Chapter 14
Culture, Peer Relationships, and Developmental
Psychopathology
Xinyin Chen and Cindy H. Liu
The writing of this chapter was supported by grants from the National Science Foundation
(#BCS-1225620) and the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada
(SSHRC) to X. Chen.
THEORETICAL PERSPECTIVES ON CULTURE, PEER RELATIONSHIPS, AND
ADAPTIVE AND MALADAPTIVE DEVELOPMENT
The Role of Culture in Development: Traditional Perspectives
Culture, Peer Relationships, and Adaptive and Maladaptive Development: The
Contextual-Developmental Perspective
SOCIOEMOTIONAL FUNCTIONING AND PROBLEMS IN PEER SETTINGS ACROSS
CULTURES
Shyness-Inhibition, Social Anxiety, and Loneliness
Aggressive, Violent, and Other Externalizing Behaviors
Peer Conflict and Conflict Resolution
Bullying and Victimization
Peer Involvement, Isolation, and Friendship Exclusivity
CULTURE AND PARENTAL ATTITUDES
Parental Attitudes Toward Shyness-Inhibition and Social Anxiety
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Parental Attitudes Toward Aggression, Anger, and Self-Regulation
Parental Attitudes Toward Peer Conflict
Parental Attitudes Toward Bullying and Victimization
Parental Attitudes Toward Peer Involvement
CULTURE, PEER EVALUATION, AND THE REGULATORY FUNCTION OF PEER
INTERACTIONS
Peer Evaluations
The Regulatory Function of Culturally Directed Peer Interactions
CHILDREN'S PEER EXPERIENCES AND ADAPTIVE AND MALADAPTIVE
OUTCOMES: THE ROLE OF CULTURE
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Shyness-Inhibition, Unsociability, and Adjustment
Aggression, Self-Control, and Adjustment
Peer Conflict and Adjustment
Bullying and Victimization and Adjustment
Peer Group Involvement, Friendships, and Adjustment
Peer Relationships and Resilience
CONCLUSIONS, PRACTICAL IMPLICATIONS, AND FUTURE DIRECTIONS
REFERENCES
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The role of culture in human development is one of the major issues in sociology,
anthropology, psychology, and clinical science. Research findings have indicated considerable
variations in children's and adolescents' behaviors, emotions, and cognitions across cultures.
Cultural norms and values are involved in development through various processes, such as
facilitation and suppression of specific behaviors (Weisz, Weiss, Suwanlert, & Chaiyasit,
2006). Culture also provides a frame of reference for social judgments of behaviors and thus
ascribes meanings to the behaviors (X. Chen & French, 2008). Therefore, whether a behavior
is viewed as adaptive or maladaptive depends on cultural context (e.g., García Coll, Akerman,
& Cicchetti, 2000; Kleinman, 1980). Moreover, how adaptive and maladaptive behaviors
develop in a society or community is determined, in part, by cultural factors.
Developmental theorists and researchers have traditionally been interested in the socialization
role of adults, especially parents and educators, in transmitting cultural values to the young
generation (e.g., Goodnow, 1997; LeVine et al., 1994; Vygotsky, 1978). However, the
processes of cultural influence on development, particularly in socioemotional areas, are more
complicated and more comprehensive than the transmission of the cultural system from senior
members of the society. Many cultural norms and values, such as self-control, that serve to
promote positive interpersonal interactions and group functioning do not have inherent benefit
per se and thus may not be readily appreciated by children. Moreover, adult influence becomes
more distal as children develop greater independence with age and as children engage in more
activities outside the home and classroom. Thus, cultural norms and values that are endorsed in
peer groups, which may or may not be compatible with the adults' cultural system, become
increasingly important in guiding children's and adolescents' behaviors.
X. Chen (2012) and X. Chen and colleagues (e.g., X. Chen & French, 2008) argued that
cultural influence on individual development involves peer interactions and relationships.
According to this view, while peer interactions and relationships contribute to children's and
adolescents' adaptive and maladaptive development, culture affects the processes of peer
interactions and features of peer relationships.
The significance of peer interactions and relationships for social, behavioral, and cognitive
development has long been well recognized in the literature (e.g., Hartup, 1992; Piaget, 1932;
Rubin, Bukowski, & Parker, 2006). Peer interactions provide opportunities for children to
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learn social and problem-solving skills, such as negotiation and cooperation, from one another
(e.g., Hartup, 1992). The experience of peer interactions helps children understand standards
for appropriate behaviors in different settings. Moreover, social affiliations established
through interaction are a main source of feelings of security and belonging, which in turn
constitute a basis for the development of psychological well-being (e.g., Sullivan, 1953). Thus,
achieving and maintaining appropriate behaviors and establishing desirable relationships in
the peer context are major developmental tasks in childhood and adolescence (Masten &
Tellegen, 2012; Rubin, Bukowski, & Bowker, 2015). Failure to behave competently in peer
interactions, obtain acceptance in the peer group, or form constructive relationships and
networks is a significant indication of developmental psychopathology and may have enduring
and cascading effects on children's adjustment in broad areas (Masten & Cicchetti, 2010;
Parker, Rubin, Erath, Wojslawowicz, & Buskirk, 2006). Consistent with these arguments,
empirical results have indicated that peer interactions and relationships are associated with
various developmental outcomes (Coplan, Prakash, O'Neil, & Armer, 2004; Dodge,
Greenberg, & Malone, 2008; Rubin, Bukowski, et al., 2006; Ladd & Troop-Gordon, 2003).
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Peer interactions and relationships are shaped, however, by cultural conventions, norms, and
values in the society (X. Chen & French, 2008; Edwards, de Guzman, Brown, & Kumru,
2006). According to Hinde (1987), different levels of social experiences are embedded within
the cultural system. Similarly, Schneider, Smith, Poisson, and Kwan (1997) pointed out that
culture may affect many aspects of peer interactions and relationships. Indeed, cross-cultural
research has indicated that cultural beliefs and practices, particularly those pertaining to
socialization and developmental goals, affect the nature, function, and features of peer
interactions and relationships such as friendships and social networks in children and
adolescents (e.g., DeRosier & Kupersmidt, 1991; Farver, Kim, & Lee, 1995; French, Pidada,
& Victor, 2005). For example, cultural norms and values may serve as a basis for the
interpretation of particular behaviors and for the judgment of the appropriateness of these
behaviors in peer interactions. The social interpretation and evaluation in turn regulate the
processes of peer interactions and the formation of dyadic and group relationships. In addition,
the role of culture is reflected in how it affects the relations between peer experiences and
adjustment outcomes.
In this chapter, we focus on how culture is involved in children's peer interactions and
relationships and the implications of peer interactions and relationships for the development of
social, behavioral, and psychological problems. We first discuss some conceptual issues in the
study of culture, peer relationships, and developmental psychopathology. Then we review
research on the prevalence of major social behaviors and problems in peer interactions and
relationships among children across cultures. Next, we discuss culturally directed social
attitudes and responses (e.g., parental attitudes, peer evaluations and regulations) toward
specific behaviors within the peer context. In our discussion, we pay particular attention to
how macro-level social and cultural conditions and their changes, through directing the social
interaction processes, determine the functional meanings of behaviors and promote or
undermine their development. Then we focus on the developmental outcomes of peer
experiences in different cultures. The chapter concludes with a discussion of general issues,
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implications, and future directions in the study of culture, peer relationships, and
developmental psychopathology.
Theoretical Perspectives on Culture, Peer
Relationships, and Adaptive and Maladaptive
Development
Two major theories of culture and human development are the socioecological theory
(Bronfenbrenner & Morris, 2006) and the sociocultural theory (M. Cole, 1996; Rogoff, 2003;
Vygotsky, 1978). According to both theories, culture affects socialization beliefs and practices,
which in turn contribute to developmental outcomes in various areas. In addition to these
broadband theories, a cultural anthropological perspective (Benedict, 1934) focuses on how
culture affects the judgment of behaviors in different societies. These theoretical perspectives
have guided research on culture and normal and abnormal development for the past 50 years.
X. Chen (2012) and X. Chen and French (2008) recently proposed a contextual-developmental
perspective focusing on peer interaction as a context for cultural influence on socioemotional
development. This perspective emphasizes the role of the social evaluation and regulation
processes in peer interaction in facilitating the links between culture and development.
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The Role of Culture in Development: Traditional Perspectives
According to the socioecological theory (Bronfenbrenner & Morris, 2006), the cultural beliefs
and practices that are endorsed within a society or community, as a part of the socioecological
environment, play an important role in children's socioemotional and cognitive development.
In the early version of the theory (e.g., Bronfenbrenner, 1979), culture was considered a distal
influence in the outmost layer of the environment in which the child did not directly participate.
In more recent conceptualizations, however, cultural factors have been integrated with
proximal socialization forces such as the community and family (Tietjen, 2006). Culture
influences human development through organizing various social settings and activities. From
the socioecological perspective, providing desirable cultural conditions is critical for
promoting adaptive development and for preventing developmental problems, although it is
unclear what specific cultural aspects or processes may lead to normal and abnormal
outcomes. Largely consistent with the socioecological perspective, Super and Harkness (1986)
proposed a developmental niche model, which focuses on three main interacting subsystems:
the physical and social settings; the historically constituted customs and practices of child care
and child rearing; and the psychology of the caretakers, particularly parental ethnotheories
shared with the community. Culture may affect human development through these subsystems.
According to Super and Harkness, deprived or disadvantaged settings, disorganized childrearing practices, and inappropriate socialization beliefs are the main risk factors in
psychopathological development.
The sociocultural theory focuses on the internalization of cultural systems, such as language
and symbols, from the interpersonal level to the intrapersonal level (Vygotsky, 1978).
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Participation in social and cultural practices may exert a significant influence on the process
and pattern of human development. Changes in sociocultural structures and associated social
practices may lead to the reorganization of mental systems and the formation of new
psychological functions (Luria, 1976). For example, the transformation of traditional rural
villages to communities with more complex and planned social activities may produce new
forms of knowledge and ways of thinking. Consistent with the sociocultural perspective, crosscultural studies (e.g., Beach, 1995; Luria, 1976; Rogoff, 2003; Scribner & Cole, 1981) have
shown that, relative to their counterparts who participated in formal education or urbanized
activities, children and adults in villages in Africa, Asia, and Central and South America who
lived traditional lifestyles tended to display more concrete practical or graphic-functional
thinking and context-specific calculation or visual representation that were constrained by the
physical features of the circumstances. The mental processes of individuals in these societies
became more decontextualized, sophisticated, and logical as they engaged in more commercial
activities and formal school learning (Luria, 1976; Vygotsky, 1978).
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A long-held perspective in psychopathology, proposed mainly by Benedict (1934) and Mead
(1928), stresses cultural relativity in the judgment of normal and abnormal behaviors.
According to this perspective, normality is defined by culture because a behavior viewed as
abnormal in one culture may be viewed as normal in another. In all societies, there are
substantial individual variations on behaviors and personality characteristics. However,
different societies may place different values on specific behaviors and characteristics and
define specific ranges of these behaviors and characteristics as normal or desired. Normality
represents a segment of human functioning that is approved within a culture, and abnormality is
the term for the segment that is incompatible with the norm in the society.
Thus, normal behaviors and characteristics are the ones that are considered within the limits of
the society; those beyond the limits are viewed as problematic. Accordingly, individuals who
display culturally acceptable and desirable behaviors are likely to receive social approval and
prestige and to obtain social status within the society or the community. In contrast, individuals
who display behaviors not in agreement with the ones selected in that society or community are
regarded as abnormal, even though these behaviors are valued in other cultures. As indicated
by Benedict (1973), “We must face the fact that even our normality is man-made, and is of our
own seeking” (p. 76). During the process of socialization, culture serves to facilitate the
development of valued behaviors and suppress those behaviors considered abnormal and
unacceptable. Benedict argued that most individuals are plastic to the molding force of the
society into which they are born. Consequently, the vast majority of the individuals in any
group are socialized to fit with the cultural expectations (p. 74).
Benedict's relativist perspective is not necessarily incompatible with the universalist view that
mental or psychological disorders have universal core symptoms although cultures may vary
on the presentations and perceptions of the disorders. The universalist view asserts that the
underlying psychopathological problems are the same, but the manifestation of the problems
and the threshold of what is judged as problematic may differ across cultures (e.g., Bird, 2002;
Roberts & Roberts, 2007). For example, it has been reported that the rates of attentiondeficit/hyperactivity disorder in Hong Kong are double those reported in some Western
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countries (T. Ho, Leung, Luk, & Taylor, 1996). According to both Benedict's (1934) and the
universalist views, the different rates may be due to the threshold effect. Since Asian cultures
value the suppression of emotions such as anger and disruptive behaviors, parents and mental
health practitioners may have a lower threshold for the judgment of hyperactive behavior,
which increases the likelihood of reporting hyperactive behaviors (Canino & Alegría, 2008).
Indeed, compared to American clinicians, when they judged the same vignettes, Chinese and
Indonesian clinicians gave significantly higher scores for hyperactive behavior (Mann, Ideda,
Mueller, & Takahashi, 1992).
A more thorough relativist view (e.g., Kleinman & Kleinman, 1991; Weisz et al., 2006) claims
that culture affects the manifestation and judgment of a specific behavior as well as the
development of the behavior per se. Cultural conditions shape the occurrence, magnitude,
duration, and form of the behavior and social responses to the behavior. Thus, a symptom or
syndrome may be observed in some cultures but not in others. Social and cultural factors can
be important determinants of behavioral and psychological problems.
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Between the universalist and relativist views, many researchers and practitioners believe that
whereas problems derived from neural pathology (e.g. autism, schizophrenia) may be
universal, more common problems are likely to be affected by social and cultural
circumstances (García Coll et al., 2000; Rutter & Nikapota, 2002; also see Canino & Alegría,
2008). How a specific behavior or problem occurs and is viewed in a society and how culture
plays a role may depend on the nature of the behavior or problem. Our discussion of culture
and developmental psychopathology in the next sections focuses mainly on relatively common
behaviors, such as aggression, defiance, shyness, and social anxiety, although there is evidence
indicating biological foundations for the development of these behaviors (e.g., Fox,
Henderson, Marshall, Nichols, & Ghera, 2005).
Researchers in the field of developmental psychopathology have recently noticed that distinct
functions observed in cultural and ethnic minority populations, such as Asian and Latino
children in the United States, may represent strengths, rather than deficits as traditionally
viewed, in their adaptation to the environment (e.g., García Coll et al., 2000; X. Chen & Tse,
2008). Thus, largely consistent with the relativist perspective, it has been argued that
psychopathological issues, such as risk, mental illness, resilience, and protective factors,
should be examined with particular cultural standards for minority groups (García Coll et al.,
2000). According to Cicchetti and Toth (2009), to fully comprehend the complexities in the
experiences of psychopathology, it is necessary to investigate biological, psychological, and
social aspects of normal and abnormal development at multiple levels of analysis. The
analysis at the cultural level may provide useful information about how different aspects of
development are associated with, and facilitate and constrain, each other in specific contexts.
Research on culture and developmental psychopathology not only helps us understand the
broad, dynamic processes underlying individual adjustment and maladjustment but also
informs the diagnosis and treatment of problems.
Culture, Peer Relationships, and Adaptive and Maladaptive
Development: The Contextual-Developmental Perspective
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The contextual-developmental perspective, developed by X. Chen (2012) and X. Chen and
French (2008) and based mainly on the socioecological and sociocultural theories
(Bronfenbrenner & Morris, 2006; Vygotsky, 1978), emphasizes the links between cultural
values and children's socioemotional functioning and the role of the social interactions in
mediating the links. This perspective focuses on two fundamental dimensions of
socioemotional functioning: social initiative and self-control. Social initiative is concerned
with the tendency to spontaneously initiate and maintain social participation, especially in
stressful settings. Whereas some children may readily engage in interactions in potentially
challenging situations, others may experience internal anxiety and fear, leading to exhibition of
low levels of social initiative (Asendorpf, 1990). The display of shy-inhibited and withdrawn
behaviors is a major indication of low social initiative. Self-control represents the regulatory
ability to modulate behavioral and emotional reactivity to maintain appropriate behavior in
social activities. The dimension of control, indicated often by the display of compliantcooperative and defiant-aggressive behaviors, is concerned with fitting in with others and,
more broadly, achieving interpersonal harmony and group well-being.
Different cultures may value social initiative and norm-based behavioral control in children
and adolescents to different extents. In Western self-oriented or individualistic cultures, where
acquiring autonomy and assertive skills is an important socialization goal, social initiative is
viewed as a major index of competence; the display of inhibited or restrained behavior is often
considered immature and incompetent (X. Chen et al., 1998). Self-regulation and control, in
general, are perceived as necessary for adaptive functioning. However, individuals are
encouraged to learn how to maintain a balance between the needs of the self and those of
others. Consequently, behavioral control is less appreciated and endorsed, especially when it
conflicts with the attainment of individual goals (Triandis, 1990). In group-oriented cultures,
social initiative may not be highly emphasized because it may not have evident effects on the
harmony of the group. To maintain group harmony, however, individuals need to restrain
personal desires to address the interests of others, and thus self-control is more strongly
emphasized (X. Chen, Rubin, et al., 2003; D. Y. E. Ho, 1986). The lack of control is viewed as
highly unacceptable. Cultural values of social initiative and self-control may affect adults' and
children's attitudes toward specific aspects of socioemotional functioning, including
aggression-defiance (high social initiative and low control), shyness-inhibition (low social
initiative and adequate control to constrain behavioral and emotional reactivity to self),
sociable-cooperative behaviors (active social initiative with effective control), and affective
disturbances such as depression and loneliness (low social initiative and low control).
According to the contextual-developmental perspective, social evaluation and response
processes play a significant role in maintaining the links between culture and human
development. During interactions, adults and peers evaluate children's behaviors according to
cultural norms and values that are endorsed in the community. Moreover, adults and peers
across cultures may respond differently to specific behaviors and express different attitudes
toward children who display these behaviors. To acquire acceptance and approval in the
group, children need to understand social standards and expectations and to adjust their
behaviors according to the standards and expectations. Thus, social evaluations and responses,
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particularly in peer context, serve to regulate children's behaviors and their development (X.
Chen, 2012).
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Whether and to what extent children can regulate their behaviors or behavioral styles
according to culturally directed social evaluations is associated with adjustment outcomes.
Children whose behaviors are incompatible with group expectations are likely to receive
negative feedback from others, which creates a pressure on children to alter their behaviors. In
antisocial or other socially deviant groups, the social interaction processes may promote
individual deviant behaviors, which may lead to problems in the larger social environment,
especially in the long run. Relative to other members in the group, children who are able to
resist the peer pressure may be more resilient to maladaptive group socialization. In prosocial
groups, however, peer evaluations and responses in interactions serve to facilitate the
development of socially constructive behaviors and characteristics. Children who can regulate
their behaviors to improve their social relationships with others may increase their
opportunities to learn from others and gain emotional support and other benefits, which reduce
the likelihood of developing social, cognitive, and psychological problems. However, children
who fail to do so may obtain increasingly unfavorable experience in interactions, which may
elicit frustration, anger, and other negative emotions. These negative emotional reactions may
lead to further externalizing problems, such as aggression, if directed toward others;
internalizing problems, such as loneliness and depression, if directed toward the self, or both.
By focusing on peer interaction processes, the contextual-developmental perspective
emphasizes the active role of children in socialization and development. The active role of
children may be reflected in their sensitivity and response to social influence. With age, the
active role of children becomes increasingly evident through their participation in adopting
existing cultures and constructing new cultures for social interactions (Corsaro & Nelson,
2003). As argued by Tamis-LeMonda et al. (2008), the construction of new cultures may be
most likely to take place in social activities of children with different backgrounds. Migration
and communication across nations during globalization have created a changing context with
diverse values for children and adolescents in most societies. As a result, exposure to different
beliefs and lifestyles has become a part of the youth experience. The cultural systems that youth
develop through incorporating different, and perhaps complementary, values and behavioral
norms provide guidance for them to engage in mutual evaluations in interaction and to maintain
their behaviors according to cultural norms.
Socioemotional Functioning and Problems in Peer
Settings Across Cultures
In general, behaviors that are formed on the basis of high social initiative and high self-control,
such as cooperative and prosocial behavior, are regarded as appropriate and desirable in most
societies (e.g., Eisenberg, Fabes, & Spinrad, 2006), although the extent to which they are
valued may vary across cultures. Behaviors formed on the basis of low levels of social
initiative, self-control, or both and categorized as internalizing and externalizing are typically
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viewed as maladaptive and abnormal in Western cultures (Achenbach, 2008; Cicchetti, 2006)
but not necessarily in other cultures. The cultural values of these behaviors play a major role in
determining how they are exhibited, particularly in social situations.
A number of studies have been conducted to examine cross-cultural similarities and
differences in the display of children's behaviors and problems. Most of the studies, however,
have relied on parental ratings or self-reports, which suffer from methodological problems,
such as judgmental biases, response style biases, and reference group biases (e.g., Schneider,
French, & Chen, 2006). The methodological weaknesses and problems have led to
inconsistencies and confusions of the results. Nevertheless, some patterns have emerged from
cross-cultural studies of children in Asian, Latino, European, and North American societies.
For example, studies based on parental reports (e.g., Gartstein et al., 2006) indicated that
children in some Asian cultures were less emotionally expressive than children in European
and North American cultures in early childhood. These results are consistent with what has
been found in observational studies conducted by Camras and her colleagues (Camras et al.,
1998; Camras, Chen, Bakeman, Norris, & Cain, 2006) in East Asian and European American
infants. The cross-cultural differences in the early years are interesting because they may
indicate the developmental origins of socioemotional functioning and problems among children
in specific societies.
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Shyness-Inhibition, Social Anxiety, and Loneliness
Researchers have observed that children display different reactions to stressful or challenging
situations (e.g., Asendorpf, 1991; Fox et al., 2005; Kagan, 1997; Stevenson-Hinde, Shouldice,
& Chicot, 2011). Whereas some children are relaxed and display relatively little distress,
others tend to be vigilant, anxious, and wary. The term behavioral inhibition has been used to
characterize individual differences in children's reactions to novel social and nonsocial
situations (García Coll, Kagan, & Reznick, 1984; Schmidt & Buss, 2010). Whereas inhibition
in infants is assessed mainly in terms of their latency to approach novel objects or nonsocial
stimuli, research on inhibition in older children often focuses on their reluctance to interact
spontaneously with unfamiliar adults or peers (e.g., Asendorpf, 1991). Inhibition of approach
to unfamiliar peer situations is typically characterized by onlooker, unoccupied, and other
anxious behaviors (e.g., watching others playing without joining in, whining, nail biting) (e.g.,
Asendorpf, 1991; Rubin, Coplan, Fox, & Calkins, 1995).
From a different perspective, researchers who study shyness as a personality trait, especially
in adults, focus on feelings of self-consciousness and anxiety in social interactions (e.g., Cheek
& Buss, 1981). Asendorpf (1991) characterized shyness as deriving from an internal conflict
of approach and avoidance motivations in social settings. Shy children are interested in social
interactions, but this approach motivation is hindered by fear and wariness. Shyness and
inhibition both seem to tap individual reactivity to challenging situations, with the former
focusing on the anxious response to social novelty and the latter focusing on the dispositional
characteristic to be fearful when encountering unfamiliar social or nonsocial situations
(Coplan & Armer, 2007; Rubin, Coplan, & Bowker, 2009; Schmidt & Buss, 2010).
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Considering the conceptual and empirical overlap between shyness and inhibition and their
similar behavioral manifestations, X. Chen and French (2008) used the term shynessinhibition to refer to children's wary and anxious reactivity to stressful or challenging social
situations. Shyness-inhibition is similar to reticence, anxious solitude, shyness-sensitivity, and
some other constructs that researchers use to describe behaviors that indicate internal
fearfulness in social settings (e.g., Coplan & Armer, 2007; Gazelle & Ladd, 2003). However,
it is different from those constructs representing social withdrawal, such as unsociability or
social disinterest due to the lack of desire to interact with others (e.g., “would rather be
alone”) (Coplan & Armer, 2007). Distinction between shyness-inhibition and unsociability or
social disinterest is important in cross-cultural research because they may be valued
differently in different cultures. For example, in Western individualistic societies, relative to
shyness-inhibition, unsociability that is driven by preference for solitude may be viewed as
more normal because it is sometimes considered indicative of personal choice and conducive
to performance on constructive tasks and emotional health (e.g., Burger, 1995; Coplan et al.,
2004; Leary, Herbst, & McCrary, 2003). In contrast, in some group-oriented cultures, shynessinhibition may be viewed as acceptable or even desirable, but unsociability is regarded as
anticollective and abnormal, a risk factor in development (Casiglia, Lo Coco, & Zappulla,
1998; X. Chen, Wang, & Cao, 2011; Valdivia, Schneider, Chavez, & Chen, 2005).
A major aspect of socioemotional functioning that largely overlaps with shyness-inhibition is
social anxiety. The construct of social anxiety taps fear, concern, and worry about negative
social evaluations and distress in familiar and unfamiliar social situations (American
Psychiatric Association, 1994). Whereas shyness-inhibition is mainly concerned with
behavioral manifestations of internal conflict or fearful feelings, social anxiety focuses on
emotional aspects of individual reactions to challenging social situations. Shyness-inhibition
has traditionally been conceptualized from temperament or personality and peer relationship
perspectives, whereas the experience of social anxiety is often discussed in the framework of
psychopathology. In addition, researchers use various methods, including observations, peer
evaluations, and self-reports, in the assessment of shy-inhibited behavior, but research on the
emotional experience of social anxiety relies mostly on self-reports and clinical assessments.
Nevertheless, the literature has indicated robust links between shyness-inhibition and social
anxiety in children and adolescents, both having considerable implications for peer
interactions and relationships (e.g., Rubin et al., 2009; West & Newman, 2007).
As another peer-relevant aspect of socioemotional functioning, loneliness is associated with
both shyness-inhibition and social anxiety (e.g., Rotenberg & Hymel, 1999; Rubin et al., 2009).
Loneliness typically refers to the subjective experience of dissatisfaction with one's socialrelational life and related emotional reactions of sadness and emptiness (e.g., Asher &
Paquette, 2003). Research indicates that children as young as preschool age report loneliness
and social dissatisfaction, and loneliness in childhood is associated with unpleasant feelings
and perceptions of unfulfilled relational needs such as lack of companionship and support
(e.g., Cassidy & Asher, 1992; Coplan, Closson, & Arbeau, 2007). Moreover, like shynessinhibition and social anxiety, feelings of loneliness are stable over time and may predict
adjustment problems, such as depression, suicide, and psychosomatic problems (e.g., Aanes,
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Mittelmark, & Ketland, 2010; Qualter, Brown, Munn, & Rotenberg, 2010).
Shyness-Inhibition Across Cultures
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One of the primary issues in cross-cultural research is whether children in different societies
engage in different levels or types of social interactions (e.g., Whiting & Edwards 1988).
Edwards (2000), for example, found that children in relatively close and rural societies (e.g.,
Kenya and India) had significantly lower scores on overall social engagement than children in
more open and urban societies (e.g., Okinawa and the United States) where peer interactions
were encouraged. Researchers also found that, compared with their North American
counterparts, children in many non-Western rural societies, such as Bedouin Arab, Kenya,
Maya, Mexico, and India (Ariel & Sever, 1980; Edwards, 2000; Farver & Howes, 1993;
Gaskins, 2006), tended to be less expressive of their personal styles in peer interactions and
engaged in little sociodramatic activities that required control of social-evaluative anxiety.
These later results are particularly interesting because the lack of self-expression and
assertiveness in social interactions is closely related to shyness-inhibition.
Researchers consistently found that East Asian children were more shy-inhibited than North
American children in social settings (e.g., X. Chen, 2010; Farver & Howes, 1988). In a study
of play behavior in Korean preschools in the United States, for example, Farver, Kim, and Lee
(1995) found that, compared with European American children, Korean American children
displayed more shy behaviors. Moreover, Korean children's play included less self-expressive
themes and Korean children used less self-assertive communicative strategies (Farver & Shin,
1997). Similarly, Rubin, Hemphill, et al. (2006) found that Korean and Chinese children
exhibited higher inhibition and anxiety than Australian, Canadian, and Italian children in the
laboratory situation, with the former displaying more vigilant and reactive behaviors such as
staying closer to their mothers and being reluctant to explore in free play sessions or in
interactions with a stranger. When the child was asked by the experimenter to touch a scary toy
robot, the mean latency to touch the toy was 18.97 and 13.97 seconds in Korean and Chinese
children but was 7.74, 7.70, and 7.74 seconds in Australian, Canadian, and Italian children.
The percentage of children who did not touch the toy in the whole period was 52.2% and
44.4% in Korea and China but 17.3%, 23.4%, and 28.8% in Australia, Canada, and Italy,
respectively.
X. Chen and Tse (2008, 2011) examined social behaviors in peer context of Chinese Canadian
and European Canadian children. The participants included first-generation immigrant
Chinese, Canadian-born Chinese, and European (primarily third or later generations) Canadian
children in multiple public elementary schools in Canada. Data on shyness-sensitivity were
obtained from peer evaluations (e.g., “Someone who is very shy,” “Someone whose feelings
get hurt easily”). The results first indicated that both immigrant and Canadian-born Chinese
children, particularly girls, had higher scores than European Canadian children on shyness.
Moreover, for the Chinese immigrant group, English-language proficiency and length of
residence in Canada were negatively associated with shyness, suggesting that children who
were more exposed to Western values tended to display less shy-sensitive behaviors in peer
interactions.
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Consistent with X. Chen and Tse's findings (2011), Paulhus, Duncan, and Yik (2002) found that
a higher rate of Asian Canadian college students (68%) self-reported being shy than did their
European Canadian counterparts (44%). Among the Asian students, the rate of shyness
declined with increasing length of residence in Canada, although the rate among Asian
Canadians (58%) remained higher than that among European Canadians (42%) for those who
were born and raised in Canada. In addition, Paulhus et al. (2002) found that, based on
observations, Asian Canadian students were less active in classroom participation (e.g., asking
and answering questions, providing opinions) than European Canadian students were.
A similar pattern of relations between acculturation and shyness was found in a study that
Gudiño and Lau (2010) conducted with Hispanic American children. In this study, the
researchers examined associations between parental cultural orientation and children's
shyness. Results indicated that parental level of acculturation to American culture was
negatively associated with child and parent reports of children's shyness; parents who reported
less familiarity with and affinity for American culture reported more shy behavior in their
children, and their children also self-reported more shy behavior. Gudiño and Lau (2010)
suggested that the extent to which Hispanic parents adopted American values and attitudes
might play a role in changing their children's shy behavior.
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Social Anxiety Across Cultures
Similar to the findings on shyness-inhibition, results from a variety of cross-cultural projects
indicate that Asian youth report higher levels of social anxiety than their Western counterparts
(e.g., Dong, Yang, & Ollendick, 1994; Lau, Fung, Wang, & Kang, 2009; Okazaki, 1997). Austin
and Chorpita (2004), for example, examined social phobia and anxiety among five ethnic
groups of children in Hawaii and found that Chinese Americans, Filipino Americans, Japanese
Americans, and native Hawaiians had higher scores on anxiety than European Americans. It
has been argued that the emphasis of interdependence and group harmony in East Asian
cultures may encourage children to be sensitive to others' opinions and evaluations, which in
turn increases their vulnerability to social evaluative concerns (L. Y. Ho & Lau, 2011). It has
also been suggested that strict rules designed to ensure group harmony in East Asian societies
may evoke self-consciousness and social anxiety due to the fear of negative consequences
when rules are violated (Schreier et al., 2010).
In a cross-cultural experimental study, Norasakkunkit and Kalick (2009) primed Japanese and
U.S. college students to access an independent mode of thought by instructing them to write
down as many examples as they could think of that they could remember from their personal
experiences representing this situation: “I enjoy being unique and different from others in many
respects.” Then the students completed measures of social anxiety and fear of social evaluation
(i.e., apprehension about other's evaluation, distress over their negative evaluation and the
expectation that others would evaluate one negatively). It was found that the Japanese students
scored significantly higher than the Americans on anxiety and fear of social evaluation,
indicating that the Japanese students were more reactive to challenging social situations and
more emotionally distressed than their American counterparts. Moreover, independent priming
caused a decrease in social anxiety and fear. The results suggest that individual cultural self-
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construals of independence are directly and causally linked to negative emotional reactivity to
stressful social situations.
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Lau et al. (2009) examined whether concerns about interpersonal attunement such as face loss
explained the differences between Asian and European American adolescents on social
anxiety. Face loss concerns make one highly attentive and sensitive to the expectations of
others and motivated to prevent negative evaluations by others. Consistent with the hypothesis,
the researchers found that compared with European Americans, Asian Americans had higher
scores on face loss concerns and social anxiety. Moreover, face loss concerns mediated, or
accounted for a significant amount of, ethnic differences in social anxiety.
Increasing research has been conducted on social anxiety in Latino youth, but the findings are
largely mixed. Whereas some studies showed that Latino and European American youth
differed on social anxiety (e.g., Pina & Siverman, 2004), others failed to find significant
differences (e.g., Schreier et al., 2010). When cultural or ethnic differences were found, Latino
children and adolescents tended to display higher levels of social anxiety (e.g., Gudiño & Lau,
2010; Pina & Siverman, 2004; Varela et al., 2004). Polo and Lopez (2009) found that
compared with U.S.-born Mexican American youth, immigrant Mexican American youth
reported significantly higher social anxiety, indicating that cultural values and acculturation
might affect adolescents' social anxiety. Different arguments have been made about social
anxiety in Latino youth. On one hand, it is suggested that as in many East Asian societies,
collectivistic values of social connectedness and interdependence are emphasized in Latino
societies, which may enhance children's sensitivity to social evaluations and vulnerability to
social anxiety (Polo & Lopez, 2009). On the other hand, Schreier et al. (2010) argued that
whereas collectivistic values in East Asia may increase self-consciousness and socialevaluative concerns, which in turn increase social anxiety, the emphasis on social harmony in
Latino societies does not necessarily lead to heightened social anxiety. Latino cultures value
sociability and avoidance of rejecting others, which may reduce anxious behavior in stressful
social situations. In other words, people in Latino cultures are expected to be likable, fun,
easygoing, and talkative in interactions. The socialization experience and the social context in
Latino cultures may evoke lower levels of social anxiety than those in East Asian cultures.
Therefore, the broad system of individualism-collectivism or independence-interdependence
may not fully characterize cultural conditions for individual socioemotional functioning.
Finally, researchers have found mixed results about social anxiety among African-American
children and adolescents. Whereas some researchers found that African Americans had a
higher prevalence of social anxiety and phobia than European Americans (e.g., Neal & Turner,
1991), others did not find differences (e.g., Ferrell, Beidel, & Turner, 2004). Moreover, it was
reported (e.g., Compton, Nelson, & March, 2000; Himle et al., 2009) that relative to their
European American counterparts, African-American children and adolescents had lower
levels of social anxiety although they might be more likely to experience other types of mental
problems, such as posttraumatic stress disorder. The theoretical rationale for group differences
between African-American youth and their counterparts in other ethnic groups is unclear. Thus,
further research is needed to clarify the issue.
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Loneliness Across Cultures
It has been argued that in societies and communities where group orientations are highly
valued, children are likely to develop feelings of group belonging and interpersonal
connectedness (e.g., Medora, Woodward, & Larson, 1987; Mijuskovic, 1992; Triandis, 1990).
Socialization for individuality and endorsement of personal pursuits in social interaction in
contemporary Western society may promote feelings of social alienation and loneliness
(Mijuskovic, 1992). The cultural emphasis on individual achievement, competitiveness, and
independence may lead to a decline in interpersonal contacts and group activities. Although
members of the young generation in Western nations, particularly North America, are
surrounded by many people, they may form relatively few intimate relationships with others,
which may contribute to the experience of loneliness and social isolation (Rokach, 2007).
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X. Chen, He, et al. (2004), however, suggested that, in a context that emphasizes interpersonal
interdependence and communality, the threshold for feelings of loneliness may be relatively
low; unfulfilled expectations for social connection or group affiliation may result in salient
negative emotional responses. This context may make children and adolescents particularly
sensitive to social difficulties and vulnerable to feelings of loneliness. In other words, in a
society where group affiliation and connectedness are encouraged, even if the context can
protect children from being alone, it may not protect children from feeling lonely. In selforiented societies that encourage autonomy, assertiveness, and positive self-regard, children
may be more resilient to social and psychological stress and distress because the emphasis on
independent skills and self-confidence during socialization helps them develop competence in
managing adverse socioemotional experiences.
There is evidence supporting the traditional view on the link between individualistic values
and loneliness. In several cross-cultural studies, Rokach and colleagues (e.g., Rokach, 2007)
assessed loneliness in Canadian, Portuguese, and Czech youth. The results indicated that
Canadian youth reported substantially higher scores than the other two groups on the indicators
of loneliness such as unfulfilling intimate relationships and significant separation (e.g., “I often
felt I didn't fit in,” “Breakdown of intimate relationship,” “Separate from my friends for a long
period of time”). Triandis, Bontempo, Villareal, Asai, and Lucca (1988) found that, in both the
United States and Puerto Rico, higher scores on individualism were correlated with greater
loneliness among college students, although no group differences were found in the mean
loneliness scores.
Yet findings supporting X. Chen, He, et al.'s argument (2004) have also been reported in
several studies. Birman and Taylor-Ritzler (2007), for example, examined acculturation and
loneliness of Russian adolescents in public middle and high schools who immigrated to the
United States from the former Soviet Union. The acculturation measure included subscales of
identity (e.g., “I consider myself American/I consider myself Russian”) and behavioral
acculturation (e.g., “how much do you eat Russian/American food”). The results indicated that
acculturation to American cultures contributed negatively to the prediction of feelings of
loneliness, whereas the weak relations between acculturation to Russian culture were
mediated by family relationships. The results suggested that when immigrant adolescents
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became more individualistic in their values and behaviors, they experienced lower levels of
loneliness.
In a multicultural comparison, X. Chen, He, et al. (2004) found no significant differences on
loneliness among children in Brazil, Canada, China, and Italy. The mean scores were similar to
those in American children. In a recent within-cultural study of Chinese children, however, X.
Chen, Wang, Li, and Liu (2014) found that as urban areas of China became a more competitive,
market-oriented society over the past two decades, children reported lower levels of
loneliness. Specifically, the researchers collected data on loneliness from multiple groups of
elementary school children in China, including three urban cohorts (1992, 1998, and 2002) in
Shanghai, an urban group in 2005 in Beijing, and a rural group in 2007 in a northern region of
China near Beijing. The time points represented different phases of the social transformation in
urban China, and the groups across the regions (2002 Shanghai and 2005 Beijing groups and
2007 rural group) mainly represented urban-rural context. It was found that children in the
1992 and 1998 Shanghai groups had higher scores on loneliness than those in the 2002
Shanghai and 2005 Beijing groups. Moreover, relative to their urban counterparts in 2002 and
2005, rural children in 2007 reported higher loneliness. Thus, the dramatic social change
toward urbanization and modernization was associated with a decrease in children's
loneliness.
Aggressive, Violent, and Other Externalizing Behaviors
Cross-cultural differences in children's aggression and other externalizing behaviors have been
shown in a number of studies using different methods, including observations, adult reports,
peer reports, and self-reports, and narrative assessments. In general, cultures that value
competitiveness and the pursuit of personal goals seem to allow for more aggressive and
coercive behavior, whereas cultures that emphasize group harmony and personal control tend
to inhibit aggressive behavior.
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Cross-Cultural Differences in Aggressive and Violent Behaviors
Research results indicate that children in some Asian countries, such as China, Korea, and
Thailand, in Australia, and in some European nations, such as Sweden and the Netherlands,
tend to exhibit less aggressive behavior than North American children (e.g., Bergeron &
Schneider, 2005; Russell, Hart, Robinson, & Olsen, 2003; Weisz et al., 1988). Zahn-Waxler,
Friedman, Cole, Mizuta, and Hiruma (1996) found that Japanese children showed less anger
and aggression than U.S. children in their responses to hypothetical situations involving
conflict. P. M. Cole, Tamang, and Shrestha (2006) found that Brahman children were more
likely to endorse aggressive behaviors than Tamang children in Nepal. Brahman children
reacted to difficult social situations, such as peer conflict, with anger and other negative
emotions more often than Tamang children.
To obtain an in-depth understanding of cross-cultural differences in aggression, Farver,
Welles-Nystrom, Frosch, Wimbarti, and Hoppe-Graff (1997) examined preschool children's
narrative stories involving aggression in the United States, Sweden, Germany, and Indonesia.
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The children were asked to tell stories with two different toy sets that facilitated imaginative
play. The first set of toys suggested neutral themes, such as family figures (mother, father,
children), a car, and other pieces related to culturally appropriate themes; the second set of
toys suggested aggressive play themes, including police figures, motorcycles, and handcuffs.
Children were told to play with the toys in any way they wished and at the same time tell the
researcher what they were doing with the toys. Children's stories were coded according to
words related to aggression, such as guns, kill, shoot, punch, and hit, and sounds made when
characters in the story harmed themselves or another figure (e.g., Ouch! Pow! Bang! Crash!).
Story contents were also coded for the description of the behaviors of the characters, such as
engaging in physical aggression with the intent to harm, destroy, or protect self.
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It was found that in stories with both neutral and aggressive toys, American children had higher
scores on aggressive themes and words, physical aggression, and mastery of situations with
aggression than did German, Swedish, and Indonesian children. The narratives of Indonesian
children contained less aggressive figures and more features of mastering situations without
aggression. For example, the proportions of aggressive words in narratives with neutral toys
were .41, .26, .01, and .11 for American, German, Swedish, and Indonesian boys and .10, .01,
.02, and .03 for American, German, Swedish, and Indonesian girls. The proportions of content
involving mastering situations with aggression in stories with neutral toys were .13, .01, .01,
and .03 for American, German, Swedish, and Indonesian boys and .09, .00, .01, and .00 for
American, German, Swedish, and Indonesian girls. In contrast, the proportions of content
involving mastering situations without aggression in stories with neutral toys were .10, .03,
.04, and .20 for American, German, Swedish, and Indonesian boys and .15, .08, .01, and .32
for American, German, Swedish, and Indonesian girls. The results for stories with aggressive
toys were similar for the groups. Moreover, the cultural differences based on narratives were
consistent with those based on teacher ratings of children's aggressive behavior in the
classroom peer interaction context (see Farver et al., 1997).
According to Farver et al. (1997), the contrasts between the American and Indonesian
children's narratives reflect different norms for conflict resolution and different levels of
intolerance of aggressive behavior. The self-orientation in the American society may increase
the tolerance of aggressive behavior. In conflict situations, American children are socialized to
be assertive in reaction to physical assault, insult, or attack on possessions. In contrast,
Indonesian society values behavioral attributes that promote group harmony, deference to
authority, emotional restraint, and cooperation. To maintain social harmony, children in
Indonesia are taught to view community members as paguyban (family). Within paguyban,
individuals are interdependent and can collectively discipline children for misbehavior, such
as being impolite, disruptive, or aggressive, through guilt, shame, and other means. Children
are socialized to avoid conflicts with others and to solve problems through negotiation rather
than aggression.
Cross-cultural differences in aggressive and antisocial behaviors between southeast Asian and
North American children appear more evident in adolescence. Greenberger, Chen, Beam,
Whang, and Dong (2000) investigated self-reported misconduct in samples of senior high
school students (mean ages = 16–17 years) in Los Angeles, the United States, Tianjin, China,
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and Seoul, Korea. It was found that U.S. adolescents had higher scores than Korean
adolescents, who in turn had higher scores than Chinese adolescents on externalizing behaviors
including risk taking and physical aggression toward others. The proportion of U.S.
adolescents who engaged in various aggressive acts was twice that of Korean, Chinese, or
both (e.g., 52%, 18%, and 11% engaged in “hitting or threatening to hit someone” in the United
States, Korea, and China, respectively). Moreover, U.S. adolescents reported more aggressive
behaviors among family members, friends, and school peers than did either of the two Asian
groups. Korean adolescents reported more aggressive behaviors among family members,
friends, and school peers than did Chinese adolescents. The results might be due to the fact that
Korean youth had experienced more substantial and long-term social and cultural changes than
Chinese youth and that Korean youth were exposed to more Western individualistic values and
lifestyles than did Chinese youth (Greenberger et al., 2000).
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In the literature (e.g., Eisenberg, Zhou, Liew, Champion, & Pidada, 2006), self-regulation or
self-control is considered a major developmental antecedent of aggressive, disruptive, and
antisocial behaviors. Research has shown that children across cultures differ on regulatory or
control behavior (e.g., Gartstein et al., 2006; D. Y. E. Ho, 1986). For example, Chinese and
East Asian children are often rated by their mothers as higher in self-control than U.S. and
other Western children, and the differences tend to increase with age (Gartstein et al., 2006).
X. Chen, Rubin, et al. (2003) found that Chinese toddlers maintained their compliant behaviors
without adult intervention during a clean-up session, indicating committed and internalized
control, more often than Canadian toddlers. Oh and Lewis (2008) also found that Chinese and
Korean preschool-age children performed more competently than their U.S. counterparts on
executive function tasks that are related to the activity of the prefrontal cortex of the brain.
In a study of attention and behavioral control, Brewis, Schmidt, and Casas (2003) observed
that Mexican school-age children displayed more inattentive and impulsive behaviors than
American children. Gartstein, Slobodskaya, and Kinsht (2003) found that Russian infants
exhibited lower levels of regulatory functioning than U.S. infants. Interestingly, Gartstein,
Peleg, Young, and Slobodskaya (2009) recently reported that, compared to their counterparts in
the United States, Russian infants in Israel showed a higher level of regulation and their
parents described them as requiring shorter time to recover from distress. The authors argued
that the differences might be due to the fact that, in Israel, coping with stress was an inherent
part of everyday life, which made effective regulation, including recovery from distress,
critical to adjustment in the environment. The study also found that for the Russian immigrants
in Israel, greater parental involvement in the Israeli (host) culture was related to higher levels
of infants' duration of orienting/persistence of attention, an index of regulatory capacity.
X. Chen and Tse (2008) conducted a study of social behaviors in samples of Canadian-born
school-age children with Chinese and European backgrounds using a peer evaluation measure.
The results indicated that compared with European Canadian children, Chinese Canadian
children were viewed by their peers in Chinese, European, and other ethnic (e.g., non-Chinese
Asian, Latinos) groups as less aggressive (e.g., “Gets into a lot of fights,” “Picks on other
kids”). According to Chen and Tse (2008), Chinese children are often required by their parents
to learn skills to control their impulsive and disruptive acts from an early age. The early
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socialization experience has an enduring impact on children's behaviors in the peer context.
Thus, Chinese Canadian children engage in less aggressive behavior and consequently
experience fewer problems in peer relationships than their counterparts in some other ethnic
groups.
In a series of studies with Latino adolescents, Smokowski and colleagues (e.g., Smokowski &
Bacallao, 2006; Smokowski, Buchanan, & Bacallao, 2009) examined relations between
acculturation and social, behavioral, and psychological adjustment. The studies revealed that
the length of residence in the United States, involvement in Latino cultural activities, and the
maintenance of Latino cultural values were negatively associated with aggression, whereas
involvement in European American cultures was not meaningfully associated with social
behaviors or any adjustment outcomes. Thus, Latino adolescents who maintained stronger
connections with their culture of origin were less likely to engage in aggressive behavior. Like
Chinese and perhaps other collectivistic cultures, the Latino culture might have deterrent
effects on the development of aggression.
Cultural Values and Aggressive and Violent Behaviors
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Findings from empirical work suggest that children and adolescents in more traditional and
rural societies tend to display less aggressive, violent, and antisocial behaviors (e.g.,
Smokowski et al., 2009; Weenink, 2011). To understand how specific cultural aspects facilitate
or hinder the development of aggressive and violent behaviors, researchers have investigated
relations between cultural norms and values, particularly those regarding interpersonal and
group harmony, and aggression at the individual and societal levels.
In a study of relations between values and violent behavior in Jewish and Arab high schools in
Israel, Knafo, Daniel, and Khoury-Kassabri (2008) focused on several values that were
believed to be relevant to adolescent social behaviors including (1) power, defined as
aspiration for social status through gaining control of resources and dominance over people,
(2) conformity, which refers to controlling actions that may violate social expectations and
norms, and (3) universality, which is concerned with the understanding, appreciation, and
tolerance of the welfare of all people. The analysis revealed that values of power were
positively associated with the display of violent behavior, whereas values of conformity and
universalism were negatively associated with the display of violence. Moreover, the
associations between adolescent values and their violent behavior were stronger in
ecologically risky environments, such as schools with high levels of violence, than in nonrisky
environments. Knafo et al. (2008) argued that in environments where violent behavior is more
common, social pressure against violence is likely to be lower. Consequently, the individual
values of adolescents are more influential in directing their behavior.
Bergeron and Schneider (2005) analyzed relations between cultural values and aggressive
behavior at the national level. The authors coded cultural values of a series of nations in Asia,
South America, Europe, and the United States according to the Hofstede (1994) and S. H.
Schwartz (2009) systems and examined how the values were associated with aggression. The
results first indicated that societies characterized as more individualistic had higher aggression
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scores. Aggression was lower among individuals in collectivistic societies in which a higher
value was placed on the needs of the group over those of the individual. Aggression was also
lower in societies with higher levels of egalitarian commitment and moral discipline. In
addition, aggression was positively associated with values of mastery (mastering and
controlling the environment as primary goals) and negatively associated with values of
hierarchy (maintaining status and social order) and conservation (conformity to social
standards). The results of this study suggest that children and adolescents in societies that
emphasize the pursuit of personal needs and desires, controlling the environments using power,
are more likely to display aggressive behavior than those in societies that place a high value on
group harmony, social order, responsibility, and compliance with social standards.
In Latino societies, a particular value orientation, familism, has been documented to be
associated with low aggressive and violent behavior in children and adolescents. Familism
refers to respect for family members, loyalty to the family, pride of the family, and emotional
support among family members. Smokowski and Bacallao (2006) found that low familism and
high parent-child conflict were salient risk factors that contributed to externalizing behaviors
including aggression and violence. In contrast, high familism, such as family support and
parental involvement in children's social and school lives, helped adolescents cope with stress
and frustration and control their behaviors. Familism accounted for a significant amount of
variance in the relations between acculturation and aggression. Germán, Gonzales, and Dumka
(2009) found that the values of familism endorsed by Latino adolescents and their parents were
negatively associated with externalizing behaviors in schools. Moreover, familism moderated
the relations between affiliation with deviant peers and behavioral problems; the relations
were significantly weaker for adolescents who valued families than for adolescents who did
not. Similarly, Lim, Stormshak, and Falkenstein (2011) found that identification with one's
culture of origin attenuated the links between deviant peer association and substance use
among Cambodian and Vietnamese youth in the United States.
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Peer Conflict and Conflict Resolution
Peer conflict, defined as overt behavioral opposition (C. U. Shantz, 1987), is different from
aggression and other externalizing disorders. Although conflict can lead to aggression, it is
often displayed as verbal disagreement and resolved quickly without adult intervention (Perry,
Perry, & Kennedy, 1992; C. U. Shantz, 1987).
Various features of the environment may affect children's behaviors in peer conflict situations.
For instance, ecological conditions, such as resource availability, may be directly associated
with the frequency and nature of conflict in peer interactions (Hartup, French, Laursen,
Johnston, & Ogawa, 1993). More important, cultural norms and ideals for interpersonal
relationships guide the way children address and respond to conflict. Cultural beliefs, such as
those concerning references for direct versus indirect resolution strategies and the role of
adults in resolving children's conflict, may be directly associated with children's behaviors in
the development and resolution of peer conflict (Killen & Sueyoshi, 1995). Researchers have
often used the framework of individualism and collectivism to explain cultural differences in
children's peer conflict. It is theorized that low assertiveness and high cooperativeness are
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favored by those in collectivistic cultures when dealing with conflict as a way to maintain
interpersonal harmony, whereas high assertiveness and low cooperativeness are favored by
those in individualistic cultures, as they promote the achievement of personal goals (ElsayedEkhouly & Buda, 1996; J. L. Holt & DeVore, 2005). Although the broad framework may be
useful for understanding the results of conflict studies conducted in some societies, it has been
criticized widely for its overcategorization of complicated cultures and neglect of
considerable within-culture variations in children's conflict experiences (e.g., French, 2011).
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Research on the strategies by which children manage conflict may be more relevant to
understanding the cross-cultural differences of peer conflict prevalence, given that the display
of peer conflict depends on the strategies that children take to engage or promote the conflict
or, conversely, to prevent or minimize its occurrence. In an ethnographic study among 3- to 6year-old children from Bologna, Italy, Corsaro and Rizzo (1990) observed peer interactions in
which children questioned or challenged others' opinions. The researchers found that children
often added emphasis to their claims and dramatized their positions, a form that was also
exhibited by adults in discussion. This particular manner of discourse during conflict
engagement was thought to be even more important than resolving the conflict itself (Corsaro &
Rizzo, 1990). In another ethnographic study, Goodwin (1982) recorded conversations during
play activities among 4- to 14-year-old African-American boys from West Philadelphia. It was
found that the boys engaged in argumentative discourse that offered proofs for their positions in
ways that established and maintained positions of relative power within peer relationships.
While often thought of as disorderly behaviors, researchers have suggested that these types of
argumentative exchanges allow children to develop deductive reasoning within a social
context. Moreover, during the exchanges, children recognize the opinions of others and
demonstrate interdependence with others, which in turn affirms a sense of community.
Interestingly, the demonstration of independence or position within a social hierarchy by
exerting one's opinion may foster greater interdependence in cultures that are considered
relatively collectivistic (Bologna, Italy) and in the African American community in West
Philadelphia. Such overt displays of conflict likely appear more frequently in cultural groups
that are open to conflict than in those that tend to minimize it.
Haar and Krahe (1999) compared German and Indonesian adolescents on their preferred
strategies for resolving hypothetical conflicts with parents, peers, and teachers. Indonesians
were more likely to select a submissive solution than a confrontational solution (Haar &
Krahe, 1999). Similarly, French and colleagues (French, Riansari, Pidada, Nelwan, &
Buhrmester, 2001; French, Pidada, Denoma, McDonald, & Lawton, 2005) found that relative
to Western children, Indonesian children were more likely to disengage from conflict.
Specifically, through interviews with U.S. and Indonesian 9- to 11-year-olds about conflicts
with peers, the researchers found that conflicts were quickly settled without the use of
aggression for both groups. However, Indonesian children, compared to U.S. children, tended
to report disengagement as a strategy for dealing with conflict. Some Indonesian children
referenced musuhan (acting as enemies), a strategy involving avoidance of the person they
disagreed with and reengagement once they no longer felt the emotions from the conflict. In
Western cultures, whereas negotiation and compromise are preferred methods for resolving
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conflict, disengagement typically is viewed as reflecting passivity (Iskandar, Laursen,
Finkelstein, & Fredrickson, 1995; Laursen, Finkelstein, & Townsend-Betts, 2001). In contrast,
passivity appears to be not only acceptable but also preferable among Indonesian children. The
Indonesian value for maintaining interpersonal harmony is closely aligned with the
collectivistic orientation, which may explain the avoidance of outward manifestations of
contention (Magus-Suseno, 1997); overt exhibitions of disagreement can be a disruption to the
social harmony and hierarchy (Geertz, 1961).
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Chinese children tend to use similar strategies to avoid conflict (Xu, Farver, Chang, Yu, &
Zhang, 2006), which may be related to the fact that Chinese children experience less conflict
than North American children (Benjamin, Schneider, Greenman, & Hum, 2001; Navon &
Ramsey, 1989; Orlick, Zhou, & Partington, 1990). In a study designed to elicit potential
conflict, French et al. (2011) presented groups of four 7-year-old children with one toy in a
laboratory setting. Whereas in 46% of the Canadian groups one or two children emerged as a
leader to invoke a rule that would structure their play with the toy, this occurred for 78% of the
Chinese groups. The authors attributed this hierarchical approach to common conflict
management scripts as reflecting community mediation systems in the Chinese society, where
community members rely on a mediator, an authority who intervenes in conflict situations and
keeps order within the group (Wall & Blum, 1991). Another comparative study showed that 8and 9-year-old Taiwanese children reported significantly less conflict in their friendships than
their Canadian counterparts (Benjamin et al., 2001). Moreover, Taiwanese children tended to
agree more than Canadian children on the prevalence rate of conflict in their relationships. The
prospect of conflict might be particularly salient to the Taiwanese children, leading to their
greater tendency to agree on the presence of conflict. The lower rates of conflict in Taiwanese
and the higher tendency to be aware of conflict are consistent with the Confucian model of
conflict resolution, which emphasizes the importance of tolerance and forgiveness (Wall &
Blum, 1991).
Gender roles may be involved in cultural effects on conflict management. In an ethnographic
study, Kyratzis and Guo (2001) observed verbal strategies to diffuse conflict during play
among 5-year-old children in the United States and China. In same-sex group interactions, U.S.
girls were more likely to reframe the play to avoid conflict, but Chinese girls and U.S. boys
tended to be directive. Chinese girls invoked third-party censures (“What for do you scold
others as pigs?”) and rhetorical mocking questions. Both Chinese girls and U.S. boys used
commands (“Give it to me”) and even threats. Finally, Chinese boys used a combination of
direct and indirect strategies, including reasoned argument. The authors argued that the
assertiveness of Chinese girls in conflict management likely reflected women's increased
social status and influence in informal settings in contemporary China. The authors also
tentatively proposed the notion that Chinese girls might take their social groups for granted and
thus did not make great effort to maintain group relationships, given the generally high
interdependence in the society.
It has been argued that children in individualistic cultures tend to assert self-interest behaviors
during conflict episodes (Markus & Lin, 1998). Western children are socialized from early
childhood with principles involving possession of property or space, and they utilize the
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scripts that invoke sharing or turn taking during conflict (Dunn & Munn, 1987; Ross, 1996).
These principles are derived from Western cultural ideals for personal ownership and are
reinforced by parents when children engage in peer conflict (Ross, 1996). Nevertheless,
variations exist among children within Western nations (Markus & Lin, 1998). Schneider,
Fonzi, Tomada, and Tani (2000) observed dyads of 8- and 9-year-olds from central Italy and
Canadian children participating in structured tasks designed to simulate everyday situations of
potential conflict. In discussing how they would share a single chocolate egg with a toy inside,
Italian youngsters made fewer proposals but were still able to achieve a greater discrepancy
between initial and final negotiating positions. The authors concluded that Italian children
were more efficient than Canadian children at avoiding and resolving conflicts between
friends. Italian children were more likely than Canadian children to avoid and resolve
conflicts by adherence for the rules of the game that were described prior to their participation
in the game.
Medina et al. (2001) examined preschool children in the Netherlands and Andalusia in conflict
situations and found that Dutch children were more assertive and imposed their personal views
during conflicts more often than Andalusian children. Moreover, conflict arose among
Andalusian children due to issues of control regarding play activity conditions or personal
opinions (e.g., who should play Sleeping Beauty or Snow White), with concerns often
involved in the coordination of communality of a social group. In contrast, the conflicts among
Dutch children were largely due to the control of objects or space (e.g., who should be the one
to play with the blocks). The authors suggested that the coordination of play within a group
among the Andalusian children might be more characteristic of a collectivistic society,
whereas competition for objects or space might reflect the value of autonomy and individuality
among the Dutch. These findings were consistent with previous observations where conflict
focused less on object disputes in Japanese preschool children than in U.S. preschool children
(Killen & Sueyoshi, 1995).
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Bullying and Victimization
As a type of peer conflict, bullying is described as aggressive behavior or intentional harm
carried out repeatedly over time in an interpersonal relationship characterized by an imbalance
of power (Olweus, 1993). Prevalence rates of bullying among school-age children vary by
country. In a self-report survey across 25 predominantly Western countries assessing
involvement in bullying as a bully, victim, or both bully and victim (bully-victim), Nansel,
Craig, Overpeck, Saluja, and Ruan (2004) found that Sweden and Wales had the lowest rates
of bullies while Denmark had the highest prevalence, at 20%. Sweden had the lowest rates of
victims and bully-victims, both at 1%, while Lithuania had the highest rate of victims and
bully-victims, at 20%. In a 28-country comparison of mostly Western countries on the
prevalence of victims stratified by sex, Due and colleagues (2005) found that Sweden showed
the lowest rate, at 5.1% for girls and 6.3% for boys. Lithuanian had the highest prevalence rate
with 38.2% of girls and 41.4% of boys as victims. Eslea and colleagues (2004) found in a
study conducted in seven countries, including Asian countries, that 5.2% of children in Ireland
were classified as victims compared to 25.6% of Italian children from Florence. The
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percentage of bullies was lowest in Chinese children (2%) and highest in Spanish children
(16.9%). Finally, only 0.8% of English children were considered bully-victims compared to
19.6% of Spanish children.
A number of factors may be related to the cross-cultural differences in bullying rates. First, it
is possible that the understanding of bullying in the culture may affect self-reports of
involvement in bullying incidents. Certain terms, such as prepotenza in Italian, refer to not just
physical, verbal, and social-exclusionary bullying but also to even-handed fighting, which may
result in the overestimation of bullying (Smith et al., 2002). In Japan, ijime refers to bullying
that aims to cause emotional (e.g., humiliation) rather than physical suffering, with the bully
being part of a dominant peer group (Nesdale & Naito, 2005). In a culture where high value is
placed on group membership, such ostracism may have severe consequences. Relatedly,
specific behaviors that children display in bullying situations may differ across cultures, which
is likely to influence cross-cultural comparisons. Dussich and Maekoya (2007), for example,
found that Japanese victims reported slandering and shunning as the most common bully
behaviors, whereas name-calling and slandering were the most common in South America and
in the United States. The use of physical methods in bullying was much more common in the
United States than in Japan and South America. High values of group harmony in East Asian
and South American cultures appear to make physical aggression less acceptable than slander,
which may be reflected in cross-cultural differences in the presence of different forms, and
perhaps overall prevalence, of bullying behaviors.
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Peer Involvement, Isolation, and Friendship Exclusivity
Social and cultural circumstances are related to the extent to which group integration or
development of specific peer relationships, such as friendships, is encouraged (Hinde, 1987;
Sharabany, 2006). In rural villages, such as Yucatan Mayan villages, children mostly interact
with age-mates within extended family networks of siblings and cousins, leaving few
opportunities to form relationships with nonkin (Gaskins, 2006). Sharabany and Wiseman
(1993) found that the main feature of peer relationships among children in kibbutz communities
in Israel is group involvement rather than dyadic friendships. In most contemporary societies,
schools congregate large numbers of same-age children and provide opportunities for children
to develop relationships with each other. Nevertheless, cultural expectations and norms
concerning social affiliation and connectedness may shape the structural and functional features
of peer relationships and individual experiences within the relationships, such as intimacy and
exclusivity.
Studies conducted with school-age children in most societies show that relatively small
proportions of children and adolescents, ranging from 5% to 30%, do not have mutual friends
or group networks (e.g., Attili, Vermigli, & Schneider, 1997; Cairns & Cairns, 1994; X. Chen,
Chang, & He, 2003; French, Jansen, Riansari, & Setiono, 2003; Kiesner, Poulin, & Nicotra,
2003; Kindermann, McCollom, & Gibson, 1995; Liu & Chen, 2003; Salmivalli, Huttunen, &
Lagerspetz, 1997). In general, more boys than girls are friendless, and boys' friendships are
less stable over time (e.g., Benenson, Apostoleris, & Parnass, 1997; Schneider, Fonzi, Tani, &
Giovanna, 1997). However, boys are more likely than girls to belong to groups, and boys'
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groups tend to be larger than girls' groups (e.g., Benenson et al., 1997; Dekovic, Engels, Shirai,
De Kort, & Anker, 2002; Salmivalli et al., 1997).
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Peer groups are often homogeneous on social-behavioral characteristics. It was found that in
North America, group members were similar on the exhibition of deviant behaviors, such as
aggression, smoking, drinking, and drug use (e.g., Cairns & Cairns, 1994; Urberg,
Degirmencioglu, & Pilgrim, 1997). Brown (1990) identified a variety of adolescent peer
groups, including those labeled as jocks, brains, populars, greasers, partyers, druggies, nerds,
loners, and burnouts (e.g., Brown, 1990). Salmivalli et al. (1997) found that children in
Finland who behaved in similar or complementary roles in bullying situations (bullies,
assistants/reinforcers, victims, defenders, and outsiders) tended to form group networks. X.
Chen and colleagues (Chen, Chang, & He, 2003; Liu & Chen, 2003) found that peer networks
in Chinese children were organized based on prosocial orientation, aggression, and learning
problems. Taken together, research results suggest that children and adolescents may hang
around together and develop relationships and groups on the basis of social, behavioral, and
other attributes that are significant in the culture.
Different arguments have been made about culture and intimacy in peer relationships. Intimacy
is defined as mutual receptiveness, harmonious communication, and a shared sense of identity
in relationships (Shwalb et al., 2010). Triandis et al. (1988) argued that peer relationships in
collectivistic cultures are more intimate than those in individualistic cultures. Sharabany
(2006), however, suggested that dyadic relationships, such as friendships, are typically
characterized as low in intimacy in collectivistic societies because of the availability of other
sources of emotional support, reduced exclusivity, and the threat of exclusive dyadic
relationships to the cohesiveness of the larger group. Supporting Triandis et al.'s argument
(1988), French, Lee, and Pidada (2006) found that South Korean children and adolescents
formed highly intimate peer relationships. Moreover, intimate friendships in Korean youth
were represented by high exclusivity and clear and strong boundaries between close friends
and nonfriends. Youth in central and southern Italy reported more close and intimate
friendships than did Canadian youth (Schneider et al., 1997; Schneider, et al., 2000).
Friendships among Italian children, particularly among girls, were more stable and remained
intact more than did those among Canadian children. Scharf and Hertz-Lazarowitz (2003)
found that Arab elementary school students rated their peer groups as more intimate than did
Jewish students, a finding that was believed to be congruent with the fact that Arab society was
more collectivistic than Jewish society. In addition, Latino and Black adolescents in the United
States reported their friendships as more intimate and closer than did their counterparts with a
European or other cultural background (Gonzalez, Moreno, & Schneider, 2004; Way, 2006).
Cross-cultural findings about adolescent peer relationships in some other studies seemed to
support Sharabany's argument (2006), however. For example, adolescents in Indonesian,
Israeli kibbutz, and rural Arab societies reported lower intimacy in their friendships than their
North American counterparts (e.g., French, Pidada, et al., 2005, 2006; Sharabany, 2006). Jay
(1969) indicated that relative to American youth, Indonesian youth were less likely to develop
close friendships because they focused more on integration into peer networks and the larger
community. Beit-Hallahmi, Sharabany, Dana-Engelstein, Rabin, and Regev (1982) also
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indicated that people in Israeli kibbutzim, communities that shared property and
responsibilities, preferred a large number of friends with superficial connections to a few
close friends. Consistently, the results of a study conducted by Sharabany and Wiseman (1997)
showed that children raised in the kibbutz were less intimate with their best friends on several
aspects of intimacy compared with city children. Although kibbutz children indicated doing
more activities with their best friends, they were less open and communicative with them and
reported less trust and exclusiveness in the relationships than city children.
Although researchers have discussed the features, such as intimacy and exclusivity, of peer
relationships using the collectivism-individualism framework, as it is commonly done in other
areas, the framework may be too broad to explain some results. For example, although
intimacy and exclusivity appear to be important in the friendships of children in Korea (French
et al., 2006) and Cuba (González el al., 2004), two countries that are considered collectivistic,
children in Indonesia, a country that is considered more collectivistic than many Western
countries, do not differ with U.S. children on friendship intimacy (French, Pidada, et al.,
2005), and peer relationships of Indonesian children are largely inclusive rather than
exclusive.
In summary, empirical research has revealed cross-cultural and within-cultural ethnic
variations in major aspects of children's socioemotional functioning, including shyness and
social anxiety, reactivity to stressful situations, aggressive and antisocial behaviors, and peer
conflict and bullying, and peer involvement and isolation. Cultural values, such as
individualism, autonomy, conformity, and familism, may account for the cultural variations in
children's behaviors and relationships. To understand the relations between culture and
children's behaviors and problems, it is important to explore how culturally directed
socialization and social interaction processes play a role in development and, more
specifically, how cultural values serve as a frame of reference for judging and evaluating
children's behaviors.
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Culture and Parental Attitudes
People in different societies may hold different attitudes toward specific behaviors. Parental
attitudes, particularly those related to child rearing, are a part of the society's general cultural
belief system and at the same time guide parental behaviors in parent-child interactions.
Research on parental child-rearing attitudes and practices is important for our understanding of
the psychopathological nature of children's behaviors in cultural settings.
Parental Attitudes Toward Shyness-Inhibition and Social Anxiety
Studies of relations between parental attitudes and children's shyness-inhibition and social
anxiety have shown that compared with parents in other societies, in general, parents in
Western societies are less accepting of children who display higher levels of inhibition and
social anxiety (e.g., Muris & Merckelbach, 1998; Rapee, 1997). Lieb et al. (2000) found that
children's social phobia was associated with parental rejection. Comparing clinic-referred
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anxiety-disordered children with normal children on maternal behaviors, Hudson and Rapee
(2001) noticed that mothers of anxious children were less accepting during mother-child
interactions than mothers of nonanxious children. Dumas, LaFreniere, and Serketich (1995)
identified anxious and nonanxious preschool children based on teacher ratings and compared
maternal behaviors in the two groups during a mother-child problem-solving task. The results
indicated that mothers of anxious children displayed more negative and rejecting behaviors.
Similarly, Rubin and Mills (1992) found that parents of socially anxious and withdrawn
children were more concerned of their children's behavior and used more negative parenting
such as power assertion and punishment.
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X. Chen and colleagues (1998) investigated the relations between maternal attitudes and
toddlers' reactivity to novel social situations in Canada and China. The results showed that
toddlers' reactivity was positively associated with mothers' negative child-rearing attitudes,
such as punishment orientation and rejection, in Canada. However, the pattern was the opposite
in China: child reactivity was positively associated with maternal warm and accepting
attitudes and negatively associated with maternal rejection. Positive parental attitudes toward
anxious and reactive behavior in children and adolescents have also been found in China. X.
Chen, Rubin, and Li (1997) found that shyness-anxiety in school-age children was associated
with maternal acceptance. In a separate study with Chinese children, X. Chen, Dong, and Zhou
(1997) found that shyness was negatively associated with paternal rejection and power
assertion in both boys and girls and with maternal negative attitudes in girls. J. Kim, Rapee,
Oh, and Moon (2008) investigated relations between several types of social withdrawal and
social support among Australian and South Korean adolescents. The results showed that the
patterns of relations between unsociability or social disinterest, isolation by peers, and
withdrawal due to depressed mood, on one hand, and parental attitudes, on the other, were
similar in the two samples. However, similar to the findings in Chinese and Canadian children
(e.g., X. Chen et al., 1998), shyness or social anxiety was positively associated with parental
support and positive parent-child relationships in Korean adolescents but not in Australian
adolescents.
Relatively positive parental attitudes toward shy-anxious behavior have been found in Latino
youth. Varela, Sanchez-Sosa, Biggs, and Luis (2009) examined relations between parental
acceptance and control and children's anxiety in samples of Latin American, European
American, and Mexican children. The results first indicated that Latin American and Mexican
children had higher scores on anxiety than European children, which was consistent with some
previous findings (e.g., Gudiño & Lau, 2010; Pina & Siverman, 2004). More important, the
analyses revealed group differences in the relations between parenting and children's anxiety;
whereas maternal acceptance was generally not related to anxiety in Mexican children, the
relation was significant and positive in Latin American and European American children, with
the magnitude of the relation greater in Latin American than European American children.
Paternal control, which tapped power assertion in parenting, was positively associated with
child anxiety in the European American group but negatively associated with child anxiety in
the Latin American group. The results indicated that the attitudes of Latino parents toward their
children's anxious behavior appeared to be more supportive and accepting than those of
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European American parents. An interesting finding of the study was that the relations between
parenting and child anxiety in the Mexican group appeared different from those in the other two
groups. Further investigation is needed to clarify this issue.
Parental Attitudes Toward Aggression, Anger, and Self-Regulation
There is evidence that parents in different cultures may react differently to children's
behaviors, such as aggression and defiance, that involve self-control, which may have
implications for developmental psychopathology. Compared with Canadian parents, for
example, Chinese parents tend to expect their children to maintain a higher level of behavioral
control (X. Chen, Rubin, et al., 2003; D. Y. E. Ho, 1986). The greater emphasis of Chinese
parents on behavioral control is related to the traditional values of li (propriety)—a set of
rules for actions—that are used to encourage children to promote innate virtues (D. Y. E. Ho,
1986). Consequently, Chinese parents tend to express more negative attitudes than Western
parents toward children who display defiant and disruptive behaviors.
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Keller et al. (2004) found cross-cultural differences in parental attitudes toward children's
self-regulation rural Cameroonian Nso, Costa Rica, and Greece. In the study, rural
Cameroonian Nso toddlers displayed more regulated behaviors than Costa Rican toddlers,
who in turn had higher regulation scores than Greek toddlers, as indicated by their compliance
with maternal requests and prohibitions. Consistent with the differences in toddler behaviors,
Cameroonian Nso mothers were higher than Costa Rican mothers, who were higher than
middle-class Greek mothers, on body contact and body stimulation, which was believed to
indicate a proximal parenting style that facilitates child obedience and regulation. According to
Keller et al. (2004), whereas behavioral control may be viewed as interfering and undermining
the child's autonomy in Western individualistic cultures, behavioral control and compliance are
viewed as a duty, reflecting competence, in group-oriented cultural contexts.
P. M. Cole et al. (2006) studied caregivers' attitudes and reactions to children's anger and
undercontrolled behavior in two different villages in Nepal: Brahmans and Tamangs.
Brahmans are high-caste Hindus who value hierarchy and dominance, whereas Tamangs place
higher value on social equality, compassion, modesty, and nonviolence. Consistent with the
cultural orientations, it was found that most responses of Tamang caregivers involved rebuking
the angry child, whereas responses of Brahman caregivers often involved supporting the angry
child to feel better. The results suggested that Tamang parents were more likely than Brahman
parents to send the message to children that the display of anger and undercontrol was
unacceptable.
Hackett and Hackett (1993) examined attitudes toward various behaviors through interviews
with Gujarati and English parents of 4- to 7 year-old children in Manchester, England. The
Gujarati community, members of which arrived from India and East Africa during 1970s,
consisted of three largely endogamous groups based on Hinduism and the Gujarati language.
The researchers found that Gujarati parents were less tolerant of their children's aggressive
behavior than English parents. In response to a hypothetical situation in which their child was
hit by a peer in school playground, 19% of Gujarati parents and 51% English parents said that
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they would tell their children to retaliate. Sixty percent of Gujarati parents compared with 12%
of English parents would disapprove if their child hit back, and 39% of Gujarati parents had
told their children to stand up for themselves physically in such situation, as opposed to 62%
of English parents.
According to parental reports, when their child had a fight with a peer, 51% of Gujarati
parents and 20% of English parents would stop such fights immediately and punish their
children, whereas 6% of Gujarati parents and 51% of English parents would ignore the fight
and allow it to subside. Moreover, 43% of Gujarati parents and 29% of English parents said
they would arbitrate and try to find out who started the fight. If a peer grabbed a toy from their
child when playing outside, 33% of Gujarati parents and 16% of English parents said they
would expect their child to come and tell them, and 5% of Gujarati parents and 51% of English
parents expected their child to get the toy back by force.
Several studies revealed that relations between parental attitudes and practices and aggressive
behavior were different toward African-American and European American children (e.g., Hill
& Bush, 2001). Deater-Deckard, Dodge, Bates, and Pettit (1996) assessed harsh parenting,
such as physical punishment, using interviews, hypothetical vignettes, and questionnaires and
analyzed its relations with aggressive and externalizing behaviors in African-American and
European American children. The results indicated that harsh or negative parenting was
positively associated with aggression in European American children but not in AfricanAmerican children. Similarly, Hill and Bush (2001) found that ethnicity moderated the
relations between parenting styles and strategies and children's behaviors. Parental hostile
control was positively associated with externalizing behaviors including aggression in both
African-American and European American children, but the associations were considerably
weaker in African American than in European American children. The researchers attempted
to explain the results in terms of cultural meanings (e.g., normality) of harsh or controlling
parenting in African-American and European American communities. From a different
perspective, however, the results may also reflect different parental attitudes toward children's
aggressive behavior.
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Parental Attitudes Toward Peer Conflict
Relative to the literature on parental attitudes toward shyness-anxiety, aggression, and selfcontrol, far less information is available about parental attitudes toward peer conflict. Ross
and colleagues (1990) analyzed maternal responses to toddlers' peer conflicts and found that
mothers intervened frequently and often sided against their own child. The results might be
biased because mothers' responses were observed in the presence of the other child's mother.
In this study, the ethnicity or cultural background of the sample was not reported. In a study on
Colombian parents of third- to eighth-grade children, Chaux (2005) found that parents were
actively involved in 14% of the conflicts of their children. Parental involvement in peer
conflict comprised mainly of helping children to settle the conflict by repressive means (e.g.,
threatening or sanctioning those involved children in order to settle) or by becoming a
surrogate, thereby supporting one side.
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Cultural beliefs and norms about conflict in general may play a role in shaping parental
attitudes toward and involvement in peer conflict. For example, Italian adults view peer
conflict as a more normative interpersonal experience compared to adults in England, Hong
Kong, or Japan (Argyle, Henderson, Bond, Iizuka, & Contarello, 1986). Italian adults engage
in lively debates, which may expose children to conversations about conflict situations and
socialize them to see different perspectives. Indeed, Italian children are often required to
engage in lively debates themselves (Corsaro, 1988). Thus, parental attitudes about
interpersonal conflict are expressed in their child-rearing practices that promote children's
ability to negotiate on their own in peer conflict situations.
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Parental Attitudes Toward Bullying and Victimization
To our knowledge, few cross-cultural comparisons have been conducted to directly examine
parental attitudes toward bullying and victimization. However, existing related studies seem to
show that parents across cultures vary in their attitudes toward children's bullying. In a survey
study of parental attitudes in a sample of over 1000 English primary schoolchildren, Eslea and
Smith (2000) found that parents generally expressed sympathy toward victims of bullying and
were supportive of antibullying intervention. A large number of parents also endorsed
unsympathetic responses, such as encouraging children to stand up for themselves or hit back.
Studies assessing children's perceptions of parental beliefs regarding fighting suggest that such
perceptions are relevant to children's actual behavior. For example, Orpinas, Murray, and
Kelder (1999) measured family influences on fighting among middle school students from an
ethnically diverse urban school, with the majority of students being Hispanic. Students' reports
of parent-child relationships, parental monitoring, and parental support of fighting were found
to be strongly associated with their fighting behaviors. In a study of parents' attitudes toward
fighting in an ethnically diverse middle school sample comprised mostly of European
American and African-American children, Malek, Chang, and Davis (1998) found that 30%
students believed their parents would want them to fight if confronted or insulted, with this
belief more prominent among students from lower-income schools. Similarly, in a study with
middle school students from predominantly low-income African-American neighborhoods,
Cotten and colleagues (1994) found that families' attitudes toward violence were positively
correlated with the students' attitudes toward violence.
In a study with mostly high-risk African-American youth admitted to a hospital emergency
department for assault-related injuries, Solomon, Bradshaw, Wright, and Cheng (2008) found
that beliefs about fighting were prevalent, with 62% parents reporting “anyone who won't fight
is going to be picked on even more.” Moreover, 78% of youth and 47% parents agreed with the
statement “If a student hits me first, my family would want me to hit them back.” According to
Sawyer, Bradshaw, and O'Brennan (2008), being victimized often stigmatizes AfricanAmerican youth. This belief, along with the cultural emphasis for males in Western societies to
be tough, may explain the high prevalence of retaliatory behavior in this sample.
Finally, parental attitudes and responses toward victimization may differ across cultural or
ethnic groups. In a study with 1,495 parents of elementary, middle, and high school students
(78.9% identified as White), for example, Waasdorp, Bradshaw, and Jeffrey (2011) found that
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parents of non-White youth were less likely to report talking with their victimized child. The
authors suggested that these ethnic minority parents might believe that the school should
address such problems.
Although the literature on parent attitudes toward bullying and victimization is limited, taken
together, the existing studies suggest that parental attitudes are likely to be shaped by cultural
norms, which may contribute to differences in ways in which children are socialized in their
bullying and victimization experiences. Further cross-cultural research on parental attitudes in
this area will be useful for designing culturally effective antibullying programs in school and
community settings.
Parental Attitudes Toward Peer Involvement
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Parental attitudes toward children's involvement in peer relationships, such as friendship and
peer groups, may also reflect specific cultural features in a society. Young and Ferguson
(1981) conducted a longitudinal study through interviews comparing Italian children from
Palermo and those who had immigrated to Rome and the United States. The researchers found
that Palermo parents were more likely than parents from Rome and the United States to display
displeasure for children spending free time with friends rather than being at home. Consistent
with this finding, researchers have found that parents in Italy tend to be more restrictive of their
children's autonomy and peer activities than parents in North America (e.g., Lambert, Hamers,
& Frasure-Smith, 1979). It has been suggested that the encouragement of identification with the
family among Italians may be accompanied by ambivalence toward extrafamilial peer
relationships (Argyle et al., 1986; Attili, 1997).
In a study in four communities in Oslo (Norway), Lincoln, Nebraska (United States), Ankara
(Turkey), and Seoul (South Korea), Aukrust and colleagues (2003) examined the parental
perceptions and attitudes about their children's friends and peer groups. Although parents in all
groups generally believed that close peer relationships were important for their children,
parents in some countries seemed to place greater value on peer relationships than those in
other countries. Oslo parents highly valued the stability of children's friendships and believed
small class sizes and continuity of classroom composition to be helpful for children to maintain
stable friendships. In contrast, Lincoln parents were less concerned about the preservation of
friendship groups but were instead more concerned about their children's comfort with their
teacher and their classroom experience. Seoul parents tended to emphasize academic success
and, at the same time, highly regarded their children's sense of belonging with their peers.
Finally, Ankara parents tended to believe that their children had difficulties maintaining
friendships, perhaps due to the large class sizes in Ankara schools. Thus, parental beliefs and
attitudes about children's peer relationships may be related to the organization of socialization
settings and practices.
In summary, parental attitudes and associated socialization practices, to a great extent, are
indicative of cultural values and requirements of the society. Inquiry into culturally relevant
parental attitudes and behaviors, especially in parent-child interactions, is likely to shed light
on the role of sociocultural conditions in the development of social-behavioral and
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psychological problems.
Culture, Peer Evaluation, and the Regulatory Function
of Peer Interactions
Peer interactions become an increasingly important socialization context for individual
development from childhood to adolescence. During interactions, children interpret and
evaluate each other's behaviors and express their attitudes about the behaviors. Swords,
Hennessy, and Heary (2011), for example, found that girls appeared to be more accepting than
boys of others who displayed behavioral and emotional problems. More important, when
children believed that the target child was more responsible for his or her conditions, they
were less accepting of the child. Perceived responsibility was a significant predictor of
acceptance, especially when the target child was a boy. Nevertheless, like adults' attitudes,
peer evaluations of, and responses to, children's behaviors are consistent with the guidance of
cultural norms and values that are endorsed in the society, community, and group.
Peer Evaluations
Peer evaluations include understanding, interpretation, and judgment of the behavior that a
child displays. Based on the social-cognitive processing of the information, peers may
generate and express their responses to the child, which form their attitudes toward the
behavior. Cultural norms and values that are adopted in the peer group provide a framework of
reference for social evaluations in peer interactions.
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Peer Evaluations of Shyness-Inhibition, Social Anxiety, and Unsociability
To investigate cultural differences in peer evaluations, X. Chen and colleagues conducted
several studies concerning shy and anxious behavior and peer interactions and relationships in
Canadian and Chinese children. In an observational study of peer interactions among 4-yearolds, for example, Chen, DeSouza, Chen, and Wang (2006) found different peer attitudes
toward children who displayed shy and reticent behaviors in China and Canada. When shy
children in Canada displayed a behavior to initiate social interaction, peers were likely to
make negative responses, such as overt refusal, disagreement, and intentional ignoring of the
initiation. However, peers tended to respond in a more positive manner in China by showing
support and approval and by controlling their negative actions. The results indicated that
passive and anxious behaviors that shy children displayed were regarded by peers as
incompetent and deviant in Canada but appropriate or even desirable in China, indicating
courteousness and a signal of looking for social engagement. In addition, whereas peers were
more likely to make forceful and negative voluntary initiations (e.g., verbal teasing) to shy than
nonshy children in Canada, peers made similar voluntary initiations to shy and nonshy children
in China. Therefore, in their interactions with children who display shy-reticent behaviors,
peers are generally unfriendly and unreceptive in Canada but more supportive and cooperative
in China.
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Cultural norms and values are also reflected in peer attitudes, such as acceptance and
rejection. Research findings have shown that shy children seem to experience fewer problems
in peer acceptance in societies where assertiveness and self-expression are not highly valued
or encouraged. Eisenberg, Pidada, and Liew (2001), for example, found that shyness in
Indonesian school-age children was negatively associated with peer nominations of dislike.
Chen and colleagues found that shyness was associated with peer rejection in Canada but with
peer acceptance in China in the early 1990s when the impact of the massive social and
economic reforms in the country was still not evident on individual attitudes and behaviors
(e.g., Chen, Rubin, & Sun, 1992). As urban China is changing toward an increasingly
competitive market-oriented society with the introduction of more individualistic cultural
ideologies, children's shyness is associated with more negative peer attitudes. By the early part
of the twenty-first century, as the country became deeply immersed in a market economy, shy
children, unlike their counterparts in the early 1990s, were clearly rejected by peers (X. Chen,
Cen, Li, & He, 2005; Chen et al., 2011). Interestingly, shyness was positively associated with
both peer acceptance and peer rejection in the late 1990s, which seemed to indicate
ambivalent attitudes of peers toward shy-inhibited children during a transitional period
characterized by mixed traditional Chinese and new Western values.
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Heinrichs et al. (2006) studied perceived cultural norms and their relations to social anxiety
among youth in multiple societies. The results indicated that youth in collectivistic countries,
including Japan, Korea, and Spain, reported higher levels of social anxiety and greater fear of
blushing than did youth in individualistic countries, including Australia, Canada, Germany, the
Netherlands, and the United States. Moreover, youth in collectivistic, especially East Asian,
countries were more accepting of socially reticent behaviors than youth in individualistic
countries. High levels of social anxiety and fear of blushing symptoms appeared to be
associated with the greater acceptance of reticent behavior at both individual and cultural
levels. Heinrichs et al. (2006) argued that cultural norms concerning socially anxious behavior
determine, in part, not only the display of the behavior but also social judgments and
evaluations of the behavior.
In another study in Western (Australia, Canada, Germany, the Netherlands, and the United
States) and East Asian (China, Japan, and Korea) countries, Rapee et al. (2011) presented to
adolescents vignettes describing individuals who displayed shy and reserved behaviors or
outgoing and socially confident behaviors. The participants were then asked to indicate the
extent to which they would expect the individuals in the vignettes to be liked by others and to
succeed in their careers. The results showed that the difference in perceived social and career
impact between shy and outgoing vignettes was smaller among participants from East Asian
countries than from Western countries. Shyness tended to be negatively associated with
experienced quality of life for all groups of countries, but the associations were more evident
for Western groups than for East Asian groups. These results suggested that participants in
Western countries viewed shy behavior as having a more negative impact on social
relationships and life adjustment than did their counterparts in East Asia.
In the literature of peer relationships and social behaviors, unsociability or social disinterest,
which refers to nonfearful preference for solitary activities, is considered another major aspect
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of social withdrawal (Asendorpf, 1990; Coplan & Armer, 2007). Unlike shyness, unsociability
in children remains relatively understudied, particularly from middle childhood. According to
a conceptual model proposed by Asendorpf (1990), whereas shyness-inhibition is derived
from an internal conflict of approach and avoidance motivations, unsociability is based on low
levels of both approach and avoidance in social settings. Unsociable children do not have a
strong desire to play with others, although they may not strongly avoid peer interactions
(Coplan et al., 2004). It has been argued that in Western cultures, preference for solitude may
be considered representing an autonomous action of the individual if it is based on personal
choice (Coplan & Armer, 2007). Thus, unsociability does not necessarily indicate social
incompetence and deviance because personal decision making and self-oriented acts are
encouraged in Western societies. Moreover, it has been suggested that engagement in solitary
activities may have potential benefits for well-being (Leary et al., 2003; Long & Averill,
2003).
Unsociability or social disinterest is related to more negative social attitudes in more
collectivistic cultures that emphasize group affiliation and interpersonal connectedness
(Greenfield, Suzuki, & Rothstein-Fisch, 2006). There is great pressure in collectivistic
societies on individuals to identify with the group and to function in a group context
(Sharabany, 2006). During socialization, children are encouraged to develop a sense of social
belonging and integration to the group. Because preference for solitude, including pursuing
personal autonomy and independence, does not fit a group orientation, children who prefer
solitude and maintain distance from the group are viewed as selfish and deviant (X. Chen &
French, 2008). Thus, unsociability is likely to elicit negative peer evaluations. Consistent with
this argument, in a sample of children in a rural area of China where traditional values were
still well maintained, X. Chen, Wang, and Cao (2011) found that unsociability was positively
associated with peer rejection although shyness was associated with peer acceptance. In
addition, Coplan, Zheng, Weeks, and Chen (2012) found that children in Canada and China
responded differently when they were presented with hypothetical vignettes describing the
behaviors of an unsociable figure. Compared to their Canadian counterparts, Chinese children
viewed the behaviors of the unsociable child as less intentional, and they characterized the
unsociable child as having a greater motivation to play with others. Coplan et al. (2012)
argued that given the social pressure to engage in affiliative and collectivistic activities, it was
more difficult for Chinese children to believe that any child would display socially
disinterested behaviors intentionally. As a result, Chinese children believed that the unsociable
peer might still desire to play with others and their socially disinterested behavior might be
less intentional.
Peer Evaluations of Aggressive and Antisocial Behaviors
Compared with shy and anxious behaviors, aggressive and antisocial behaviors are associated
with negative peer attitudes more consistently across cultures, which is understandable, given
that aggression, disruption, and violence are likely to threaten not only the well-being of
individuals but also the harmony of the group. Nevertheless, variations have been found across
cultures or subcultures in peer attitudes toward these behaviors. In cultures such as that of the
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Yanomami Indians, where violent behaviors are regarded as socially acceptable or
encouraged, children, especially boys, who display these behaviors may be admired as heroes
by their peers (Chagnon, 1983). In some central and southern Italian communities, due to social
and historical circumstances, aggressive and defiant behaviors may be viewed by children as
reflecting social assertiveness (Casiglia et al., 1998; Schneider & Fonzi, 1996). In the United
States, aggression is generally discouraged. However, aggressive children and adolescents
may obtain support from their peers (e.g., Cairns & Cairns, 1994; Rodkin, Farmer, Pearl, &
van Acker, 2000). In peer groups that encourage violence, being able to fight and display
aggressive behaviors is related to the acquisition of personal status in the group (Bernburg &
Thorlindsson, 2005; K. Graham & Wells, 2003).
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Positive evaluations of aggressive and antisocial behaviors in peer groups are illustrated in
Dishion and his colleagues' work (e.g., Boislard, Poulina, Kiesner, & Dishion, 2009; Dishion,
McCord, & Poulin, 1999). In a study of delinquent behavior, the researchers asked 13- to 14year-olds to discuss a variety of topics, such as planning a joint activity and solving a social
problem, and found that delinquent youth engaged in four times the amount of talk about rule
breaking than nondelinquent youth did. Moreover, delinquent youth were likely to display
positive reactions to deviant talk, such as laughter and expression of interest, whereas
nondelinquent youth often ignored deviant talk. In contrast, delinquent youth were less likely to
react positively to normative talk than nondelinquent youth. Dishion et al. (1999) argued that
deviant talk seems to be a tool that antisocial and delinquent youth use to formulate, establish,
and maintain social support networks. The deviant talk of delinquent adolescents indicates
their understanding of (1) the group norm that values rule breaking and other antisocial
behaviors, (2) peer expectations of their actions to be in accord with the norm, and (3) the
potential damage of violation of the norm on their relationships with others in the group.
Positive reactions of adolescents to the talk signify their endorsement of the group norm, which
is an indication of their collective attitudes about rule breaking. At the same time, deviant talk
is useful for individual members to acquire and enhance their status and peer recognition in the
group.
Children's aggressive and antisocial behaviors are generally regarded as more problematic in
group-oriented cultures (e.g., X. Chen & French, 2008). In Chinese schools, for example, these
behaviors are strictly prohibited in social interactions. To help children control their
aggressive and disruptive behaviors, students are required to engage in public evaluations in
which they evaluate each other's behaviors according to school standards. Although aggressive
children in China may form groups with peers that exhibit similar behavior (X. Chen, Chang,
Liu, & He, 2008), they are likely to be rejected, criticized, and even shamed by others in the
larger context (e.g., X. Chen et al., 2005).
In a cross-cultural study of adolescent misconduct, C. Chen, Greenberger, Lester, Dong, and
Guo (1998) explored perceptions of peer approval and disapproval of externalizing behaviors
in four samples: European Americans, Chinese Americans, Chinese in Taipei, and Chinese in
Beijing. Students in junior high schools (grades 7 and 8) reported their peers' attitudes toward
their behaviors such as talking back to teacher, doing something dangerous for excitement,
stealing, and lying to parents. Students were asked whether their peers would admire or think
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badly of them if they were to engage in these behaviors, on a 7-point rating scale (e.g., 1 =
endorsing none of the misbehaviors; 7 = endorsing all six types of misbehaviors). The results
showed that European American adolescents (M = .86) had higher scores on peer approval for
the behaviors than did Chinese adolescents in Beijing and Taipei (M = .28 and .28). Chinese
American adolescents (M = .51) fell between European Americans and the two Chinese
groups. In contrast, Chinese in Beijing and Taipei (M = 4.30 and 3.49) reported a higher level
of peer disapproval of the behaviors than did European and Chinese Americans (M = 2.21 and
2.85). Greenberger and colleagues (2000) found similar results in another study conducted
with adolescents in different samples in the United States, China, and Korea. In this study, the
participants in the United States (M = 2.71 and 1.42) perceived a lower level of negative
sanctions against physical aggression toward others and other antisocial behaviors from
parents and friends than did Koreans (M = 2.78 and 1.61) and Chinese (M = 2.78 and 1.69),
and Koreans perceived friends as less disapproving of the behaviors than did Chinese. Taken
together, the findings from these studies clearly show that Chinese and Korean adolescents are
less likely than American adolescents to believe that their peers and parents would endorse
aggressive and antisocial behaviors.
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Peer Evaluations of Conflict Behavior and Bullying
Some studies have been conducted to examine peer evaluations of conflict and bullying and
their effects on children's behaviors. In addition to examining similarities and differences
between Chinese and Canadian children on social behaviors in limited-resource and potential
conflict situations, French et al.'s study (2011) examined how the behaviors were associated
with peer attitudes. Upon completion of the behavioral observation of conflict, children were
individually interviewed about how much they liked playing with the other children in the
group. The analyses revealed a series of cross-country differences in the relations between
conflict behaviors and peer evaluations of liking. Specifically, assertive behavior in the
attempt to acquire the only toy in the playroom was negatively associated with peer liking and
passive behavior, and uninvolvement was positively associated with peer liking in Chinese
children; these associations were not significant in Canadian children. Holding control of the
toy was positively associated with peer liking and passive behavior was negatively associated
with peer liking in Canadian children but not in Chinese children. Thus, the results suggest a
very different profile of esteemed behaviors in conflict situations for Chinese and Canadian
children. Children who hang back, let others play with the toy, and watch others are liked by
their peers in China. By contrast, their peers in Canada accept children who are assertive and
successful in attaining control of the resource. The differences in relations between behavior
and group member's evaluations of liking among Canadian and Chinese children are striking
but consistent with previous findings that socially constrained behaviors, such as modesty, are
valued by Chinese children whereas active behaviors in controlling the situations are valued
by Western children (e.g., X. Chen, DeSouza, et al., 2006).
Researchers have studied the third-party mediation in children's conflict, which also provides
information about peer attitudes. In observational studies conducted by Butovskaya, Verbeek,
Ljungberg, and Lunardini (2000) comparing 2- to 7-year-old children in Russia, the United
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States, Sweden, and Italy, third parties were found to typically support one side rather than to
seek a way to settle the conflict. However, Russian children were more likely than children in
other countries to try to find a compromise, indicating that peer conflict might be perceived as
more disturbing and less tolerable in the Russian culture (Verbeek, Hartup, & Collins, 2000).
Butovskaya et al. (2000) found that among 2- and 3-year old children in a multicultural child
care center, 30% Moroccan and 37% Antillean children intervened in the conflict, compared to
only 17% Dutch children. The authors suggested that collectivistic characteristics, which
promote third-party intervention, might explain the greater tendency of Antillean and Moroccan
children to intervene.
Concerning peer attitudes toward bullying, it appears that children who explicitly demonstrate
a negative attitude show less bullying behaviors than children who show a positive regard
toward bullying (van Goethem, Scholte, & Wiers, 2010), although this association may be
moderated by a number of factors. In a study conducted by Pepler and colleagues (1993),
approximately half of the children said they would intervene to support victims during bullying
episodes. In another study (Rogers & Tisak, 1996), when children were asked how peers ought
to respond when witnessing a peer hitting another child, responses varied by age and by the
relationship they had with the peer. Although all children believed that the attack should be
reported to an authority, older children were more likely to think that the bystander would
confront the perpetuator or not respond at all. Moreover, children thought that the bystander
would be more likely to respond or intervene if the victim or the perpetuator was a friend
rather than an acquaintance. Salmivalli and colleagues (1996) used peer reports to examine
bullying among sixth graders in Finland and found that girls tended to align themselves with the
victim by telling an adult about the bullying or staying out of the situation, whereas boys tended
to incite the bullying. These results point to the role of gender on third-party conflict
intervention in childhood.
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In short, research findings have indicated different cultural norms and values with regard to
children's shyness-inhibition, social anxiety, aggression, conflict, and bullying. These norms
and values are manifested in peer attitudes and responses in interactions, which, along with
adult socialization attitudes and practices, constitute important social environments for the
development of adaptive and maladaptive behaviors.
The Regulatory Function of Culturally Directed Peer Interactions
Whereas culture provides guidance for social evaluations of children's behaviors, social
evaluations in interactions, in turn, may serve to regulate children's behaviors and their
developmental patterns. Research has indicated that social interaction situations are likely to
elicit attention to external demands, which is an important condition for the regulation of
behaviors (Duval & Silvia, 2002). Feedback from others in the interaction process may
enhance children's awareness of social expectations and the differences between their
behaviors and the expectations.
From the contextual-developmental perspective, the regulatory function of social evaluations
and responses is an important part of the mediating process of cultural influence on individual
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development. The process may occur as children attempt to maintain or modify their behaviors
or behavioral styles according to culturally based social expectations. The need for social
approval, group affiliation, intimate feelings within relationships, and overall social
acceptance in larger settings is the main motivational force that directs children to participate
in social interactions, attend to social evaluations, and maintain or modify their behaviors
according to social expectations. To obtain social affiliation and integration, children need to
understand others' attitudes and to maintain their behaviors accordingly. As illustrated in the C.
Chen et al. study (1998), the perceptions of peer approval of misconduct were positively
associated with antisocial behavior, school misconduct, and deviant behaviors such as
cigarette smoking and alcoholic drinking, whereas the perceptions of peer disapproval of
misconduct were negatively associated with these behaviors. The patterns of the associations
were generally consistent in European American, Chinese American, Taipei Chinese, and
Beijing Chinese adolescents.
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Regulatory Role of Social Interaction in the Development of Internalizing
Behaviors
Little research has been conducted to directly examine how social interaction processes play a
role in regulating the development of socioemotional functioning, particularly of an
internalizing nature. Nevertheless, the results of several studies suggest that there exists a peer
contagion effect on children's and adolescents' socioemotional distress, such as depression,
which indicates that peer interactions may enhance or weaken children's internalizing
behaviors. Prinstein and his colleagues, for example, studied how the characteristics of friends
and peer groups contributed to the development of adolescent depression (Prinstein, 2007;
Stevens & Prinstein, 2005). An interesting finding was that youth in socially active groups,
such as those identified by the participants as Populars and Jocks, had experienced significant
declines in internalizing distress in development. In contrast, youth in groups that were
academically oriented, such as the Brains, exhibited increased internalizing distress from
childhood to adolescence (Prinstein & La Greca, 2002). Conway, Rancourt, Adelman, Burk,
and Prinstein (2011) extended the work by examining depression socialization among
adolescents with different status in the peer group. The results indicated that the peer group had
stronger effects for adolescents who were peripheral members of the group, which was likely
due to the fact that, compared with nuclear members, peripheral members faced greater
pressure to conform to the group norm and thus were more susceptible to peer influence.
Van Zalk, van Zalk, and Kerr (2011) investigated whether adolescent crowds affected
individual social anxiety in Sweden. The researchers focused on Radical crowds (Punks and
Goths) comprised of adolescents who were shy and socially fearful with extremely eyecatching or shocking appearance (e.g., wearing white face paint, faked bloodstains around the
eyes or mouth, or half-shaved long black hair). Adolescents in these crowd groups were
believed to create unusual appearance to limit anxiety-arousing social contacts. The distinct
striking physical feature of the Radical peer crowd appeared to facilitate the socialization of
social anxiety. Through social interaction processes, adolescents in Radical crowds were
more susceptible to peer influence than adolescents in the other groups. According to van Zalk
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et al., group members might strengthen socially anxious behavior of one another by providing
empathy and approval in situations that provoke social fear because the behavior is consistent
with the group norm.
Finally, in a study of adolescents' suicide attempts in Hong Kong, T. Ho, Leung, Hung, Lee, and
Tang (2000) found that suicidal behaviors (ideation, plans, and acts) increased among
adolescents with friends who had attempted or completed suicide. As Ho et al. pointed out,
although the study could not determine a causal relationship between individual suicidal acts
and their friends' suicidal behaviors, the results showed that youth with friends who carried
suicidal attempts increased the risk of suicidal behaviors themselves.
Regulatory Role of Social Interaction in the Development of Aggressive and
Antisocial Behaviors
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The regulatory function of peer interaction has been observed in a number of studies of the
development of aggressive, antisocial, and delinquent behaviors (e.g., Lavallee, Bierman, &
Nix, 2005; Zakriski, Wright, & Cardoos, 2011). Among them, studies conducted by Dishion
and his colleagues (e.g., Dishion et al., 1999; Piehler & Dishion, 2007) concerning deviancy
training, delinquency training, or peer contagion processes provided particularly compelling
evidence that interaction among youth with externalizing behaviors led to the escalation of the
behaviors. The researchers found that peer activities, such as talk about rule breaking and
positive reactions to the talk, predicted increase in later substance use, delinquency, violence,
and high-risk sexual behavior (e.g., Patterson, Dishion, & Yoerger, 2000; Piehler & Dishion,
2007). As argued by Dishion and Dodge (2005), the grouping of antisocial and delinquent
adolescents provides a context that elicits and reinforces their externalizing behaviors.
The salience of the group norm and uniformity of norm-based social evaluations and responses
may affect the regulatory effects of peer interactions. Battin, Hill, Abbott, Catalano, and
Hawkins (1998), for example, found that gangs with explicit norms and rules exerted greater
influence on youth than more informal peer groups. Gang involvement made a unique
contribution to the development of criminal behavior beyond the membership of nongang
delinquent networks. With a few exceptions (e.g., Mager, Milich, Harris, & Howard, 2005),
studies have shown that homogenous groups consisting of similarly antisocial and delinquent
youth seem to have particularly evident negative effects; inclusion of prosocial members in the
group may reduce adolescents' antisocial behavior (e.g., Dishion et al., 1999; Tremblay,
Pagani-Kurtz, Mâsse, Vitaro, & Pihl, 1995). In mixed groups, such as those consisting of
aggressive and nonaggressive children, for example, peer interaction may pull the children
toward the mean level of members' behavior. Thus, peer interaction may reduce aggression for
highly aggressive children but make nonaggressive children more aggressive. Moreover,
effects seem to be magnified in either direction for those who are more discrepant from their
peers (Boxer, Guerra, Huesmann, & Morales, 2005).
Bernburg and Thorlindsson (2005) examined how cultural values of violence affected youth
aggression through the peer group in Iceland. The results indicated that group adherence to
violent values and norms predicted aggression through social control beyond individual
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internalization of the cultural values. Thus, by directing the group processes, such as social
control, culture may be involved in individual development of aggressive behavior.
Chen and his colleagues (e.g., X. Chen, Chang, et al., 2003; X. Chen, Chang, et al., 2008)
examined how peer group context contributed to individual development in Chinese children.
The results indicated that peer groups not only contributed to individual behavior but also
affected the significance of individual behaviors for development. Specifically, in groups that
functioned on the basis of academic achievement as a major standard, children evaluated each
other according to their attitudes and achievement in academic areas. Moreover, group
members were sensitive to the feedback from group peers on their academic performance.
Within the group, children who performed better on academic subjects were more likely to
receive social and emotional support from others and had more opportunities to learn from
others. In groups that did not value academic achievement, however, the common negative
attitudes toward academic achievement led to group approval and support for deviant
behaviors, such as violation of school rules and disruption of classroom instruction. This
group context exacerbated the development of social and behavioral problems of academically
poor children and thus placed them at particular risk for maladaptive social development.
Personal and Social Moderators of Regulatory Function of Social Interactions
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Various personal and social factors may affect the regulatory function of social interactions.
Child age or developmental period may be an important factor that moderates the effects of
social interactions. Although the regulatory role of social interaction in human development
may be evident from childhood to adolescence, the process of regulation may vary
qualitatively and quantitatively across developmental stages. With age, social interactions
become more complicated as children are more interested in, and capable of, exploring
different lifestyles with others (Brown, 1990). The development of social-cognitive abilities
also makes children more competent in understanding social evaluations, integrating various
norms and values for group activities, and regulating their behaviors.
In addition to age, children's sensitivity to social evaluations, which includes cognitive and
affective activities, such as attention to evaluations of peers, understanding of social cues, and
concern about social relationships, has been shown to promote or hinder behaviors that are
expected and encouraged by others and to motivate children to be attuned to social
environments and actively resolve problems in interactions (Henirch, Blatt, Kuperminc, Zohar,
& Leadbeater, 2001; Rudolph & Conley, 2005). Prinstein (2007) studied how individual
characteristics, such as social anxiety and global self-worth, and peer characteristics, such as
friends' popularity and friendship quality, moderated peer contagion effects on adolescent
development of depression. The results indicated that higher levels of social anxiety were
associated with adolescents' greater susceptibility to peer contagion, particularly among girls,
which was consistent with a previous finding that socially anxious adolescents were
particularly likely to conform to the attitudes and behaviors of their peers (Cohen & Prinstein,
2006). Moreover, higher levels of friends' popularity and lower levels of positive friendship
quality were associated with greater susceptibility to depressive symptom contagion,
suggesting that individuals were more likely to conform to norms that were established by
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peers of high status and based on more intimate relationships.
Laursen, Hafen, Kerr, and Stattin (2012) found in a sample of secondary school students in
Sweden that friends influenced adolescents' alcohol intoxication and delinquent behavior over
time, but the influence was moderated by the social status of adolescents in the friendship.
Friends shared similar behavioral problems before the friendship was formed, and similarity
increased after the friendship began and continued to grow among those who remained friends
1 year later. In stable friendships, the partner who was more accepted by peers exerted greater
influence over the less accepted partner. As a result, less accepted adolescents were most
vulnerable to behavioral problems when their friends had high initial level of alcohol
intoxication and delinquency and at the same time had a relatively higher status among peers.
Peer influence may also be moderated by affective and attitudinal processes in peer
interactions, such as mutual responsiveness, understanding of each other's ideas, and shared
beliefs and values. Piehler and Dishion (2007) found that deviant talk was associated with
escalated levels of antisocial behavior for adolescents who were involved in more mutually
responsive and intimate interactions and relationships. Thus, supportive social context
facilitated the links between deviant peer activities and the development of antisocial
behavior. These findings suggest that intensive interactions may increase the salience of the
group norm and uniformity of norm-based social evaluations and responses, which in turn may
promote children's commitment to the norms of the group and eventually strengthen the
regulatory function of peer interactions.
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Cultural Variations in Regulatory Function of Social Interaction
Children's social-evaluative sensitivity may be related to individual past experiences and
social-cognitive abilities (Dodge, Coie, & Lynam, 2006; Rudolph & Conley, 2005) as well as
sociocultural conditions, such as values of self versus group orientation. In cultures where the
view of others is regarded more important than the view of one's self, children may be inclined
to attend to others' perceptions of them. Indeed, it has been found that children and adolescents
in East Asian societies, such as Japan, display higher levels of social-evaluative sensitivity
due to the concern about losing face than in North America (e.g., Dong, Yang, & Ollendick,
1994). Consequently, peer interactions and attitudes may play a more important role in
individual development in East Asian societies. Dekovic et al. (2002) found that participation
in peer activities and peer acceptance were associated more strongly with developmental
outcomes such as emotional well-being in Japanese than in Dutch adolescents, which,
according to the authors, was due to the higher sensitivity of Japanese adolescents to social
feedback.
In Western societies, children are expected to develop personal autonomy during social
interactions. Children are encouraged to pursue personal interest and gradually develop
individuality and self-identity through activities with peers. Thus, peer interactions provide a
context for children to understand themselves in relation to others and to experience selfvalidation (Rubin, Bukowski, et al., 2006; Sullivan, 1953). As children seek independence,
they may become dissatisfied with the constraint of social relationships and attempt to maintain
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a balance between the pursuit of self-interest and social restriction. It has been noticed that
there is a trend of loosening of group ties during late adolescence and that children's sense of
belongingness declines steadily with age (see Rubin, Bukowski, et al., 2006).
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In group-oriented societies, the tension between the pursuit of independence and personal
identity and group commitment may be less evident than in Western cultures. Thus, children and
adolescents may maintain strong social affiliation and group identification across different
developmental periods in these societies. Social relationships are valued mainly according to
their socialization functions in helping children learn social standards and in developing
socially acceptable behaviors (X. Chen, Kaspar, Zhang, Wang, & Zheng, 2004; Sharabany,
2006). Children and adolescents in China, for example, tend to describe social activities in
terms of how well the activities are compatible with social requirements and standards, such
as maintaining interpersonal cooperation and collective well-being (X. Chen, Kaspar, et al.,
2004). In C. Chen et al.'s study (1998) and Greenberger et al.'s study (2000), perceptions of
parents' and friends' negative attitudes toward externalizing behaviors were positively
associated with adolescents' display of aggressive and antisocial behaviors and misconduct in
the United States, Korean, and Chinese samples. Thus, youth who believed that their parents
and friends would respond less negatively to their externalizing behaviors engaged in more
externalizing behaviors. Interestingly, after controlling for others' perceived behaviors,
attitudes toward adolescents' externalizing behaviors contributed uniquely to the prediction of
adolescents' externalizing behaviors in Korean and Chinese samples but not in the U.S. sample
(Greenberger et al., 2000). The results suggest that the attitudes of others play a more important
role in affecting adolescents' externalizing behaviors in societies that are more group-oriented.
In summary, children's social experiences in peer interactions and relationships are culturally
bound, as argued by Stevenson-Hinde (2011). Cultural norms and values provide a basis for
social evaluations and responses in peer interactions, which in turn serve to regulate children's
adaptive and maladaptive behaviors. The social-evaluative and regulatory processes occur
mainly at the group level. Individual characteristics, such as sensitivity to social evaluations
and susceptibility to peer influence, may affect the processes through constraining or
facilitating group influence. Along with parental socialization practices, culturally directed
peer interactions constitute important social contexts in which children and adolescents
develop their social, behavioral, and psychological characteristics and problems.
Children's Peer Experiences and Adaptive and
Maladaptive Outcomes: The Role of Culture
According to the contextual-development perspective (X. Chen, 2012), culturally directed
evaluation and response processes in social interactions may have pervasive effects on
children's adjustment in various domains. Therefore, to understand whether and to what extent
children's behaviors are adaptive or maladaptive in a society, it is important to examine their
associations with social attitudes and relationships as well as their adjustment outcomes. An
in-depth and comprehensive examination of behaviors in a social interaction context from a
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developmental perspective is critical to grasping their functional meanings. Cultural variations
in developmental outcomes of children's behaviors are sometimes described in terms of
goodness of fit—the adjustment of children in the society depending on how their behavioral
characteristics fit cultural requirements (e.g., García Coll et al., 2000; Lerner & Lerner, 1983).
The contextual-development perspective (X. Chen, 2012) stresses the social interaction
processes in which social evaluations and responses regulate children's behaviors and their
developmental patterns. At the same time, children play an active role through displaying their
reactions to social influence and through participating in constructing the social interaction
context. The bidirectional coregulatory process, especially in the peer interaction context, is
dynamic and active, beyond the mutual fit between the child and the socialization agent. The
contextual-developmental perspective is consistent with the constructivist view (Piaget, 1970;
Vygotsky, 1978), asserting that the social challenge or the lack of fit between the child and the
context may be a motivational force for children to pursue higher levels of mental and
socioemotional functioning.
Shyness-Inhibition, Unsociability, and Adjustment
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In the literature, shyness-inhibition, social anxiety, and, broadly, social withdrawal in
childhood and adolescence are associated with a variety of later maladaptive outcomes, such
as poor family and social relationships, occupational instability, and mental health problems
(Caspi, Elder, & Bem, 1988; Clark, Rodgers, Caldwell, Power, & Stansfeld, 2007; Fergusson,
Horwood, & Ridder, 2005; Rubin et al., 2009). The findings, however, are based almost
entirely on studies with Western children. Findings of relatively recent cross-cultural studies
suggest that relations between shyness-inhibition and other aspects of social withdrawal and
adjustment outcomes may be different in children in other societies.
In Western, particularly North American, societies, children who display shy-inhibited
behavior likely develop social problems, negative self-perceptions of their competence, and
other psychological problems, such as loneliness, social dissatisfaction, depression, and
emotional disorders (e.g., Coplan et al., 2004). C. E. Schwartz, Snidman, and Kagan (1999)
reported that inhibition in early childhood predicted psychopathological symptoms, such as
social anxiety in adolescence. Gest (1997) found that childhood inhibition, as indexed by
apprehensive and shy acts and initiation of little social interaction during interviews with
researchers, predicted less active and less positive social life in adulthood. Moreover,
inhibition was associated with later greater emotional distress, particularly in men. In addition,
inhibited children were less likely than uninhibited children to establish independence in early
adulthood, such as moving out of the home of their family of origin (34% versus 64%
respectively). In another longitudinal study, Gest, Sesma, Masten, and Tellegen (2006) found
that peer-assessed shy-withdrawn behavior in childhood negatively contributed to the
prediction of the quality of social life, as indexed by overall social acceptance, formation of
friendships and networks, and romantic relationships, 10 years later. Similarly, Asendorpf,
Denissen, and van Aken (2008) and Caspi et al. (1988) found that shy-anxious children,
particularly boys, experienced a variety of problems in adulthood, including delay entry into
marriage, parenthood, and career. Childhood shyness was also associated with lower
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occupational achievement and occupational instability in adulthood. These results support the
argument that shyness-inhibition represents a risk factor that may lead to psychopathological
development in Western societies (Kagan, 1997).
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Shy-inhibited and socially anxious behaviors tend to be related to less negative outcomes in
less self-oriented and competitive societies. X. Chen, Chen, Li, and Wang (2009) examined
relations between early inhibition and social and school outcomes in middle childhood in
Chinese children. Data on behavioral inhibition were collected through laboratory
observations from a sample of toddlers (X. Chen et al., 1998). Follow-up data were collected
5 years later when the children were 7 years of age from multiple sources, including
observations of free-play peer interactions, interviews, teacher ratings, and school records.
The results indicated that early childhood inhibition positively predicted later cooperative
behavior, peer liking, perceived social integration, positive school attitudes, and school
competence. Early inhibition was also negatively associated with later learning problems.
Further analyses based on extreme groups (extremely inhibited and uninhibited groups
identified using the criteria of the top and bottom 15% and 8% of the distribution) indicated
that the associations were due mainly to the differences between highly inhibited children and
other children; children who were identified as inhibited in toddlerhood were more competent
in social and school performance and had fewer behavioral and learning problems in middle
childhood than those identified as average and uninhibited.
X. Chen, Rubin, Li, and Li (1999) found that shyness in middle childhood positively
contributed to adolescent social, school, and psychological adjustment in China. In this study,
children's shyness was assessed using peer evaluations when the children were 8 and 10 years
old. Follow-up data were collected 4 years later on children's leadership, academic
achievement, self-perceptions, and behavioral problems, obtained using teacher and parent
ratings, self-reports, and school records. It was found that shyness was not associated with
later adjustment problems, either externalizing or internalizing. Moreover, shyness was
positively associated with indexes of adolescent adjustment, including teacher-assessed
competence, leadership, academic achievement, and self-perceptions of competence. Thus,
shy-inhibited Chinese children continued to be well adjusted to the social and school
environments in adolescence. Nevertheless, as China has shifted toward a competitive, marketoriented society, shy Chinese children, particularly in urban regions, have experienced
increased school adjustment problems and socioemotional problems, such as depression
(Chang et al., 2005; X. Chen et al., 2005; X. Chen, Wang, & Wang, 2009).
Relatively less negative outcomes of shyness have been found in other societies compared with
findings from U.S. samples (e.g., Caspi et al., 1988). Kerr, Lambert, and Bem (1996), for
example, examined the long-term outcomes of shyness in Swedish society, where shy-reserved
behavior was perceived as less problematic than in North America. The researchers followed
a sample of children born in a suburb of Stockholm in the mid-1950s to adulthood. It was
found that although shyness was related to later marriage and parenthood, it did not affect
adulthood income, education, or occupational stability as indicated by frequency of job
changes among Swedish men. Kerr et al. argued that the social welfare systems in Sweden
assured that people did not need to be assertive or competitive to achieve career success. In
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the study, Swedish shy girls attained lower levels of education than nonshy girls, which,
according to the authors, might be due to the fact that similar social support systems were not
available for women at that time.
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There is little research on adjustment outcomes of unsociability or social disinterest. The
results from relatively limited studies, mostly cross-sectional, seem to indicate that
unsociability is not necessarily associated with social or emotional problems in Western
cultures (e.g., Asendorpf & Meier, 1993; Harrist, Zaia, Bates, Dodge, & Pettit, 1997). Coplan
et al. (2004) found that unsociability was related to lower levels of negative emotionality than
shyness. Jennings (1975) found that unsociable children did not display evident deficits in
social knowledge and social skills. Harrist et al. (1997) reported that unsociable children did
not differ from other children in general and were more competent than shy-anxious children on
social-information processing tasks. Finally, Coplan and Weeks (2010) reported that
unsociable children had more positive school attitudes than other children.
As indicated earlier, unsociability is regarded as more negative in more group-oriented
cultures (X. Chen & French, 2008). Thus, one would expect that children's unsociability is
associated with, and contributes to, the development of adjustment problems in these cultures.
Liu et al. (2015) found in a cross-cultural study that unsociability was more strongly associated
with adjustment difficulties, such as peer rejection, academic failure, and loneliness, in China
than in Canada. Relative to their counterparts in urban China, unsociable children seemed to
experience even more pervasive difficulties in rural areas of China, which may be because
group orientation and social affiliation are emphasized to a greater extent in rural than urban
areas. Indeed, X. Chen, Wang, et al.'s results (2011) showed that among rural Chinese children,
whereas shyness-sensitivity was associated with social and social status, teacher-rated
competence, and academic achievement, unsociability was associated with pervasive
problems such as school incompetence and depression. The negative evaluations and response
that unsociable children receive from peers and adults may be intensive and persistent in rural
Chinese society, where personal choice and individual autonomy are highly discouraged. Many
rural areas in China are currently undergoing rapid changes toward urbanization and
modernization. It will be interesting to investigate how unsociable children respond to the
social, economic, and cultural changes, which will further our understanding of the role of
changing context in human development.
In short, research findings suggest that shyness-inhibition and social anxiety in some cultures,
such as Chinese and Northern European cultures, lead to less maladaptive outcomes than what
has been found in North America. In these cultures, shy, inhibited, and anxious children may
not experience heightened difficulties in social interactions. Moreover, these children may
receive support and assistance from others, which likely enhances their confidence and ability
to form social relationships. Participation in social activities, in turn, provides the opportunity
for these children to learn skills to behave appropriately in social situations. At the same time,
social relationships that they establish may help them develop positive attitudes toward others
and the motivation to achieve success in various areas. Unsociability or social disinterest may
reflect, to some extent, personal autonomy and independence, which are more valued in
Western individualistic cultures than in group-oriented cultures. Therefore, unsociability tends
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to be associated with more adjustment problems among children in group-oriented than in
individualistic societies. Longitudinal research is needed to understand the developmental
outcomes of unsociability in both Western and non-Western contexts.
Aggression, Self-Control, and Adjustment
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Research in Western societies has shown that aggressive and antisocial behaviors in childhood
and adolescence are associated with a number of social and psychological problems, including
delinquency, school dropout, and mental health problems (e.g., Dodge et al., 2006; Landford,
Malone, Dodge, Pettit, & Bates, 2010; Tremblay, 2010). Longitudinal data have also indicated
that early aggression predicts adolescent and adulthood adjustment problems (e.g., Dodge et
al., 2006). Relative to the large number of projects conducted in Western societies, there is
little research on the adjustment outcomes of aggressive and other externalizing behaviors in
non-Western societies, although these behaviors may be regarded as equally or even more
problematic in some of these societies (X. Chen & French, 2008). The extant findings (e.g., X.
Chen et al., 1999; Zhou, Lengua, & Wang, 2009) seem to suggest that the developmental
outcomes of aggression in non-Western societies are similar to those in Western societies.
Despite generally similar cross-cultural patterns of relations between aggression and
adjustment outcomes, some evidence suggests that children who display aggressive behavior in
group-oriented cultures report more negative self-perceptions and self-feelings than their
counterparts in self-oriented cultures (e.g., X. Chen, He, et al., 2004). In the Western literature,
the findings concerning the relations between aggressive behavior and psychological problems
are inconsistent. While some researchers found comorbidity of externalizing and internalizing
behaviors, particularly in elementary school ages (e.g., M. K. Holt & Espelage, 2007), others
failed to find significant relations (e.g., Mercer & DeRosier, 2008; Palmen, Vermande,
Deković, & van Aken, 2011). High comorbidity was often found in studies based on data from
a single source, such as parent or youth self-report. With data collected from different sources,
such relations were considerably weaker or nonsignificant. It has been argued that aggressive
children tend to develop biased self-perceptions of social competence (Dodge et al., 2006),
perhaps due to their cognitive deficits or social support received from their peers or both (e.g.,
Rodkin et al., 2000). X. Chen, Zappulla, et al. (2004) found that whereas aggression was not
associated with self-perceptions in Brazilian, Chinese, or Italian children, it was significantly
and positively associated with perceived social competence in Canadian children. Canadian
aggressive children were more likely than their nonaggressive counterparts to report that they
were socially competent. As such, it may be understandable that most aggressive children in
North America do not experience emotional problems.
In group-oriented Asian societies, such as those of China, Japan, and Korea, children's
behaviors are often evaluated by others in public settings. During the public evaluations,
children who display aggressive and antisocial behaviors may be criticized and humiliated. It
is believed that negative social evaluations, such as shaming, may lead to self-examination,
which may facilitate the internalization of rules and the development of social responsibility
(Fung, 2006). This evaluation process makes it difficult for aggressive children to develop
inflated or biased self-perceptions of their competence. Moreover, the adverse social
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experience of aggressive children may facilitate the development of psychopathological
problems, such as feelings of loneliness and depression. Consistent with this argument, X.
Chen, He, et al. (2004) found that aggression was positively associated with loneliness through
the mediation of peer relationships in Chinese children but not in Brazilian, Canadian, or
Italian children. X. Chen, Liu, et al. (2003) also found that externalizing behaviors in Chinese
children negatively predicted teacher-rated social competence, academic achievement, and
self-perceptions of self-worth and positively predicted depression 2 years later. Similar
results were found in a 4-year longitudinal study in which aggressive behavior predicted
teacher-rated incompetence, low social status, and negative self-perceptions of competence in
Chinese adolescents (X. Chen et al., 1999).
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Crick and her colleagues (e.g., Kawabata, Crick, & Hamaguchi, 2010a) examined associations
of overt and relational forms of aggression with adjustment problems in U.S. and Japanese
elementary school children. The results indicated similar patterns in the two samples: Physical
aggression was positively associated with delinquency, and relational aggression was
positively associated with depression. However, the associations between relational
aggression and depressive symptoms were stronger in Japanese children than in U.S. children.
Thus, Japanese children appeared to be more vulnerable than U.S. children to negative
interpersonal experiences. Kawabata et al. (2010a) argued that relational aggression toward
peers is typically associated with interpersonal conflict and stress, which in turn is associated
with social-psychological adjustment problems. Relational aggression may be more
detrimental to psychological well-being for Japanese children than for American children
because interdependence in peer relationships and friendships are highly valued in Asian
cultures, which makes children vulnerable to negative relationship experiences. It is also
possible that, relative to their counterparts in Western cultures, children who are relationally
aggressive in Japan are perceived as more aversive and are more rejected by peers because
relational aggression contrasts greatly with the Japanese cultural beliefs and values.
Consequently, these children may feel isolated from peer groups and lack a sense of belonging
and relatedness.
Consistent with the results from cross-cultural studies concerning the emotional problems of
aggressive children, self-control or regulation may be associated differently with adjustment in
Western and Asian cultures. There seem to be robust links between low self-control and
aggression among children in the United States (e.g., Eisenberg et al., 2006; Olson et al.,
2005). Zhou et al. (2009) reported that low control and high anger-irritability were also
associated with high externalizing problems in Chinese children. However, the associations
were stronger in Chinese children than in American children. The results suggest that selfcontrol has comprehensive effects on social and behavioral development in Chinese and
perhaps other Asian cultures.
The results concerning relations between self-control and emotional adjustment in the Western
literature are inconsistent with each other. Several studies conducted with children in the
United States indicated that self-control was not associated with emotional problems
(Eisenberg et al., 2005; Oosterlaan & Sergeant, 1996). Some studies suggested that selfcontrol tended to be positively associated with emotional problems in North American
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children (e.g., Murray & Kochanska, 2002), supporting the argument that some emotional
problems may result from overcontrol (Weisz, Sigman, Weiss, & Mosk, 1993). Different
results have been found in Chinese children. Eisenberg et al. (2007) found that self-control in
Chinese children was negatively associated with symptoms of fearfulness and anxiety.
Similarly, X. Chen, Zhang, Chen, and Li (2012) found in a longitudinal study in China that selfcontrol as assessed by performance on delay tasks at 2 years of age negatively predicted selfreported loneliness and depression at 11 years of age. Children who have the ability to control
their behaviors likely display appropriate characteristics, such as cautiousness and
compliance, which are highly valued in group-oriented societies. At the same time, high
emphasis on self-control in Chinese culture is likely to create a challenging situation for
children who have difficulties maintaining their behaviors according to social conventions and
standards. The stressful experience may trigger negative emotions and psychopathological
symptoms in these children.
Cheung and Park (2010) conducted a study of anger suppression and depression in Asian
American and European American students and found that whereas anger suppression was
positively associated with depression in European Americans, the associations were
significantly weaker in Asian Americans. Moreover, an interdependent self-construal
attenuated the link between anger suppression and depressive symptoms. According to Cheung
and Park, suppression serves a self-protective function for individuals holding Western values,
whereas for individuals who hold more Asian values, suppression may be conducive to
achieving prosocial goals. Anger suppression may be a form of emotion regulation that
promotes social engagement and psychological well-being for interdependent individuals.
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Peer Conflict and Adjustment
Studies of the relation between peer conflict and adjustment have been mostly descriptive,
with a focus mainly on the link between conflict management and socioemotional development
and peer relationships (French, Pidada, Denoma, et al., 2005; Murphy & Eisenberg, 2002; D.
W. Shantz, 1986). In general, effective problem-solving methods for resolving peer conflict,
which are considered a major aspect of social competence, are associated with positive
adjustment outcomes. What is considered an effective strategy to address conflict, however, is
likely to be dependent on cultural norms.
French, Pidada, Denoma, et al. (2005), for example, found that disengaging from a conflict was
negatively associated with teacher ratings of adjustment problems and positively associated
with teaching ratings of social preference in Indonesian children but not in U.S. children. In
contrast, negotiation in conflict situations tended to be negatively associated with teacher-rated
problems and positively with competence in U.S. children. These findings suggest that
Indonesian children who disengage from conflict are better adjusted than others in social areas,
similar to Chinese children who use passive strategies to address peer conflict (French et al.,
2011). In North American cultures, however, children who use assertive methods and
negotiation to resolve conflict are more likely than others to achieve social success (e.g.,
Laursen et al., 2001).
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Bullying and Victimization and Adjustment
Bullying has adverse psychological, social, and physical effects on the development of bullies,
victims, and bully-victims. Research has shown that victims and bully-victims are more likely
than others to experience anxiety, depression, and psychosomatic symptoms (Kaltiala-Heino,
Rimpelä, Rantanen, & Rimpelä, 2000; Özdemir & Stattin, 2011) and are likely to be bullied
later as adults (Smith, Singer, Hoel, & Cooper, 2003). Bullies tend to develop difficulties in
social relationships and substance use in adulthood (Kaltiala-Heino et al., 2000).
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Several cross-cultural studies have been conducted to examine the relations between children's
engagement in bullying and adjustment outcomes. Overall, both victims and bullies develop
social and life adjustment problems, including higher levels of health problems, poorer
emotional adjustment, and poorer school adjustment, compared to youth who are not involved
in bullying. The relations between bullying and adjustment problems may also vary across
cultures. Nansel et al. (2004) conducted a comparative study of bullying in 25 countries and
found that the rate of bully-victims in Sweden was the lowest among all the countries.
However, bully-victims in Sweden were more likely to experience problems in their health,
emotional well-being, school adjustment, and peer relationships than their counterparts in other
countries. Another study by Due and colleagues (2005) comparing 28 countries on health
outcomes among victims who were bullied weekly revealed likelihood ranges from 1.83 to
2.11 for physical symptoms (headache, stomachache, backache, dizziness) and 1.67 to 7.47 for
psychological symptoms (bad temper, feeling nervous, feeling low, difficulties in getting to
sleep, morning tiredness, feeling left out, loneliness, helplessness). Again, the associations
between victimization and psychopathological symptoms tended to be stronger in countries
with lower levels of bullying. Specifically, Sweden had the lowest prevalence of bullying, but
the risk for having five or more symptoms were three- to fourfold higher in Swedish
adolescents, compared to adolescents from Lithuania, a country with a higher bullying
prevalence rate. The greater risk of children that experience bullying in countries with lower
prevalence may be related to the fact that bullying and other peer relationship problems,
especially those involving force and aggression, may be perceived as less acceptable and thus
trigger greater negative social and emotional reactions among children in these countries.
Researchers have studied adjustment outcomes of bullying experience among youth in the
United States with different ethnic and cultural backgrounds. S. G. Graham and Juvonen
(2002), for example, examined relations between victimization and psychological adjustment
among Hispanic, Asian, and African-American middle-schoolers in the United States. The
results indicated that having the reputation as a victim of peer harassment was positively
associated with loneliness and low self-esteem, but only in African-American youth. The
authors suggested that these results might be due to the deviation of being victimized from the
stereotypical perceptions of African American groups.
A study conducted by D. Schwartz and colleagues (2002) highlights the need for a nuanced
view of peer victimization in cultural contexts. In this study, South Korean children exhibiting
submissive-withdrawn behavior were found to be more likely than others to be victims of peer
bullying. The results appear to be consistent with X. Chen, Wang, et al.'s findings (2011) and
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Liu et al.'s findings (2015) that unsociable and withdrawn children in China experienced
social, school, and psychological problems. In another study with South Korean primary
school children (Yang, Kim, Kim, Shin, & Yoon, 2006), female bullies reported greater social
and behavioral problems than male bullies. A possible explanation is that female bullies feel
more uneasy, given that bullying behaviors do not correspond with cultural norms for girls to
be quiet, obedient, and self-controlled.
Peer Group Involvement, Friendships, and Adjustment
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The relationships that children form with their peers serve as key contexts for shaping social,
emotional, and cognitive outcomes (e.g., Brown, 1990; La Greca & Harrison, 2005; Urberg et
al., 1997). Research has demonstrated that having friends is associated with better school
adjustment and social satisfaction in children, whereas children without friends tend to
experience more internalizing problems and poorer social and academic performance
(Pedersen, Vitaro, Barker, & Borge, 2007). Research in Western cultures has also illustrated
that peer groups serve as a major social resource for fulfilling individual psychological needs,
such as the formation of self-identity and the development of positive self-perceptions and
self-feelings (e.g., Rubin, Bukowski, et al., 2006; Sullivan, 1953). However, affiliation with
deviant peer groups may contribute significantly to individual adjustment problems, such as
school dropout, early pregnancy, substance use, and antisocial behavior (e.g., Cairns & Cairns,
1994; Espelage, Holt, & Henkel, 2003; Kiesner et al., 2003; Kindermann et al., 1995).
Despite the scarcity of longitudinal studies examining the effects of peer relationships on
adjustment, the existing literature suggests that the function of friendships and peer groups may
play different roles in individual development across cultures. In Western societies, support
from friends and peer groups may be an important mechanism for children to accomplish the
socialization goal of developing confidence and positive views about themselves (Sullivan,
1953). The role of peer relationships in promoting self-perceptions and self-feelings may be
less salient in many non-Western cultures, where the development of the self is not considered
a major developmental task. Indeed, findings of cross-cultural studies seem to indicate that
children's friendship plays a less important role in enhancing perceived self-worth in grouporiented cultures than in Western individualistic cultures. Whereas one of the major reasons for
friendship among Western children is that friends make people feel good about themselves,
Chinese and Indonesian children and children with an Arab and Caribbean background do not
view the enhancement of self-worth as an important function of peer relationships (X. Chen,
Kaspar, et al., 2004; Cho, Sandel, Miller, & Wang, 2005; Dayan, Doyle, & Markiewicz, 2001;
French, Pidada, et al., 2005).
In contrast to self-validation, instrumental aid appears to be a more important function of peer
relationships of children in many group-oriented cultures (Smart, 1999; Tietjen, 1989). For
example, sharing money and protecting friends from harm are important aspects of the
friendships of low-income Black and Hispanic adolescents in the United States (Way, 2006).
Instrumental assistance has also been documented to be a salient feature of friendships in Asian
countries, such as China (X. Chen, Kaspar, et al., 2004), Indonesia (French, Pidada, et al.,
2005), South Korea (French et al., 2006), and the Philippines (Hollnsteiner, 1979), and in
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Latino societies, such as Cuba (Gonzalez et al., 2004) and Costa Rica (DeRosier &
Kupersmidt, 1991). In these societies, instrumental assistance may include helping others solve
problems and learn social skills. French and colleagues (2006) showed that Indonesian
children without friends demonstrated lower levels of academic achievement than children
with friends. Similarly, X. Chen, Kaspar, and colleagues (2004) found that Chinese children
were more likely to endorse picking friends who would improve social and academic
standing. Dekovic and colleagues (2002) found differences between Japanese and Dutch
adolescents in the pattern of associations between peer relationships with development. The
quality of peer relationships was associated with self-reported well-being more strongly in
Japan than in the Netherlands, which might indicate greater emphasis in Japanese culture on
interpersonal relationships in the individual development of well-being.
It should be noted that both the definitions and the cultural norms for peer relationships and
group affiliation have changed dramatically with the popularity of online social connections
and networks. Peer interactions currently take place over a variety of online contexts, including
text messaging, e-mailing, instant message, or chatting, and social networking sites such as
Facebook. Normative experiences in youth development, such as increased autonomy, identity
exploration, or the formation of intimate peer relationships, unfold through these newer
technologies (Lenhart, Purcell, Smith, & Zickuhr, 2010).
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How the use of these technologies for online communication affects real-world peer
relationships and well-being in children and adolescents is an interesting issue for researchers
and professionals. In a study with over 1,000 Dutch adolescents, Valkenburg and Peter (2007)
found that adolescents spent most of their online communication time with existing friends and
that instant messaging with friends significantly predicted friendship quality and well-being.
The researchers also found that personal disclosures through instant messaging were positively
associated with friendship quality 1 year later. However, other studies reported no significant
associations between online communication and real-world friendship quality or well-being
(Gross, 2004; Mesch, 2001; Sanders, Field, Diego, & Kaplan, 2000). It is proposed that
unexplored moderators or mediators may explain these inconsistent findings (Wang, Jackson, &
Zhang, 2011).
How social and cultural circumstances impact the relations between peer relationships
facilitated through online communication and adjustment is another interesting question. Online
communication and social networking sites could serve different purposes in collectivistic and
individualistic cultures. Chau, Cole, Massey, Montoya-Weiss, and O'Keefe (2002), for
example, argued that Internet users from Hong Kong tend to view the Internet as a means of
social interaction, whereas Americans tend to use the Internet to seek and gain information.
Chau and colleagues (2002) found that U.S. students had more individuals in their networks
than Korean students and attributed this difference to how relationships are viewed. Consistent
with French et al.'s findings on friendship exclusivity (2006), it has been speculated that
Koreans utilize social networking sites to obtain social support and develop deeper
relationships from existing and committed relationships whereas American students may use
social networking sites to acquire or maintain casual relationships (Y. Kim, Sohn, & Choi,
2011).
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In studies of international students in the United States, K. H. Kim, Yun, and Yoon (2009) and
Ye (2006) found that online social networking helped international students maintain and
develop their social support from their networks in the United States and from online ethnic
social groups, which in turn helped them reduce their social difficulties and adjust to the new
environment quickly. Reich, Subrahmanyam, and Espinoza (2012) examined the use of online
communication and its association with adjustment in Latino adolescents. The results,
however, showed no differences between Latino and European American adolescents in the
frequency of social interactions and adjustment outcomes.
In summary, research findings have indicated that individual behaviors and experiences in peer
contexts, such as shyness-inhibition, aggression, conflict, bullying, and group involvement, may
be associated differently with adjustment outcomes in different cultures. The differences in the
associations further indicate that culture plays an essential role in determining the functional
significance of individual behaviors through shaping social attitudes and social interaction
processes.
Peer Relationships and Resilience
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Resilience is concerned with the process or phenomenon of positive adaptation in the context
of significant risk or adversity (Masten & Powell, 2003; Luthar, Crossman, & Small, 2015).
Research on resilience often focuses on protective factors in the development of individuals
who experience high levels of risk, such as parental mental illness, family economic hardship
and conflict, and neighborhood violence. Protective factors are assets that weaken the adverse
effects of risk, such as supportive parenting and effective skills to cope with difficult
circumstances (Luthar et al., 2015; Masten, 2014).
It is commonly believed that positive peer relationships, including overall peer acceptance,
intimate friendship, and constructive group activities, can serve protective functions for at-risk
children (e.g., Rubin et al., 2006). Findings of a number of studies have indicated that negative
experiences in the family, such as child abuse and poverty, are associated with
psychopathological symptoms, such as low self-esteem, lack of school engagement and
achievement, and high peer victimization, but the associations are often weaker or
nonsignificant for children who have high-quality friendship and peer networks (e.g., Bolgar,
Schwartz, & Kupersmidt, 1998). In a study of negative parenting and adolescent externalizing
problems, for example, Lansford, Criss, Pettit, Dodge, and Bates (2003) found that friendship
quality and peer group affiliation served as protective factors for adolescents who were
exposed to unilateral parental decision making, low supervision, and harsh discipline; positive
peer relationships attenuated the associations between aspects of family adversity and
externalizing problems.
Cultural norms about children's behaviors and peer relationships may affect the meaning,
function, and development of resilience in children and adolescents. According to Ungar
(2013), resilience is concerned with a set of processes that serve to help individuals to obtain
psychological and social resources in culturally meaningful ways. The social-ecological
perspective emphasizes that resilience represents the capacity of both individuals (e.g.,
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children's capacity to seek help) and their environments (e.g., the availability of health
resources and assets in the community) to optimize adaptive development. Consistent with this
perspective, in the International Resilience Project, a large-scale cross-cultural study, Ungar
and colleagues (e.g., Ungar, 2013; Ungar et al., 2007) found that there might be culturally
distinct aspects of resilience. More specifically, a series of qualitative and quantitative
analyses revealed that youth who were resilient were those who successfully navigated their
way through a series of tensions in accessing material resources and in finding appropriate
roles in the community. The experience of resilience was determined largely by how youth
used different strategies to address the challenges posed by the tensions within social and
cultural constraints. Moreover, the impact of aspects of resilience (e.g., affiliation with a
religious organization) on children's lives might depend on social and cultural contexts (e.g.,
the importance of the religion or spirituality in the society) (see Ungar et al., 2007).
Other studies have also provided evidence for the role of social and cultural circumstances in
the development of resilience, including the protective force of peer relationships. For
example, De Antoni and Koller (2000) showed that Brazilian street children developed
relationships with one another, which served as a support when caring adults were
unavailable. Similarly, in a study of 3,000 street children in Colombia, Felsman (1989) found
that children sought existing social supports, including gang affiliation, when primary physical
and emotional needs were not met elsewhere. The studies demonstrate that resilience may
develop as a result of the requirements of the particular context and that aspects of resilience
may serve particular functions in the context.
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Conclusions, Practical Implications, and Future
Directions
The experience of children and adolescents in the peer context, including social behaviors in
interactions with others and relationships established through interactions, has an extensive and
lengthy influence on normal and abnormal development (e.g., Rubin et al., 2015). Failure to
maintain appropriate behaviors in peer interactions, solve problems in interactions in an
effective manner, establish desirable relationships, or obtain supportive group affiliation likely
leads to psychopathological outcomes. Yet how children interact with others and form social
relationships is constrained by cultural norms and values in the society or community. By
guiding social interaction processes and shaping functional and structural features of social
relationships, culture exerts a significant impact on individual development in various areas.
In this chapter, we reviewed research findings on cross-cultural variations in the prevalence of
major internalizing and externalizing behaviors, such as social anxiety, aggression, conflict,
and bullying, that children and adolescents display in the peer settings. We discussed the role
of culture in affecting social attitudes and responses toward specific behaviors, which in turn
serve to regulate the development of the behaviors and their relations with adjustment
outcomes. Based on our review and discussion, it seems reasonable to conclude that adaptive
and maladaptive human development is a complex phenomenon that must be understood with
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cultural factors taken into account (García Coll et al., 2000; Kleinman, 1980; Tamis-LeMonda
et al., 2008).
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Research on culture, peer relationships, and developmental psychopathology has far-reaching
practical implications. As Cicchetti and Toth (2009) indicated, to promote psychological
health and well-being of individuals, it is important to translate scientific findings into
practical applications. Thus, researchers and professionals should consider how research
results concerning cultural contexts for adaptive and maladaptive development help address
issues in the diagnosis, prevention, and treatment of problems in culturally relevant and
effective manners. For example, the findings on the influence of cultural norms and values on
individual behaviors and problems suggest that researchers, policymakers, and clinicians need
to be sensitive in assessing and assigning cultural meanings to psychopathological symptoms
among children of different backgrounds. To determine the extent to which a specific behavior
(e.g., social anxiety and shyness) is normal or abnormal, it is essential to understand how it is
defined in the society or community, including (1) how people perceive, evaluate, and respond
to the behavior, particularly in the context of social interactions; and (2) how the behavior is
associated with concurrent and developmental adjustment outcomes. Thus, obtaining
information regarding culturally directed social attitudes about the behavior and its
developmental patterns is an integral part of diagnosis. In addition, according to the contextualdevelopmental perspective (X. Chen, 2012), peer interactions and relationships serve as a
crucial group-level mediator in bridging culture and individual development. Therefore,
parents, educators, and practitioners should consider the social interaction context when they
develop prevention and intervention programs for children and adolescents who display
psychopathological problems.
From a multiple-levels-of-analysis perspective, Cicchetti and colleagues (e.g., Cicchetti,
2006; Cicchetti & Blender, 2006; Cicchetti & Toth, 2009) have indicated that biological,
psychological, and social-contextual factors may jointly and interactively influence individual
normal and abnormal development. For example, there is growing evidence indicating the
genetic underpinnings of social relationships and psychopathological functioning (e.g., Kendler
et al., 2007). Moreover, a number of studies have demonstrated interactions between gene
polymorphisms and environmental conditions (e.g., early parent-child relationships, parenting
practices) in predicting developmental outcomes (e.g., Caspi et al., 2002; Hankin, Jenness,
Abela, & Smolen, 2011; Sheese, Voelker, Rothbart, & Posner, 2007). However, these studies
have been conducted mainly within a Western society. Cultural similarities and differences in
the relations of genetic factors to children's peer relationships and adaptive and maladaptive
behaviors have not been explored. As argued by Chiao and Ambady (2007) and Miller and
Kinsbourne (2012), it will be interesting to investigate genetic influence on social
relationships and behaviors in different cultures, which will help us achieve a more complete
understanding of gene–environment interactions in human development.
Researchers often use a broad framework, such as collectivism versus individualism or
independence versus interdependence, to conceptualize cross-cultural studies, especially in
comparing children in Western societies with those in non-Western societies. The broad
framework has been criticized from both theoretical and methodological perspectives.
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Theoretically, it is considered oversimplistic for describing complex cultural systems and for
explaining the heterogeneity within a particular culture and differences between cultures that
are believed to be collectivist/interdependent or individualist/independent (see X. Chen,
French, & Schneider, 2006; Miller, 2002). Methodologically, it is difficult to identify the
defining features of individualistic and collectivist cultures and to assess these features. It also
appears ineffective and problematic to measure macro-level sociological constructs of
collectivism and individualism (Hofstede, 1994), which are defined mainly by political,
social, economic, and ideological organizations, using attitudinal scales at the individual level
(Oyserman, Coon, & Kemmelmeier, 2002). The relations between societal or group-level
cultural orientations and individual values systems and behaviors may not be straightforward.
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Despite the criticisms, however, researchers continue to use the framework of collectivism
versus individualism or interdependence versus independence to characterize cross-cultural
differences in individual attitudes and behaviors. The dimension of collectivism-individualism
may be useful in distinguishing cultures that differ in extreme form (e.g., the United States and
some Asian countries). However, it is important for researchers to be aware that the broad
framework may have limited value in characterizing different types of collectivist or
individualistic cultures and cultures with mixed individualistic and collectivist features.
Research on culture, peer relationships, and developmental psychopathology has relied on
direct or indirect comparisons of groups of children and adolescents in different societies or
communities. Cross-cultural comparisons can provide interesting findings about similarities
and differences between children and adolescents with different backgrounds, which are
important for understanding the role of culture in development. However, researchers need to
pay attention to various issues in the research processes, such as selecting representative
samples in the culture and controlling for potential confounding factors, such as socioeconomic
status (Schneider et al., 2006). Moreover, cross-cultural comparisons provide little
information about how culture is involved in peer interactions and relationships and individual
development. Cultural influence on children's functioning in social settings is highly complex,
involving personal and contextual factors at multiple levels. According to the contextualdevelopmental perspective (X. Chen, 2012), for example, children play an increasingly active
role in socialization and development through participating in social interactions in which they
construct cultural norms for their activities and mutual evaluations (Corsaro & Nelson, 2003;
Edwards et al., 2006). It will be important to investigate how children in different cultures
actively engage in the socialization processes.
Self-reports are commonly used in cross-cultural studies of children's behaviors and problems
because of relatively low costs for data collection and advantages in data analysis. With young
children, parental reports are perhaps the most common, and sometimes the only accessible,
method. However, self-report methods have obvious limitations that may undermine valid
cross-cultural comparisons; these include culturally specific response biases, the reference
group effect, and differences in the understanding of questions or items in measures (e.g.,
Schneider et al., 2006). Peer evaluation is a reliable method in assessing children's social
behaviors and peer relationships (e.g., the Revised Class Play, X. Chen et al., 1992; Masten,
Morison, & Pellegrini, 1985); the method is particularly useful for cross-cultural research
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because it taps insiders' perspectives of children. However, peer evaluation is used with
children in schools mainly from third or fourth grade. Moreover, it does not allow for crosscultural comparisons on group mean scores because peer nomination or rating data typically
need to be standardized within the class or grade. In addition, when assessing behaviors that
are not apparent in social interactions, such as anxiety, fear, or other internalizing behaviors, it
may be difficult for peers to provide accurate and reliable information. Compared with selfreports and peer assessments, observations, in either controlled laboratory or naturalistic
settings, can provide more objective information about children's peer interactions and
individual behaviors, which allows for more straightforward cross-cultural comparisons.
However, conducting observations of children in equivalent conditions, developing culturally
sensitive and comparable coding systems, training coders to reliably code data from different
cultures, and interpreting the results beyond observed variables are highly challenging tasks for
researchers. A strategy for handling many of the methodological difficulties is to use a
multimethod approach and integrative analysis, which likely reduces potential biases and
errors in data from a single source.
Cross-cultural researchers often study children in non-Western societies by comparing them
with children in Western, especially American, societies. Due to globalization and
technological development, rapid large-scale social and cultural changes have been occurring
around the world, including both Western and non-Western countries. Cultural exchanges and
interactions and massive movements of populations have led to the merging and coexistence of
diverse value systems (X. Chen, 2015; Tamis-LeMonda et al., 2008), which has made the
exposure to different cultures an integral part of the experience of children and adults today.
Adapting to a changing environment with mixed and even conflictual social and cultural values
may be stressful for youth. However, social and cultural changes also provide opportunities for
young people to interact with peers of different backgrounds, which may help them develop
competence to function in different circumstances. It will be important to investigate children's
and adolescents' peer experiences and adaptive and maladaptive development in the new
environment.
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