1
HOW WAS INDEPENDENCE REALISED IN AFRICA IN THE
1960s AND 1970s?
CASE STUDY: TANZANIA
Tanzania's path to independence was marked by a fervent spirit of nationalism and the
visionary leadership of Julius Nyerere. Emerging from the shadows of colonial rule, the
East African nation embarked on a transformative journey under Nyerere's guidance,
culminating in its hard-fought independence. As a beacon of hope for fellow African
nations, Tanzania's story represents a testament to the power of determination and
unity in the pursuit of freedom and self-governance.
[https://omniatlas.com/maps/sub-saharan-africa/19621009/. Accessed on 31 July 2023]
2
A timeline of independence
1954
TANU (Tanganyika African National Union) was established
1958/59
Elections held and TANU won 28 of the 30 seats
1960
Julius Nyerere, leader of TANU, was appointed the chief minister of the
British Administration in Tanganyika.
Aug 1960
TANU won another round of elections: 70 out of 71 seats
1961
Independence for Tanganyika (from British) and Nyerere became the first
Prime Minister
1962
Preventive Detention Act was passed
Tanganyika abolished the monarchy and became a Republic
Nyerere became president
1963
TANU allowed non - Africans to become members of TANU
Tanganyika became a one-party state
Nyerere was one of the leaders who established the OAU
1964
Army Mutiny
Revolution in Zanzibar: sultan was overthrown and Zanzibar became a
communist republic and a one-party state under the Afro-Shirazi Party (ASP)
Zanzibar merged with Tanganyika = United Republic of Tanzania with
Nyerere as president
Tanzania joined NAM
1965
Tanzania officially became a one-party state
Bank of Tanzania Act passed
1966
Bank of Tanzania was opened and was the central bank
Tanzanian shilling replaced the British monetary naming
1967
Arusha Declaration published
Banks and large industries nationalised
Ujamaa policy was implemented
1973
Dodoma replaced Dar es Salaam as the nation’s capital city
Operation Vijiji forced people into solidarity villages
Oil crisis
1970 - 1975
TanZam railway line was built
1973 - 1974
Major drought in Tanzania
1975
Nyerere accepted loans from the IMF and WB to save his people from
famine A lot of foreign add accepted by Tanzania
1977
TANU + ASP merged = Chama Cha Mapinduzi (CCM)
1979
Counter- invasion on Uganda
3
1980 -1981
Nyerere turned to IMF and WB for loans but was not prepared to make
economic adjustments
1984
Nyerere agreed to work with IMF and introduced austerity measures
1985
Nyerere voluntarily retired and handed over power to Ali Hassan Mwinyi
1986
Mwinyi moves away from Ujamaa and encouraged private enterprise
1992
Mwinyi lifted bans on other parties (condition for continued loans)
1994
Tanzania held multi-party elections
Colonialism
The policy of a foreign power maintaining control over a territory, its
resources, and its people for economic gain.
Nationalism
A strong sense of pride and identity in one's nation, often leading to
the desire for self-rule and independence.
Tanganyika
The mainland territory of present-day Tanzania before the union with
Zanzibar.
Zanzibar
The island territory of present-day Tanzania before the union with
Tanganyika.
British East Africa
The collective term for former British territories in East Africa, including
Tanganyika and Kenya.
Tanganyika African
National Union
(TANU)
A political party founded by Julius Nyerere to advocate for
independence and self-rule for Tanganyika.
Arusha Declaration
A policy statement made by Julius Nyerere in 1967 outlining
Tanzania's socialist path towards development.
Ujamaa
"Familyhood" or "Socialism" in Swahili, representing Nyerere's vision
of rural collectivization and communal living. Swahili word for
“neighbourliness/familyhood; the name of the collectivised peasant
villages in Tanzania.
Command Economy
An economic system in which the government controls the production,
allocation, and distribution of goods.
Import Substitution
Industrialization (ISI)
An economic policy encouraging domestic production of goods to
replace imports.
One-Party State
A political system in which only one political party is legally allowed to
exist and hold power.
African Socialism
Nyerere's ideology blending socialist principles with African communal
values. Adopted by most African countries on becoming independent.
4
Supported socialist ideas and considered to be a deviation of
Marxist-Leninism. Share the country’s wealth; reflected traditional
African practice of sharing.
Zanzibar Revolution
A series of events in 1964 leading to the overthrow of the Sultanate
and the establishment of a republic.
Chama Cha
Mapinduzi (CCM)
The ruling political party of Tanzania, formed by the merger of TANU
and ASP in 1977.
Afro-Shirazi Party
The political party founded by Abeid Karume that led the Zanzibar
Revolution.
Developmentalism
An approach to economic development emphasising state planning
and intervention.
Economic
Liberalisation
Reforms aimed at reducing state control and encouraging private
sector participation in the economy.
Structural
Adjustment
Programmes
Policy measures imposed by the IMF to address economic challenges.
Debt Crisis
The period of financial instability in the 1980s, during which Tanzania
faced significant debt burdens.
Julius Nyerere
The first President of Tanzania, an influential leader who played a
significant role in the country's development.
Nationalisation
State control of industry and mines
Cash crops
a crop produced for its commercial value rather than for use by the
grower. (e.g. coffee)
villagisation
This was the idea of collective farming under Ujamaa. The village
would be a socialist organisation created and governed by the
people within that village.The relocation of rural populations to
villages that were maintained collectively.
parastatals
A company, agency, or intergovernmental organisation, that
possesses political clout and is separate from the government,
but whose activities serve the state, either directly or indirectly.
indigenous
entrepreneurship
is the creation, management and development of new ventures by
Indigenous people for the benefit of Indigenous people.
Uhuru
"freedom" in Swahili.
5
In Tanzania, Julius Nyerere chose a socialist path to development, implementing ideas of African
socialism. In contrast with the Congo, in terms of the Cold War, Tanzania chose a policy of non
alignment, which meant that it did not involve itself in the Cold War conflict in Africa.
Tanzania did not experience quite the same brutality as the Congo. In 1891 Germany occupied
the regions that are now known as Tanzania, Rwanda and Burundi, calling them German East
Africa. After World War I, Tanganyika (as Tanzania was called) became a mandate, or protected
area, of the British. After World War II and the formation of the United Nations (UN), Tanganyika
became a UN trusteeship. This meant that Britain was put in charge of making sure that
decolonisation happened in Tanganyika by a certain date.
In July 1954 the Tanganyika African National Union (TANU) was formed, with the nationalist
Julius Nyerere as its president. TANU actively sought independence for Tanganyika and by 1960,
it was the leading party in the country. Then in 1961, under conditions considered to be very
peaceful (especially when compared to those experienced in the Congo), Tanganyika became
an independent country. Nyerere was its first Prime Minister in 1962.
In 1963, the island of Zanzibar, 36 km off Tanzania’s coast, underwent a revolution and
overthrew its Arab leaders. Zanzibar and mainland Tanganyika then formed the nation of
Tanzania, in April 1964. From the start, the newly independent Tanzania was led by TANU’s
policy to cement an African way of life based on the principles of socialism. TANU focused on
unifying the various ethnic groups in the territory.
[https://www.thoughtco.com/julius-kambarage-nyerere-43589. Accessed on 30 July 2023]
6
Julius Nyerere 1961 - 1985
Especially when compared to Mobutu, Julius
Nyerere was a very different type of leader. He
soon became internationally recognised as a
leader who was dedicated to firm ideals and ruled
with personal integrity. He was highly respected as
a politician. Nyerere was successful in gathering a
large following for his “socialist experiment” in
Tanzania, which seemed to offer hope to the world
and throughout Tanzania he was given the
affectionate Swahili name of Mwalimu (‘Teacher’).
He had made his living as a schoolmaster before
entering politics, but earned the title Mwalimu
mostly thanks to his moral strength and his ability
to set a path for the new nation of Tanzania. Many
people argue that Nyerere was a good leader
because he successfully drew attention to
capitalist systems that keep poor countries poor
and rich countries rich. He demanded that “the poorest of the poor'' be given a fairer share of
the world’s wealth. As such he aimed to create an egalitarian society in Tanzania where
everybody participated productively in national life and benefited equally from the state.
Nyerere’s type of leadership stood in sharp contrast to the leadership style of other African
presidents between 1960 and 1980. While presidents such as Mobutu lived a life of
extravagance through corruption, Nyerere had a total dislike of all forms of elitism. Nyerere
also declared that as a non-aligned state Tanzania would not take sides in the Cold War
struggle in Africa. This meant that Tanzania had good relations with both the USA and the
USSR. Nyerere’s generally good intentions meant that he was given a great deal of praise
and support. This helped Tanzania to receive a great deal of foreign aid. In the 1970s,
Tanzania was receiving more foreign aid per capita than any other African country.
7
Julius Nyerere and Dr Hastings K. Banda Prime Minister then president of Malawi,
visiting Tanganyika in the early 1960s. Outside a Tanganyika African National Union
office.
[https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Tanganyika_African_National_Union#/media/File:The_National_Archives_UK_-_C
O_1069-165-3.jpg. Accessed on 30 July 2023]
Nyerere was concerned about the following:
➔ Promoting and developing the economy
➔ Securing and retaining national control of the direction of the economic development
➔ Creating participatory political institutions that would sustain a sense of common
purpose. He united the people under the TANU party.
➔ Building a fair society which would be free of severe income inequalities and where all
would share
Having clear moral intentions, however, does not necessarily make a person a good political
leader. Nyerere is not always considered a wholly successful leader because he believed
fanatically in African socialism; he enacted the Arusha Declaration with enormous speed.
Without much detailed planning and preparation, and without input from the Tanzanian people,
he put into place an entirely new way of running a country, disrupting millions of people’s lives in
the process.
8
Nyerere’s Political Ideology
Political focus
Nyerere is considered to have had some of the most persuasive arguments for one-party
states in Africa. He believed that multi-party systems had developed in the West because of
competition between social and economic classes. In an industrialised country, different social
and economic classes wanted different things. In African society, where economic and social
classes did not really exist, a multiple party system would only create differences. Such a
system would only divide people, and weaken focus on developing the country. He felt that
different parties would promote conflicting and different development goals; and would divide
the people instead of stabilising the country.
Nyerere had been the leader of TANU since its formation in 1954. When independence was
granted to Tanzania, TANU was the only important political party in the country. This meant
that when Tanzania became independent in December 1962, it was already a one-party state
led by Nyerere. Although Tanzania was technically a one-party state, it had aspects of a
democracy even though limited. There were no separatist movements and in 1964, Zanzibar
joined the mainland.
Nyerere as a leader
• He was a leader of great integrity
• He was a passionate and outspoken African nationalist
• He was also a dedicated Pan-Africanist
• His regime was not characterised by corruption: he lived in a modest home and earned
a presidential salary that was lower than some of his cabinet ministers
• He banned tribalism and Tanzania is the only African country that has come closest to
separating tribe and state.
• Although the population of Tanzania consisted of around 120 ethnic groups, no single
group was large enough to attempt domination of the others. However, and most
importantly, the Kiswahili language spoken by the majority of the population helped to
provide unity among ethnic groups. Kiswahili became the official language of Tanzania at
independence, and this helped the country’s ethnic groups and minorities to develop a
9
shared identity. Nyerere hated the colonial legacy of artificial boundaries, but insisted that
there was little that independent countries could do about them. He made it clear that
fighting over ethnicity would prove that many people in the West thought of Africa: that it
was backward, territorial and violent. Nyerere also pointed out that ethnic rivalries would
keep Africa weak and likely to be exploited by stronger continents. In this way, some
political stability was achieved.
• Nyerere showed wisdom in managing tribal matters and did not believe exploiting
differences would bring stability.
• He created a republic with an executive president.
An overview of Nyerere’s rule.
10
SOURCE A
An article describing the rule of Julius Nyerere.
Integrity and honour defined Nyerere
Published in Articles and Transcripts on 01. 11. 2010. 355 Views
By Clarence Lusane <clusane@american.edu>, 19 October 1999
One of the most important and respected African leaders to emerge out of the colonial era has passed
away. Julius Nyerere, the former president of Tanzania, died of leukaemia at age 77 on Oct. 14. It is
easy to be loved when one has an endless record of successes. Nyerere did it the hard way. He led
Tanzania as its first president from 1962 until 1985 and he is as much noted for his mistakes as for his
achievements.
As a contemporary of Zambia's Kenneth Kaunda, Ghana's Kwame Nkrumah and others from the
liberation movement era of the 1950s and early 1960s, Nyerere flowered in a period of transition in
Africa that saw black majorities come into power grappling with all the problems of development and
democracy that colonialism had left behind. Nyerere's solution was what he called "African socialism."
For Nyerere, this meant nationalising property, banks and large plantations, as well as efforts at
collective farming and one-party rule. Although Nyerere's policies did make Tanzanians more literate
and healthier than before, they failed to eradicate Tanzania's poverty.
Nyerere sometimes mistakenly supported nationalist-talking African leaders such as the former
Ugandan President Idi Amin, who was a butcher of the first order. He atoned for this by sending in
Tanzanian troops to overthrow Idi Amin in 1979. While as president and after his retirement, Nyerere
sought to build democracy across the continent, revive self-help as a means of economic development
and promote an unyielding commitment to ending all forms of colonialism and oppression in Africa. He
played a critical role in the negotiations to establish Zimbabwe, he allowed Tanzania to be a safe haven
for Mozambican guerrillas fighting the Portuguese, and he advocated effectively for Western economic
sanctions against apartheid South Africa. He also hosted the historic Sixth Pan African Congress held
in 1974 that brought together people of African descent from around the globe. In the mid-1980s, he
chaired the Organization of African Unity. He helped the failing and disrupted organisation regain a
measure of dignity.
Nyerere was also one of the leading lights of the Nonaligned Movement, a grouping of countries that
professed to be neutral during the Cold War. He promoted economic cooperation among developing
countries and was critical of global institutions dominated by the West, such as the International
Monetary Fund and the World Bank, which he saw as pursuing policies harmful to the interests of the
Third World.
While many of the popular African leaders who rose to power in the 1960s and 1970s slipped into
despotism, militarism and corruption, Nyerere defied the odds. In noble fashion, he attempted a
democratic project in the best way he knew with as much humanitarian faith as he could muster.
Comparable to Nelson Mandela in many ways, Nyerere voluntarily stepped down from power in 1985
after 23 years in office, stating that he wanted to go back to his farm in his native village of Butiama
near Lake Victoria, and where possible and necessary contribute as a diplomat in the region's conflicts.
Like former President Jimmy Carter, his popularity rose as he eased comfortably into the role of elder
statesman, a role he would play until his last breath. It was in that capacity that he was tapped to
intervene as a mediator in the horrific civil war that has consumed the Central African nation of Burundi
since 1993, in which an estimated 150,000200,000 have been slaughtered.
Although he was diagnosed with leukaemia in August 1998, he chose to continue the role of negotiator
that he had accepted last July. Even as his condition worsened, he strove to achieve a peace. Nyerere
will be remembered by folks from high and low as a fighter for inclusion, justice, economic
independence and honour. Upon Nyerere's death, U.N. Secretary-General Kofi Annan called him "one
of the giants of the 20th century African liberation movement."
His mistakes were many, his achievements formidable, his legacy assured.
[https://www.juliusnyerere.org/resources/view/integrity_and_honor_defined_nyerere. Viewed on 11 July 2020]
11
Criticisms launched against Nyerere:
● His experiment in African socialism was overly ambitious and did not achieve its aims •
The inefficient state marketing boards that he introduced led to great dependence on
foreign assistance
● The top-down approach became a distinct characteristic of his rule. He did lead like a
tyrant and was accused of not believing in the people below him to manage the
economy etc.
In 1965: Constitution amended to make Tanzania a one-party state and on 7 February 1967
Nyerere issued Arusha Declaration
The 1965 Constitution stated the following:
TANU membership was open to anyone who was willing to accept its ideals.
Any TANU member could be nominated for election to the government.
Elections were held in which citizens could vote for ministers and officials. This meant that
ministers were accountable to the people as they could be voted out.
TANU candidates were not allowed to spend money on campaigning or to use tribal, racial or
religious language.
The state was based on:
• African socialism
• A centralised government
• Nationalised industries
• Rural reform
The Arusha Declaration of 1967
President Julius Nyerere’s official political ideology was contained in the Arusha
Declaration.
A source taken from Black Past outlining the emphasis and focus of the Arusha
Declaration.
The Arusha Declaration, which was passed on January 29, 1967, summarised Tanzania’s commitment to
socialism and the significant role that it was to play in the country’s development. The document was originally
written by Julius K. Nyerere, who served as the first president of Tanzania between 1964 and 1985. The
Tanganyika African National Union (TANU), the major political party before and after independence, also
helped establish the principles which guided the Declaration. TANU’s leaders, who were mostly civil servants,
teachers, farmers, or traders, welcomed the statement. In fact there were few capitalists in Tanzania in the
early 1960s to challenge the document supporting a socialist model of economic development.
This declaration emphasised self-reliance, frugality, and self-denial. It stated that everyone in the state,
whatever his or her actual occupation, was a worker and that all means of production would be nationalised
for the people. The concept of Ujamaa was the centrepiece of the social and economic development program.
Here groups of village families worked together on communal farms for the common good. The Declaration
also included a Leadership Code to promote equality among all Tanzania citizens. This code was one of
12
numerous attempts to prevent party leaders and well-to-do individuals from forming privileged, exploitative
groups. The Arusha Declaration as a whole sought to reduce the income inequality among all citizens and shift
development efforts towards rural areas. It argued that the country was involved in a war against poverty and
oppression. In addition to aiming for a self-sustaining economy, it reformed the education system. The three
significant changes that it made were putting more emphasis on primary education rather than secondary
education, commending practical knowledge more than book knowledge, and gearing education more towards
agricultural skills.
The Arusha Declaration is one of the most important political and economic decrees in Tanzania’s history. It
formally outlined how resources for development can be mobilised. All of these changes, motivated by the
declaration, were aimed at creating a more self-reliant society. Because the declaration emphasised the
simultaneous act of increasing the extraction of domestic resources while distributing goods and services in a
more equal fashion, it called for harder work from all the citizens across the nation. The shift from relying on
capital to relying on human resources depended on the state’s assumption that all workers would respond to
their call for ‘harder work.’ Despite its intentions, the Declaration did not generate the expected development
and in fact increased bribery and collection as state monopolies, created by the nationalisation of the
economy, grew more powerful. By the early 1970s, many Tanzanian farmers resisted the seizure of their lands
by government cooperatives. When Operation Dodoma in 1974 called for the collectivisation of all farming in
the country, many of the farmers resisted. The Arusha Declaration was abandoned by the Tanzanian
government in 1975.
https://www.blackpast.org/global-african-history/arusha-declaration-1967-2/Viewed on 10 July 2020]
The document outlined the goal of creating a much more equal society in Tanzania through
the methods of socialism. TANU, Nyerere’s ruling party, adopted the Arusha Declaration in
February 1967. Nyerere was concerned that leaders in Tanzania would become part of an
elite and challenge his ideal of an absolutely equal society. In Nyerere’s opinion, as soon as
there is inequality between people, there is political instability.
This ideal of being a nation of equals would apply very strictly to the leaders of Tanzania.
Nyerere’s Arusha Declaration included a section called the Leadership Code. This code
explained that all senior government ministers and party officials had to be peasants or
workers. They were not allowed to have any connection to the practice of capitalism.
They were not allowed to:
• Own shares in a company
• Earn more than one salary
• Own houses that they rented to other people
Nyerere was deeply concerned about the wide differences between the poor masses of
Tanzania and the country’s wealthy elite. To prevent government ministers and officials from
exploiting privileges in order to become wealthy elite, as government ministers did in
Mobutu’s Zaire, Tanzania’s leaders received very few benefits other than their government
salary. Nyerere also placed limits on the number of luxury goods they could import. Nyerere
exercised strict control over his leadership system because he wanted his socialist state to
work and remain peaceful. The Arusha Declaration aimed to root out corruption and create
accountable leaders and bureaucrats.
Tanzania was often called an “oasis of peace” in a continent of instability. This can be
explained partly through the sense of unity and peace TANU was able to create. During the
13
struggle against colonial rule, the party had developed a strong nationwide membership and
Nyerere argued very strongly for a non-racial country. TANU was highly inclusive, which
meant that it was made up of members who came from a variety of ethnic, racial and religious
backgrounds. Finally, TANU worked particularly hard to include peasants, workers and traders
in its membership.
However, Tanzania was not always peaceful. A few months after the Zanzibar revolution, in
early 1964, the Tanganyika Armed Forces mutinied. As was the case in the Congo, the
Tanganyika army consisted of a majority of ordinary African soldiers and a small group of
foreign (in this case British) officers. The rebelling soldiers made it clear that they did not
want to take over the government in a coup d’état but that they simply wanted higher wages
and African officers instead of British ones. Nyerere and TANU prevented the mutiny from
turning violent, but it was only with the help of British soldiers that the incident was brought to
an end.
Nyerere also had to deal with resistance to his policies. Although Tanzania enjoyed relative
peace and Nyerere never oppressed his country as Mobutu oppressed the Congo, Nyerere
nevertheless did use force to control resistance to his rule.
In 1962, he passed the Preventative Detention Act and used his legislation to imprison
those people who opposed him.
In the 1970s, Amnesty International, the international human rights organisation, believed that
there were nearly 140 political prisoners in Tanzania.
Successes
• Nyerere and other officials used their experience gained under the rule of Britain to create
stability in the country post-independence
• Tanganyika and Zanzibar merged to form a unified Tanzania despite the diversity
• Discrimination was discouraged and equality was a driving goal
• Tanzania paid compensation when nationalising companies, which helped maintain foreign
relations
• As a member of the Non-Aligned Movement, Tanzania had good foreign relations with both
the USA and USSR and their respective allies during the Cold War period
• The government enjoyed widespread support for many years
• Nyerere was also one of few African leaders to willingly step down from power
• His successor Mwinyi re-established a multi-party system in 1992 which led to democratic
elections in 1994
Challenges
• Racial tensions continued to exist after independence
• TANU abolished the multi-party democracy shortly after assuming power
• Political critics and opponents were imprisoned
• Economic policies were enforced and were not successful
• Despite Nyerere’s actions to avoid elitism; it did exist: civil servants became a kind of elite
but the wealth differences were by no means the same as existed in other African countries
14
• The push for economic self-reliance was not achieved as Tanzania had to accept foreign
help which came with strings attached.
for Internationalist Magazine. Nyerere resigned as president of Tanzania in 1985.
Interviewer: Does the Arusha Declaration still stand up today?
Julius Nyerere: I still travel around with it. I read it over and over to see what I would change.
Maybe I would improve on the Kiswahili that was used but the Declaration is still valid: I would
not change a thing. Tanzania had been independent for a short time before we began to see a
growing gap between the haves and the have-nots in our country. A privileged group was
emerging from the political leaders and bureaucrats who had been poor under colonial rule but
were now beginning to use their positions in the Party and the Government to enrich themselves.
This kind of development would alienate the leadership from the people. So we articulated a new
national objective: we stressed that development is about all our people and not just a small and
privileged minority.
The Arusha Declaration was what made Tanzania distinctly Tanzania. We stated what we stood
for, we laid down a code of conduct for our leaders and we made an effort to achieve our goals.
This was obvious to all, even if we made mistakes – and when one tries anything new and
uncharted there are bound to be mistakes.
The Arusha Declaration and our democratic single-party system, together with our national
language, Kiswahili, and a highly politicized and disciplined national army, transformed more
than 126 different tribes into a cohesive and stable nation.
However, despite this achievement, they say we failed in Tanzania, that we floundered. But did
we? We must say no. We can’t deny everything we accomplished. There are some of my friends
who we did not allow to get rich; now they are getting rich and they say ‘See, we are getting rich
now, so you were wrong’. But what kind of answer is that?
The floundering of socialism has been global. This is what needs an explanation, not just the
Tanzanian part of it. George Bernard Shaw, who was an atheist, said, ‘You cannot say
Christianity has failed because it has never been tried.’ It is the same with socialism: you cannot
say it has failed because it has never been tried.
[https://newint.org/features/1999/01/01/anticolonialism. Viewed on 10 July 2020]
1.1
Using your historical knowledge, briefly explain what the Arusha Declaration is.
(2)
15
1.2
What reason does Nyerere give for implementing the Arusha Declaration?
(2)
1.3
What is Nyerere’s view of the Arusha Declaration? Provide TWO quotes from the
source to support your answer.
(6)
1.4
How and why does Nyerere defend the failure of African Socialism?
(4)
1.5
Explain what Nyerere meant with the use of the term “democratic one-party system”.
(2)
16
1.6
Provide and explain ONE value and ONE limitation of a recorded interview as a source
of historical evidence studying the impact on the Arusha Declaration on Tanzania?
(8)
[24]
Africanisation
It was important to Nyerere that Tanzania broke free of the European influences so prevalent in
the country. He wanted the country to celebrate and reaffirm their rich culture and identity.
Nyerere was a patron of the arts and celebrated traditional Tanzanian arts and culture
programmes.
The removal of officials and administrators at the time of independence gave new opportunities
to Tanzanians. Jobs were created in the government and civil service.
Tanzania was the only African country to not continue the colonial ruler’s language: Swahili was
introduced as the national language which was one way of promoting unity amongst the people.
He believed that making Swahili the national language would allow Tanzanians to communicate
in a common language and he also aimed to reduce tribalism, religious discrimination and
racism.
Nyerere’s Economic Ideology
The reconstruction of Tanzania’s economy was not easy. The economy was agrarian. Under
colonialism cash crops had been grown and food had been imported. Nyerere’s aim was to
make Tanzania self-sufficient.
Tanzania lacked mineral resources and the economy was mainly based on agriculture. From
the outset, Nyerere supported and proposed the merits of socialism but initially did not
implement socialist policies
o he promoted indigenous entrepreneurship
o cooperatives were set up so that peasants could control marketing of their crops
17
o Tanzania depended on investment from Western countries
TANU’s development policies were close to the orthodoxy of Western economic experts, but
Tanzania’s lack of natural resources made it an unattractive investment destination.
● Nyerere became increasingly concerned about low economic growth and direction of
economy
● dependence on foreign investment was draining wealth from Tanzania towards
industrialised countries
● position of peasants had not improved
● private greed of politicians and businessmen increased class divisions o acquisitive
elite was emerging and traditional communal values were being eroded
The type of economy Tanzania adopted as a Third World country: African Socialism
Nyerere soon decided to adopt a socialist path of development for Tanzania and so, under
Nyerere’s African socialism, Tanzania’s banks and major industries were nationalised.
Nyerere chose a socialist path of development because he believed that equality between all
citizens was the most important goal an independent African country should have.
Nationalisation was an important aspect of the manner in which Tanzania decided to
implement socialism. Under this system major sections of a country’s economy should be
under the control of the working class, through the government. Some small-scale industries
under state control were established in the towns. Another main reason why nationalisation
was important was that it gave previously colonised states the sense that they were taking
back ownership and control of these resources. This process started in late 1960 and it was
Nyerere’s aim to stop the widening gap between the rich and the poor.
In the late 1960s, Tanzania’s government began to nationalise banks, basic crop companies
and the country’s insurance firms.(Part of Ujamaa) This was done to curb the growing divide
between Tanzania’s elite class and the masses of poor people. The government also bought
majority shares in the country’s most important private industrial companies. In what Nyerere
nicknamed a “mopping up” operation, buildings, apartments and houses valued at more £6
000 were taken up as state property.
Tanzania’s economy was dominated by the agricultural sector, which made up 45% of the
country’s exports. Under colonialism, instead of being allowed to grow crops for food
production, the country’s farmers were forced to grow crops such as coffee, tea and sugar.
British and French companies owned these cash-crop farms. Food had to be imported, while
profits from the country’s exports went to foreign powers.
This legacy dominated Tanzania’s first few years of independence. Nyerere wanted Tanzania
to be self-sufficient. In other words, he wanted to throw off Tanzania’s defining characteristic
as a Third World/developing country – namely, a dependence on foreign countries. He began
slowly to implement his policy of African socialism in September 1967.
18
He planned the following three defining features of Tanzania’s African Socialist economy:
1. Ujamaa cooperative villages. Nyerere’s villages all consisted of a group of people
who owned and worked on a farm, and who shared their produce with each other. In
these ways, the Ujamaa villages were very similar to Stalin’s collective farms.
2. Tanzania’s scattered rural population would have improved access to water, primary
schools, health clinics, farming tools and tractors.
3. Improved agricultural production would be a priority. Nyerere hoped to transform the
Tanzanian economy by moving away from cash-crops for export and encouraging the
growing of food for the people of Tanzania instead. His aim was to employ the millions of
subsistence farmers in Tanzania to achieve this.
Ujamaa
Tanzania’s version of African socialism was called Ujamaa. This is a Swahili word that
Nyerere used to mean “working together as a family”. He believed that in time the values of
family i.e. living, working and sharing together, would extend beyond individual villages to the
entire country. Ujamaa also came to mean “self-reliance through mutual cooperation”.
SOURCE B
A photograph of women working in a Ujamaa village.
[https://www.bbc.co.uk/sounds/play/p03w91cy. Viewed on 11 July
2020]
19
Nyerere set out his policy in the Arusha Declaration of 5 February 1967. He hoped that
• Tanzania would become self-sufficient
• Agricultural production would improve and that rural areas would become developed areas
• Villages would become self – governing
• Equipment and facilities for farming would be brought together by the rural population, and
that the farming community would be able to distribute seeds and fertilizers easily
• A good level of education could be provided to the people and that these villages would have
increased access to medical facilities and treatments
• That the problems of tribalisation would be ended through the villagisation
• That corruption would be ended with the introduction and enforcement of the Leadership Code
The implementation of Ujamaa
Main focus of African socialism was development of rural areas
▪ September 1967: Nyerere issued paper entitled “Socialism and Rural Development”
▪ set out proposals for self-sufficient collectivised villages called ujamaa (Swahili word meaning
“familyhood” or “neighbourliness”)
▪ land was to be owned communally, and leaders were to be elected
▪ by bringing together scattered rural population into villages, Nyerere hoped to achieve various
objectives:
• improving agricultural productivity
• giving peasants access to modern cultivation techniques and equipment: mechanisation
• providing services such as roads, schools, clinics and water supplies
• reversing trend towards development of unequal classes: private enterprise was seen as
inherently exploitative
▪ Nyerere stressed that villages would be introduced on voluntary basis 1967 - 1973
The process started slowly and was
voluntary, by the end of the 60s there
were only 800 or so
collective
settlements. Tanzanians were not
compelled to move to the villages.
Most people wanted to stay in their
homes and were reluctant to change
their ways. Many did not want to leave
the urban areas and engage in
farming.
20
The Ujamaa campaign made slow progress:
▪ by end of 1968, only 180 villages had been created
▪ 1971: 200,000 Wagogo peasants in Dodoma region decided to abandon traditional way of life
and move to ujamaa villages
▪ by end of 1971, 800,000 peasants were living in 3,200 ujamaa villages ▪ but by 1972, still only
15% of rural population was concentrated in villages
In the 70s, Nyerere's reign became more oppressive, and the move to collective settlements, or
villages, was enforced.
From 1973
When it became clear that progress on his Ujamaa villages was slow, Nyerere's reign became
more oppressive and he made the villages compulsory instead of voluntary. This process of
moving had to take place within three years.
1973-1977:
11m people were resettled in 8,000 new villages
Although Nyerere claimed that this occurred on an overwhelmingly voluntary basis, there were
many reports of forcible relocation. Although Nyerere maintained that “eleven million people could
not have been moved by force in Tanzania; we do not have the physical capacity for such”, it has
since become clear that this movement of people was in fact achieved through the use of force.
To make sure that people moved into Ujamaa villages, TANU commanders often destroyed
people’s homes. They kicked out the doors and windows, and set the grain stores on fire. By the
end of the 70s, there were over 2,500 of these 'villages'.
By 1979, 90% of peasants had been moved to communal villages
• some villages were overcrowded and situated on unproductive land
• This, together with mismanagement and serious drought in early 1970s, led to decline in
agricultural productivity, severe food shortages and fewer cash crops for export
• Only 5% of agricultural output came from communal villages; 95% came from traditional
peasant sector
• The urban industrial economy also experienced decline in 1970s
▪ government had set up over 300 state corporations (e.g. banks, industries, marketing boards
and shops) these were overstaffed and often inefficient, incurring huge losses
• income levels dropped;
From 1975-’83: living standards fell by 40%
Not all problems were caused by socialist policies or the manner of their implementation. The
economy was badly affected by the world economic crisis caused by massive increase in oil
prices in the 1970s due to the Middle East Yom Kippur War. Having no oil of its own, Tanzania
spent 60% of its export earnings on importing oil in 1982.
Prices for cash crops collapsed on world markets
21
Thus by 1981, it became clear that Ujamaa villages had failed miserably. Nyerere was forced
to admit that “We are poorer now than in 1972”.
• Tanzania was neither socialist nor self-reliant (foreign aid had increased significantly) but
Nyerere believed that his policies had prevented the worst excesses of capitalism, especially
the emergence of rich and powerful elite.
• Tanzanian peasants were being forced into Ujamaa villages because, despite what Nyerere
had originally believed, the people of Tanzania did not want to give up their land or the
security that it provided.
• Ujamaa villages were not managed properly and thus production fell. Thirdly, not enough
money was invested in the villages to keep them going.
• Between 1974 and 1977, Tanzania was short of grain crops by more than 1 million tonnes.
SOURCE C
An extract describing the implementation of Ujamaa
Following World War II, Tanzania (called Tanganyika at the time) was placed under the indirect rule of Great
Britain. Spearheaded by Julius Nyerere, Tanganyika became an independent nation in 1961 and later united
with the newly independent Zanzibar to form the United Republic of Tanzania. Nyerere became the first
president of Tanzania and, if gaining independence wasn’t tricky enough, he then had to figure out how to
restructure the entire economy so that the country could thrive on its own.(aim to achieve self-reliance)
So, Nyerere developed a system of socialism. He called this system ujamaa, a Swahili word meaning
“familyhood.” It was built around the idea of villagisation, the relocation of rural populations to villages that
were maintained collectively. However, ujamaa didn’t quite work out the way he expected it to:
“Nyerere’s socialist outlook required Tanzania’s leaders to reject capitalism and all its trimmings, showing
restraint over salary and perks. But it was rejected by a significant fraction of the population. When the main
foundation of ujamaa, villagisation, failed — productivity was supposed to be increased through
collectivisation, instead, it fell to less than 50% of what was achieved on independent farms — towards the
end of Nyerere’s rule, Tanzania had become one of Africa’s poorest countries, dependent on international
aid.”
Though well-intended, this attempt at “familyhood” led to extreme economic decline for Tanzania. But
despite its failure, the concept of ujamaa has become an important part of the nation’s spirit. Even after
being replaced by a more capitalistic system in 1985, the essence of collectivism and unity still remains.
Villagisation united Tanzanians across ethnic lines and allowed the country to avoid political tensions that
affected the rest of Africa. The economy of Tanzania suffered while the people were, in some ways, brought
closer together.
[https://thesummerday.wordpress.com/2016/07/28/the-meaning-of-ujamaa/. Viewed on 11 July 2020]
Positive aspects of Ujamaa
• Literacy levels of primary school learners increased
• More adults could read and write compared to other African countries
• In 1967 clothing was not produced in Tanzania, but by 1975 eight major textile mills had been
built
• Rural clinic numbers had trebled
22
Negative aspects of Ujamaa
• Agricultural production fell with the yield of crops like sisal and cashews decreasing by 50%
• Food became scarce
• Peasant farmers did not fully support collectivisation and therefore returned to subsistence
farming by 1985
• The 330 companies that had been nationalised went bankrupt
• Exports dropped: In 1970 Tanzania exported 540 000 tons of surplus maize, but by 1974,
Tanzania had to import 300 000 tons to feed the people.
The reasons Ujamaa failed:
• The people who were tasked with implementing the policy of Ujamaa did not understand what
they were doing and did not understand the policy. The people were not convinced of the
benefits of the policy despite the positive propaganda used by the government.
• The use of force resulted in the people rejecting and resisting the policy.
• There was insufficient focus and planning for the villages: the villages rejected their homes
being destroyed and being placed in the middle of nowhere where they had to rebuild their
homes and lives. In many instances the planning was not near water resources which added
further complications.
• The promised schools and clinics were never built.
• The farms were forced to sell their produce at very low prices to parastatals. These
parastatals exploited the people. They sold the crops at huge profit to the multinational
companies.
• The peasants thus remained poor as they had no say in the prices of the crops. Prices were
determined by the foreign capitalists who aimed to make a profit and not develop the
Tanzanian economy.
• Neo-colonialism was a problem because many foreign capitalists still remained in control of
the economy and exploitation continued.
Reasons for the failure of the Tanzanian economy by mid-1970s
● Many claim that Nyerere’s policies were ambitious and unrealistic
● Despite the push for self-reliance, Tanzania remained reliant on foreign aid. The
economy reached a crisis where it could no longer pay back its debts.
● Nyerere refused to abandon socialist strategies and the economic crisis deepened with
a rapid decline in exports and Tanzania’s inability to import basic commodities.
● Tanzania had also suffered the negative effects of neo-colonialism. After independence,
the country had been left with almost no reserves in capital, or money to spend on
development.
23
● Nyerere’s aim with Ujamaa was to avoid becoming dependent on Western powers for
aid as he believed that borrowing foreign aid meant that a country was failing to take
responsibility for its own development. However this aim failed and Tanzania was
eventually forced to borrow large amounts of money from the World Bank and the
International Monetary Fund (IMF). This foreign aid not only increased a country’s debt,
but also came with terms and conditions
To receive the foreign aid, Tanzania had to put into place some of the following:
● Free trade by lifting restrictions on imports.
● Allow individuals to buy (i.e. privatise) state-owned businesses.
● Allow foreign investors more rights in the operation of their businesses.
These conditions are part of structural adjustment programmes. What they do is force
countries to allow foreign private companies to make greater profits. They forced capitalist
policies on countries who took these loans. Also, the general population does not benefit,
and may even suffer as a result of such conditions. The borrowing of foreign aid went against
Tanzania’s promotion of self-sufficiency and left the country with huge debts to be paid back.
It was forced to surrender many of its socialist-oriented policies because of the failure of the
policy of Ujamaa.
In summary, Nyerere’s economic policies did not help his country to become a self-dependent,
successful country. Instead, it remained characteristically a Third World country, and became
dependent on foreign aid to survive.
Much was achieved as a result of Nyerere’s efforts, especially in education, health and social
services
▪ primary school enrolment increased from 25% of children to 95%
▪ adult literacy increased from 10% to 75%
▪ many villages had access to clean water and clinics
▪ life expectancy improved from 41 years to 51 years
▪ reduction in infant mortality
• 1980s: economic policies were adapted due to conditions imposed by IMF for financial aid
• 1985: Nyerere retired after 23 years in office
• 1992: multi-party elections reinstated
1998: World Bank experts asked Nyerere: “Why have you failed?”
Nyerere: “The British Empire left us a country with 85% illiterates, two engineers and 12 doctors.
When I left office, we had 9% illiterates and thousands of engineers and doctors. I left office 13
years ago. Then our income per capita was twice what it is today; now we have 33% less
children in our schools and public health and social services are in ruins. During these 13 years,
Tanzania has done everything the World Bank and IMF demanded. … Why have you failed?”
24
Social, Educational and Cultural Ideology
Nyerere’s Social Ideology
As with the Congo, Tanzania’s music and art flourished and became recognised at an
international level. Through Nyerere’s Africanisation policy social values and systems were
promoted, leading to greater social stability.
Despite the failure of his experiment in socialism in Tanzania, Nyerere succeeded in greatly
boosting Tanzania’s health and social services and under his rule, four in ten villages had access
to health clinics. The result of this was that Tanzania’s life expectancy rose, from 41 to 51.
Education
Nyerere had an Education for Self-Reliance Policy which focused on rural schooling and basic
literacy. He wanted basic education for all and aimed to implement a policy that would work for
the good of all people. This aimed to promote equality, leading to co-operation and to focus on
the key issues and challenges facing the country. Nyerere believed that spending money on
education would lead to the acquiring of new skills and knowledge that would benefit the country
for all.
Tanzania lacked a good education system and illiteracy rates were high. Resources,
administrators and teachers were in very short supply and so university students were required
to do community service in rural schools. Nyerere proposed the following in education:
▪ Education should be oriented to rural life
▪ Teachers and students must work as a team to develop and complete activities ▪ Should be
integrated learning with the focus on practical skills
▪ Examinations were not to be the focus
▪ Young children would start school at age 7
▪ He wanted critical and independent thinkers
▪ The government assisted communities to establish their own schools.
Successes in education
⇒ Curriculum was oriented towards an African context
⇒ All children were required to attend 7 years of primary school which was free, and 4 years
of secondary education.
⇒ Under Nyerere Tanzania achieved one of the highest literacy rates in the world. In 1970
the rate was 33% and by 1980 is was 90%
⇒ Primary school enrolment increased from 25% of children to 95%
⇒ Adult literacy increased from 10% to 75%
⇒ A number of universities were built: University of Dar es Salaam
⇒ Nyerere produced the Declaration of Dar es Salaam which aimed to implement adult
education programmes to assist Tanzanians to help themselves
⇒ Education was used as a nation building tool
25
Challenges in education
⇒ While primary education was free, buying stationery and uniforms made it very difficult for
many to attend
⇒ Only 5% of learners could attend the secondary school due to school fees being
unaffordable
⇒ Fewer resources were allocated to secondary schools and universities
⇒ The language of instruction in secondary schools was in English which made the transition
from primary to secondary school, it was very challenging. As a result the dropout rate
was high.
⇒ There was a severe teacher shortage by the late 1970s, thus the standard of education
dropped from the 1980s onwards
⇒ Females only made up ¼ of learners who graduated from secondary schools
⇒ Many promises of building schools did not materialise
While his education policy did result in an increase in adult literacy and a larger percentage of
children receiving free primary school education, resource shortages remained and education
remained unstable.
Health
Successes
• The provision of clean water increased
• More clinics were built which gave millions of people access to basic medical care
• Life expectancy had Improved from 41 years to 51 years
• Reduction in infant mortality
Challenges
Health improvements are too dependent on international funding after Nyerere had to accept
IMF and WB loans
Social
Successes
• Tanzanians identify themselves first as Tanzanians before they show ethnic affiliation which
has maintained social stability.
• TANU focused on numerous nation building strategies: one such principle was the principle
of human dignity, equality and freedom of the individual, equality of opportunity in life
• The position of women has improved in some areas: equal numbers of men in the work
space.
• There are increased regulations to protect women’s rights which helped promote gender
equality
• Refugee communities are well integrated into society much more than in any other African
state
26
Challenges
• Patriarchal customary and religious laws were an obstacle to gender equality • High
unemployment and overcrowding in urban areas
Cultural
Successes
• Swahili became the national language
• Which helped the people maintain their own cultural identity
• This language was used in primary schools as it was easier for the students to learn than in
English
• Tanzanians were free to choose and practise their religion and there was widespread
interaction between people of different faiths
• Ebony- wood sculptures became celebrated symbols of Tanzanian culture and were
referred to as Makonde.
• Edward Tingatinga became famous for his art works
• Tanzanian musicians also received acclaim
• Dancing is a favourite entertainment for the people and allows for the celebration and
maintenance of traditional values
Challenges
• The government could not foster 112 different languages
27
QUESTION 1
Extracts from an article by Nick Westcott, a research associate for the Centre for
International Studies and Diplomacy at the University of London. He served as a diplomat
in Tanzania in the mid-1990s. The article titled ‘Why Tanzania’s attacks on free speech
break with Nyerere’s legacy’ was published in September 2019.
Tanzania has been a beacon of the liberation struggle in Africa and of peaceful political stability.
The country’s moral and political compass was set very firmly by its first president of 24 years,
Mwalimu Julius Nyerere. (paragraph 1)
Are the events of recent years the fulfilment or the negation of that legacy? Like his
predecessors, President Magufuli puts great emphasis on respecting Nyerere’s legacy. Selected
at least in part for Magufuli’s well-known personal probity (integrity), he entered office breathing
fire and fury against corruption in the state machine, and his dramatic interventions appeared to
shake state utilities, including water and power, out of their torpor (apathy) and corrupt practices
to deliver to the public what they were supposed to. Basic infrastructure, including roads and
energy, has been developed and delivered. All this was overdue. (paragraph 2)
But in other respects, the administration seems stuck in the early Nyerere-ite mode of suspicion
– even hostility – to international capitalism and all its works, and to open markets even within its
region, preaching a narrow view of self-reliance similar to that which led the country into near
bankruptcy in the early 1980s. And in political terms, the president seems to adopt an intolerance
of criticism and opposition that Nyerere in his later years had abandoned. (paragraph 3)
[https://theconversation.com/why-tanzanias-attacks-on-free-speech-break-with-nyereres-legacy-122143.
Accessed on 10 September 2020]
1.1
Critically assess the reliability of this source in trying to gain insight into the legacy of
Nyerere as leader in Tanzania.
(6)
28
1.2
Explain the historical value of using quotations to support one’s argument.
Provide TWO points in your answer.
(4)
1.3
What does the word “Mwalimu” indicate about Tanzanians’ views of Nyerere? Provide
ONE quote from Paragraph 1 to support your answer.
(4)
1.4
Use your historical knowledge to explain why this title suited Nyerere when considering
his educational philosophy.
(4)
1.5
Provide ONE quote from Paragraph 2 and ONE quote from Paragraph 3 to show how
Magufuli stayed true to Nyerere’s ideals but has also gone against them.
(4)
29
1.6
Explain why Westcott is critical of Tanzania’s current government.
(4)
1.7
Suggest why Tanzania is considered to be a “beacon of hope” for other African
countries?
(4)
1.8
Use your historical knowledge to explain the social impact of the bankruptcy faced by
the Tanzanian government under Nyerere’s policies. Your answer should consist of
THREE comprehensive points.
(6)
30
1.9
Westcott refers to “international capitalism and all its works”. Name the TWO
international bodies Nyerere approached for financial aid to prevent the Tanzanian
people from starving.
[40]
Reference List
Arnold G, (2006) Africa: A Modern History London: Atlantic Books
Bottaro J, et al. In Search of History: Grade 12 (Oxford University Press) pp 68-99 Ellis P, et
al (2014) Shuters Exam Notebook: History, Grade 12 pp 31-36
Meredith M, (2006) The State of Africa: A History of Fifty Years of Independence London:
Free Press
Pakenham T (2012) The Scramble for Africa, 1876-1912 London: Abacus
Pillay G, et al (2013) New Generation History Learner’s Book Durban
(4)