Journal Assignment:
Journal on people’s struggle against colonialism and feudalism during the
British period.
Name: Shibly Nomany Khan
ID: 24101307
Section: S03
Course Name: Emergence of Bangladesh
Course Code: EMB101
Course Conductor : Ishtiaque Hossain Mollah
Date of Submission: 4th December 2024
Introduction
During the British rule in India, the imperial ruling class plundered the richest
country on Earth while its people were denied basic needs. At the heart of all
this was the zamindari system, a land-based tax network that developed under
British rule. Instead zamindars, or intermediaries, collected taxes from peasants
often charging exorbitant amounts. This system resulted in dramatic levels of
impoverishment, forced labor, and the dispossession of indigenous rights of
access. Those systems’ repressive quality generated oppositional movements,
from religious reform to armed revolt. This journal is about — and that is to say,
it orders in some sense the totality of events — five great struggles against
colonial and feudal exploitation.
1. Fakir Sannyasi Bidroho chronicled the economic grievances generated
by colonial state policies.
2. The Faraizi Movement, a blend of religious revival and political
defiance.
3. Titumir,the barbed bamboo citadel revolt of peasantry of Barasat peasant
revolt.
4. Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose and Azad Hind Fauj armed
revolutionary struggle for Indian independence.
5. Tebagha Movement, which was waged to win the rights of
sharecroppers beset by predatory landlords.
It was the courage and supporting the oppressed people of India in all the above
said ever weaved the thread of weakening of the british rule.
1.Fakir Sanyasi Movement
Reason/s of the Movement
Fakir Sannyasi Bidroho (rebellion) was the most significant socio-political
movement of Bengal in the late 18th Century which erupted in protest against
the oppressive economic and administrative policies of British East India
Company. The revolts were rooted, in part, in the frustrations from the loss of
the old rights and privileges that Fakirs and Sannyasis had, during Mughal
times. These izzats were issued sanads (official permits) by the Mughal
emperors, and granted them rent-free land, the freedom to move freely in the
territory, and the entitlement to collect alms from the local population. This
made it easier for Fakirs and Sannyasis to manage their religious lifestyles and
to be deeply embedded in the socio-religious structure of Bengal (Sengupta,
2020).
That balance was upset by British rule. These grants of land were seen as
economically unviable by the East India Company, which began to develop
policies to retract them. The switching role was assumed by the Regulations of
1788, which specifically limited the powers of the Fakir and the Sannyasi to
arms and to their annual pilgrimages. It restricted their movement and
economically stunted them, and it undermined their religious freedom. The
Company’s intercession in high-stakes affairs such as the collection of revenue
in the time of successive famines — and its insistence on stringent adherence to
collection quotas — created widespread despair within the peasantry, large
portions of which depended on the ascetics for support, social and economic.
These shifts had the cumulative effect of transforming the Fakirs and Sannyasis
from passive victims to rebels (Sengupta, 2020).
Leadership
The rebellion was marked by its inclusiveness; ascetics from both Hindu and
Muslim backgrounds led it. Next among these leaders was Majnu Shah. A
gifted political strategist and leader, the Fakir Majnu Shah had an immense
following that he was able to unite against the British. About him, he was one of
different smaller groups negotiation toward a greater alliance between diverse
communities to oppose colonial repression. Other leaders, including Musa Shah,
assisted this process by extending the rebellion to the rest of Bengal's districts
(Sengupta, 2020).
Such leadership was not only organizational power but the power of symbolism
as well. In its implicitness was the cooperation between Hindu Sannyasi and
Muslim Fakir, but behind this was also the threat that the British so often
employed to divide and rule as a means to combat native dissent. Such unity
highlighted the shared grievances of Bengal’s religious and rural communities,
and gave the revolution its seeds of popular or mass support.
The Fakir-Sanyasi Rebellion
Strategy
Their guerrilla warfare along with popular mobilization was used against the
British in the Fakir Sannyasi rebellion. These tactics stemmed from the ascetics’
intimate knowledge of Bengal’s landscape, forests, rivers, and hills, which they
harnessed to stage surprise attacks. Raids on British outposts and revenue
collection posts formed a significant part of their strategy. These raids
interrupted the Company’s administrative and revenue streams which diverted
colonial government resources to suppressing the rebellion (Sengupta, 2020).
The rebels also depended heavily on their cultural and religious clout to attract
support. Appealing to the rural population, who also bore the burden of colonial
exploitation, they invoked their spiritual and moral authority. Thus, the rebellion
was as much a socio-religious uprising as a political one, as its leaders
frequently framed their struggle in terms of restoring justice .
Result
While the Fakir Sannyasi Bidroho was able to create major disruptions in its
initial phase, it was surpassed by the better military and administrative strength
of British East India Company. The government responded with brutal reprisals,
including mass executions, forced labor, and land confiscation. Many ascetics
were also made to do menial work which was a way of breaking their spirit and
limiting their impact. British colonial rulers also sought the zamindars as allies,
which they accepted since they had a vested interest in colonial rule, thus
weakening the base of the rebellion(Sengupta, 2020).
Though it was eventually put down, the Fakir Sannyasi rebellion had a lasting
impact on Bengal's history. It served as a Some as the effect for organized
resistance to some colonial policies and inspired other moves. And indeed, the
very sight of dozens of Hindu and Muslim leaders sitting on the same platform,
listening to the pleas of the subaltern, was a testament to the pluralistic ideals of
the region & witnesses to the anti-colonial struggle, which debunked the
hegemonic narratives espoused by colonial powers, propagating divisions in
society.
2. Faraizi Movement (Haji Shariatullah and Dud Miah)
Reason/s of the Movement
(Faraizi Movement of Haji Shariatullah in Bengal, first half of 19th century |
Islamic practice purity movement but socio-economic oppression also) It
wanted to eradicate things it found to be un-Islamic, many of which had merged
with local Hindu traditions, such as celebrating non-Islamic festivals. This focus
on reform translated into socio-political resistance as well, notably directed
towards Hindu zamindars, who had a history of extracting exorbitant taxes from
Muslim peasants even for Hindu religious festivals like Durga Puja (Ahmed,
2024).
The movement also criticized the zamindari system, which was colonial and
exploited Bengali peasants. The Faraizi Movement reinforced a sense of identity
and opposition to the divisive socio-economic and religious norms of the time
by advocating for the disavowal of taxation to support Hindu celebrations and
the defiance of oppressive practices (Ahmed, 2024).
Leadership
The early leadership was provided by Haji Shariatullah whose emphasis was on
moral and spiritual cleansing of the people. His son, Dudu Miya took this work
with Faraizi Movement as a mighty agrarian struggle after his death in 1840. He
displayed a high level of organization as a leader such as forming a lathial army
to defend peasants and his followers from feudal oppression, prosecution and
create awareness about collective action among peasants. The movement
became a potent force in rural Bengal during the period under discussion, with a
well-defined structure headed by him at the top.
The immediate appeal of Dudu Miya's charismatic leadership contributed to this
popular participation in religious reform. His followers numbered tens of
thousands of peasants resisting zamindari exploitation under his leadership by
the 1840s (Ahmed, 2024).
Haji Shariatullah
Strategy
The Faraizi Movement used a combination of religious, social and political
tactics. The first congregation-focused to preach on religious preaching and the
disfavour of unIslamic act. It grew under Dudu Miya into a structured resistance
to economic exploitation, including anti-zamindar movements against particular
zamindars who were known to be oppressive. These campaigns were not just
responsive, but also preparatory to capture more benefits for peasants (Ahmed,
2024).
Till date the military arm of the movement led by Dudu Miya formed units to
protect against the counter violence of zamindars and their henchmen. Not only
did this safeguard the movement’s adherents, it sustained confidence in its
wider goals.
Result
The Faraizi Movement succeeded in challenging zamindari oppression and
bringing Bengali Muslims under one common cause. Yet, the confrontations
with zamindars and colonial authorities brought down heavy retaliation upon it,
arrests of Dudu Miya were numerous. Again, despite and in contrast to these
setbacks, the campaigns of the movement against oppressive taxes and for the
rights of Muslim peasants remained lasting legacies (Ahmed, 2024).
The movement waned after Dudu Miya's death in 1862: It lacked strong
leadership and faced mounting repression by zamindars and colonial officials.
Despite its shortcomings, the Faraizi Movement laid the groundwork for later
reform initiatives and served as an example of bottom-up mobilization against
economic and religious exploitation (Ahmed, 2024).
3. Titumir
Reason/s of the Movement
Titumir, or Syed Mir Nisar Ali, the leader of the Barasat Rebellion, was one of
the iconic figures in the history of the great uprising of the oppressed Bengali
peasants against the incalculable economic and cultural exploitation under
colonial rule of the British during the period. Pre-British-half zamindari
remained mid-19th-century zamindars started straining the peasants with
excessive taxes and "protection" from the British East India Company. Among
the most infamous of taxes was the beard tax, a direct attack on the faith and
cultural identity of Muslim peasants.
And this revolt was not only about taxes; it represented a stand against a
comprehensive infrastructure of exploitation and dehumanization. Fueled by
British protection, zamindars held complete sway over rural people, locking in
systematic inequity. For Titumir and his devotees, then, these injustices were a
clarion call creating a need for an integrated movement with the goals of
restoring dignity, justice, and autonomy of the subjugated (The Business
Standard, 2024).
Titu Mir
Leadership
He was not just a charismatic leader, but a visionary strategist who integrated
religious revivalism with social justice. A devout follower of Wahhabi Islam, he
aimed to reform religious practices and cleanse customs he regarded as unIslamic. His leadership resonated deeply with Muslim and low-caste Hindu
peasants alike, crossing religious lines. By fashioning himself as “Badshah”
(king), Titumir thus represented an authority who could potentially challenge
both zamindars and British colonial rulers.
Titumir developed a mass movement based on the common struggles of the
rural oppressed masses of Bengal under his leadership. He urged the people to
view their fight not just as a political and economic struggle, but as one that was
moral and spiritual. The Business Standard He was a determined leader of the
resistance (The Business Standard, 2024) Practice for large numbers of the
peasants
Strategy
Titumir’s strategy of resistance was built around a bamboo fortress at
Narkelberia in Barasat. Fort Dque is also known as Basher Kella, and it became
an infamous felt symbol of defiance and a rallying point for his movement.
What it was made out of: Bamboo, a material in abundant supply that is a
veritable symbol of resilience and resourcefulness.
Within the walls of the fortress, Titumir instilled discipline among his followers
and supplied them with sticks of bamboo and rudimentary arms. His strategy
focused on guerrilla tactics, using his followers’ familiarity with local terrain to
outsmart and fight British forces. By stretching the revolt to different districts
like 24 Parganas, Nadia and Faridpur, Titumir established a decentralized
matrix of resistance that threatened the very validity of the colonial regime’s
authority.
Titumir’s own method also emphasized community solidarity. By bringing
together peasants across lines of faith, he amplified the strength and sweep of
the movement. His act of defiance served as a symbol of hope for those on the
periphery, proving that even those at the lowest levels of society could revolt
against dominant foes (The Business Standard, 2024)
Result
The rebellion had initial successes but faced staggering numbers against it.
British artillery attacked and destroyed the bamboo fortress on 19 November
1831. The raid killed Titumir and massacred many of his followers. The
fortress, a symbol of defiance, was captured, and the uprising was put down.
The rebellion did not achieve its immediate goals but its legacy lived on. It
showcased the ferocity and defiance of Bengal’s rural masses against a
backdrop of systemic oppression. Titumir’s work showed the might of
collective action, and the possibility for grassroots organizations to derail
indentured servitude systems.
The Barasat Rebellion has a unique place among all resistance movements in
colonial India. It was also one of the early organized uprisings that combined
socio-economic and religious grievances into a unified movement for liberation
from foreign rule. Indeed, while rooted in Wahhabi principles, the message of
justice, equality, and defiance espoused by the rebellion transcended religious
lines and made an indelible mark on future movements for independence (The
Business Standard (2024)).
4. Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose and the Azad Hind Fauj
Reason/s of the Movement
Non-violence could only achieve so much, and hence the Azad Hind Fauj
(Indian National Army) of Subhas Chandra Bose was born. For Bose, who was
a strong proponent of radical methods, the global upheaval caused by World
War II was a critical juncture for hitting at the root of British colonialism. He
believed that the British Empire could only be overthrown by a wellcoordinated and aggressive campaign that would incorporate not only military
action, but also psychological warfare (The Geostrata, 2024)
The INA’s origins lie in the singular efforts of Rash Behari Bose and Captain
Mohan Singh, who got Indian prisoners of war and civilians in the Southeast
Asian region to come together. It had no certain leader and goal until Subhas
Chandra Bose took charge of it. Aware of the possibilities amid a militarized
nationalist agitation, Bose aimed to rally diverse segments of Indians worldwide
while working alongside Axis nations, which also had a vested interest in
undermining British imperialism (AHSFM, 2024).
Bose’s radical vision—and the way it was executed—went beyond
independence. He dreamt of an India that would be not only independent but
also just and self-sufficient. His movement deserved recognition because, while
it fought for political autonomy, it pronounced equally against social and
economic disparities, and created a broad-based liberation movement.
Netaji with members of Azad Hind Fauj
Leadership
Under the leadership of Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose, the Indian National Army
was reimagined as a disciplined ideologically motivated fighting force. After the
charge in 1943, Bose first re-organised the INA and formed the Provisional
Government of Azad Hind, with its head office in Singapore. This government
was recognized by the Axis powers, and it represented hope for Indians all over
the world and was a sign of the legitimacy of their fight for freedom (The
Geostrata, 2024).
Charismatic leadership-style of Bose led to unfaltering loyalty among his
admirers. His speeches, sometimes laced with urgency and resolve, inspired
soldiers and civilians alike to accept sacrifice as a means to independence. One
landmark decision that showcased Bose’s commitment to equality and inclusion
was the formation of the Rani of Jhansi Regiment, which integrated women into
the INA. Led by Captain Lakshmi Swaminathan, this regiment served to
empower women and reflect Bose's progressive vision (AHSFM, 2024).
Bose’s diplomatic skills also proved critical. His procurement of financial and
military support from Japan and alliances with other Axis powers (Germany,
Italy, etc.) ensured that INA was capable of posing a formidable threat to British
forces. In navigating the often unyielding domains of international relations, he
showed the strategic foresight and determination with which he served India's
cause.
Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose
Strategy
The INA’s strategy was multi-faceted, with plans for military campaigns,
psychological warfare, and ideological mobilization.
The INA ultimately operated primarily in Burma and northeastern India, as they
sought to undermine British rule and set the stage for a more widespread
liberation movement. The INA mounted campaigns alongside Japanese forces
in areas such as Kohima, Imphal, and the Kaladan Valley. These operations
showcased the INA’s tactical ability and the fighting spirit of its personnel, most
of whom battled in dire logistical conditions (The Geostrata, 2024).
Of particular note by the INA was the capture of Moirang, in Manipur, where
the Indian tricolour was hoisted for the first time on Indian soil. This symbolic
win lifted the morale of the INA soldiers and strengthened their resolve to fight
for the cause. Operating these regions despite attacks and the lack of resources
demonstrated their ingenuity and perseverance (AHSFM, 2024).
Bose knew that British psychological control had to be dismantled. His radio
broadcasts over Azad Hind Radio directly appealed to Indian soldiers and
civilians, asking them to join the INA and discard British rule. Arguing that a
fight for independence was not only a necessity, but also a moral and historical
duty, Bose aimed to undermine loyalty to the colonial regime while generating
grassroots resistance (The Geostrata, 2024).
The INA’s strategy was centered around inclusivity. The INA encompassed the
dreams of a unified India by bringing people from various religious, linguistic,
and socio economic backgrounds together. Bose's focus on meritocracy and
collective action created a sense of brotherhood and purpose among INA
soldiers, turning them into a cohesive force against the British Empire
(AHSFM, 2024).
The INA’s campaigns and Bose’s leadership laid the groundwork for resistance
movements to come. The INA, although not ultimately successful in its quest,
showed subsequent generations the potential of armed struggle and also of
ideological unity in challenging injustice and inequality.
In fact, setting up for Rani of Jhansi Regiment was a mammoth leap towards
gender equality in military. It also underlined women’s role in building a nation
and established a model for their participation in leadership positions in
different sectors.
Bose’s diplomatic initiatives, which secured international recognition for the
Provisional Government of Azad Hind, highlighted the importance of
diplomacy in pursuing national objectives. His efforts formed the backbone of
India’s post-independence foreign policy focus on non-alignment and strategic
autonomy.
Netaji and the INA continue to inspire us as the embodiment of courage and
resilience. His story reminds us that home, hometown and national unity are
always achieved, in some fashion, through sacrifice. Even today, institutions
and memorials commemorating Bose and the INA serve as bastions of pride and
patriotism to generations of Indians (AHSFM, 2024).
Shubash Chandra Bose with the Azad Hind Fauj
Result
The INA’s military campaigns turned out major landmarks in WW2, but
logistics proved a challenge and the surrender of Japan in 1945 added
roadblocks to their progress. The INA was stretched thin, its muzzle dependent
on Japanese support — and it was weak when Japan capitulated. Despite these
decline, the impact of the INA on the wider independence movement was
profound (AHSFM, 2024).
Then there were the public trials of its leaders — including Shah Nawaz Khan,
Prem Sahgal, etc. — in 1945 which cemented the INA’s legacy in our country.
These well-publicized trials not only spurred nationalist sentiment all over India
but also highlighted the sacrifices made by INA soldiers. This wave of protests
and demonstrations.The untenability of British rule under the British Raj that
finally led them to make a decision to grant India independence (The Geostrata,
2024).
The tale of Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose and the Azad Hind Fauj is among the
most vibrant chapters in the history of India’s freedom struggle. Even limited by
the geopolitics of best buddies, abstract thinking and joint action remained
powerful and continued to matter. By challenging colonial narratives and
mobilizing Indians around the world, Bose and the INA built a legacy of
resistance and resilience that continues to resonate today. Their experience
illustrates the unyielding thirst for freedom and justice.
5. Tebhaga Movement and Rani Ma Ila Mitra
Reason/s of the Movement
The Tebhaga Movement of Bengal (1946–1947) grew out of the abusive
exploitation of sharecroppers (bargadars) in the colonial agrarian system.
Sharecroppers traditionally had to give zamindars 50% of their produce even
before the harvest, which impoverished tenant farmers with barely enough to
survive. The situation was made worse by the catastrophic Bengal Famine of
1943, which deepened and spread anger among the peasantry.
The need for the producers' fair share of producer was driven by a Floud
Commission recommendation that two-thirds of the yield should go to the
bargadar and one third to the landlord. The recommendation was not followed,
but it became a rallying point for the peasantry. In Bengal, the Communist Party
of India BPKS organised sharecroppers, refusing to accept “Adhi noy, Tebhaga
chai” (Not half, we want two-thirds) and challenging the entrenched zamindari
system.
Leadership
The CPI was a major organizing force behind the movement, but grassroots
leadership also emerged from within rural communities. A leading figure in this
movement, Ila Mitra earned the nickname Rani Ma for her fiery dedication to
the cause. A communist leader and peasants champion, she spent her life uniting
the farmers, especially in the Nachol area, where exploitation was rampant.
Through Ila Mitra’s leadership, marginalized sections such as women and
members of the Santal community became the backbone of the movement.
Through speeches, outreach, and direct engagement with peasants, she gained
immense respect, securing her place as a revolutionary pioneer in the Tebhaga
Movement.
Rani Ma Ila Mitra
Strategy
The Tebhaga Movement, labor movement in Bengal practised peaceful
advocacy, direct action, and defensive resistance to achieve its goals. The BPKS
held rallies, processions, and educational meetings to make sharecroppers aware
of their rights. Under the slogan “Adhi noy, Tebhaga chai”, the slogan became a
rallying cry for the movement, bringing together a range of communities under
a common demand for justice.
The movement escalated as sharecroppers stopped paying the landlords their
share of the produce. In Nachol, Ila Mitra spearheaded a campaign to
redistribute harvested crops based on the Tebhaga principle, often challenging
landlords directly. The strength of the movement was its ability to mobilize the
rural poor to collectively resist systemic oppression. The violence from
landlords and colonial administration drove the movement towards defensive
strategies. Amidst this, in Nachol, Ila Mitra formed a peasant defence force
mainly constituted of the Santal community. Understood with the most
rudimentary of weapons, they resisted police and landlord-supported militias,
protecting crops and activists. But these forces were largely outgunned by better
colonial police and military firearms.
Tebhanga Movement
Result
The outcomes of the Tebhaga Movement were also a mixed bag. In some areas
such as Nachol, the movement has been able to pressure landlords to honor the
third for two thirds share for sharecropper. About 40 percent of the peasants in
the movement succeeded on better terms; the impacts of collective action
matter. But the gains were uneven, and often brief, as landlords sought to
unwind these concessions.
The colonial authorities responded with brutal repression. Police and military
forces in Nachol conducted a violent crackdown, burning entire villages and
arresting hundreds of activists including Ila Mitra. In police custody she
endured terrible torment, becoming an everlasting symbol of peasant leaders’
sacrifices. Her detention and the suppression of the movement in other places
marked the beginning of its decline.
Even though the Tebhaga Movement was suppressed, it carried a phenomenal
legacy with it. It also brought national attention to the plight of sharecroppers
and influenced post-independence land reform policies in Bengal. The
trailblazing leadership, determination, and anti-establishment defiance of Ila
Mitra set the stage for future generations of activists, securing for her a rightful
place among the pantheon of South Asian revolutionary icon.
References
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https://ahfsm.ac.in/legacy-of-netaji-ina/
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