Grammatical features of African
American Vernacular English in the
movie Sextuplets
A sociolinguistics study of the speech of the two
African American characters Alan and Dawn
Author: Maria Helgotsson
Supervisor: Jukka Tyrkkö
Examiner: Charlotte Hommerberg
Term: Fall 2020
Subject: English, Bachelor Course
Level: G3
Course code: 2EN10E
Abstract
African American Vernacular English (AAVE) has been extensively explored in previous
research in sociolinguistics. However, the portrayal of the sociolect in movies is still not
widely researched. In order to address this gap, the purpose of this thesis is to study how
AAVE is used in the movie Sextuplets (2019), directed by Michael Tiddes and co-produced
by Marlon Wayans. The material used was the script excerpted from Subslikescript (2019)
[www], and the study was delimited to the speech of the two characters Alan and Dawn. The
method used was close reading of these two characters’ lines in order to identify four
grammatical features identified in previous research as associated with AAVE: negation
ain´t+ multiple negation with ain´t, multiple negation, copula BE absence and Invariant BE.
In addition, the data analysis procedure also involved identification of AAVE avoidance, i.e.,
instances where the characters had the opportunity to use the AAVE features but opted for
their General American counterparts instead. The results show that all four AAVE features
occurred in the speech of both characters, and the structures in which these features occur
conforms to findings from previous studies of AAVE usage in authentic contexts. The
findings also display extensive differences in frequency between the two characters’ use of
AAVE. These differences can be related to their social background. Alan is portrayed as a
wealthy African American male, whereas Dawn is presented as a troublemaker who has been
in and out of jail. The speech of these two characters is realistic in the sense that it reproduces
grammatical features of AAVE noted in previous research on language use in authentic
contexts. In addition, the differences between the two characters can be said to reproduce
stereotypes of how African Americans from different social classes use AAVE.
Key words
African American Vernacular English, Movie transcript, Sextuplets, Sociolinguistics
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Table of contents
INTRODUCTION ............................................................................................................ 4
AIM & RESEARCH QUESTIONS ................................................................................ 5
THEORETICAL BACKGROUND ................................................................................ 5
THE TERM AAVE ........................................................................................................ 5
LANGUAGE ATTITUDES AND SOCIOLINGUISTICS .......................................................... 6
GRAMMATICAL FEATURES OF AAVE AND THEIR GENERAL AMERICAN
COUNTERPARTS ....................................................................................................................... 8
3.3.1 Negation ain´t + multiple negation with ain’t ....................................................... 9
3.3.2 Multiple negation ................................................................................................. 10
3.3.3 Copula BE absence .............................................................................................. 11
3.3.4 Invariant BE ......................................................................................................... 12
MATERIAL & METHOD ............................................................................................ 13
MATERIAL ................................................................................................................. 13
The actor Marlon Wayans .................................................................................... 13
The movie Sextuplets ............................................................................................ 13
The transcript ....................................................................................................... 14
METHOD.................................................................................................................... 14
4.1.1
4.1.2
4.1.3
RESULTS ........................................................................................................................ 14
THE USE OF AAVE VS. AAVE AVOIDANCE IN ALAN´S AND DAWN´S SPEECH .......... 15
5.1.1 Alan´s use of AAVE .............................................................................................. 15
5.1.2 Alan´s avoidance of AAVE ................................................................................... 17
5.1.3 Dawn´s use of AAVE ............................................................................................ 18
5.1.4 Dawn´s avoidance of AAVE ................................................................................. 20
ALAN´S AND DAWN´S USE AND AVOIDANCE OF AAVE FEATURES – A QUANTITATIVE
COMPARISON ......................................................................................................................... 21
DISCUSSION ................................................................................................................. 24
CONCLUSION ............................................................................................................... 27
REFERENCES ....................................................................................................................... 28
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Introduction
Language is one of many ways for people to express their different social identities, such as
gender, age and ethnicity (Holmes, 2013: 131). Languages are made up of different dialects,
defined by Holmes as linguistic varieties that can be distinguished by their grammar,
vocabulary and pronunciation (Holmes, 2013: 140). People from different social and regional
groups differ in this regard, and the function of this variation is not only to distinguish groups
apart but also to consolidate a group (2013: 138). The term dialect is normally used to refer to
a geographically defined speech community, while the term sociolect refers to a language
variety used by a socially defined speech community. For instance, African American
Vernacular English (henceforth abbreviated AAVE) is one kind of sociolect that is especially
spoken in the northern cities of America and is primarily used by lower socio-economic
groups (Holmes, 2013: 188-189). AAVE has features that distinguish it from other English
dialects. These are Copula BE absence, Multiple negation, Invariant BE, Negation ain´t and
Consonant cluster simplification. For African Americans, these features express “cultural
distinctiveness” and function as “symbols of ethnicity” (Holmes, 2013: 188).
The use of African American Vernacular English has been dismissed in many contexts. For
instance, in employment environments, AAVE is evaluated as inappropriate. According to
Green (2002), it is equal with “unintelligible, incoherent, non-fluent, and illogical speech”
(2002: 224). Since African American Vernacular English is considered unsuitable in
professional settings, African Americans have to adjust their language into Standard English
in order to become successful (Green, 2002: 223). However, these perceptions of the use of
AAVE are highly interesting since the sociolect is used in many different contexts, for
example, in music lyrics, TV shows, movies, and in other areas where African Americans
have succeeded despite using AAVE.
AAVE has previously been investigated in authentic contexts (Mufwene, Rickford, Bailey &
Baugh, 1998: 226, Peterson, 2020:106, Speicher & McMahon, 1992 :386). However, the use
of AAVE by fictional characters remains largely unexplored. This study therefore investigates
how a sociolect such as AAVE can be portrayed in fiction. The paper analyzes the movie
Sextuplets (2019), directed by Michael Tiddes and co-produced by Marlon Wayans. There are
six characters in the movie, all of whom are played by the African American actor Marlon
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Wayans. The study focuses on the two characters Alan and his sister Dawn. These two
characters were chosen firstly due to Alan being the main character and Dawn being the most
outspoken character out of all of the other characters in the movie, and secondly because these
two characters belong to clearly distinct social groups. The speech produced by these two
characters therefore offers rich opportunities to observe how they use features of AAVE.
Aim & Research Questions
The aim of this study is to examine how AAVE is portrayed in fiction by investigating to
what extent four grammatical features of African American English, multiple negation,
negation ain´t and multiple negation with ain´t, copula BE absence and invariant BE, are used
in the speech of the two characters Alan and Dawn in the movie Sextuplets. The purpose is
also to compare the two characters’ use of AAVE, since the two characters represent, at least
to some extent, different social classes. I will fulfill the aim of the study by answering the
following research questions:
1) How is AAVE portrayed in the movie Sextuplets?
2) What similarities and differences can be seen in the use of AAVE between the two
characters?
3) To what extend do the two characters’ use and avoidance of AAVE correspond with
the portrayal of their respective social backgrounds?
Theoretical Background
This section presents the background needed in order to understand the design of this study.
Section 3.1 first defines the concept of AAVE, followed by section 3.2 where the perception
of AAVE is discussed. Finally, section 3.3 defines and illustrates the features of AAVE
included in this study and contrasts these with their General American counterparts. The
presentation also introduces previous sociolinguistic research on the usage of these features.
The term AAVE
The actual term that should be used to refer to African American English has not yet been
decided. However, there have been discussions about which term is considered the most
appropriate one to use, since there are various names for the sociolect. Terms such as Ebonics,
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and Black English are associated with the features of African American English. The term
Black English Vernacular has been applied by the linguist Labov (1972: xiii) and is spoken by
working-class African Americans in the inner-city areas in the US today. In contrast to the
term Black English Vernacular, Ebonics was coined in 1973 by a group of black people.
Originally, the term Ebonics entails the sound of black people, Ebony meaning black and
phonics sounds, i.e., “the study of sound” (Rickford,1999: xxi). However, there are several
scholars that claim that the use of this term is very similar with the use of the term African
American Vernacular English, whereas others argue that there are differences between the
term Ebonics and AAVE. According to Rickford (1999: xxii) Ebonics is merely related to
Africanist. It derives from the Niger Congo language which has a grammatical structure
different from the one used in AAVE and Black English. The term Ebonics represents the
language spoken in West Africa, Caribbean and the US, deriving from the African origin
(ibid). Rickford (1999) prefers to use the term AAVE since it is the most recent and the most
common variety for this speech (ibid); hence, AAVE is the term that will be used in this
study.
Language attitudes and sociolinguistics
According to Holmes (2013) the attitude towards a specific dialect is highly affected by the
way people choose to understand it as well as how they choose to view the speaker of the
dialect. For instance, when people hear a dialect or language they are not familiar with, they
can choose to view it either negatively or positively. Their perception of the dialect can
depend on factors such as “contexts and functions with which they are associated” (2013:
410). In other words, attitudes towards a language are linked to social and political factors
(ibid).
Many non-African American English speakers have a negative attitude towards AAVE. It has
been viewed as “obscene language,” or “uncensored speech” (Mufwene, Rickford, Bailey &
Baugh, 1998: 226) due to word choice. Spears (1998: 227) presents an example where a black
male is calling a black female bitch and ho, both of which words are perceived as oppressive,
condescending and very much related to misogynists. These perceptions are one of the
reasons that AAVE is considered obscene language. However, Spears claims that the use of
such words does not simply imply that the speaker is misogynist. As for the example with the
male calling a female such words, he had no intentions to offend her, rather it was his way of
expressing that he was impressed by her occupation. These words can also be expressed by
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females referring to other females, and by males referring to other males (Mufwene et al.,
1998: 227). Words can thus have different meanings depending on the context and the
speaker´s intention behind the word.
It is important to keep in mind that obscene language is not only used by African Americans.
White people and other ethnicities also use this type of speech. It is also found among all
different social groups, female, males and different classes (Mufwene et al 1998: 228). The
use of AAVE all depends on “the circumstances in which people live” (Peterson, 2020: 102).
It is worth mentioning that not all African Americans use AAVE or offensive words
(associated with this sociolect), but since the majority of black people use this type of speech,
approximately 80 percent (Rickford, 1999: 9), there are prejudices against and judgements of
the use of AAVE. Whites and other non-African American speakers often consider the
sociolect to be “the incorrect use of mainstream English” (Green, 2002: 221). Hence, AAVE
speakers may be perceived as “lazy, ignorant or both” (Green, 2002: ibid). AAVE can be seen
as a “legitimate variety”, i.e., as a valid system of communication that is governed by rules,
but the prejudices regarding AAVE have made African Americans feel unease since it carries
a stereotype opinion that black people cannot speak (or “learn to speak”) General American
(ibid). AAVE is deemed to be the most stigmatized and misunderstood variety of English in
the US (Peterson, 2020: 102). Pullum states that “the majority of English speakers think that
AAVE is just English with two added factors; with some special slang terms and a lot of
grammatical mistakes” (Pullum, 1999: 41). AAVE is also deemed as “the lingo of criminals,
dope pushers, teenage hoodlums and various and sundry hustlers […]” (Speicher &
McMahon, 1992 :386). Hence, the sociolect is seen as “inappropriate to use in higher classes”
(Madhloum, 2011: 6), and African Americans who belong to higher social groups often use
General American in social environments (ibid).
Rickford and King (2016) have investigated how the use of AAVE is perceived in a
courtroom. The study concerned the African American woman Rachel Jeantel, who was a
leading prosecution witness in the case of the murder of her friend Trayvon Martin, who was
killed by a man called George Zimmerman. When she testified in court, her speech was
considered incomprehensible because of her use of AAVE, hence her testimony was rejected.
However, the rejection made people who were familiar with the sociolect furious and the
actual language was put on trial. The aim of Rickford and King´s study is to get a better
understanding of the use of AAVE and how people, like Jeantel, can be heard in a better way
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in court but also in other contexts. In addition, they discuss different factors that could have
caused the rejection of her testimony, such as unfamiliarity with the sociolect, the possibility
of a negative attitude towards African American English (i.e., racial prejudices), and social
biases against black people (Rickford et al, 2016: 948). First, when examining excerpt from
Jeantel´s speech from the courtroom, Rickford and King did not find her language incoherent
or hard to understand (as the jurors and media claimed) but rather, as they claimed,
“systematic exemplification of the grammar of AAVE, with some resemblance to, if not
influenced from CCE varieties (Caribbean Creole English)” (Rickford & King, 2016: 957).
For instance, her language included words, such as creepy ass cracka, nigga and several
grammatical features such as auxiliary subject inversion (have+ I), copula be absence,
followed by negation ain´t, and invariant BE. The use of these features was the reason behind
the language difficulties that the jurors experienced when talking to her. Rickford & King also
compared this case with similar cases around the US and other parts of the world. They came
to the conclusion that speakers of AAVE and vernacular speakers from other ethnic groups,
languages and regions around the world often experienced misunderstanding and mishearing,
especially by “police, juries, judges or employers in everyday life” (Rickford & King, 2016:
980) due to preconceptions of AAVE. In order to try to diminish misunderstandings and
mishearing that AAVE speakers experience, they came up with suggestions that might be
helpful in cases like this. Their first suggestion was to pay more attention to research on
dialects and sociolects, and cases where speakers of AAVE or vernacular speech have been
heard in courts or other places such as schools, hospitals and in work environments. The
second suggestion that they put forward was to continue to push and support for vernacular
speakers to be heard and to be given justice in this kind of cases (ibid). These perceptions
about AAVE (and other vernacular dialects), similar to Jeantel´s case, are likely to affect
those speakers by making them moderate their use of sociolect features in official, formal or
public contexts.
Grammatical features of AAVE and their General American counterparts
The grammatical features of AAVE are defined in terms of how they deviate from standard
varieties of English. According to Yule, General American (or Standard American English) is
the English used in “newspapers and books […] and is taught in most schools” (Yule, 2014:
234). There are different terminologies for Standard American English, such as mainstream
English, General American or General American English (Oetting, 2020: 12). This study will
use the term General American to refer to the standard alternatives of the four grammatical
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features included in the present study. In the description of AAVE features below, the General
American alternatives are included as a basis for comparison.
Four grammatical features of AAVE are in focus in this study: negation ain’t, multiple
negation, copula BE absence and invariant copula BE. These four grammatical features were
selected for two reasons. Firstly, they are argued to be the most distinctive features of AAVE
(Rickford, 1999). Secondly, these features have been included in studies where people from
different social stratifications have been examined in order to compare their AAVE use (see
e.g. Rickford, 1999, Labov, 2006, Madholum, 2011). This section presents previous linguistic
research on each of these features.
3.3.1
Negation ain´t + multiple negation with ain’t
The feature negation ain ́t corresponds to haven´t, hasn´t, am not, isn´t and aren´t in General
American (Cheshire, ibid; see also Myhill,1995:123). Wolfram (2004:124) has also found
ain´t to be used in the place of didn´t as in “She ain´t do it”, and Myhill (1995: 124) has
observed ain´t being used for don´t. The feature is associated with non-standard English
which can also be found in Great Britain (Cheshire, 1981: 365). Cheshire illustrates the use of
negation ain ́t by the following examples:
•
Negative present tense contracted form of be both as the copula as in: “We got a park
near us but there ain´t nothing over there”,
•
The auxiliary: “How come that ain´t working?”
•
Negative present tense contracted form of the auxiliary has: “I ain´t got one singe flea
in my hear[...]”
•
Past tense auxiliary as: I ain´t see the fight, and I ain´t hear the fight” (Cheshire, ibid).
Howe (2005) presents a study where he compared the early use of the negation ain´t in
African American English with the modern African American English. Results show that
there are several patterns that are still used up to this day, such as the use of ain´t for present
tense “have + not”, as in the sentence “I´m sorry we ain´t had a chance to chill […]” (Howe,
2005: 174). Other patterns such as the use of ain´t with present tense “be + not” as in the
following example: 6) “I tell you ain´t not right [...]” (ibid). Finally, the use of ain´t as the
past tense of “do+ not”: “He ain´t give the man nothing (Howe, 2005: 185). However, these
are only some examples of the negative constructions that are still used today. Howe
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discovered several patterns from the early AAVE that are not used any longer. For instance,
“the restricted use of ain´t for past tense “be + not”, and “the restricted use of ain´t for past
tense have + not” (Howe, 2005: 197). All of the possible General American counterparts of
negation ain´t that are still in use are considered in this study.
3.3.2
Multiple negation
Multiple negation, also called negative concord (Mufwene et al, 1998: 17) or double negation
(Peterson, 2020 :110), is one of many features of the non-standard English used in the US
(Green, 2002 :78, Howe, 2005: 174, Peterson, 2020: 110). The feature entails two or more
negations such as don´t, no and nothing used in one single sentence (Green, 2002: 77).
According to Green (2002), multiple negation can also be used as indefinite pronouns, such as
nobody (for anybody in General American) and nothing (anything in General American)
(Green, 2002 :77). In AAVE, there is no limit to how many negators can be used in a sentence
when using multiple negation, such as in the example “Sometimes it didn’t have no chalk, no
books, no teachers” (Green, ibid), whereas in General American the negative can only be
utilized once in the same sentence (ibid).
Previous studies of multiple negation have shown that the feature is closely related to social
class (Shuy, Wolfram and Riley :1968 in Wardhaugh & Fuller, 2014: 177). Regarding the use
of the feature among the different social classes in the African American community in
Detroit, the upper- middle class speakers rarely used multiple negation in their speech (only 2
percent),whereas the lower middle class used the feature 11 percent of the time, upper
working-class 38 percent, and lower working-class 70 percent of the time (Wardhaugh &
Fuller, 2014: ibid). The results of the use of multiple negation in Detroit thus showed a
variation among the different social classes which connects class with linguistic behavior.
Individual´s use of features of AAVE such as multiple negation decreases in formal contexts
where their speech became more General American (ibid). Wardhaugh and Fuller assert that
“the higher the social class of the speaker, the more standard too is the speaker´s behavior”
(Wardhaugh & Fuller, 2014: 178).
There is also one closely related construction of the multiple negation, namely negative
inversion, in which the auxiliary and indefinite pronouns are negated as in “Can´t nobody say
nothing” (inverted from Nobody can´t say nothing) for General American “Nobody can say
anything” and “Ain´t nobody home” equivalent for general American “Nobody is home”
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(Rickford, 1999 :8). When AAVE speakers use negative inversion, this implies that they tend
to “switch the order of the subject (nobody) and the auxiliary verb (ain´t), yielding Ain´t
nobody gonna find out” (Pullum, 1999: ibid). The main purpose of using negative inversion is
to emphasize, for instance, if the indefinite pronoun is stressed as in “Don’t nobody like him”
(Wolfram, 2004: 124). However, this feature is not included in this study since it was not used
by the characters.
3.3.3
Copula BE absence
The copula BE absence, “also called zero copula” (Katz, Seth R, 2020: 131), is also a feature
which is associated with AAVE. In General American the forms of the verbs (is and are) are
usually contracted, whereas in AAVE these features are absent (Yule, 2014: 265). This
implies that AAVE speakers can use this feature in various ways such as in “he is the leader
(full form)”, He´s the leader (contracted form)”, and “he Ø the leader (absent form)” (Alim,
2004: 141). If looking at the structure of all of the three sentences above, they differ in their
grammatical structure, but they all mean the same thing. The intention of omitting the copula
BE is to “mark ongoing events that are ongoing or repeated, but of limited duration [...]”
(Katz, Seth R 2020: 131). In AAVE this absence is optional while in General American the
copula is obligatory (ibid).
Alim (2004) mentions that in AAVE “the copula BE can be absent before prepositional
phrases and locatives (on the rise), progressive verbs (he runnin scared), adjectives (we wide
awake), negatives and gon (we not just gon lay down [...] (Alim 2004: 141). However, the
feature cannot be applied in all grammatical environments: “it cannot be absent when it is in
sentence final position (as they are) […].” (ibid). The copula cannot be absent in the firstperson singular form (I am). For instance, a sentence like “I the boss” is ungrammatical (Alim
2004: 141-142, Norment, 2003: 78). This shows that the feature is governed by rules that
determine how the verb be occurs in AAVE.
Rickford (1999) conducted a study where he compared his own study to Wolfram´s (1979)
study. His study showed that three of four black adults omitted the copula be in their speech
20 percent of the time, whereas teenagers omitted those 82 percent of the time. In contrast to
Rickford’s study, concerning the absence of copula be, Wolfram´s (1979) study showed that
the African American teenagers in Detroit (14 to 17 years old) had a lower percentage in the
omission of copula be, compared to Rickford´s study. In conclusion, the comparison Rickford
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executed showed that the omission of copula be is also highly affected by age. This implies
that the African American teenagers omitted the copula be more than adults.
3.3.4
Invariant BE
According to Rickford (1999) invariant BE, also called nonfinite BE (Wolfram, 2004: 118), is
one of the best-known grammatical features of the AAVE. Rickford (1999) also refers
invariant be as aspectual (1999: 47) which implies “using the unconjugated form of the verb
to be […] to signal that something happens on a regular or frequent basis” (Peterson,
2020:106). The following example “I be good” (Norment, 2003: 78) is mainly used in AAVE
and indicates that the speaker is good intermittently.
The aspectual form can also be used to “specify precisely how often the looking activity
occurs; usually, often or never” (Green, 2002, 51), as in the sentence “I always be looking for
somewhere to waste time” (Green, 2002: Ibid). The aspectual form often occurs before a verb
in the progressive form (verb+ ing), but it can also be used with other grammatical classes,
such as adjectives and preposition phrases (ibid).
Compared to the copula BE absence and other auxiliaries, invariant BE cannot be left out in a
sentence, since it conveys a specific meaning (Green, 2002: 47). If the copula is left out, it
may lose its actual intended interpretation. It is also good to keep in mind that invariant BE as
the aspectual be cannot be inflected and does not occur as (is, am or are) (2002: 48).
The other explanation of the use of invariant BE is the deletion of the future markers will or
would as in “He be there tomorrow” (Rickford, 1999 :6). This means that the “ll contraction
of will is often absent before be” (Norment, 2003: 78).
Bailey & Maynor (1987) present a study of the use of invariant BE. The study showed that the
African American teenagers from Texas used invariant BE as the habitual BE and as an
auxiliary, before verb + ing, whereas older black people used be as a copula before adjectives
and locatives. Their study also showed that invariant BE is more frequently used by the
younger generation and that the older generation does not use it as often. When expressing
future meaning in AAVE, the future marker will in General American is replaced by the use
of Invariant BE and the use of invariant BE as the habitual BE corresponds to the use of
always, usually and often in General American (Green, 2002: 51).
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Material & Method
This study investigates the use of AAVE in fiction. Section 4.1 first introduces the actor
Marlon Wayans and the film Sextuplets, which is used as a source of data, and section 4.2
subsequently describes the method.
Material
4.1.1
The actor Marlon Wayans
Wayans is an African American actor who grew up in New York City. He has appeared in
numerous interviews and talk shows (e.g., BigBoyTV, BUILD Series, The Angie Martinez
show and The Tonight show Starring Jimmy Fallon), and interestingly, his own usage of
AAVE features in these public settings varies depending on the context. In public or formal
settings, he tends to adapt his language into General American (see interview 3, 4), whereas
when he appears in more informal settings such as radio stations, he uses AAVE (see
interview 1 and 2).
4.1.2
The movie Sextuplets
The primary source that was used for this study was the movie Sextuplets (2019), directed by
Michael Tiddes and co-produced by Marlon Wayans. The movie is about the father-to-be
Alan (played by Marlon Wayans) who is keen to find out about his biological family. Alan is
presented as a wealthy African American male who lives in a beautiful neighborhood in
Georgia. When he finds out that he has five identical siblings, he decides to reconcile with
them and meet up with his long-lost family before his baby is born [Imdb, www]. The first
part of the movie takes place in Georgia and the second part in Alabama, where Alan and one
of his brothers travel to find the rest of the family. All of these six characters, Alan and his
five siblings, all played by Wayans. The siblings have very different personalities and social
circumstances. Alan, who is the main character, is very proper and wealthy, Jaspar is the stiff
and quiet brother who lives in a suburb in Alabama, Ethan is the goofy one who is very poor,
Russell is a nerdy introvert who lives with his mother, Baby Pete, who is having health
problems, is the caring person, and Dawn who is the most outspoken out of all siblings, is an
exotic dancer who has been in and out of prison several times. Since Alan and Dawn are the
most obvious opposites of each other in terms of their social status and personalities, the focus
will be on the two characters. Based on Holmes (2013) discussion about how social class is
connected to language patterns, where there are differences in how people talk due to
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differences in “social prestige, wealth and education” (Holmes, 2013: 142), it can be expected
that Alan´s higher socio- economic status will entail lower frequency of AAVE features in his
speech compared to Dawn’s, due to their differences in social class.
4.1.3
The transcript
This investigation is based on the script of Alan’s and Dawn’s speech. The script was
retrieved from the website subslikescripts.com [www] which is an online site where you can
find scripts of TV shows, series and movies. The script for the movie Sextuplets consists of
13082 words (excluding music lyrics).
Method
The method used to process the script was close reading, and in addition, the movie was
viewed several times in order to make sure that none of the features used by the two
characters were left out and in order to take note of the context where the features were used.
When reading the script, each feature that could be identified as AAVE use was highlighted.
All instances that were found in the script were later calculated and presented in separate
figures comparing Alan and Dawn´s AAVE use. Possible uses of each feature were identified
by taking note of the General American counterparts of the AAVE features as listed in section
3.3. These avoidances of AAVE use were also identified by means of a process of close
reading. These possible uses of each feature (i.e. the use of General American instead of
AAVE) provide the backdrop for determining the relative frequency of AAVE use in the two
characters’ speech. Such instances where the General American alternatives were chosen are
subsequently referred to as AAVE avoidance.
Results
This section presents the results of the use of the AAVE features negation ain´t + multiple
negation with ain’t, multiple negation, copula BE absence and invariant BE in the two
characters Alan’s and Dawn’s speech. Section 5.1 first offers a qualitative presentation of
instances of AAVE use and AAVE avoidance in Alan’s and Dawn’s speech, thus illustrating
how AAVE is portrayed in the film Sextuplets. Section 5.2 subsequently compares the
frequency of AAVE use to the frequency of AAVE avoidance in Alan’s and Dawn’s speech,
contrasting the two characters’ use of the four grammatical AAVE features.
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The use of AAVE vs. AAVE avoidance in Alan´s and Dawn´s speech
This section begins by first presenting Alan’s use of AAVE (5.1.1) and avoidance of AAVE
(5.1.2), and subsequently illustrates Dawn’s use of AAVE (5.1.3) and avoidance of AAVE
(5.1.4).
5.1.1
Alan´s use of AAVE
The first feature considered in this presentation is negation ain´t + multiple negation with
ain´t. When analyzing the script from the movie Sextuplets, negation ain´t could be identified
in Alan´s speech (occurred 7 times). The following examples illustrate how he uses the
feature:
(1) I ain´t Rockford
(2) Ain´t nobody gonna punkin us
(3) I ain´t got contraband
Example (1) illustrates the use of ain´t corresponds to “am+ not” in General American in the
present tense. Regarding the grammatical context, ain´t is used as a copula. In example (2),
Alan uses multiple negation with ain´t followed by the indefinite pronoun nobody. The
sentence corresponds to General American, as in “There is no one who is going to punk us”.
In addition, this example also illustrates the use of negative auxiliary inversion, which implies
that ain´t is taking the subject auxiliary position. In example (3), Alan is accused of stealing
when visiting his biological sister Dawn in prison. Here, the use of ain´t corresponds to
“have+ not” in General American.
What could also be seen from the script is that Alan used ain´t corresponding to “am+ not” in
General American 3 times, ain´t in the negative auxiliary inversion occurred once, and the use
of ain´t for “have+ not” once. The use of ain´t corresponds to “is+ not” in General American
was used once. Finally, the use of ain´t corresponds to “did+ not” in General American
appeared once.
The second feature that could be found in the script and identified in Alan´s speech is multiple
negation (occurred 8 times). The following examples depict in what context he uses this
feature.
(4) I don’t want to owe this man nothing
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(5) I can´t make nothing out of this
In example (4) Alan uses the present auxiliary “do +not” followed by the indefinite noun
nothing (corresponds to General American for anything) in his speech. As for the context,
Alan is speaking to his wife about being afraid of asking her father for a favor. In example
(5), Alan uses the negative words can´t and nothing in the same sentence, which indicates his
use of multiple negation. When Alan finally receives his birth certification, he is having a
hard time comprehending the information that is on the paper.
The feature copula BE absence could also be found in Alan´s speech (occurred 10 times). The
examples below show how he used the feature:
(6) Girl, you doin´ a whole lot better than I did
(7) That man a ghost
Wayans´s character Alan omits the copula BE corresponding to the plural verb form are (see
example (6)) in the context where he is talking to his wife on the phone regarding finding his
biological family, whereas example (7) corresponds to General American singular verb form
is. As for the context, Alan is trying to find his brother Jaspar but struggles to get in touch
with him. In addition, in example 6 the copula is absent before a verb and in example 7 the
copula is absent before an adjective. The omission of the singular verb form of the copula be
(is) was the most common omitted verb form (occurred 6 times) compared to the omission of
Finally, the feature invariant BE could also be identified in Alan´s speech (4 times). Two
examples below illustrate that Alan uses invariant BE as an auxiliary before a verb + ing. The
following examples illustrate how the feature is used.
(8) Girl, don’t be tryin to hate on my loves
(9) I be having a baby soon
In example (8) the sentence is an exclamation where Alan is expressing a strong emotion in
which he urges her to continuously stop hating how he dresses. Here, invariant BE is used to
mark habitually, indicating that his wife has a habit of complaining about how he is dressed.
In example (9), invariant BE is used as a future marker as it indicates the fact that he will
become a father in the nearest future.
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5.1.2
Alan´s avoidance of AAVE
As for the possible use of each feature, examples will be provided below, in order to show
how Alan could have used the features but opted for their General American counterparts
instead. Alan had 36 instances where he could have used the feature negation ain’t + multiple
negation with ain’t. The following examples illustrate this.
(10) I don’t usually drink
(11) I didn´t bring any smoke
In example (10) the possible use of ain´t was in the context where Alan´s boss offers him an
alcoholic drink as in the sentence “I ain´t usually drink”. In the following example (11), Alan
could have replaced “did + not” with ain´t followed by the negative word no in order for the
sentence to become a multiple negation with ain´t, such as “I ain´t bring no smoke”. As for
the context, Alan was on his way meeting his biological family and was having a dialog with
himself in order to prepare for the meeting.
As for the possible use of this multiple negation (possible occurrence 17 times), examples will
be provided below in order to show how he could have used it.
(12) She didn´t say anything about why she gave me up?
(13) I got nothing on Baby Pete
In example (12), Alan is curious about his biological mother, hence asking Russell a lot of
questions about her. If Alan would have replaced the pronoun anything with the negative
indefinite pronoun nothing, that would have implied that Alan would have used the multiple
negation feature, such as in the sentence “She didn´t say nothing about why she gave me
up?”.
In the last example (13), Alan had the opportunity to use the feature when his wife is asking
him if he have been able to reach his biological brother Baby Pete. If Alan would have added
the negative auxiliary “have + not”, the sentence would have become a multiple negation,
such as “I haven´t got nothing on Baby Pete “.
Alan had the opportunity to use the feature copula BE absence, i.e. omit the copula BE several
times in his speech (possible occurrence 38 times). The following examples will show how he
could have deleted the copula:
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(14) The resemblance is uncanny
(15) The baby is great
In example (14) Alan could have dropped the copula BE (is), where he encounters his brother
Ethan for the very first time and claims that they look exactly the same. The copula be in the
singular verb form (is) could also have been absent when his boss is asking him about the
baby due to him becoming a father (15).
There were 20 instances where Alan had the opportunity to use the feature invariant BE. The
following examples illustrate how he could have used this feature.
(16) I´ll be there, okay
(17) He is busy
In example (16) Alan could have used invariant BE in order to express future, as in “I be
there, okay”. Example (17) shows that invariant BE / habitual BE could have been used to
express habitually, when Alan is telling Russell that his brother Ethan is a busy man since he
cannot reach him.
5.1.3
Dawn´s use of AAVE
This section shows how Dawn uses each feature. Dawn uses the feature negation ain´t +
multiple negation with ain´t 20 times in the movie, as in the following examples below:
(18) There ain´t nothing I wouldn’t do for my kids
(19) What kind of black barbeque ain´t got no damn Dominos?
(20) I ain´t afraid of you
Example (18) shows that she is using ain´t corresponds to “is+ not” in General American
followed by the negative indefinite pronoun nothing and the negative past future tense “would
+ not”. As for the context, Dawn is using ain´t when Alan is visiting her in the prison, which
is also their first time meeting each other. In example (19) Dawn is using the multiple
negation with ain´t, which corresponds to “have+ not” in General American followed by a
negative word “no”. Dawn is using multiple negation with ain´t when she is at a barbeque
party at Alan´s house. Example (20) illustrates Dawn´s use of ain´t corresponds to “am+ not”
in General American. In total, Dawn used ain´t corresponding to “is+ not” in General
American 7 times, ain´t corresponds to “are+ not” in General American 5 times, the multiple
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negation with ain´t 3 times. The use of ain´t corresponds to “am+ not” in General American 4
times. Finally, multiple negation with ain´t in the negative auxiliary inversion occurred once.
The feature multiple negation could also be found in Dawn´s speech (occurred 16 times). The
following examples show how she uses it:
(21) I know you did not show up to a prison without no damn smokes!
(22) You ain´t about nothing
In example (21) Dawn meets her brother Alan for the first time. She asks him if he brought
any cigarettes for her to smoke, and when Alan´s answer is no, she gets really upset. The use
of without and the negative word no in the same sentence indicates that Dawn is using this
feature. In example (22), Dawn is mad at Alan because he refuses to give his kidney to his
sick brother Baby Pete. The use of ain´t and the negative indefinite pronoun nothing imply
that she is using multiple negation.
The feature copula BE absence was used by Dawn 25 times. The following examples show
how she used it.
(23) You lyin´, Alan
(24) You think you so taught cause you tall
Example (23) shows that Dawn is omitting the copula BE in the plural verb form are. In this
example, the copula is absent before a progressive verb (lying). In example (24), the copula is
absent before an adverb phrase (so taught) and an adjective (tall). As for the context, Dawn is
having an argument with two white males on the parking lot. The omission of the plural form
of the copula be (are) was the most common omitted verb form (occurred 16 times) compared
to the omission of the singular verb form is which occurred 9 times.
Dawn used the feature invariant BE this feature 5 times in the movie. The examples below
show how she uses this feature.
(25) These hoes be out there
(26) I be kicking your ass
Example (25) shows the use of invariant BE as a future marker, and it is used before the
adverbial phrase (out there). Dawn is using the feature when she is asking Alan if he is dating
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someone. In example (26) Dawn is using the feature to express future (replacing the future
marker will) indicating that she is going to do a certain action in the nearest future. In this
sentence, the feature is used before the verb + ing.
5.1.4
Dawn´s avoidance of AAVE
This section shows examples of Dawn’s AAVE avoidance, i.e. instances where she could
have used an AAVE feature but opted for the General American counterpart. There were 12
instances where Dawn had the opportunity to use the feature negation ain´t + multiple
negation with ain´t. The following examples illustrate this feature.
(27) I don´t play that
(28) You are not God or Obama
In example (27) the use of ain´t could have been used by Dawn when she is arguing with the
two men at the parking lot, such as in the sentence “I ain´t play that?”. In example (28) she
had the opportunity to use multiple negation with ain´t followed by a negative word no when
she is arguing with her brother when he interrupts her conversation with the two white male
that she meets at the parking lot, such as “You ain´t no God or Obama”.
There were 14 times in the movie where Dawn had the opportunity to use the feature multiple
negation, as can be seen in the following examples:
(29) I don´t want any smell woofin´on me as we drive
(30) It doesn´t make any difference to me
In the first example (29) Dawn had the opportunity to use multiple negation if she would have
substituted any with the negative word no, as in the sentence “I don´t want no smell woofin as
we drive”. In the example, Dawn thinks that Russell smells and does not want to sit next to
him in the car. In example (30), Dawn could have used the feature if she would have added
the negative word no as in the following sentence “It doesn´t make no difference to me”.
Dawn also had the opportunity to use the feature copula BE absence, i.e. omit the copula, in
several contexts (possible occurrence 16 times). The examples below represent how the
feature could have been used.
(31) Like, this is uncanny
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(32) You are nice
In examples (31), Dawn had the opportunity to omit the copula BE in the context where she
tells her brother Alan that she thinks that they look very much alike when he comes to visit
her in prison. In example (32), the copula could have been absent when she is telling Alan that
she thinks that he is a very nice guy.
There were also opportunities where she could have used the feature invariant BE (possible
occurrence 15 times). The following examples show how she could have used the feature.
(33) I´m goin home soon
(34) I´ll close my eyes and pretend y´all the Ying Yang twins
In example (33) invariant BE could have been used instead of the future marker (will) to
express future meaning such as in the sentence “I be goin home soon”. As for the context,
Dawn could have used it when she is telling an inmate that she will soon be released from
prison. In the next example (34) invariant BE could have also been used as a future marker, as
in the sentence “I be closing my eyes and pretend yáll the Ying Yang twins” Dawn is
threatening the two males at the parking lot.
Alan´s and Dawn´s use and avoidance of AAVE features – a quantitative
comparison
This section presents the quantitative findings of the study. Separate figures for each feature
are presented in order to compare Alan and Dawn´s use of each AAVE feature as well as their
AAVE avoidance (see figure 1, 2 ,3 and 4). The section is concluded by a figure showing the
total use of AAVE and the total use of AAVE avoidance by the two characters (see figure 5).
Figure 1 below first shows Alan’s and Dawns use and avoidance of the feature negation ain’t
and multiple negation with ain’t:
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100%
Negation ain´t + Multiple negation with
ain´t
12
80%
60%
36
40%
20
20%
7
0%
Alan
Dawn
AAVE
Avoidance of AAVE
Figure 1: Frequency of the use of AAVE vs. the frequency of the possible use of AAVE
The figures in the bars show the number of instances found in each character’s speech,
comparing their use of AAVE vs. their avoidance of AAVE, and the stacked bars shows the
relative frequency of use and avoidance. As figure 1 shows, Alan uses negation ain´t 15 % of
the time, whereas Dawn does so more 60 % of the time.
Figure 2 shows Alan’s and Dawns use and avoidance of the feature multiple negation:
Multiple negation
100%
90%
80%
70%
60%
50%
40%
30%
20%
10%
0%
14
17
16
8
Alan
Dawn
AAVE
Avoidance of AAVE
Figure 2: Frequency of the use of AAVE vs. the frequency of the avoidance of AAVE
This figure shows that Alan uses the feature multiple negation 33 % of the time, while Dawn
is using it 55%. Dawn thus uses this feature of AAVE to a greater extent compared to Alan
who has a greater use of General American.
Figure 3 compares the relative frequencies of Alan’s and Dawn’s use and avoidance of the
feature copula BE absence:
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Copula BE absence
100%
90%
80%
70%
60%
50%
40%
30%
20%
10%
0%
16
38
25
10
Alan
AAVE
Dawn
Avoidance of AAVE
Figure 3: Frequency of the use of AAVE vs. the frequency of avoidance of AAVE
From what can be seen in figure 3, copula be absence is mostly used by Dawn (60% of the
time). The figure also shows that Alan uses this feature of AAVE less, since he only uses
copula be absence 20% of the time.
Figure 4 compares the frequencies of Alan’s and Dawn’s use and avoidance of the feature
invariant BE:
Invariant BE
100%
90%
80%
70%
60%
50%
40%
30%
20%
10%
0%
15
20
5
4
Alan
AAVE
Dawn
Avoidance of AAVE
Figure 4. Frequency of the use of AAVE vs. the frequency of the avoidance of AAVE
Figure 4 illustrates that Alan uses the feature invariant BE 15 % of the time, whereas Dawn
uses it 25 % of the time. There is thus a slightly higher relative frequency of this feature in
Dawn’s speech. However, this feature displays the smallest difference in usage between the
two characters.
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Finally, figure 5 shows a comparative overview of Alan’s and Dawn’s total use of AAVE:
Total use of AAVE vs. Total use of
avoidance of AAVE
100%
80%
60%
51
111
40%
66
20%
0%
26
Alan
AAVE
Dawn
Avoidance of AAVE
Figure 5. Frequency of AAVE vs. the frequency of AAVE avoidance
When collecting all data together the result shows that Dawn is actually using AAVE much
more than Alan. Dawn prefers AAVE features to the General American counterparts in 55%
of her speech in the movie whereas Alan only uses AAVE options 19 % of the time.
Discussion
In this section, I return to the research questions and discuss how the findings of this study
relate to previous research on AAVE in authentic settings. The results showed that all of the
four grammatical AAVE features explored were present in the speech of the two characters in
the movie Sextuplets. It was noted that negation ain´t was used in the place of present tense
“be+ not” and “have + not” (see example 1, 3, 19 & 20). Howe (2005) discusses different
structures of the use of negation ain´t that still can be found in the modern AAVE and lists
these structures as occurring in real-world data. It can therefore be argued that the portrayal of
negation ain’t in the movie is consistent with findings from usage in authentic contexts.
Regarding the use of multiple negation, the characters applied the feature in a similar way as
observed in previous research conducted by Green (2002:77). Both characters used indefinite
pronouns, such as nobody (anybody in General American) and nothing (anything in General
American) (see example 2, 4, 5, 18, 21, 22). The use of negators such as no and don’t could
also be spotted in their use of multiple negation, where Alan used don´t (see example 4) and
Dawn used no (see example 19, 21). As for their use of copula BE absence, both of the
characters omitted the copula in the singular and plural verb forms. As Alim (2004)
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suggested, the copula can be absent before prepositional phrases and locatives (on the rise),
progressive verbs (he runnin scared) and adjectives (we wide awake) (2004:141). Both of the
characters omitted the copula before a progressive verb and an adjective (see example 6, 7, 23
and 24). It implies that the feature copula BE absence is also presented in the movie in a
similar way as in authentic environments. According to Rickford, invariant BE is one of the
most common features of AAVE (1999:263), but in this study this was the feature being used
the least by the two characters in the movie (see figure 4). Thus, this study does not agree
with Rickford´s findings. However, regarding the structure of invariant BE used in previous
research (Green, 2002:51, Rickford, 1999 :6, Norment, 2003: 78), the characters used the
feature in ways corresponding to the usage in previous research, as Alan and Dawn used
invariant BE as a habitual marker (to express habituality) as well as replacing the future
marker will in General American to express future meaning (see example 16, 17, 25, 26).
When comparing the use of each feature between the two characters, the feature copula BE
absence turned out to be the most used feature by the two characters, whereas the least used
feature turned out to be the feature invariant BE by both of the characters. This also shows
that there are similarities in the use AAVE by the two characters. To sum up, the findings of
the qualitative part of the study shows that the AAVE features used in the movie resemble to a
high degree the features of AAVE observed in previous research of language use in authentic
contexts.
As the results of the quantitative analysis made consistently clear, Wayans’s use of AAVE in
the movie differed depending on whether he played the character Alan or Dawn. In the movie,
the character Dawn uses AAVE to a greater extent compared to Alan (see figure 5). The
movie can thus be said to confirm the idea that not all African Americans speak AAVE to the
same extent. This is in line with Rickford’s (1999 :9) findings. Another reason behind their
different use of AAVE could be that Dawn lives in a geographical where AAVE is mainly
spoken, hence her rich use of the sociolect, whereas Alan has been raised in an area where
there was a mix of General American and AAVE. Peterson mentions that the use of AAVE
depends on “the circumstances in which people live” (Peterson, 2020: 102). It could also be
the case that the differences in Alan’s and Dawn’s use and avoidance of AAVE reflect the
director’s ways of portraying their different social classes. Alan´s AAVE avoidance
seemingly reflects a character that is aware that AAVE is considered inappropriate in
professional settings (Green, 2002: 223). Alan therefore adjusts his language in formal
settings, such as when he is at work or around his wife´s family who do not use AAVE.
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Alan’s usage of AAVE can thus be said to suggest awareness that African Americans who use
this type of speech may be considered lazy and unintelligible and that using General
American will enhance the chances to be perceived as and become successful (Green, 2002:
ibid). This also answers the question regarding the two characters’ use of AAVE, in response
to which this study shows that there are extensive differences in the use of AAVE, Dawn
using the AAVE options much more frequently than Alan (see figure 5).
The differences observed regarding all of the four features correspond with findings from
previous research in authentic contexts regarding AAVE use and social class. The two
characters’ use of AAVE can thus be said to perpetuate stereotypes of African American
speakers. As the finding display, it is obvious that Dawn uses AAVE to a greater extent than
Alan, due to her rich use of the features of AAVE included in this study. Her rich use of
AAVE in the movie is consistent with how her social background is portrayed in the movie,
where she is deemed as being the villain who has been in and out of jail the majority of her
lifetime. This supports Speicher & McMahon´s (1992) claim about the fact that AAVE is
mostly spoken by “criminals, dope pushers, teenage hoodlums and various and sundry
hustlers […]” (Speicher & McMahon, 1992 :386). Her lifestyle as being poor and working as
an exotic dancer also corresponds to her rich use of AAVE and her limited use of the General
American counterparts of the features studied here. In contrast to Dawn, Alan´s use of
General American reflects his social background as a wealthy businessman who lives in a
beautiful area in Georgia. This supports Madhloum´s claim that African American individuals
who belong to higher classes mostly use General American (Madhloum, 2011:6). Hence, this
study is compatible with Madhloum´s findings.
It is important to emphasize that this study is limited to only two characters in one movie, and
one weakness of this study is thus the total amount of data. It should therefore be
acknowledged that the results are only representative of themselves and cannot predict how
AAVE is portrayed in fiction more generally. To give a more complete picture, it would have
been necessary to include a broader range of fiction portraying the speech and social
background of African American characters. Another weakness of the study concerns the
method. There is an element of subjectivity involved in determining category membership,
especially as regards AAVE avoidance, i.e., instances where the opportunity to use AAVE
was not employed by the character. Another analyst might have interpreted these instances
slightly differently, and it would therefore have been preferable to perform an inter-rater
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reliability test. Unfortunately, this procedure was not possible within the frames of the current
project.
Conclusion
This study has examined the movie script from the movie Sextuplets (2019), directed by
Michael Tiddes and co-produced by Marlon Wayans. The aim of the study was to investigate
how AAVE is portrayed in fiction and to compare Alan’s and Dawn´s use of AAVE, since the
two characters represent different social classes. In order to study their language, the use of
the four grammatical AAVE features negation ain´t + multiple negation with ain´t, multiple
negation, copula BE absence, and invariant BE were studied.
The study showed that both characters use these features of AAVE. However, there are
differences in how the two characters use AAVE. Dawn uses AAVE to a greater extent than
Alan. Their different uses of AAVE can be related to their different social circumstances.
Dawn is portrayed as a troublemaker who has been in and out of jail, whereas Alan is a
wealthy African American male who is living in an upper-class neighborhood.
Studying two African American characters with different social backgrounds is interesting
because it gives a clear picture of how AAVE is used. The results confirm the idea that
socially privileged African Americans tend to adapt their language in different social contexts.
However, African Americans with another lifestyle, who are poor and/or exposed to other
social challenges, seem to preserve the features of AAVE in their speech, possibly due to lack
of knowledge regarding how to adapt their language or because they want to maintain their
cultural identity. This study has shown that features of AAVE can fruitfully be studied in
fiction such as movies. This is an area of AAVE use that has not been extensively researched
before using sociolinguistic methods. Future studies investigating AAVE as represented by
other film makers are recommended in order to provide a more complete picture of how
AAVE is represented in movies more generally.
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(Interview 2)
The Tonight show Starring Jimmy Fallon (2019): Marlon Wayans on Eddie Murphy visiting
him on the Projects and finally making him laugh:
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=XC7dagtU_Lk&t=15 [Accessed: 15th December 2019]
(Interview 3)
Yule, G. (2014). The study of language, 5th ed. New York: Cambridge University Press.
Wardhaugh, R., Fuller, M.J. (2014). An Introduction to Sociolinguistics, John Wiley & Sons,
Incorporated, Retrieved from: ProQuest Ebook Central: https://ebookcentral-proquestcom.proxy.lnu.se/lib/linne-ebooks/detail.action?docID=1811431 [Accessed: 3rd January
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Wolfram, W. (2004). The grammar of urban African American Vernacular English. [Online]
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