs. Strategic planning and performance management systems
were introduced from April 2003 including uniform budget formats for each of the social service
sectors to improve the quality of budget reporting. Annual budget reports for Vote 19: Social
Development are released by the National Treasury.
Government budgets are the main tools to steer social and economic development. National and
provincial ministers decide on the priorities. In order to set priorities, choices are made between
some services, benefits and social programmes. This has led to a trade-off between them with some
programmes being funded at a lower level. Budgets are also drawn up within set parameters and
spending limits which fixes what can be spent. This serves to curb expenditure growth in the
respective departments. The budgets of the national and provincial governments determine what
the departments may spend on the various programmes. Cabinet and the Provincial Executive
Councils make the most critical decisions on the allocation of resources, which is the culmination of
a long budgetary process that involves all the spending agencies and the relevant intergovernmental
structures.
The Financial and Fiscal Commission (FFC) plays a key part in the budget process. It advises the
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government on the equitable division of revenue between the national, provincial and local spheres
of government in order to ensure that provincial and local governments have sufficient resources to
deliver basic services for which they are responsible. The public and the beneficiaries of
development agencies can play a role by monitoring budgetary trends in social development and by
participating in the public debates by raising questions as to whether the expenditure is likely to
contribute to social and economic development.
National government revenue raised from taxes is shared between the provinces based on a
system of intergovernmental grants. These grants are based on a formula to equitably distribute
revenue between the provinces. The more populous and underdeveloped provinces also receive
proportionately more revenue in order to overcome the past racially-based system of resource
allocation and to address the historical disparities between the provinces. The equitable share of the
revenue that a province receives also includes a conditional grant that may only be used for
specified programmes and to achieve minimum standards, e.g. care and support to individuals and
families affected by HIV/AIDS, the expansion of antiretroviral programmes and upgrading of
informal settlements.
Provinces raise very limited funds themselves from provincial taxes – about 3 per cent.
Legislation was passed in 2001 to promote the growth of provincial revenue but most provinces
have not been able to generate their own revenue. In 2014, national government received 47,5 per
cent of nationally raised revenue, provinces received 43,5 per cent and municipalities received 9 per
cent (Republic of South Africa National Treasury 2014).
Unlike provincial governments that are totally dependent on national government grants for the
financing of social services, 73 per cent of municipal activities are self-funded, as municipalities
raise their own revenue from user charges for basic services. Income is also generated from property
rates and taxes. Municipalities also receive national governmental transfers, comprising about 27
per cent of local government revenue (Republic of South Africa National Treasury 2014). Local
governments raise a substantial proportion of their revenue themselves through municipal charges
and taxes, but there are major disparities in the municipal tax base between the urban and rural
municipalities. For this reason, the eight metropolitan municipalities received 17 per cent from
national government, while the 70 poorer and more rural municipalities received 50 per cent of
their funds from national revenue in 2014. The grant formula enables local authorities to provide
basic services and to perform functions that are assigned to them.
Municipalities receive an equitable share of national revenue to provide basic services to the
poor, such as water, electricity, refuse removal, municipal transport, community services, e.g. parks,
sport and recreation, municipal roads and street lighting. The provision of free basic services for the
poor is a key priority. Households with expenditure of less than R2 300 per month are targeted to
receive free basic services such as water, electricity, and sanitation and refuse removal. The national
government allocates R293 per poor household per month to local government as part of their
equitable share of national revenue. In this way, 59 per cent of poor households that qualify are
reached. A total of R147,6 billion has been allocated in the medium term expenditure budget for this
purpose over three years, including funds for administration and community services in poor
municipalities (Republic of South Africa National Treasury 2014:100).
The challenge remains to ensure that these services are effectively targeted at the poor and that
services are in fact delivered in these communities. Other challenges are related to revenue
collection and the need for improved financial management. These allocations are however
insufficient to eradicate the backlogs in local government service and infrastructure provision and
to ensure that these services are properly operated and maintained. There is also critical need to
improve the financial management capacity of local government, reduce corruption, waste and
inefficiency and overcome slow service delivery levels (Republic of South Africa National Treasury
2014).
3.5.2 Social development spending
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The social development departments in the provinces are responsible for the delivery of social
development services, education and health care, while the national government sets and monitors
the implementation of policy and norms and standards. Health, education and social development
services make up three quarters of provincial spending. Provinces are the main deliverers of health
services which account for 97 per cent of total health spending followed by 82 per cent of total
spending on education and 11 per cent of allocations for social development. The bulk of these
costs go to personnel expenditure for teachers, health care workers, and social workers and other
social service professionals amongst others. Between 2014/2015 and 2016/2016, the provincial
share of equitable revenue will grow by 6,7 per cent per year (Republic of South Africa National
Treasury 2014).
Social welfare spending increased significantly in the early 1990s to address racial disparities in
social grants. From 2000 to 2010, the economy grew by 3,5 per cent following a period of slower
growth in the late 1990s of 1,8 per cent. Strong economic growth coupled with increasing tax
revenues resulted in real increases in government spending of 5,5 per cent. Social assistance
spending increased significantly due to the expansion of social grants, the introduction of the child
support grant and the equalisation of the age of eligibility for social pensions between men and
women. Social assistance expanded from 3 million in 1995 to 15,8 million in 2014 making up 3,5 per
cent of gross domestic product (GDP). The growth of social spending on social assistance was 8 per
cent between 2010/2011 to 2013/2014 and is set to increase on average over the next three years by
7,6 per cent. This spending is in line with government’s commitment to the reduction of poverty
and inequality.
However, spending on welfare services have been historically underfunded. Over the next three
years the MTEF 2014 to 2016 has budgeted for an increase of 7,8 per cent in provincial welfare
spending. Increases in welfare service spending has occurred off a low base (Republic of South
Africa National Treasury 2014). Transfers to NPOs are set to increase by an average of 8,2 per cent in
the 2014 to 2016 MTEF. In total, 37,4 per cent of the total national budget will go to transfers to NPOs
for welfare services delivered by the provinces. Increases are budged for children and families with
smaller increases for child justice and substance abuse services. In some provinces, the division
between public and voluntary financial support is less favourable to the voluntary sector, especially
in the more rural provinces with limited voluntary organisations. Voluntary organisations have also
protested about the lack of funding for the actual costs of services and lower salaries for social
workers.
An analysis of the overall budget indicates that social assistance spending amounts to 94 per cent
of total social development spending, leaving negligible amounts to developmental welfare services.
This leaves limited funding available for preventative and developmental aspects of national policy
as well as for supportive services for vulnerable persons and families.
Most of the provincial budgets (68,5 per cent) is spent on statutory services for children,
rehabilitation and residential care. Other interventions of a developmental nature including
research, only reach 12,5 per cent (Republic of South Africa National Treasury 2009). The 2014
budget data released by the National Treasury do not provide a breakdown for the allocation of
funds for these types of programmes. Funding norms to incentivize prevention and innovative
developmental interventions do not exist (Patel 2012).
NPOs are responsible for 98 per cent of welfare facilities – residential facilities, e.g. homes for
older persons, children and people with disabilities and non-residential or partial care facilities
such as early childhood development centres. NPOs also serve 71 per cent of welfare clients
(Republic of South Africa National Treasury 2009). The overall increases of 8,2 per cent to NPOs in
the MTEF is negligible and will not address the service backlogs, increased access and growing
demand for services to vulnerable and at risk groups and for developmental welfare services.
Further, there are great variations between provinces in the transfers to NPOs ranging between
25 per cent and 45 per cent of their total budgets (Republic of South Africa National Treasury 2009).
Underspending of provincial budgets remains a significant problem amounting to 3,8 per cent of
the budgets over a three year period ((Republic of South Africa National Treasury 2009).
Co-operative governance arrangements grant provinces discretionary powers to allocate their
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resources in line with provincial priorities. This means that funds allocated for health, education
and welfare services could be redirected to other priorities resulting in inadequate funding levels of
welfare services (Patel 2012).
The quality and spread of services have been limited by the factors mentioned above. This was
the subject of legal action brought by three NPOs, namely The National Association of Welfare
Organisations and Non-Governmental Organisations, NGO Social Services Free State and Free State
Care in Action, against the MEC for Social Development in the Free State, the head of the Free State
Department of Social Development, and the national Minister of Social Development. The Free
State High Court ruled against the provincial government of the Free State (Free State High Court
2010). Inadequate funding for welfare services were found to impact negatively on service delivery.
The Court argued:
• First that NPOs provide services that government should provide as a constitutional right and in
terms of various laws.
• Second, the court ruled that financial awards policies should be fair, equitable and transparent
about what the respective contributions of government and NPOs should be for social welfare
services (National Welfare Social Service and Development Forum s.d.). (Permission granted.)
This was a landmark ruling which will have substantial impact on the financing of welfare services
(Patel 2012; Free State High Court 2010; Budlender 2010). NPOs have consistently advocated for
increased resources for welfare services and for the equalisation of salaries of social workers in the
public and NPO sectors.
Taking these factors together, one may conclude that limited progress was made in the
transformation of welfare services in keeping with the developmental approach and the priorities
set in the financing policy (Department of Welfare 1999) and the Policy on Financial Awards for
Service Providers (Department of Social Development 2011).
The financing policy sets out the priorities and paradigm shifts that are needed from a social
treatment to a developmental service delivery model. Limited progress was made in its
implementation due to financial, institutional and capacity constraints. The policy was not based on
a cost-based approach to allocating resources and an agreement on what the package of services
are to be delivered and by whom. A funding model with new criteria and formulae for different
types of programmes was not devised such as in the case of developmental interventions.
A subsequent policy was adopted to identify priorities for the funding of services titled ‘The
Policy of Financial Awards for Service Providers’ (Department of Social Development 2011). It was
also intended to regulate service providers and to increase accountability to government of NPOs
delivering services. No monitoring and evaluation systems exist for the various funded
programmes, including agreements on indicators and outcomes. There is therefore urgent need to
align social development performance with overall national, provincial and local government
monitoring and evaluation of the social development function. None of the policies set out the
actual funding formulae for the various programmes, e.g. statutory interventions for children or
community development interventions.
NPOs receive funding from a variety of sources other than government. The total resource flows
to NPOs in 2012 was estimated to amount to R14 716 billion from the following sources: Department
of Social Development (30 per cent); Official Development Aid (8 per cent); National Lottery
Distribution Trust Fund (11 per cent); National Development Agency (4 per cent) and Corporate
Social Investment (47 per cent). CSI spend includes education, social and community development,
health, environment, food security, entrepreneurship and small business support, sports
development, arts and culture, housing and living conditions and safety and security (Trialogue
2013). Figure 3.1 provides the breakdown of the resource flows to NPOs in 2012.
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Figure 3.1: Resource flows to NPOs, 2012
Sources: Republic of South Africa National Treasury 2014:18; World Bank 2014:1; National Lotteries Board
2014:1; National Development Agency 2012:4; Trialogue 2013:40. (Permission granted)
It is evident from the pie chart above that NPOs rely on different sources of funding. Besides
government transfers to NPOs, Corporate Social Investment (CSI) funding is a significant
contributor to social development programmes. CSI contributions are dependent on company
performance and vary from year to year. Government transfers to NPOs have dwindled. In this
regard, Budlender and Francis’s (2014:76) analysis of provincial budgets shows that except for two
provinces, the share of NPO transfers decreased between 2010/2011 and 2016/2017, while salaries
of employees increased. The authors point out that this is occurring at a time when funding from
non-government sources are decreasing.
The National Development Plan 2030 however calls for the creation of ‘an effective welfare
system that delivers better results for vulnerable groups’ (NPC 2011:62–53). A larger role is
advocated for the state in the delivery of welfare services with civil society complementing
government activities. However this is not reflected in budgetary allocations over the next three
years. Social development spending per poor person is estimated by the National Treasury in 2014
to be on average R690 per person per annum. There are wide disparities in per person spending on
the poor between the provinces, with the Western Cape spending the highest (R1 300) followed by
Gauteng (R900). The lowest spending per poor person exists in Limpopo (R470) and in
KwaZulu-Natal (R496) which have proportionately more people who are poor than the
aforementioned provinces.
3
.6
Human resources
A critical factor in the successful achievement of the goals of the new policy is a social development
workforce that is capable of delivering the desired outcomes. A capable workforce means that there
should not only be sufficient human resource capacity to deliver the different types of services that
are needed, but also that the services are in line with the developmental approach. Other factors
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that are critical to successful policy implementation are the salaries, working conditions, staff
development and supervision of social service professionals, retention of human resource capacity
in the sector, the development of expertise in new areas, and the need to align curricular with the
developmental approach.
The White Paper for Social Welfare (1997) drew attention to these factors, including the lack of
racial diversity of human resources. New public service legislation outlawed racial and gender
discrimination in the public sector after 1994. The uneven geographic distribution of human
resources and the urban bias in service delivery were other key issues, as well as the lack of
competitive salaries and benefits for employees in the NPO sector. In order to address the lack of
human resource capacity, the need for a diverse social development workforce was recognised
made up of both professional social service practitioners (social workers, community development
workers, child and youth care workers) and paraprofessionals (e.g. auxiliary social workers) and
volunteers.
The Social Service Professions Act (No. 110) of 1978 as amended over time provided for the
regulation of the professions under its umbrella. After 1994, the framework of the 1978 legislation
was retained, but various provisions were amended between 1995 and 1998. The Social Service
Professions and Occupations Bill of 2010 was adopted by Parliament but is not yet operational.
Once this Bill is signed into law, the social service professions will be governed by this legislation.
The Act allows for first, the setting up of a council, social service professional boards and social
service occupations; second, the registration of practitioners, the promotion and regulation of
education, training and professional development of practitioners and third, for the regulation of
the professional conduct of practitioners.
The contribution of volunteers to social and economic development is not acknowledged. The
information box below provides an indication of the nature and scope of volunteering in South
Africa in 2010.
Nature and scope of volunteering in South Africa in 2010
In 2010, the total number of the volunteer workers were 1,2 million persons, of which 53,9 per cent of the total
volunteer labour force indicated that they volunteered on their own (direct volunteering) and 36,8 per cent
indicated that they volunteered through an organisation, while the remaining 9,3 per cent volunteered both
directly as individuals and through organisations (Statistics South Africa 2011: v).
If the volunteer work that was done in 2010 had been compensated work, it would have cost approximately
R7,5 billion to perform the work. Those who volunteered through an organisation could have earned 65,4 per
cent of the R7,5 billion, and those who volunteered directly could have earned only 35,6 per cent.
(Statistics South Africa 2011:xi).
Human resources across all sectors of society were also guided by national legislation such as the
Employment Equity Act (No. 55) of 1998. Social development legislation such as the Social
Assistance Act (No. 13) of 2004 and the South African Social Security Agency Act (No. 9) of 2004
requires capable human resources in the delivery of social assistance. Comprehensive social
legislation mandating service delivery to vulnerable and at risk populations also have implications
for the type of human resources and the number of practitioners required, such as the Children’s
Act (No. 38) of 2005, the Older Persons Act (No. 13) of 2006 and the Child Justice Act (No. 75) of 2008
which is discussed further in Chapter 6.
There is a shortage of social service professionals to give effect to the legislation. In 1997, there
were 8 193 social service professionals who were evenly split between the public and the NPO
sectors. Social workers in the former homelands were largely employed in the public sector and
were integrated into a unitary welfare system after 1994 which accounts for the large number in the
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public sector at the time. Social security personnel in the public sector was made up of 2 256 social
security officials and 1 315 administrative staff. In view of the growth of social security, the number
of staff increased to 9 313 (South African Social Security Agency (SASSA) 2014). This represents a
38,3 per cent increase. The number of social workers more than doubled amounting to 16 740
registered social workers with the South African Council for Social Services Professions in 2012.
Government employs 6 525 social workers nationally, 2 542 social auxiliary workers, 1 862
community development practitioners and 694 child and youth carers (Department of Social
Development 2013a).
Approximately 40 per cent of social workers are employed in the public sector and 16 per cent in
the NPOs in 2012. According to the Institute of Race Relations, this means that 45 per cent are either
employed in the private sector or are not practicing social workers (South African Institute of Race
Relations 2012). This translates into a social worker to population ratio of 1 to 5 446 with provincial
variations.
Although South Africa may be close to the norm set by government which is 1 social worker to 5
000 people, this is misleading, as little is known about a significant proportion of registered social
workers. The government’s Integrated Service Delivery Model sets a norm for a casework load at 60
cases per social worker. In reality case loads are much higher due to the high demand for services
and the labour intensive nature of much of the legislation that has been passed after the new
dispensation. The Children’s Act (No. 38) of 2005 requires a minimum of 16 000 social workers to
implement the child protection provisions of the Act and a maximum of 55 000 based on the costing
that was conducted at the time that the legislation was passed. Estimations are not available for
workforce numbers to deliver services to people with disabilities, crime prevention and support,
HIV/AIDS care and support, and youth development services amongst others (South African
Institute of Race Relations 2012).
The norms and standards including human resource requirements do not exist for
developmental and preventative services, such as community development workers and child and
youth care workers. A key initiative to increase human resource capacity has been the provision of
bursaries to school leavers to attract them to the profession. This initiative dramatically reversed the
declining numbers of students choosing to study social work at higher education institutions in the
late 1990s and early 2000. By 2017, the Department of Social Development intends to reach 4 154
students.
Salaries and working conditions of social workers in the public sector have improved while
salaries in the NPOs have remained stagnant. NPO subsidies for salaries are set below government
remuneration levels resulting in a call by NPOs for the equalisation of salary levels, benefits and
working conditions.
The National Welfare Forum argues that the Financial Awards for Service Providers Policy
expects increased quality of service delivery with limited extra funds, thus perpetuating poor
working conditions of social workers. NPOs deliver the bulk of social services with a third of the
resources. This situation has resulted in the loss of NPO staff to government and other sectors.
Consequently, social service workers have migrated to the United Kingdom leading to the depletion
of the workforce.
A reorientation of existing human resource capacity was required by the new policies. Various
measures were envisaged such as a renewal of social work education and staff development and
training in order to give effect to the developmental orientation of the policy.
The SAQA Standards for Social Work Education of 2003 required social work education
institutions to realign their programmes with the new approach. Programme reviews of social work
education at South African universities were concluded, and the findings of the Council on Higher
Education have not been released. A major challenge remains of how to integrate social
development theory and practice into the social work curriculum. Various approaches have been
adopted by universities and there is scope to document best practice in innovation in teaching and
learning and in field instruction. The use of information, communication technology in teaching
and learning is receiving increasing attention as well as values, skills and the role of social service
professions in social transformation.
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Focus group discussions with social workers on policy implementation in 2009 indicated that
‘Training institutions did not prepare social workers adequately to engage with issues of social
development. Moreover social workers are unable to make the link between social development
and economic development’ (Respondents cited in the Centre for Social Development in Africa
(CSDA) 2009). The findings suggest that there was limited understanding of social workers and
welfare organisations of economic development concepts. Lombard (2008) also identified the lack
of understanding of the developmental approach by social workers and the lack of conceptual
clarity.
Social work educators furthermore struggle to find appropriate field instruction placements for
students that will enable them to apply developmental theory and practice. While progress has been
made in developing a capable social development workforce, significant gaps remain.
Evidence-based policy making is limited and a social development workforce study is urgently
needed to inform policy and effective strategies for implementation. Greater attention is needed to
improve the quality of professional supervision of social workers.
CHAPTER SUMMARY
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
The dismantling of the apartheid welfare system and the development and institutionalisation of
the new developmental approach to social welfare was informed by the overall transformation
and restructuring of South African society. The Bill of Rights and the Constitution of the
Republic of South Africa (1996; 1993) together with key policies such as the Reconstruction and
Development Programme (RDP) set the agenda for change.
A two-year consultative process led to the adoption of the White Paper for Social Welfare by
Parliament in 1997. This policy framework informed the redesign of social security and social
welfare services in keeping with the social development perspective to social welfare. The policy
has guided the reform of social welfare and social development in post-apartheid South Africa.
The policy is currently under review with the purpose of aligning it with the National
Development Plan 2030.
South Africa’s conception of developmental social welfare is based on a rights-based approach
promoting social justice and favouring the meeting of the needs of the most disadvantaged. A
second feature emphasises the interrelation between economic and social development based
on Midgley and Patel’s theory of developmental social welfare. Developmental welfare also
incorporates ideas from social investment theory and the human capabilities approach.
Democracy and participation involving both representative and participatory democracy is a
third feature. Social development partnerships based on welfare pluralism, in which the state
plays a leading role in development together with civil society and the private sector, is a fourth
feature. Bridging the micro-macro dichotomy in the theory and practice of social development
constitutes a fifth feature of the South African approach to social development.
The institutionalisation of social development was explained in relation to the structure and
functions of government within the constitutional framework of co-operative governance.
The approach to legislative reform and the legislative mandate of the social development function
were outlined including the challenges of implementation.
The chapter also reviewed financial and fiscal reforms to promote the efficiency, effectiveness and
accountability of government. Expenditure trends in the social service sector and more
specifically in relation to social development were outlined.
The approach to human resources, trends and shortcomings were outlined.
Throughout the chapter, the achievements in the dismantling of apartheid welfare were
considered, including challenges in the overall development, implementation and review of
social policies. Institutional constraints and challenges were discussed and debates on
macroeconomic policies were considered.
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QUESTIONS
1. Discuss South Africa’s approach to developmental social welfare and comment on its applicability
in the South African context.
2. What do you think are the achievements and challenges of dismantling the apartheid welfare
system and in developing and institutionalising developmental social welfare?
3. Do you agree with the government’s statement that South Africa is a democratic developmental
welfare state? Motivate your answer by referring to the theoretical approaches to social welfare
discussed in Chapter 1.
4. Weigh up the advantages and disadvantages of South Africa’s partnership model of service
delivery and make a proposal of what would be the best way forward.
5. Study the most recent budget speech of the Minister of Finance and comment on its implications
for social development policies and programmes.
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USEFUL WEBSITES
»
»
»
»
Parliament: The parliamentary website provides information on all the activities of Parliament,
Bills and laws that are passed including debates by Ministers and Port Folio Committees, such as
social development amongst others. http://www.parliament.gov.za/live/index.php
Statistics South Africa: This site provides statistical data about a range of sectors in South Africa.
The site contains the following data: quarterly labour force surveys, October household surveys,
community surveys, census reports and valuable data on poverty and inequality, children and
families, the economy and population characteristics amongst many others.
http://beta2.Statistics South Africa.gov.za/
The Department of Social Development: Provides the latest information regarding the activities,
legislation, policies and programmes of the Department of Social development. http://www.dsd
.gov.za/index.php?option=com_frontpage&Itemid=1
The National Treasury: Provides information of financial and fiscal matters of the state including
annual budgets from 1993 to the present. http://www.treasury.gov.za/
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CHAPTER
04
Social development practice
model
Learning outcomes
After you have read this chapter you should be able to:
Describe and discuss the two-stage model of social development practice. This will entail the ability to
define social development, its character and organising themes
Discuss the integrated practice frame of reference of developmental social work and social services
with reference to its key concepts, purposes, mandate, knowledge, skills, roles and values
Describe the multi-modal approach to developmental welfare and social work intervention
Discuss the social development planned change process
Identify questions for critical reflective thinking.
A model is a conceptual framework that identifies the
key characteristics, ideas, values, processes and
methods that inform practice. Its purpose is to
discover and describe a phenomenon. It is however
only a partial representation of what actually occurs
in reality.
4
.1
Introduction
Social development is an emerging approach in social welfare, social work and the social services in
South Africa and internationally. There is a need to provide a conceptual framework that will guide
social development practice in the South African context. This framework is relevant to the
evolution of social development in different societal contexts and in countries with different levels
of development. A two-stage social development practice model is formulated in this chapter. Part
1 of the model defines social development and outlines its character and organising themes. The
second part of the model builds on Part 1 and sets out an integrated practice frame of reference to
guide developmental social work processes and the delivery of social services. It also includes
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