Cursor parking lot:
UPPP 8 Final Study Guide
Winter 2025
Uses Course Provided Study Guide & Added Discussion on the Shabazz
Chapter, Inequality, Analytical Methodologies, Intersectionality and
Vulnerability
Covers weeks 6-10
The Shabazz Chapter
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Shabazz Ghost Mapping: investigates the links between HIV/AIDS and mass
incarceration in Black communities
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Climate Change and Incarceration: Think Global Health: centers around systemic
inequalities and their disproportionate effects on marginalized communities, albeit
through different focal points. Examines how climate change amplifies the vulnerabilities
of incarcerated populations. Below is a detailed analysis of their interrelated themes and
contributions.
Shared Themes of Systemic Inequality
Both sources highlight how structural systems rooted in racial, economic, and political injustices
exacerbate public health crises.
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Systemic Racism: The *Shabazz_Ghost Mapping* document connects the historical and
systemic targeting of Black communities through the war on drugs and mass
incarceration to heightened rates of HIV/AIDS. Similarly, the *Climate Change and
Incarceration* document underscores how systemic neglect disproportionately exposes
Black and other marginalized populations to extreme weather events and poor prison
conditions.
Health Vulnerabilities: Both texts emphasize that marginalized groups (e.g., Black
communities or incarcerated individuals) bear the brunt of public health
challenges—whether that is HIV/AIDS or climate-related health risks such as
heat-related illness.
Public Policy: In both contexts, government policy plays a central role in creating or
perpetuating these crises. For example:
-​ The war on drugs is a crucial factor in exacerbating mass infections within Black
communities in *Shabazz_Ghost Mapping*.
-​ In *Climate Change and Incarceration*policies neglect prison infrastructure and
fail to enforce climate adaptation measures for incarcerated individuals.
Analytical Methodologies and Geographical Focus
Both works utilize analytical frameworks that map and analyze systemic trends geographically to
locate risks and vulnerabilities:
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Mapping and its Implications**: The *Shabazz_Ghost Mapping* document refers to the
epidemiological mapping of HIV/AIDS, inspired by methods like Dr. Snow's cholera
mapping in 19th-century London. It identifies the geography of risk through concentrated
urban factors like poverty, segregation, and incarceration rates. Similarly, *Climate
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Change and Incarceration* discusses vulnerability through a contextual framework,
identifying localized weaknesses in prison systems and how different regions in the U.S.
suffer from inadequate climate resilience.
Chicago vs. Broader U.S. Context**: While the former primarily focuses on Black
Chicago and its systemic geographic vulnerabilities, the latter adopts a national lens,
looking at how climate change impacts incarcerated populations in facilities across the
U.S.
Intersection Between Public Health and Social Justice
Both sources address the overlap of public health and social justice, urging systemic changes:
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Public Health Failures: In Shabazz_Ghost Mapping, mass incarceration is portrayed as a
driver of the HIV/AIDS epidemic in marginalized communities, revealing the failure of
public health systems to intervene effectively. Similarly, *Climate Change and
Incarceration* critiques the inadequate health care systems in prisons and the failure to
protect prisoners from extreme climate impacts.
Call for Action: Both documents call for broad policy reforms—whether by addressing the
root causes of mass incarceration to mitigate health inequities (in *Shabazz_Ghost
Mapping*) or advocating decarceration and decarbonization as dual solutions to
overlapping injustices (in *Climate Change and Incarceration*). Each highlights the
necessity of integrating equity and justice into systemic reforms.
Amplification of Vulnerabilities
Structural inequalities magnify the risks faced by affected groups in both cases:
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Social Marginalization: The *Shabazz_Ghost Mapping* text highlights how spatial and
structural marginalization (e.g., concentrated poverty and systemic racism) create
environments where diseases like HIV/AIDS flourish. Similarly, *Climate Change and
Incarceration* underscores how incarcerated individuals’ lack of autonomy and
inadequate access to health care heightens their risk during climate disasters.
Intersectionality: Both texts reveal how race, poverty, and systemic neglect combine to
produce compounded vulnerabilities. For instance, *Climate Change and Incarceration*
points to heat-related deaths among older or mentally ill prisoners, while
*Shabazz_Ghost Mapping* stresses the heightened risk faced by low-income Black
women due to exposure to HIV.
Conclusion: Complementary Calls for Justice
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Both call for structural reforms to address systemic racism, improve public health
systems, and protect vulnerable populations.
Stress that these issues cannot be addressed in isolation; rather, broader socio political
inequities must be dismantled to create lasting change
Mendez (Chapter 4). Oakland
-​
How did a local “scale” allow environmental justice activists (in Oakland) to have more
positive outcomes than they did at the state level (see chapter 3)? And why?
-​ Oakland’s smaller city scale made grassroot participation more feasible
compared to state level activism like the AB 32 conflicts mentioned in chapter 3
Discussion Points:
1) Grassroots convening for a people’s energy and climate plan.
●​ Grassroots convening for a people’s energy and climate plan was mentioned as part of
Oakland Climate Action Plan.
●​ This involves an initial, bottom-up meeting of community members and local organizations.
●​ The aim is to define community priorities and solutions for climate change from their
own perspectives
●​ The Ella Baker Center convening in Oakland is a key example, where residents outlined
demands for local renewable energy, green jobs, affordable housing, and improved
public transit
●​ This process ensures that the needs of those most impacted by pollution and poverty are
central to the planning
2) Cross-sector coalition of over 50 organizations that ensure diversity of
members.
●​ A broad coalition of organizations ensured diverse expertise and priorities in
climate action planning.
●​ This emphasizes the importance of a broad-based coalition with various
organizational missions
●​ The Oakland Climate Action Coalition (OCAC), with over 50 organizations, is a
prime example.
●​ The OCAC included environmental and social justice groups, labor unions,
green businesses, faith-based organizations, women’s rights groups, and
sustainable development advocates.
●​ This diversity of membership strengthens the coalition and allows for more
comprehensive solutions
i) Broad range of expertise and priorities.
●​ Mentioned in relation to Oakland’s participatory research and civic epistemologies.
●​ Diverse members bring a wide spectrum of expertise covering areas like food, water,
transportation, housing, energy, and health equity
●​ This allows the coalition to develop holistic plans addressing interconnected issues beyond
just emissions reduction
●​ The coalition strategically recruited members based on their specific expertise to ensure a
comprehensive approach
3) Direct involvement with city workshops and plan development.
●​ Oakland’s Climate Action Plan involved direct community participation and localized
policymaking.
●​ This signifies active and substantive participation of the community and coalition in official
city planning processes, going beyond consultation4 .
●​ In Oakland, the OCAC demanded and achieved more direct involvement with the city
i) No formal expert task force and instead allow for a community-based approach.
●​ The OCAC advocated against a formal expert task force4 .
●​ They pushed for and were allowed a community-based approach, shifting away
from a solely expert-driven process4 .
●​ The city council permitted the OCAC to facilitate and fund a parallel community
advisory process
ii) Advisory process.
●​ The OCAC created its own community advisory process, recognizing limitations of
city-run workshops.
●​ They hosted accessible and engaging workshops in East and West Oakland,
targeting impacted communities
●​ Coalition members also actively provided input during the city's workshops
iii) Policy committees for embodied knowledge and research.
●​ While not formally named "policy committees," the OCAC integrated embodied
knowledge (local, lived experience) into plan development2 ....
●​ Collaboration on projects like social vulnerability analysis incorporated community
insights into scientific analysis5 .
●​ Research report-backs ensured a two-way flow of knowledge between researchers
and the community
iv) Localized climate change for community action through community engagement,
political mobilization, education, and an experimental approach.
●​ Localized climate change efforts were emphasized through community
participation, political mobilization, and experimental policymaking.
●​ The OCAC worked to localize climate change from a global issue to a local
concern with practical applications5 .
●​ Community engagement involved accessible workshops (often multilingual) and
interactive activities on disaster preparedness5 .
●​ Political mobilization included rallies and a Green Mayoral Forum to ensure
elected officials addressed community benefits5 .
●​ Education efforts used workshops, events, and youth programs to build local
climate knowledge.
●​ The deep collaboration between the coalition and the city represented an
experiment in local climate governance, integrating community and expert
knowledge
Mendez (Chapter 5). Cap and
Trade-offs
In what ways were environmental justice activists able to use lessons learned in
Oakland (scale-up) to influence the state legislature? And why?
●​ Ground-truthing was mentioned in relation to defining environmental injustice and
using community-based data collection.
Why were scientific instruments developed to support environmental justice
policies?
●​ Scientific instruments were developed to better identify which communities were
vulnerable to pollution. They also verified local activists' claims (that lower-income
neighborhoods were more subject to pollution) to both the local population and to
regulators.
Why was the Climate Change Community Benefits Fund created?
●​ Created as an example of linking global carbon markets with local concerns.
●​ The specific thing it did was investing cap-and-trade revenue into at-risk
communities
○​ Examples of this include:
■​ creating local solutions to cut down on air pollution
■​ creating jobs to reduce unemployment
Discussion Points:
1) Groundtruthing and differences in methodologies of scientific tools for
environmental justice.
Ground-truthing (anecdotal evidence) was mentioned in relation to defining
environmental injustice and using community-based data collection. Specifically,
ground-truthing was used to verify that the government data was accurate to residents'
concerns, as government data could overlook their concerns otherwise.
●​ Environmental justice groups utilize ground-truthing as a method to verify the
accuracy of official government data and ensure it aligns with the lived
experiences and concerns of residents in their communities1 . This
community-based data collection can reveal inaccuracies or omissions in
government datasets, such as overlooking hazardous or sensitive sites identified
by residents.
●​ The California Environmental Justice Alliance (CEJA) field-tested the draft
Environmental Justice Screening Methodology in 11 geographically diverse
communities, involving over 70 residents and 30 community organizers to
"ground-truth" the model and test its validity. This collaborative,
community-academic research model integrated local knowledge into the model .
●​ CEJA pointed out that the board's definitions for "sensitive sites" and "hazardous
receptors" might overlook places identified as such by residents, like nail
salons and dry cleaners.
●​ The development of the Cumulative Environmental Vulnerability Assessment
specific to the rural San Joaquin Valley, alongside CEJA's work, allowed
environmental justice groups to compare different models for assessing
cumulative impacts.
●​ When state regulators developed their own draft cumulative impacts tool, they
bypassed a community-based participatory research approach3 . They also
truncated several indicators from the screening methodology and focused on a
regional screening approach using zip codes instead of neighborhood-scale
census tracts. CEJA argued that using zip codes would obscure the
worst-affected communities.
●​ This difference highlights the tension between expert-driven methodologies and
those incorporating local expertise and embodied knowledge5 . Environmental
justice groups prioritize the connections between climate change, pollution, and
health experienced daily by community members5 . Their measures of pollution are
often community-based and qualitative rather than abstract and quantitative,
sometimes contrasting with the approaches of policymakers, traditional
environmental organizations, scientists, and bureaucrats
2) Statewide impact of environmental justice legislation
Activists scaled up local lessons to push for policy changes at the state level, ensuring
state funds were redirected to vulnerable communities. An example of this in the chapter
is AB 1405.
●​ Environmental justice advocates scaled up local lessons to push for policy changes
at the state level to ensure state funds were redirected to vulnerable communities .
The introduction of Assembly Bill (AB) 1405 is a significant example of this effort.
●​ AB 1405 was seen as the first attempt to fulfill the promise of AB 32 to direct
public and private investment toward the most disadvantaged communities in
California .
●​ The bill aimed to establish a Climate Change Community Benefits Fund with a
minimum threshold of 30 percent of revenues generated under AB 32 to be
invested in disadvantaged communities .... These investments were intended to
accelerate greenhouse gas emissions reductions, mitigate co-pollutants, and create
jobs....
●​ AB 1405 also included a requirement for the board to adopt a scientific
methodology to identify the state’s poorest and most polluted communities.
●​ Despite passing the assembly and moving to the senate, AB 1405 faced strong
opposition from business lobbies. Ultimately, Governor Schwarzenegger vetoed
the bill, citing that it was premature and encouraging advocates to work with the
California Air Resources Board (CARB) during the regulatory process
3) Trade-offs between climate change mitigation programs (benefits and
consequences)
Mentioned in the discussion of balancing community benefits with climate change
investments. While AB 1405 was geared towards helping vulnerable communities, it also
attracted negative attention from polluting companies who argued that the bill would
siphon money away from cap-and-trade which they saw as their money.
●​ The discussion around AB 1405 highlights the trade-offs between different
approaches to climate change mitigation and the differing perspectives of various
stakeholders12 .
●​ While AB 1405 aimed to direct benefits to vulnerable communities, it attracted
negative attention from polluting companies10 . Industry representatives
supported a climate fund "in concept" but argued that the proposed 30 percent
allocation could siphon off billions of dollars from cap-and-trade revenue,
suggesting a much smaller contribution instead10 .
●​ This reveals a fundamental disagreement: environmental justice advocates viewed
the cap-and-trade revenue as public money generated from the right to pollute a
public good (the environment) and therefore should be invested to serve the public
interest, particularly those most harmed by pollution10 . In contrast, some polluting
industries seemed to feel a sense of ownership over this revenue, as they were
the ones paying the fees10 .
●​ This opposition underscores the tension between a focus on cost-effectiveness
and market-based solutions (like cap-and-trade) aimed at reducing global
greenhouse gas emissions (carbon reductionism) and the environmental justice
perspective that prioritizes equity, local pollution reduction, and community
benefits13 . Environmental justice groups were apprehensive about market-based
solutions, viewing them as potentially benefiting the wealthy and powerful rather than
the disadvantaged. Some even described cap-and-trade as a form of "trickle-down
environmental policy" that might not directly address the needs of the most
polluted communities
Hayden (1980). What Would a
Non-Sexist City Be Like?
How does she argue that architectural design and urban planning in the United States
have been instrumental in constraining women’s equal participation in physical,
social, and economic life?
The Historical Context of Urban Design
-​ Traditional urban planning has perpetuated the belief that women's primary role is as
homemakers, influencing architectural design decisions.
-​ The focus on single-family homes has often constrained women, limiting their
movements and economic opportunities.
-​ Historical policies favored white male skilled workers, exacerbating gender and racial
inequalities in housing.
The Fragmentation of Urban Spaces
-​ American urban environments are characterized by segregated spaces for residential
living and working, often disadvantageous to women who juggle both roles.
-​ Common residential designs lack communal services that support working parents,
such as child care and shared community spaces.
-​ Residential zoning laws often prohibit the creation of shared facilities or the
cohabitation of families outside traditional frameworks.
The Economic Implications of Housing
-​ The economic dependency created by conventional housing models reinforces
unequal gender roles and expectations regarding domestic labor.
-​ Women's participation in the paid labor force has increased, yet they are still
expected to manage extensive domestic responsibilities.
-​ The current housing stock fails to address the complexities of modern family
dynamics, particularly for single and working parents.
Women’s Needs in Housing Design
-​ A non-sexist city must prioritize the needs of employed women, ensuring that housing
designs accommodate both work-life balance and personal safety.
-​ Community-centered designs can help mitigate issues of domestic violence and
support shared responsibilities among residents.
-​ Housing policies should shift towards providing integrated services that combine
housing with necessary amenities for families.
Proposed Reforms and Solutions
-​ Hayden proposes the establishment of "HOMES" groups—organizations aimed at
promoting egalitarian household roles and collective services.
-​ These groups would advocate for the redesign of housing projects to include shared
facilities such as day care, communal kitchens, and communal gardens.
-​
Existing housing developments should be rehabilitated or redesigned to foster
inclusive community living, breaking down barriers between private and public
spaces.
Global Examples and Inspirations
-​ Notable programs like Cuba's Family Code and Scandinavian "service houses"
provide models for how to address shared domestic responsibilities.
-​ Community projects in Europe have successfully integrated public services into
housing designs, acknowledging the importance of shared work in the domestic
sphere.
-​ Historical and contemporary examples illustrate the potential for creating living
spaces that support diverse family structures and promote gender equality.
Vision for the Future
-​ A holistic transformation of urban environments is necessary, requiring joint efforts
from both men and women to achieve gender equity in domestic and working roles.
-​ The design of housing and urban spaces must reflect the diverse realities of the
population, moving beyond outdated gender norms.
-​ Successful implementation of these ideas could lead to urban settings that empower
women, enhance quality of life, and create cohesive communities that do not rely on
traditional gender roles.
Discussion Points:
1) A socialist-feminist critique of the traditional principles that “a woman’s place is in
the home.”
The PowerPoint discusses Hayden’s socialist-feminist critique, arguing that suburban
design reinforces gender roles through limiting opportunities for women and failing to
acknowledge more complex living situations while also expanding opportunities for
white men.
2) The American way of life (suburban sprawl) is a result of prior environmental and
economic policies driven largely by economic or capitalist imperatives, which created
barriers for women, especially working women.
Suburban sprawl is linked to policies that disadvantage working women by reinforcing
traditional gender roles; this is done through separating living and working zones, which
makes it harder for working women to fulfill both roles.
3) As dwellings, neighborhoods, and cities designed for homebound women constrain
women physically, socially, and economically, we need a new paradigm of the housing,
the neighborhood, and the city to meet the needs of Americans-working women and
their families.
Hayden proposed a new paradigm to restructure housing, neighborhoods, and cities to
better accommodate working women and their families. This paradigm includes
communal spaces and is more geared towards serving the community as a whole
instead of just a select group of people.
Klingenberg (2002)
-​
What were the major factors that accounted for more deaths in North Lawndale
(African American neighborhood) than in Little Village (Latino/a neighborhood)?​
The major factors were: ​
- Social ecology (the rundown and hostile environment of North Lawndale rendered
the elderly residents more isolated and thus cut off from community solutions to the
heat wave while the busier and more social environment of Little Village ensured that
wasn't a problem)​
- Physical problems with the environment (prevented elderly citizens from leaving their
homes for help)​
- Existing support networks like churches not having enough money/resources
Discussion Points:
1) Security of local streets pulled the elderly away from heat in Little Village.
Discussed as a key factor in why the Latino/a neighborhood had fewer deaths; the
elderly felt safe enough to use the local streets to get help or into a cooler place.
2) Differences in the “ecological foundations” of Little Village and North Lawndale:
Racism; Ghettoization; Abandonment of institutions. (See pp. 115- 117).
Addressed in the context of historical segregation and urban decline. While North
Lawndale didn't have a majority black population until 1960, up until the end of the 1960s
people could reliably get factory work in the area; however, Chicago's industrial decline would
cause said jobs to dry up, which led to the deterioration of North Lawndale. Little Village
avoided this because Latino communities didn't go through ghettoization.​
​
Also, North Lawndale is noted to be more deteriorated and unsafe, while Little Village is noted
to be more busy and safe.
3) Continuous migration replenishes human resources, rejuvenates commercial
economy. (See pp. 116).​
Little Village's population kept on growing thanks to continuous migration of Mexican
Americans who in turn replenished the economy, while North Lawndale's population
kept on decreasing.
Unger, Nancy. (2004). Women,
Sexuality, and Environmental Justice
in American History
What are the groups that she identifies as influential in environmental history?
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Pre-Columbian Native American Women
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Enslaved Women
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Rachel Carson
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Women of All Red Nations (WARN)
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Women in the Modern Environmental Justice Movement in the early 20th century
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Lesbians in the 1970s
What were their main contributions?
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Pre-columbian native american women: ensured environmental sustainability by
controlling populations. Prolonged lactation and sexual abstinence
-​
Enslaved women: Used their environmental knowledge concerning production to
combat the injustice of slavery. Limited population growth and passively refused
fertilization
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Rachel Carson: Questioned governmental wisdom concerning industrial waste
and vast reliance upon pesticides, especially DDT. Inspired the environmental
movements of the 1960s and 1970s
-​
Women of All Red Nations (WARN): Strengthens Native American Women due
to ongoing attacks on culture, land, and health. It emphasized reproduction in
cultural self- determination and reproductive rights.
-​
Women in the modern environmental justice movement in the early 20th century:
were women of the middle-to upper class. Promoted reforms including civic
cleanliness and sanitation, smoke and noise abatement, pure food and drugs,
and unwanted pregnancy.
-​
Lesbians in the 1970s: moved to rural communities to take part in the
back-to-the-land movement. Believed in separatism and/or country life to reclaim
their sexual and environmental rights.
Discussion Points:
1)​ Issues of sexuality, especially as they relate to reproduction, have played a
leading role in subjecting women to a variety of environmental injustices.
●​ Ex: Native American women in the 1970s protested that uranium mining on their
lands led to high levels of miscarriages and cancers of the reproductive organs
○​ Indian women were the targets of an aggressive government-funded mass
sterilization program as part of the effort to take over resource-rich Indian
lands.
●​ women have taken part in more conventional environmental justice campaigns, such
as community-based organizations protesting local environmental hazards brought
on by major corporate polluters
●​ less conventional methods of seeking environmental justice are underappreciated
○​ Ex: Margaret Sanger’s insistence in the early twentieth century that birth
control devices for women could end the sexual subservience of
working-class women to men and the resultant overcrowding and cycle of
poverty
●​ Through a sampling of women’s contributions that highlight sexuality issues, the
relationship between gender, race, class, and environmental justice activism
proves to be not just occasionally and peripherally a part of recent American
history, but rather a varied, pervasive force from the pre-Columbian period to
the present
2)​ Limited scholarly attention, however, has been paid to the vital function of gender
and its role in people’s environmental vulnerability and empowerment.
●​ points out that women, particularly those in marginalized communities, often experience
environmental harms differently due to their roles in domestic labor, caregiving, and
subsistence work
●​ gender biases of the early European chroniclers
○​ Old stereotype: Pre-Columbian Indian men affected the environment
■​ Pre-Columbian Indian men were the sole “real” providers for their people
as they were hunters and fishers, thus they impact wildlife populations +
habitat.
■​ Women = bear children, care for village, doing the “drudgery”
appropriate to their subordinate social status, producing finished
goods from raw materials provided by the men
○​ New stereotype: glorification of Indians as all leading nomadic lifestyles, living
totally off the land but having virtually no impact upon it
■​
○​ Reality: Women, however, made their own, and not always subtle, manipulations
as they provided via gathering and/or farming much of their communities’ total
food.
■​ The ability of women to provide for their people combined with their
abilities and contributions as mothers gained them a place of respect and
value within their societies
3)​ The article focuses on women’s contributions that highlight sexuality issues, the
relationship between gender, race, class, and environmental justice activism.
●​ Concerned with a variety of issues, including those surrounding reproduction, African
American women and Latinas in particular continue to play a prominent role in
organizations in these communities, waging campaigns against environmental
dangers in the workplace and the home, especially in areas known as “brown fields”
because of their toxicity
●​ Women’s perspectives on their environments and their contributions to environmental
reform have changed dramatically across time and space, especially as affected by
class, race, and prescribed gender roles. Yet the impact of women’s sexuality, ranging
from cultural self-determination to environmental sustainability, pervade environmental
justice issues throughout American history
4)​ The impact of women’s sexuality, ranging from cultural self-determination to
environmental sustainability, pervades environmental justice issues throughout
American history.
●​ Cultural self-determination: European settlers colonized & took over lands of Indians
but Indian women have still been able to maintain their cultural identity
○​ Ex 1: Indians in the Great Lakes region turned to the fur trade as their means
of survival
■​ native women in the western Great Lakes region frequently married
French fur traders but strove to maintain their Indian identities
●​ served as cultural mediators and negotiators of change, largely
through extensive kin networks they created and sustained as
mothers, grandmothers, and godmothers
●​ These networks empowered women to negotiate for positions of
power and prominence
■​ Effect: they resisted colonial oppression through means of motherhood
to gain power and autonomy
○​ Ex 2: California Indian women supplied the labor for the Spanish mission
■​ harsh conditions of California missions made it so that rates of death
was greater than of birth due to disease, inadequate food sources, &
overwork AND because of women consciously limited their
reproduction through sexual abstinence, abortion, and infanticide
■​ Also had abortion due to sex or to avoid questioning of priests who
controlled women’s sexuality
■​ Effect: Because Spanish missions relied on Indian women as
sources/suppliers of laborers through birth, they refused to participate
in creating future generations of exploited workers, effectively using
their bodies as a form of protest against environmental and social
oppression
●​ Environmental sustainability:
○​ Indians did not live in total harmony with nature; occasionally caused extinction
of local plant and animal species.
○​ HOWEVER, they were able, with relative ease and minimum of labor, to
transform their physical environment without destroying it
■​ William Cronon calls their method “living richly by wanting little”
●​ Indians controlled their own numbers so that this “rich”
lifestyle was sustainable and could be enjoyed by all tribal
members
■​ Native American women’s greatest environmental impact came
not through their gathering, irrigation projects, horticulture,
fishing, herding, or ability to preserve foods. Instead, it came
through their nearly universal practice of prolonged lactation.
●​ Breastfeeding suppresses ovulation, and by prolonging it for up
to 3-4 years, Native American women naturally reduced fertility
rates (contrasts with European women, who typically weaned
children much earlier) ∴ they controlled the population
●​ By carefully controlling their populations, keeping them below
the land’s “carrying capacity,”Indian women made a crucial
contribution to their peoples’ ability to live easily sustainable
lifestyles
○​ Unlike European settlers who often overexploited
resources, Indigenous peoples maintained ecological
balance through intentional population regulation
●​ While natural factors like wars, droughts, and famines
contributed to population fluctuations, these alone cannot
explain the relative stability of Indigenous populations before
European contact. Women’s reproductive choices were a key
factor in maintaining sustainable community structures
Carson, Rachel (2006). Silent Spring
How did Carson influence the modern environmental movement?
-​
She influenced the modern environmental movement by popularizing the idea that we
(as in, all of humanity) are responsible for the environment; this idea is still prevalent in
the modern environmental movement.
-​
Exposed dangers of pesticides (DDT) & their detrimental effects on wildlife, human and
ecosystem health
Here are some points to expand on this, drawing from the sources:
●​ Historical Underappreciation: While race and class are regularly addressed in
environmental justice studies, the crucial function of gender in environmental
vulnerability and empowerment has received only limited scholarly attention.
Similarly, the role of sexuality, especially as it relates to reproduction, in subjecting
women to environmental injustices has also been underappreciated.​
●​ Women's Unique Vulnerabilities: Despite the limited scholarly attention, the sources
provide examples of how gender shapes environmental vulnerability. For instance,
Native American women in the 1970s protested uranium mining due to high rates of
miscarriages and reproductive organ cancers. The design of dwellings, neighborhoods,
and cities historically catered to homebound women, which now constrains women
physically, socially, and economically as they participate in the paid labor force in
increasing numbers.​
●​ Women's Unique Empowerment: Conversely, women have used their gendered
identities and sexualities to empower themselves and others. Margaret Sanger's
advocacy for birth control aimed to end the sexual subservience of working-class women
and the resulting poverty and overcrowding. Native American women's reproductive
choices were a form of cultural self-determination in the face of disrupted traditional
practices. Enslaved women utilized their agricultural expertise to resist slavery.​
●​ Intersectional Perspectives: More recent scholarship, as seen in "Goldsmith et
al_2022.pdf" and "Michael Mendez - Climate Change from the Streets_...", is beginning
to incorporate intersectional approaches, recognizing how gender, sexuality, race,
class, and other factors overlap to create unique vulnerabilities and empowerments in
the context of environmental issues and disasters. For example, LGBTQ+ individuals,
particularly those experiencing multiple forms of marginalization, face disproportionate
impacts during disasters due to existing inequalities. Higher rates of poverty,
homelessness, incarceration, and chronic illness in LGBTQ+ communities increase their
vulnerability.​
●​ The "Whiteness" of Certain Spaces: The "Rosenberg _ The whiteness of gay urban
belonging..." source highlights how even within LGBTQ+ spaces, which are often framed
around issues of sexuality and gender, whiteness and masculinity can inform
exclusionary politics, impacting who belongs and who is marginalized. This suggests
that scholarly attention needs to further explore the intersections of race, gender, and
sexuality within these contexts.​
●​ Shifting Focus in Climate Policy: "Michael Mendez - Climate Change from the
Streets_..." notes that initially, climate change was framed without considering its human
and cultural dimensions, often excluding community-based strategies that could
integrate climate interventions with public health outcomes, which
disproportionately affect marginalized groups, including based on gender. Environmental
justice advocates are working to bring embodied experiences, shaped by gender and
other social factors, into climate policymaking.​
In summary, while traditional environmental justice scholarship has focused on race and class,
the role of gender and sexuality in shaping both vulnerability to environmental harms and the
potential for empowerment has historically been understudied. Newer scholarship utilizing
intersectional frameworks is beginning to address these gaps by examining the overlapping
impacts of gender, sexuality, race, class, and other social factors in environmental and disaster
contexts. However, there is still a need for more comprehensive research that centers the vital
functions of gender and sexuality in environmental justice movements and policymaking.
What audience and stakeholders did her work primarily target?
●​ Her work primarily targeted suburban communities. Stakeholders included
environmental activists, agricultural businesses, public health officials, and
legislators.
In what ways did environmental justice get ignored?
●​ She didn't focus on the effects of DDT on certain populations, like farmers.
●​ largely ignored environmental justice concerns, e.g. how pollution and pesticide
use disproportionately harmed marginalized communities.
●​ focused on ecological and health effects but did not fully address how
low-income and communities of color were most prone to these environmental
hazards
Discussion Points:
1)​ Carson’s Works: Silent Spring (Book), provoked the passage of Clean Air Act (1963) &
Wilderness Act (1964) & National Environmental Policy Act (1969) & Clean Water Act
(1972) & Endangered Species Act (1972) & Establishment of EPA (1970) & Direct ban
of DDT; Undersea (about sea life published on The Atlantic).
●​ Major environmental policies influenced by Silent Spring and Carson’s work.
Here's an explanation of Rachel Carson's works, "Silent Spring" and "Undersea," based on the
information in the provided source:
Silent Spring:
●​ This book, published in 1962, focused on the danger of back-yard pesticides like
DDT.
●​ Despite Carson's earlier focus on the sea, "Silent Spring" is the work for which she is
now best known.
●​ The book had a profound impact, launching the environmental movement.
●​ It provoked the passage of significant environmental legislation in the United
States, including:
○​ Clean Air Act (1963)
○​ Wilderness Act (1964)
○​ National Environmental Policy Act (1969)
○​ Clean Water Act (1972)
○​ Endangered Species Act (1972)
●​ "Silent Spring" also led to the establishment of the Environmental Protection
Agency (EPA) in 1970.
●​ The book directly addressed the interconnectedness of living things and how pesticides
could travel through the food chain, impacting various organisms, including birds.
●​ Carson meticulously researched a vast scientific literature to produce the book,
explaining complex topics with "storybook clarity".
●​ The publication of "Silent Spring" sparked significant debate and criticism, particularly
from the chemical industry, but also garnered widespread public support and prompted
governmental investigation.
Undersea:
●​ This was a breakout essay about sea life, published in The Atlantic in 1937.
●​ It showcased Carson's early identity as a "scientist-poet of the sea".
●​ In "Undersea," Carson used vivid and descriptive language to immerse readers in the
ocean environment, detailing various marine creatures and their interconnected lives.
Her writing style was described as a "watery jabberwocky" filled with scientific terms
rendered poetically.
●​ This essay was significant as it marked the beginning of Carson's celebrated writing
career before she became known for "Silent Spring".
●​ Carson's early work, including "Undersea" and her subsequent sea books, reflected her
deep knowledge and wonder of the ocean, stemming from her research and personal
experiences at the shore.
2)​ The general public and policy makers, readers of magazines like Reader's Digest
& The Atlantic.
●​ Rachel Carson's work reached the general public and policymakers through various
avenues, including magazines like The Atlantic and The New Yorker, and ultimately
through her influential book, Silent Spring.
●​ The Atlantic: Carson first gained significant public attention with her essay "Undersea,"
published in The Atlantic in 1937. This essay showcased her ability to blend scientific
knowledge with poetic prose, captivating readers with descriptions of marine life. At this
stage, her audience was likely the readership of The Atlantic, which generally comprises
individuals interested in well-written, in-depth articles on a range of topics, including
science and nature. While not explicitly targeting policymakers, such publications can
certainly influence the thinking of an informed public, some of whom may hold positions
in government or policy-related fields
●​ Reader's Digest: It's important to note that Carson attempted to reach a broader
general audience by pitching an article about DDT to Reader's Digest after the war.
However, Reader's Digest was not interested. This suggests that at the time, a
mainstream magazine aimed at a very wide audience was not yet receptive to concerns
about the potential dangers of pesticides.
●​ The New Yorker: Later in her career, The New Yorker played a pivotal role in
bringing Carson's concerns to a wider and more influential audience. The
magazine published excerpts from her book "The Sea Around Us" as a three-part
Profile of the Sea in 1951. This was the magazine's first-ever profile of something other
than a person and garnered significant positive attention, with readers declaring it highly
memorable. This serialization likely reached a more literary and intellectual segment of
the general public, as well as potentially influential figures who read the magazine.
Furthermore, The New Yorker published "Silent Spring" in three parts in June 1962.
This serialization was crucial in building anticipation and exposing a significant
readership to the dangers of pesticides before the book's official release. The editor of
The New Yorker, William Shawn, recognized the potential impact of this work.
●​ Silent Spring (Book): The publication of Silent Spring as a book in September 1962
by Houghton Mifflin had an immediate and profound impact on both the general public
and policymakers.​
○​ General Public: Readers were deeply affected by Carson's clear and compelling
arguments about the interconnectedness of nature and the harmful effects of
pesticides. They shared their own stories and concerns, indicating a significant
shift in public awareness.
○​ Policymakers: The book directly led to public pressure on policymakers.
Readers began contacting members of Congress. Notably, President
Kennedy publicly acknowledged the book's influence on the administration's
decision to investigate the long-range side effects of DDT and other pesticides.
"Silent Spring" is credited with provoking the passage of landmark
environmental legislation, including the Clean Air Act, Wilderness Act, National
Environmental Policy Act, Clean Water Act, and the Endangered Species Act. It
also led to the establishment of the Environmental Protection Agency (EPA)
in 1970.
In summary: This book directly engaged the general public and exerted considerable influence
on policymakers, leading to significant changes in environmental policy and regulation. The
rejection by Reader's Digest highlights the evolving public consciousness regarding
environmental issues at the time.
3)​ Uneven distribution of pollutants and disproportionate environmental impact on
certain population groups.
●​ While the effects of pollutants like DDT were discussed, it was about how they affected
suburban life; certain groups, like farmers, were left out of the discussion
●​ The concept of the uneven distribution of pollutants and the disproportionate
environmental impact on certain population groups is a central concern of the
Environmental Justice (EJ) Movement, as we discussed previously [see our
conversation history]. The EJ movement highlights how poor communities and
communities of color are often more exposed to environmental hazards, including
pesticide contamination [see our conversation history].
●​ While the provided source details Rachel Carson's crucial work on the dangers of
pesticides in "Silent Spring" and her earlier writings on the sea, it does not specifically
address the issue of the uneven distribution of these pollutants or their
disproportionate impact on particular demographic groups.
●​ Carson's "Silent Spring" focused on the widespread effects of pesticides like DDT on
the environment as a whole, illustrating how these chemicals could move through the
food chain and harm various organisms, including birds and potentially humans. The
book documented the broad ecological consequences of indiscriminate pesticide use
and advocated for greater awareness and regulation. The legislative actions that
followed, such as the Clean Air Act, Clean Water Act, and the establishment of the EPA,
aimed at general environmental protection.
●​ However, the source does not provide information on whether Carson or her work
specifically addressed the differential exposure and impact of pollutants on specific
communities based on factors like race or socioeconomic status. The focus of "Silent
Spring," as described in this source, was more on the overall threat to the natural
world and the interconnectedness of all living things.
●​ Therefore, while Carson's work was foundational to raising environmental awareness
and led to significant environmental protections, the concept of the uneven distribution of
pollutants and disproportionate environmental impact on certain population groups,
which is central to the EJ movement, is not explicitly discussed or emphasized within
the information provided in this source.
Mendez et al. (2020) journal article –
Invisible Victims of Disaster
How are undocumented immigrants rendered invisible in the context of disaster policy and
planning?
-​ Undocumented immigrants face unique challenges and risks during disasters due to
structural inequalities, including economic precarity, racial discrimination, and fear of
deportation.
What are the 5 impacts on migrants during the wildfire?
-​
-​
-​
Lack of emergency information in different languages other than english
Health and occupational safety risks for farm workers working near hazardous
wildfires smoke with no protection
Housing and transportation challenges for those who commute and were unable
to go to work lost their homes and faced rent hikes by greedy landlords
-​
Economic hardship and job loss due to ineligibility for benefits or FEMA disaster
aid which left them having to borrow money or rely on community assistance to
survive
-​
Exclusion from disaster relief aid due to being undocumented resulting in families
struggling to recover due to financial precarity and little institutional support
Discussion Points:
1)​ According to the main argument of this paper, what are the factors along
which structural inequalities intersect?
It argues that that given their social status, undocumented Latino/a and Indigenous immigrants
are particularly vulnerable to disasters and require special consideration in disaster planning.
“Discussed in the PowerPoint with a focus on race, immigration status, and income.”
According to the main argument of this book, the factors along which structural inequalities
intersect include, but are not limited to:
●​ Race: The text consistently emphasizes how communities of color are disproportionately
burdened by pollution and the negative impacts of climate change due to historical and
ongoing patterns of environmental racism and discriminatory land-use practices.
○​ The concept of the "climate gap" specifically highlights the unequal
implications of climate change for people of color and the poor.
○​ The book also notes how ethnic and racial divisions shaped adherence to carbon
reductionism, with environmental justice groups finding common cause with
legislators of color due to shared embodied experiences of environmental
inequities.
●​ Class (Socioeconomic Status): Low-income populations are identified as being more
vulnerable to climate change impacts compared to wealthier groups who can afford
protection or recovery.
○​ The "climate gap" also encompasses the poor.
○​ Environmental justice advocates often represent groups rooted in the nation’s
poorest neighborhoods.
■​ Access to resources, affordable housing, job access, and living conditions
are highlighted as social determinants of health that are often unequally
distributed based on socioeconomic status.
●​ Other aspects of human identity: The concept of intersectionality is introduced to
highlight how categories of culture and identity overlap, which heightens the effects of
discrimination, exclusion, social inequality, and systemic injustice. While race and class
are central, the text also mentions that California's climate change programs offer
models of how advocacy and policy can cross multiple scales and address the ways in
which climate change intersects with social categories such as gender, race, class,
Indigeneity, immigration status, and other aspects of human identity.
In essence, the book argues that the disproportionate impacts of climate change and
environmental pollution are not experienced uniformly but are shaped by the interplay of
various structural inequalities, with race and class being particularly salient factors in the
context of environmental justice. The intersectional approach underscores that these factors are
interconnected and mutually reinforcing, leading to unique and compounded vulnerabilities for
specific individuals and communities.
2)​ What is “contextual vulnerability”? How does it relate to the concept of “slow
violence”?
●​ Contextual vulnerability: Families with low incomes often live in high-risk
areas around cities because they can't afford to live in safer (and more
expensive) places.
○​ Provides a framework for understanding the relationships between the
“slow violence” that environmental injustices wreak on poor
communities of color over the course of decades, on the one hand,
and the effects of fast-moving, dramatic disasters such as wildfires.
●​ Families with low incomes often live in high-risk areas around cities, because
they can't afford to live in safer (and more expensive) places.
3)​ How are undocumented migrants placed in a more vulnerable position
compared to other populations in the context of wildfires?
●​ Toxic smoke from wildfires has extremely harmful effects for
undocumented immigrants working outdoors without access to
protective equipment such as masks.
●​ These individuals are already exposed to pesticides, and their
immigration status, economic precarity, and lack of transportation can
prevent them from receiving health care or regulatory relief.
●​ They are also afraid to seek help and restitution during and after a
disaster, largely because US government agencies routinely subject
them to surveillance, detention, and deportation.
○​ Factors such as:
■​ Limited English and Spanish proficiency
■​ Heightened discrimination toward undocumented
immigrants can have profound effects
■​ Their inability to receive federal disaster relief aid
4)​ How does the grouping of different populations impact the understanding of
vulnerability in disaster literature?
●​ The grouping of different populations highlights how vulnerability is shaped by
intersecting social, economic, and political factors. By examining
undocumented Latino/a and Indigenous immigrants as distinct yet
overlapping groups, the authors reveal how pre-existing inequalities—such as
racial discrimination, economic hardships, language barriers, and fear of
deportation—amplify their vulnerability to disasters.
●​ Grouping these populations allows researchers to identify specific needs and
gaps in disaster planning, such as the lack of language access or labor
protections.
Mendez (2020)
Smith Korfmacher (2019). Chapter 2:
Standing Silos
In what ways are maintaining disciplinary silos harmful to developing more equitable
policy and environmental justice outcomes?
●​ They completely neglect local problems
●​ Public agencies operate completely differently from one another and silos
fail to acknowledge this
○​ e.g. local agencies not having the support that larger agencies
have
○​ also, agencies fail to acknowledge the non-technical parts of
public health
●​ Silos also obscure certain parts of a problem from authorities, which will
make them believe there's no problem at all
What methods does the author suggest to break down such silos?
●​ Initiatives/partnerships between community residents and university
researchers, especially faculty and staff in university-based
environmental health outreach and engagement programs, enabled
communities to gain access to previously unavailable technical and
intellectual resources.
●​ General policy implications: integrating institutions and system change
Discussion Points:
1)​ Definition: The separation of policy by issue-area is often described as
“siloed” management.
●​ "Siloed" management: refers to the separation of policy and practice across
different issue areas, leading to a lack of connection, coordination, or interaction
between them.
○​ This term vividly describes how different sectors or disciplines operate in
isolation, much like grains stored in separate silos, without effective
communication or collaboration.
Here are the key aspects of siloed management as described in the sources:
●​ Lack of Connection and Coordination: The fundamental characteristic of siloed
management is the absence of sufficient connection, coordination, or interaction
between various domains of environmental practice. This means that different agencies,
departments, or even different aspects within the same field might function
independently without considering the broader implications or potential synergies.
●​ Dysfunctional Segregation: Boschken (2009) defined the "silo effect" as the
dysfunctional segregation of policy disciplines. This segregation is often driven by
several factors:
○​ Differences in Ideology: Different disciplines or agencies may operate with
distinct underlying beliefs and approaches to problem-solving.
○​ Scientific Fragmentation: Knowledge and research in environmental and public
health can be highly specialized, leading to a fragmented understanding of
complex issues.
○​ Professional Misunderstanding: Professionals in different fields may have
different training, perspectives, and priorities, which can hinder effective
communication and collaboration.
●​ Varying Mandates and Structures: A significant reason for siloed management in
environmental health is that public health and environmental management agencies
typically operate under different policy mandates, regulations, funding streams, and often
at different levels of government. These structural differences can create inherent
barriers to integrated approaches.
●​ Creation of Gaps and Barriers: The segregation caused by silos can create gaps in
environmental health protection, which in turn can contribute to environmental inequities.
When different aspects of environmental health are managed separately, problems that
fall between these silos may be overlooked or inadequately addressed. Moreover, these
silos act as barriers to effectively resolving environmental problems that often require a
holistic and integrated understanding.
●​ Ineffectiveness in Addressing Complex Issues: Siloed institutions struggle to manage
complex systems effectively. Many environmental and public health issues are
characterized by interconnected webs of multiple causes, flows, and feedbacks,
requiring a "systems thinking" approach that is hindered by the separation of silos.
●​ Historical Roots: The current siloed system has evolved over time. Initially,
environmental and public health management were more integrated, but they gradually
separated, contributing to the challenges seen today. This historical separation has
shaped the current legal context, stakeholder perspectives, and the roles of different
government entities. The Institute of Medicine's 1988 report highlighted that the
separation of environmental health authority from public health led to fragmented
responsibility, lack of coordination, and inadequate attention to the public health
dimensions of environmental health issues.
●​ Impact on Environmental Justice: The siloed approach has proven insufficient to
reverse unfair burdens on underserved communities. These communities often
experience cumulative and comprehensive environmental and public health impacts that
are not adequately addressed by issue-specific, top-down management institutions.
●​ Need for Boundary Spanning: To overcome the limitations of siloed management, the
concept of "boundary spanning" is crucial. This involves individuals from various
institutions forming bridges between their organizations to integrate health and
environmental interests in decision-making structures. Collaborative local efforts have
the potential to act as these bridges and promote systems changes.
In summary:
●​ "Siloed" management in the context of environmental and public health describes a
fragmented system where different agencies, disciplines, and levels of government
operate largely independently due to varying mandates, funding, expertise, and historical
development.
○​ This lack of integration hinders the effective identification and resolution of
complex environmental health problems, often contributing to:
■​ environmental inequities in underserved communities
○​ Bridging these silos through collaboration and a systems-thinking approach is
presented as a key strategy for achieving environmental health equity.
2)​ Local governments’ limited ability to directly control environmental quality:
there is a complex system for environmental management with interactions
between federal, state, and local government entities separated by sector
(policy adoption barrier). Pg. 41.
Here's a breakdown of why this limitation exists, drawing from the sources:
●​ Complex, Multi-Layered System: The sources emphasize that the United States has a
complex system for environmental management involving interactions between federal,
state, and local government entities. This system is often separated by sector, meaning
different aspects of environmental quality (like air, water, waste) are managed under
different frameworks and often by different agencies at each level of government.​
●​ Historical Separation of Public Health and Environmental Management: Chapter 2
of the source details how public health and environmental management, while initially
linked, evolved separately, creating "silos". This separation means that local health
departments, while concerned with environmental health, often have limited direct
responsibility or capacity for comprehensive environmental management beyond core
functions like monitoring and sanitary inspections.​
●​ Siloed Approach as a Policy Adoption Barrier: This "siloed" approach to
environmental management acts as a significant barrier to local policy adoption aimed at
improving environmental quality. Local governments may want to implement protective
measures but find their authority limited by federal and state regulations, different policy
mandates, funding streams, and jurisdictional boundaries.​
●​ Limited Direct Control Over Environmental Quality: As stated on page 41 and
elaborated throughout Chapter 2, local governments have limited ability to directly
control environmental quality within their jurisdictions. For example, while a local health
department might close a beach due to high bacteria levels, they typically don't set the
standards for discharge into surface waters. These decisions often fall to state
environmental agencies.​
●​ Preemption as a Legal Constraint: A crucial aspect limiting local control is the legal
doctrine of preemption. This means that a higher level of government (state or federal)
can limit or eliminate the power of a lower level (local) to regulate a certain issue.
Federal environmental protection laws often establish a baseline of regulation
nationwide, which can constrain local innovation and flexibility to adopt stricter, more
health-protective policies based on community priorities. Recently, states have even
used preemption to prevent localities from enacting health-related policies like taxes on
sugary beverages.​
●​ Challenges in Addressing Cumulative Impacts: The siloed system also hinders the
ability of local governments to address cumulative impacts of pollution from multiple
sources or sectors. Environmental health problems often arise from the combined effects
of various exposures, but the fragmented regulatory structure makes it difficult for local
authorities to implement holistic solutions.​
●​ Dependence on Federal and State Frameworks: Many environmental quality issues
are managed through systems where federal regulations set standards, and state and
local agencies have specific implementation roles. While these systems aim to protect
public health, health stakeholders at the local level may have limited input into the
standard-setting and permitting processes.​
In essence:
●​ The limited ability of local governments to directly control environmental quality stems
from a historically developed, complex, and often fragmented system of
environmental management where authority and responsibility are shared and
sometimes constrained by higher levels of government.
○​ Creates significant barriers for local communities trying to address environmental
health concerns through local policy changes.
3)​ Other barriers of policymaking: differences in ideology, scientific
fragmentation, and professional misunderstanding.
The source explicitly identifies these three factors as significant barriers that contribute to the
"silo effect" in policymaking. According to Boschken (2009), the silo effect is "the dysfunctional
segregation of policy disciplines often caused by differences in ideology, scientific
fragmentation, and professional misunderstanding that limit the ability of one discipline to
sufficiently interact with another".
Here's a more detailed look at each of these barriers:
●​ Differences in Ideology: Different stakeholders involved in policy making, whether they
are government agencies, community groups, or researchers, often hold varying
political, economic, or social beliefs and values. These ideological differences can lead
to disagreements on the goals of a policy, the appropriate strategies to achieve those
goals, and even the definition of the problem itself. When fundamental beliefs clash, it
becomes challenging to find common ground and build consensus necessary for
effective policymaking.​
●​ Scientific Fragmentation: Environmental and public health issues are often complex
and require input from various scientific disciplines. However, knowledge can be
fragmented across these different fields. Scientists from different backgrounds may use
different methodologies, focus on different aspects of a problem, and even interpret data
in different ways. This fragmentation of scientific understanding can make it difficult for
policymakers to synthesize information, understand the full scope of a problem, and
make evidence-based decisions. The source highlights the importance of integrating
diverse types of knowledge, including scientific data and community knowledge, for
effective policy making.​
●​ Professional Misunderstanding: Individuals working in different policy disciplines or
sectors often have distinct professional cultures, training, values, and goals. For
example, public health professionals might prioritize health outcomes, while
environmental managers might focus on regulatory compliance. These differences in
professional perspectives can lead to misunderstandings about each other's priorities,
constraints, and ways of working. This lack of mutual understanding can hinder effective
communication and collaboration, making it difficult to develop integrated and
comprehensive policies. The book emphasizes the need to discern these factors to
promote collaboration.​
●​ These three barriers – differences in ideology, scientific fragmentation, and professional
misunderstanding – contribute significantly to the "siloed" management of environmental
and public health issues, as discussed in the source.
○​ This siloed approach can:
■​ impede the adoption of effective policies that require cross-sectoral
collaboration
■​ holistic understanding of complex problems.
●​ The source argues that "bridging silos" by fostering communication, understanding
diverse perspectives, and integrating knowledge is crucial for overcoming these barriers
and achieving systems change in environmental health.
4)​ Initiatives/partnerships between community residents and university
researchers, especially faculty and staff in university-based environmental
health outreach and engagement programs, enabled communities to gain
access to previously unavailable technical and intellectual resources.
The statement that initiatives and partnerships between community residents and university
researchers, particularly those in university-based environmental health outreach and
engagement programs, empower communities by:
●​ granting them access to previously unavailable technical and intellectual resources
Here's a more detailed explanation drawing from the text:
●​ Access to Technical and Intellectual Resources: The source explicitly states that
partnerships between community residents and university researchers, especially those
affiliated with university-based environmental health outreach and engagement
programs, enabled communities to gain access to previously unavailable technical and
intellectual resources. This signifies that universities possess a wealth of expertise, data,
and analytical capabilities that are often beyond the reach of community groups.​
●​ Role of University-Based Outreach Programs: The text highlights the specific
importance of faculty and staff in university-based environmental health outreach and
engagement programs. These programs, such as the Community Outreach and
Engagement Cores (COEC) within NIEHS environmental health research core centers,
are specifically designed to bridge the gap between academic research and community
needs. Their mission often includes sharing research findings with the public and
informing researchers about community concerns.​
●​ Examples of Resources Provided: While the source makes the general point, other
parts of the text provide concrete examples of the types of resources these partnerships
can offer:​
○​ Scientific Expertise: University researchers bring expertise in environmental
health research, policy analysis, and communications. For example, in THE
Impact Project, USC researchers provided technical knowledge, testimony, and
review of reports related to air pollution and health.
○​ Data Access and Analysis: Universities often have access to health data,
environmental data, and analytical capacity that community groups may lack.
THE Impact Project benefited from USC's ability to dig into data to come up with
answers regarding the environmental health impacts of port activities.
○​ Research Summaries and Translations: University programs can translate
complex scientific findings into readable summaries and policy briefs for
community members and local officials. THE Impact Project created various
communication tools and strategies to build public awareness and support
advocacy efforts.
○​ Community-Based Science Support: Universities can provide guidance and
support for community-based participatory research, such as the A-Teams in
THE Impact Project who collected data on particulate concentration and truck
counts.
○​ Policy Expertise: Faculty in urban environmental policy institutes, like those at
Occidental College who partnered in THE Impact Project, can provide policy
expertise, guidance on community organizing, social justice, and policy change.
○​ Convening and Facilitation: University staff, particularly within outreach cores,
can play a crucial role in convening meetings, initiating partnerships, writing
grants, and facilitating engagement between researchers and community
members.
○​ Credibility and Legitimacy: Partnerships with respected academic institutions
can lend credibility and visibility to community-led environmental health initiatives.
●​ Benefits for Communities: By gaining access to these resources, communities are
empowered to:
○​ Better understand the environmental health issues affecting them.
○​ Collect and analyze data to support their concerns.
○​ Develop evidence-based solutions and policy proposals.
○​ Advocate more effectively for changes in policies and practices.
○​ Increase their capacity to participate knowledgeably in decision-making
processes.
In essence, these collaborations are mutually beneficial
5)​ General policy implications: integrating institutions and system change.
General policy implications are related to integrating institutions and achieving system
change in the pursuit of environmental health and justice.
Regarding integrating institutions:
●​ The sources consistently highlight the problem of "siloed" institutions in public health
and environmental management. This separation, despite a shared origin in sanitation
efforts, creates gaps that contribute to environmental inequities and pose barriers to
resolving these problems.
●​ A key policy implication is the necessity of "bridging silos" between disparate groups,
such as public health and environment communities, local residents, and academia. The
book explores how local initiatives are building these bridges at the local level, where
collaboration, partnerships, and resource sharing are often more feasible and decision
systems are more amenable to community influence than at higher levels of government.
●​ The formation of diverse, multisectoral collaborations is crucial for successful state
and local initiatives in environmental public health, extending beyond the "usual
suspects" in the public health and environmental fields. The case studies, such as the
Coalition to Prevent Lead Poisoning (CPLP), Healthy Duluth, and THE Impact Project,
exemplify these collaborations, involving community groups, technical experts,
government officials, and academics.
●​ Integrating health considerations into non-health sectors is another vital policy
direction, exemplified by the Health in All Policies (HiAP) approach. This involves
considering human health in all policies that shape social determinants of health,
including housing, air quality, and neighborhood design. Local environmental health
collaborations provide opportunities to impact these social determinants that lie outside
the scope of traditional health agencies.
●​ The experiences of the case studies suggest that government agencies, academia,
community groups, and funders need to better support collaboration to promote
the expansion of promising local environmental health initiatives. This includes changes
in institutional structures, information systems, and resource allocation.
●​ Collaboration between different sectors of government is also important, as many
environmental health problems fall between the purviews of institutions focused on
health and those responsible for environmental management. Joining community
partnerships can promote such interagency collaboration.
Regarding system change:
●​ The central policy implication is the need to move beyond addressing single decisions or
projects and instead focus on changing the underlying systems that create
environmental health inequities. This involves making durable changes in how decisions
are made, the nature of evidence considered, and how diverse community interests are
engaged.
●​ The case studies demonstrate that local collaborations can produce significant
systems changes by working outside established policy processes. They were
successful by reframing long-standing problems, leveraging diverse resources, and
changing processes, practices, and policies.
●​ The concept of "policies, systems, and environments" (PSE) change is a key
framework for this work. This approach emphasizes multilevel systems change by
private, public, and nonprofit stakeholders, in addition to changes in the policy sector, to
make healthy choices the "easy choice".
●​ Achieving system change requires understanding the incentives, training, motivation,
professional cultures, and values of all participants. In-depth exploration of case
studies provides insight into these dynamics and how they can either block or promote
collaboration.
●​ Community engagement is essential for driving system change. The voices of those
most affected by environmental injustices can be a powerful moral, political, and
economic driver of change. Collaborative initiatives must be structured to elicit their
input, represent their perspectives, and build their capacity to engage in the future.
●​ Policy changes, while important, are only one aspect of system change. Implementing
systems change requires ongoing efforts in areas like public education,
intergovernmental coordination, and community support.
●​ Recognizing that policy systems are dynamic, efforts should also seek to change how,
by whom, and by what criteria future decisions are made. This includes increasing
transparency and opportunities for participation in decision-making processes.
In summary, the general policy implications from the sources underscore the critical need to
move beyond siloed approaches and foster integrated institutions through multisectoral
collaboration to achieve meaningful and sustainable system change that promotes
environmental health equity.
●​ Local environmental health initiatives offer valuable models and lessons for how
communities, governments, academia, and other stakeholders can work together to
address the root causes of environmental injustices.
Smith Korfmacher, Katrina (2019).
Chapter 5: Healthy Duluth
What impacts did “Healthy Duluth” have on policies, systems, and environments?
The Healthy Duluth initiative had a significant impact on policies, systems, and the built
environment by integrating health equity into urban planning and decision-making processes. It
shifted the focus from individual health behaviors to broader structural and environmental
changes, promoting fair food access and equitable active transportation.
➢​ Key impacts included:
➢​ Policy Influence: Health equity considerations were incorporated into Duluth’s
Comprehensive Plan and Small Area Plans, ensuring long-term integration of
health in city decisions​
➢​ Systems Change: The initiative brought together multiple stakeholders, including
government agencies, nonprofits, and community groups, creating a collaborative
network committed to health equity
➢​ Environmental Improvements: Projects like community gardens, improved trail
systems, and the Grocery Bus program increased access to healthy food and
opportunities for physical activity in low-income neighborhoods
By embedding health considerations into local policies and infrastructure, Healthy Duluth laid
the groundwork for sustainable, long-term improvements in public health and urban planning.
How did Duluth’s brownfield redevelopment projects gain traction through the
Health Impact Assessment (HIA)?
-​
Duluth’s brownfield redevelopment projects gained momentum through Health
Impact Assessments (HIA), which provided a framework to evaluate and address
potential health risks associated with contaminated sites. The HIAs:
-​ Highlighted Public Health Benefits: The city began emphasizing how
brownfield redevelopment could improve health by reducing exposure to
toxic contaminants and creating new parks, trails, and businesses​
-​
Secured Funding and Partnerships: Federal and state grants, including
U.S. EPA brownfield assessment grants and Minnesota Brownfields support,
enabled cleanup and redevelopment efforts​
-​ Strengthened Community Engagement: The HIA process encouraged
collaboration between city planners, health departments, and local residents,
ensuring that redevelopment efforts aligned with community needs​
Overall, the use of HIAs helped Duluth integrate health considerations into its economic
and environmental redevelopment efforts, making brownfield projects more sustainable and
beneficial for public health​
Discussion Points:
1)​ Demonstrated how localities can overcome barriers to collaboration between community
and government stakeholders, promoted engagement to target the needs of
disadvantaged communities, and leveraged diverse resources to sustain this work over
a period of time.
-​ Comprehensive planning
-​ a participatory process for the future of the community,
-​ requires commitment from the city, private developers, and community
organizations
-​ Builds the connections between shareholders, collects necessary data
-​ Uses land use plans
-​ May inform city's applications for grant funding, neighborhood land uses,
infrastructure improvements, and development priorities
-​ Cities may also partner with corporations to build housing, commercial space, or
industrial parks; this partnership can also help cities gain control over the
process of development
-​ Some problems localities face:
-​ They interact with state and federal systems in a way that does not
prioritize public health
-​ Many cities rely on the state health department when it comes to public
health
-​ A lot of built environment decisions (which in turn influence public health) are
done at the local level, so community engagement could be done there;
however, most local governments do not have the resources to do so
-​ As a result, local initiatives where diverse stakeholders collaborate hold the
potential for such engagement
-​ The locals of Duluth leveraged federal, state, and local resources to change the
built environment, policies, and systems for the sake of public health
-​ While external organizations supported the Duluth initiatives, the initiatives were
coordinated, sustained, and led locally
-​ Examples of local initiatives:
-​ Duluth’s brownfields redevelopment program
-​ Fit City Duluth
-​ HDAC (Healthy Duluth Area Coalition)
2)​ Early work by the city’s office of economic development to focus on the health
implications of Duluth’s brownfield redevelopment projects gained traction through the
HIAs (health impact assessments) of two low-income neighborhoods.
-​ The office's name is "City of Duluth’s Department of Business and Economic
Development"
-​ Redeveloped brownfields (spots where past land usages have led to pollution;
have gone neglected because private developers fear that developing them may
be more trouble than it's worth) which laid the foundation for other health equity
endeavours
-​ Attended U.S. EPA national brownfield meetings which encouraged the office to
emphasize the community benefits; interactions with brownfield programs would
help Duluth make new opportunities
-​ Duluth was invited to the Great Lakes Restoration Initiative which
strengthened their connection with MDH (Minnesota Department of
Health)
-​ The Minnesota Brownfields group was also heavily involved in Dluluth's
health equity efforts
-​ These connections led to Duluth becoming the lead applicant in two HIAs
Harrison, Jill. (2014). Neoliberal
Environmental Justice
How does the environmental justice movement differ from the organic farming
movement?
●​ The environmental justice (EJ) movement and the organic farming movement
approach environmental issues from very different perspectives. The EJ movement
focuses on addressing the disproportionate exposure of marginalized
communities—especially low-income and communities of color—to environmental
hazards such as pesticide pollution. This movement highlights issues of distributive
justice, systemic racism, and structural inequality, advocating for stronger
regulations to protect vulnerable populations​
●​ In contrast, the organic farming movement primarily operates within a market-driven
framework, seeking to address environmental and health concerns by promoting
consumer choice and voluntary shifts toward organic practices. It relies on price
premiums and consumer demand to incentivize farmers to reduce pesticide use
rather than pushing for stricter government regulations​
What are the major differences in approaches to protecting the environment between
organic food consumers and EJ activists?
What tactics do each use and why?
●​ The EJ movement employs a combination of grassroots activism, political advocacy, and
regulatory reform efforts.
○​ Activists push for government intervention, stricter pesticide regulations, and
community participation in decision-making processes to ensure environmental
justice for affected populations.
○​ They reject neoliberal market-based solutions that shift responsibility onto
individuals rather than addressing systemic inequalities​
On the other hand, the organic farming movement primarily utilizes market-based solutions such
as organic certification, alternative food networks (e.g., farmers' markets and
community-supported agriculture), and consumer education. These tactics align with neoliberal
ideals, positioning organic farming as an individual lifestyle choice rather than a policy-driven
necessity. As a result, organic farming tends to cater to wealthier, predominantly white
consumers who can afford to "vote with their dollars," rather than addressing the broader
environmental injustices faced by low-income agricultural workers​
Discussion Points:
1)​ Organic farming movement: mainstream agri-environmental activists addressing
pesticide problems (consumer demand + organic price premium, pro-market).
a)​ Organic Farming Movement & Mainstream Agri-Environmental Activists:
This group addresses pesticide problems primarily through building alternatives
within the existing market. Their main approaches include promoting
consumer demand for organic products and leveraging the organic price
premium to incentivize farmers to reduce pesticide use. They focus on
developing less-toxic farming practices, voluntary education, alternative
marketing systems (like farmers markets), and informing consumer choice. Their
efforts often take a pro-market, neoliberal turn, relying on individual consumer
action rather than regulatory reform. They generally do not focus on inequalities
of race or class.
2)​ Environmental justice movement: a pluralist notion of justice as distribution,
recognition, participation, and capabilities, poor communities and communities of
color are disproportionately exposed to pesticide contaminated air and water (failure
of market).
a)​ Environmental Justice (EJ) Movement: This movement operates with a
pluralist notion of justice that includes distribution, recognition,
participation, and capabilities. EJ activists highlight that poor communities
and communities of color are disproportionately exposed to
pesticide-contaminated air and water. They argue that this failure of the
market to protect these vulnerable populations necessitates regulatory
restrictions on toxic pesticides and a rejection of neoliberal approaches
that rely on individual purchasing power. Their vision of justice emphasizes
equity, participatory parity, recognition of group-based oppression, and
bolstering basic capabilities for marginalized communities. They explicitly
name justice as their central concern and advocate for systemic change to
address environmental inequalities.​
3)​ Research method: ethnographic observation, interviews, and content analysis.
a)​ Research Method: The study employed a qualitative approach. The
researcher conducted ethnographic observation at regulatory and
activist events, and over 100 in-depth, qualitative interviews with
various stakeholders, including pesticide regulators, EJ and
mainstream agri-environmental activists, scientists, and industry
representatives. The researcher also conducted content analysis by
reviewing documents from regulatory agencies, NGOs, and research
institutions. This multi-method approach aimed to understand the
cultural politics at work and the material constraints influencing the
different actors involved in the political conflict over agricultural
pesticides. The analysis focused on identifying patterns in how
individuals articulated the state's role, institutional practices, and how
these patterns reflected different ideas of justice, using conceptions of
justice from political philosophy.​
Jacobs, Fayola. (2019). Black
Feminism and Radical Planning: New
directions for Disaster Planning
Research
-​
Why does Jacobs argue against people of color being inherently “vulnerable”?
Jacobs critiques how mainstream disaster planning—and the use of social vulnerability
indices—tends to frame people of color as inherently vulnerable, rather than examining the
structural and historical processes that produce their vulnerability. She emphasizes:
-​
Pathologizing narratives: These narratives suggest that vulnerability is intrinsic to
certain racialized groups, which obscures the systemic causes of that vulnerability (e.g.,
racism, class inequality, environmental injustice).
-​
De-politicizing effects: By portraying vulnerability as a fixed condition, it detaches
disaster planning from addressing deeper political and structural roots like state
abandonment or racial capitalism.
-​
Reinforces marginalization: This framing can justify disempowerment and a lack of
meaningful inclusion in planning processes.
Instead, Jacobs insists that vulnerability must be understood as produced, not possessed—a
concept drawn from Black feminist theory, which centers historical, intersectional injustices.
-​
What new methods does she offer in the field of disaster planning?
Jacobs proposes a radical rethinking of vulnerability and planning practices, influenced by Black
feminist and radical planning theories:
-​
Centering Community Knowledge and Activism
-​
Emphasizes the importance of experiential knowledge from marginalized
communities.
-​
Argues for integrating community activism into disaster planning to ensure the
needs and wisdom of those most affected are respected and prioritized.
-​
Critique and Reworking of SV Indexes
-​
Challenges the Social Vulnerability Index (SVI) for being overly reliant on
quantitative variables without accounting for historical, political, and social
dimensions like racism and patriarchy.
-​
Urges planners to adopt more qualitative, participatory, and reflexive approaches
that don’t just measure but understand vulnerability through the lens of lived
experience.
-​
Radical Planning Approaches
-​
Calls for transformative planning that addresses structural injustices—not just
planning for recovery, but for liberation and justice.
-​
Advocates for planners to align themselves with movements for racial, economic,
and environmental justice.
Discussion Points:
1)​ Social Vulnerability (SV): SV and Planning: Role of Activism:
Social vulnerability: How a person or group can anticipate, cope with, resist, and recover
from natural disasters
a)​ Importance of community knowledge; centering community experience to
understand SV and its relationship with Disaster Planning.
-​ Community knowledge (more specifically the knowledge surrounding
oppression) should be prioritized in planning to overturn systematic
oppression
-​ Keeping the community involved is also emphasized in disaster recovery
2)​ Measurement Methods: Social Vulnerability
a)​ Quantified through social vulnerability index.
b)​ SV Index: Compilation of quantitative variables about individuals and
communities that is supposed to represent how vulnerable a community is (31).
c)​ Indices contain a mix of variables that try to capture individuals’ access to
resources such as their political power, their physical disabilities and the quality
of housing they live in (31).
d)​ Limitation: fail to interpret social vulnerability from the lenses of classism and
sexism.
○​ It fails to center community knowledge, it doesn't actually explicitly name
or address systematic oppression like classism and sexism as the
causes for minorities' social vulnerability, and doesn't commit to
grassroots change
○​ Limitation of SVI: Fails to interpret vulnerability through classism and
sexism
○​ Limitation of SVI: Doesn't center community knowledge...Term
"vulnerability" not community-derived
○​ Limitation of SVI: Doesn't explicitly name systematic oppression (racism,
classism, sexism) as root causes....
○​ Limitation of SVI: Does not explicitly commit to grassroots change or
activist
e)​ Black Feminist theory; Radical Planning theory.
○​ These ideas originate from Black feminism: lived experience is a way of
knowing + knowledge is created and validated through dialogue
○​ Radical planning: A planner analyzes the problem, helps the community
identify solutions, and helps implement the chosen solution
○​ Understands oppression as multidimensional (intersectionality
○​ Values lived experience as knowledge and knowledge creation through
dialogue
○​ Sees a dialectical relationship between oppression and activism
○​ Radical Planning Theory:
■​ Planner facilitates community in problem analysis and solution
implementation.
■​ Centers community knowledge of oppression in planning.
■​ Aims to critique and dismantle oppressive structures
f)​ Critiques existing index-based measures of vulnerability.
○​ SVI is criticized for a static view of vulnerability, oversimplifying complex
issues, and lacking community input in defining vulnerability16 .
○​ Black Feminist and Radical Planning offer more critical frameworks focusing
on power, oppression, community voices, and action
​
​
3) Lessons for Disaster Planning: Integrate community activism and planning
processes.
-​
-​
-​
-​
We need to look past the mainstream idea of vulnerability
We should directly grapple with the historic, political, and economic mechanisms that
cause social vulnerability
We should also look into other fields that relate to race and gender
And we need to center community knowledge
Rosenberg (2016). The whiteness of gay
urban belonging: criminalizing LGBTQ
youth of color in queer spaces of care
How is community policing used to defend and maintain an “exclusive gay urban
space” informed by “Whiteness”?
Community policing in Boystown, Chicago, has been used as a tool to uphold white gay urban
belonging by targeting and criminalizing queer and trans youth of color, particularly Black
youth. While Boystown is known as an LGBTQ-friendly neighborhood, its queer nonprofit
organizations and residents have participated in informal policing efforts that exclude and
marginalize young people of color. These policing strategies include heightened surveillance,
enforcing anti-loitering policies, hiring private security, and pressuring organizations that serve
LGBTQ youth of color to relocate​
Rosenberg argues that these practices reinforce a racialized boundary of belonging in
Boystown, where whiteness and homonormativity dictate who is considered an acceptable
member of the LGBTQ community. The Take Back Boystown movement, which called for
increased policing in response to Black and Brown youth gathering in the neighborhood, is a
clear example of how race and class intersect in the policing of queer spaces. By enforcing
these racial and class-based exclusions, white LGBTQ residents and organizations contribute
to the criminalization of youth of color, making Boystown a site of surveillance rather than true
inclusivity​
While the regulation of Black LGBTQ bodies is the primary focus of the article, can
these inequitable outcomes be extended to Latino LGBTQ youth as well?
Yes, the exclusionary practices and criminalization of Black LGBTQ youth in Boystown can also
be extended to Latino LGBTQ youth. Rosenberg notes that many of the young people
targeted by community policing efforts come from Chicago’s South and West Sides—areas with
large Black and Latinx populations. The racialized fear of "outsiders" in Boystown does not
solely apply to Black LGBTQ youth but also affects Latino youth who access the same nonprofit
services and public spaces​
Moreover, the systemic exclusion of non-white queer people in LGBTQ urban spaces is not
limited to Boystown. Across the U.S., white gay enclaves have historically marginalized Black
and Brown LGBTQ individuals, reinforcing hierarchies within queer communities. Latino LGBTQ
youth, like their Black counterparts, often face compounded discrimination based on race,
immigration status, language barriers, and socioeconomic status, making them equally
vulnerable to exclusionary policing and surveillance in spaces that claim to be inclusive​
Discussion Points:
1)​ Firsthand narrative: Queer youth of color are targeted and criminalized in queer
spaces of care (e.g., LGBTQ nonprofits), particularly through community policing.
a)​ Reinforces homonormativity, misogyny, transphobia, and racism in
Boystown.
b)​ White cisgender women are also upholding these harmful practices, not just
white cisgender men
2)​ Check Exhibit 6 in Class PowerPoint Lecture: West Hollywood population by Race and
Ethnicity.
Exhibit 6 West Hollywood by Race and Ethnicity
Goldsmith et al.(2022), Queer and
present danger: understanding the
disparate impacts of disasters on
LGBTQ+ communities. Disasters
How and why LGBTQ+ communities are affected during disasters.
1)​ Legally
●​ Bias in federal disaster response programs
●​ Lack of recognition of LGBTQ+ families, prevalence of faith-based organizations
●​ LGBTQ+ population is less likely to benefit from disaster relief services.
2)​ Psychologically
●​ Immediate trauma of a disaster (physical injury, loss of loved ones or possessions etc.)
compounded in multiple ways for LGBTQ+ individuals
●​ Poverty, Mental health, Incarceration
3)​ Physically
●​ Immediate trauma of a disaster (e.g., physical injury)
4)​ Theologically
●​ Prevalence of faith-based organizations affecting disaster response
Policy Recommendations: Disaster professionals should move from a framework of "disaster
preparedness to one of resilience" that includes LGBTQ+ population.
Guiding Questions for Week 7:
While the work of Hayden may seem dated, it is a seminal piece of research in the
field of architecture and urban planning. What elements of her work are still
relevant today? How does our built environment constrain or disempower
women?
Several elements of her research have enduring significance:
●​ Gendered Spaces: Hayden's exploration of the concept that residential
environments are historically designed with male-dominated spaces and
functions in mind persists. Many modern architectural designs still prioritize
"traditional" family structures, which can marginalize non-traditional households
and fail to address the needs of working women.
●​ Separation of Home and Work: The division between residential neighborhoods
and commercial or work-related spaces continues to affect women
disproportionately. The absence of integrated workspaces or accessible childcare
in close proximity to homes can create insurmountable logistical challenges for
women who balance domestic responsibilities with professional commitments.
●​ Economic Dimensions: Hayden highlighted the economic implications of
architectural choices that reinforce gender roles. Today, issues such as high
housing costs, the prevalence of single-parent households (often led by women),
and the persistence of wage disparities continue to bind women to specific
economic realities within the built environment.
●​ Community Resources: The lack of communal spaces and resources that
facilitate cooperation among residents hinders women's access to support
networks essential for childcare and shared domestic tasks. Modern urban
planning still struggles to provide mixed-use developments with communal
amenities, impacting working mothers' quality of life.
The built environment constraints or disempowers women in the following ways:
●​ Physical Isolation: Many contemporary housing developments are designed
without consideration for connectivity to communal spaces, workplaces, or public
transport. This physical isolation can limit women's social interactions and
opportunities, contributing to feelings of loneliness and dependency.
●​ Time Constraints: Traditional housing layouts require women to spend
significant time on domestic responsibilities without support from local services,
which can lead to burnout and restrict their ability to engage in wider social and
economic activities.
●​ Safety Concerns: Design features that overlook women's safety, such as poorly
lit public areas or isolated streets, can discourage women from moving freely
within their neighborhoods, further limiting their access to resources and
opportunities.
●​ Structural Barriers: Zoning laws and building codes often prioritize single-family
homes and vehicles over affordable multi-family units with access to public
transportation. This structure continues to reinforce gendered roles, making it
challenging for women to achieve independence.
●​ Addressing these ongoing challenges requires a concerted effort to redesign
spaces that prioritize inclusiveness and equality, recognizing the diverse roles
that women play within society. This can encompass embracing innovative
design approaches, integrating communal resources, and advocating for policies
that dismantle existing barriers within urban environments.
The two LGBTQ+ articles cover important trends that are displacing LGBTQ
communities from gentrification or disasters. From an intersectional point of
view, how are LGBTQ communities of color impacted? Are people of color in
general discussed in the articles? Are there other "socially vulnerable"
populations that should be discussed in disaster planning in general?
●​ From an intersectional point of view, LGBTQ+ communities of color face
compounded vulnerabilities and negative impacts when displaced by
gentrification or disasters.
How pre-existing marginalization based on race intersects with sexual orientation and
gender identity to intensify the harmful effects of disasters.
●​ Poverty rates are higher among LGBTQ+ people of color, making it less likely
they have resources to prepare for or recover from disasters, such as insurance
or savings. For example, Black transgender individuals experience significantly
higher rates of extreme poverty compared to cisgender Black individuals.
●​ Homelessness disproportionately affects LGBTQ+ youth of color. This lack
of stable housing increases their vulnerability during and after disasters.
●​ Mental health challenges, already prevalent in LGBTQ+ communities due to
minority stress, are exacerbated for LGBTQ+ people of color due to the
combined impact of racism and LGBTQ+-phobia.
●​ Disparities in chronic illness and access to healthcare also intersect with
race and LGBTQ+ identity, making it harder for LGBTQ+ people of color to
manage their health during disasters when access to medication and care is
disrupted.
●​ Higher rates of incarceration among LGBTQ+ individuals, particularly
transgender women of color, further compound their vulnerability in disasters,
as incarcerated populations often receive inadequate protection and care during
such events.
●​ Bias in federal disaster response programs, often rooted in
cis-heteronormativity, can further discriminate against LGBTQ+ individuals
and their families, and this can be compounded by racial bias. The lack of
recognition of chosen families, which are particularly important for LGBTQ+
individuals, can also disproportionately affect LGBTQ+ people of color who may
face rejection from their biological families.
●​ Distrust of faith-based organizations providing disaster relief can be
heightened for LGBTQ+ people of color due to the historical and ongoing
racism within some religious institutions, alongside their anti-LGBTQ+ stances.
The article "Rosenberg _ The whiteness of gay urban belonging criminalizing LGBTQ
youth of color in queer spaces of care.pdf" focuses on gentrification and the
displacement of LGBTQ+ youth of color from urban gay spaces like Boystown in
Chicago.
●​ It argues that these "queer spaces of care" have adopted policing strategies that
criminalize young, Black masculinities and trans femininities, reinforcing a
"whiteness of gay urban belonging".
●​ Racism diminishes the ability of these nonprofits to support LGBTQ+ youth
of color, turning these spaces into sites of surveillance rather than refuge.
●​ The author notes that tensions have flared between white neighborhood
residents and LGBTQ+ youth of color, often homeless, who come to these
areas for services. Movements like "Take Back Boystown" have called for
increased policing, disproportionately targeting these youth.
●​ This dynamic illustrates how gentrification and the desire to maintain a
certain (white, normative) image of urban gay spaces lead to the exclusion
and criminalization of LGBTQ+ people of color.
People of color are explicitly and extensively discussed in both articles.
●​ "Goldsmith et al_2022.pdf" frequently highlights the intersecting vulnerabilities of
LGBTQ+ people of color across various indicators like poverty, homelessness,
health disparities, and incarceration. It emphasizes that these pre-existing
inequalities are exacerbated during disasters.
●​ "Rosenberg _ The whiteness of gay urban belonging criminalizing LGBTQ youth
of color in queer spaces of care.pdf" centers its analysis on the experiences of
Black and Latinx/a/o LGBTQ+ youth who are marginalized and criminalized
within urban gay spaces that are predominantly white.
Regarding other "socially vulnerable" populations that should be discussed in disaster
planning, "Goldsmith et al_2022.pdf" identifies several groups whose existing
inequalities and marginalization are compounded during disasters:
●​ People experiencing homelessness.
●​ Individuals with chronic illnesses and disabilities.
●​ Incarcerated populations.
●​ Elderly LGBTQ+ individuals who face higher risks of social isolation and
poverty.
●​ Undocumented immigrants.
●​ Youth in foster care.
●​ Individuals in addiction recovery facilities.
●​ Those in group homes and institutions.
The article emphasizes that disaster planning must adopt an intersectional lens to
account for the multiple and overlapping forms of marginalization that heighten
vulnerability. This includes recognizing the unique needs and experiences of LGBTQ+
individuals who also belong to these other socially vulnerable groups.
How is local knowledge incorporated into the Oakland climate action plan
(Mendez, 2020)? Why were environmental justice activists successful in getting
their policy agenda approved at the city level but had so much difficulty in getting
state policymakers to agree with them in Sacramento, CA (as discussed in the
previous chapter 3)?
How Local Knowledge is Incorporated into the Oakland Climate Action Plan (Mendez,
2020)
The Oakland climate action plan significantly incorporated local, embodied knowledge through
several key strategies:
●​ Grassroots Mobilization and the Oakland Climate Action Coalition (OCAC): The
process began with a grassroots convening organized by the Ella Baker Center, bringing
together over 50 people from 30 community-based organizations to envision a "people's
energy and climate action plan". This direct input from community members laid the
foundation for the OCAC.
●​ Community-Based Approach: Unlike the state's reliance on expert task forces,
Oakland adopted a community-based approach championed by the OCAC. This
prioritized the inclusion of local perspectives over a solely expert-driven model.
●​ Parallel Community Advisory Process: The OCAC facilitated and funded its own
parallel community advisory process, conducting workshops in East and West
Oakland to actively engage residents most affected by climate change and often
underrepresented in decision-making.
●​ Integration of Embodied Experience: The OCAC brought embodied knowledge and
community concerns into the core of climate change policy. They analyzed climate
change impacts through residents' lived experiences and connections to their
communities, moving beyond sole reliance on expert metrics. This helped transform the
city's civic epistemology by validating community knowledge alongside scientific
expertise.
●​ Focus on Local Benefits and Human Scale: The plan prioritized measures with direct
health benefits and focused adaptation strategies on socially vulnerable
communities. This emphasis on the human scale and local impacts directly reflected
the community's embodied understanding of environmental injustice.
●​ Participatory Research: The OCAC engaged in community-based participatory
research to assess neighborhood-level climate impacts and safeguard vulnerable
populations. This process integrated residents' values and opinions into the research
and planning.
The success of this approach is evident in the Oakland City Council's recognition that the plan
uniquely "lifts the voices of low-income communities and communities of color".
Contrasting Success in Oakland and Sacramento
Environmental justice activists found greater success in Oakland compared to Sacramento due
to several factors that created a more favorable environment for their policy agenda at the city
level:
●​ Scale and Accessibility: The smaller scale of Oakland's municipal government
allowed for closer relationships and more direct interaction between community
members and policymakers. In contrast, the larger scale and complex structure of
California's state agencies in Sacramento often limited opportunities for meaningful
engagement and influence.
●​ Policymaking Processes: Oakland embraced a community-driven approach where
the OCAC played a central role in shaping the climate action plan. Sacramento,
particularly in the implementation of AB 32, initially followed an "expert-driven" process
that prioritized scientific and economic considerations and often marginalized
community-based knowledge.
●​ Valuation of Knowledge: Oakland's process fostered a new civic epistemology that
valued embodied knowledge alongside scientific expertise. In Sacramento, established
systems of knowledge at the California Air Resources Board (CARB) privileged
scientific and technical data, often dismissing community experiences as anecdotal.
●​ Power Dynamics and Resources: Environmental justice groups at the state level faced
disparities in resources and credibility compared to larger environmental
organizations and industry lobbyists. They often lacked the financial and technical
capacity to produce the scientific data expected by state regulatory agencies.
●​ State's Approach to Public Consultation: The state's neocommunitarian approach
to public consultation around AB 32 was perceived by environmental justice groups as
marginalizing their concerns and serving to legitimize pre-determined policy directions
rather than genuinely incorporating community input. Oakland's approach involved more
genuine collaboration and embedded participation.
●​ Political Will and Priorities: In the early implementation of AB 32, Governor
Schwarzenegger's administration prioritized market-based mechanisms like
cap-and-trade and aligned with industry interests. This contrasted with the local political
will in Oakland that allowed the community coalition to significantly shape the city's
climate policy.
●​ Adherence to Carbon Reductionism: At the state level, there was a strong adherence
to carbon reductionism, framing climate change as a global issue with no direct local
health consequences. This framing overlooked the concerns of environmental justice
communities focused on the local and embodied impacts of pollution and climate
change. Oakland's approach, however, adopted a more inclusive definition of climate
change that considered urban environments, public health, and equity.
In essence, the more localized and collaborative nature of city government in Oakland,
combined with the strategic organizing of environmental justice groups, created a more
receptive environment for integrating local knowledge and achieving policy goals compared to
the more complex, expert-driven, and politically contested landscape of state policymaking in
Sacramento.
Guiding Questions for Week 8
What does Environmental Policy look like through the Lens of Gender?
●​ Gendered Vulnerability: Environmental justice studies increasingly recognize
that gender is a critical characteristic influencing people's vulnerability to
environmental injustices. This vulnerability is not solely due to biological
differences but also stems from socially prescribed gender roles and power
dynamics. For instance, Native American women in the 1970s protested the
health consequences of uranium mining on their lands, including miscarriages
and reproductive cancers, while simultaneously being targeted by sterilization
programs, illustrating a specific gendered environmental injustice linked to
reproduction.
●​ Gender and Embodiment: The concept of climate embodiment discussed in
"Climate Change from the Streets" can be understood through a gendered lens.
Environmental justice groups, including women, often center their work on how
their bodies experience the daily connections between climate change,
pollution, and health. Mari Rose Taruc, an environmental justice activist,
connects her activism to being a mother of children with asthma, highlighting how
gendered roles and concerns about family health can drive engagement with
environmental policy. This perspective acknowledges how environmental
changes act on and through human bodies in complex, gendered ways,
affecting respiratory and infectious disease patterns, and increasing risks from
extreme weather events.
●​ Gender and Activism: Women have historically played and continue to play
vital roles in environmental justice movements, often drawing on their unique
experiences and gendered identities for empowerment. While participating in
conventional environmental campaigns, women have also employed less
conventional methods rooted in their gendered perspectives. Groups like
Women of All Red Nations (WARN) were established by Native American women
to address the specific impacts of colonization on their culture, health, and lands.
The Oakland Climate Action Coalition (OCAC) exemplifies contemporary
activism by building intersectional campaigns linking women's reproductive
justice with climate change, examining how toxic chemicals and greenhouse
gases harm both reproductive health and the environment.
●​ Historical Context: Examining American history reveals the longstanding
impact of women's sexuality and gender roles on environmental justice
issues. The experiences of Native American women facing disruptions to their
sustainable land practices and the subsequent exercise of cultural
self-determination through reproductive choices illustrate this historical
intersection. Similarly, in early urban environments, women were recognized as
uniquely vulnerable to environmental dangers at home and in the
workplace but also as potential agents of change.
●​ Intersectionality: The sources implicitly and explicitly point to the importance of
intersectionality when considering gender and environmental policy. As a social
category, gender overlaps with other aspects of identity like race, class, and
Indigeneity, heightening the effects of discrimination, exclusion, social
inequality, and systemic injustice related to environmental issues.
Environmental regulations need to account for how various forms of injustice
deepen environmental problems and disproportionately affect marginalized
groups, including women within those groups.
●​ In summary, viewing environmental policy through a gender lens reveals that
gender shapes vulnerability to environmental harm, influences embodied
experiences of pollution and climate change, drives activism and
resistance, and has a significant historical context within environmental
justice struggles. An intersectional approach further emphasizes how gender
interacts with other social categories to create unique patterns of environmental
injustice. Recognizing these gendered dimensions is crucial for developing more
equitable and effective environmental policies.
What are the ways in which nature/environment creates challenges and
opportunities for women?
Challenges:
●​ Increased Vulnerability to Environmental Harm: Women, particularly those in
marginalized communities, often experience heightened vulnerability to the
harmful effects of environmental degradation and climate change. This is
due to a combination of social, economic, and historical factors that intersect with
gender. For example, Native American women in the 1970s faced increased
miscarriages and cancers linked to uranium mining on their lands.
●​ Gendered Impacts of Pollution and Climate Change: Women's bodies can be
disproportionately affected by pollution and the impacts of a changing climate.
The Oakland Climate Action Coalition (OCAC) specifically questioned how toxic
chemicals and greenhouse gases harm reproductive health, illustrating a
gendered environmental health concern.
●​ Historical Disregard in Environmental Policy: Historically, the perspectives
and concerns of women have often been overlooked or marginalized in
traditional environmental movements and policymaking. The celebrated
figures of early conservation often gave little attention to issues of urban
environmental quality that disproportionately affected women and their families.
●​ Targeting of Women's Bodies for Environmental Control: In some instances,
women's reproductive capacities have been targeted in ways that
constitute environmental injustice, such as the government-funded mass
sterilization program aimed at Native American women.
●​ Exacerbation of Existing Inequalities: Environmental challenges can worsen
pre-existing gender inequalities. For example, lack of access to resources and
decision-making power can limit women's ability to cope with and recover
from environmental disasters.
Opportunities:
●​ Driving Force in Environmental Justice Movements: Women have been and
continue to be central to the environmental justice movement, bringing
unique perspectives and experiences to the forefront. Their lived experiences of
environmental harm often serve as a powerful motivator for activism.
●​ Embodied Knowledge and Expertise: Women contribute valuable embodied
knowledge derived from their daily interactions with their environment, offering
insights that complement scientific expertise and can lead to more holistic and
effective environmental solutions. Mari Rose Taruc's activism, rooted in her
experience as a mother of children with asthma, exemplifies this.
●​ Cultural Self-Determination and Resistance: Throughout history, women have
used their gendered roles and sexuality as a means of cultural
self-determination and resistance against environmental injustices. Native
American women's reproductive choices in response to colonization exemplify
this. Enslaved women also asserted control over reproduction and used their
environmental knowledge to resist slavery.
●​ Innovation in Sustainable Practices: Women have historically played a crucial
role in developing and maintaining sustainable practices. The emphasis on
controlled population density by Native American women to ensure a "rich" and
sustainable lifestyle demonstrates this historical contribution. The lesbian
back-to-the-land movement sought to create alternative, sustainable
environments, rejecting traditional patriarchal structures.
●​ Building Intersectional Coalitions: Women activists are often at the forefront of
building intersectional coalitions that link environmental concerns with other
social justice issues, such as reproductive rights, racial justice, and economic
equality. The OCAC's work linking women's reproductive justice and climate
change illustrates this opportunity for broader impact.
●​ Challenging Dominant Paradigms: Women's activism and perspectives can
challenge dominant environmental protection paradigms that overlook social
and equity dimensions. By highlighting the embodied experiences of
environmental injustice, women push for a more human-centered approach to
environmental policy.
Is the concept of “nature” a gendered term? Does it have implications for
women?
Yes, the concept of "nature" can be considered a gendered term with significant
implications for women, as evidenced by the sources and our conversation history.
●​ Historical Gender Bias in Perceptions of Human-Nature Interaction:
Historically, there has been a gendered division in how humans interact with
and are perceived to impact nature. The stereotype that in pre-Columbian
societies, men were the primary providers and those who significantly altered the
land reflects a gender bias that overlooks women's substantial roles in
gathering, farming, and maintaining ecological balance. This bias often
undervalues or ignores women's environmental knowledge and
contributions.​
●​ Gendered Associations and Language: Language used to describe women
and nature often reveals gendered associations. Rachel Carson, a female
scientist writing about the environment, faced gendered critiques of her work.
Her writing was labeled "hysterically overemphatic", a term rooted in the Greek
word for "womb," reinforcing the stereotype of women as emotional and
irrational. Furthermore, her unmarried status led to questions about her
understanding of genetics and nature, with her being called a "spinster with no
children" and a "nun of nature". These labels attempted to undermine her
authority and desexualize her, suggesting that her lack of traditional feminine
roles disqualified her from speaking about nature.​
●​ Women's Bodies as Sites of Environmental Concern (and Control): The
sources illustrate how women's bodies, particularly their reproductive
capacities, have been specifically targeted and impacted in environmental
contexts. Native American women faced sterilization programs alongside the
environmental health consequences of uranium mining. Early urban reformers
sometimes focused on working women primarily in their roles as "future
mothers of the race". These examples highlight how societal views on
women's roles and sexuality intersect with environmental issues,
sometimes leading to injustices specifically targeting women's bodies.​
●​ Embodied Knowledge and Gendered Experiences of Environmental Harm:
Our discussion of "climate embodiment" highlights how individuals experience
environmental changes through their bodies. Women, due to their social roles
and potential biological differences, may experience pollution and climate
change differently than men. The Oakland Climate Action Coalition's focus on
the links between toxic chemicals and "women's reproductive justice"
underscores that the impact of environmental degradation is not gender-neutral.
Women's lived experiences provide a unique and crucial perspective on
environmental harm.​
●​ Gender as a Basis for Environmental Activism and Alternative Visions:
Women have also drawn upon their gendered experiences and perspectives
to drive environmental activism and envision alternative relationships with
nature. The lesbian back-to-the-land movement aimed to live "lightly on Mother
Earth" as part of rejecting patriarchal and heterosexist societal structures.
Women of All Red Nations (WARN) linked the health and sovereignty of Native
women and families to the protection of their lands and resources. These
movements demonstrate how gender can inform and shape environmental
values and practices.
What was Rachel Carson’s secret? How do you think it impacted her throughout
her life?
●​ Rachel Carson's primary secret appears to have been her intimate and loving
relationship with Dorothy Freeman.
○​ The source also highlights that she kept her battle with cancer largely private.
Impact of her relationship with Dorothy Freeman:
●​ Emotional Support and Inspiration: The correspondence between Carson and
Freeman reveals a deeply passionate and supportive connection. Freeman's love
and encouragement likely provided Carson with significant emotional sustenance
throughout her life and especially during challenging times, including the writing of
"Silent Spring" and her illness. Carson herself wrote to Freeman, "Why do I keep your
letters? Why? Because I love you!". Freeman's declaration, "My love is boundless as the
Sea," further emphasizes the depth of their bond.
●​ Navigating Societal Norms and Protecting Privacy: In the social climate of the 1950s
and early 1960s, a same-sex relationship was not widely accepted, and
discrimination against homosexual individuals was prevalent. Carson and Freeman took
great care to protect their privacy, using code words like "Strong box" for letters they
wished to destroy. This need for secrecy likely placed a burden of caution and
discretion on their interactions and communications. The fear of their relationship being
revealed and potentially misconstrued, especially in the context of Carson's public work,
must have been a constant consideration.
●​ Potential Influence on her Understanding of Connection: While the source doesn't
explicitly link her relationship with Freeman to her scientific work, it highlights Carson's
deep understanding of interconnectedness in nature. It is plausible that the profound
emotional connection and interdependence she shared with Freeman may have
resonated with and perhaps even deepened her appreciation for the intricate web
of life she observed in the natural world. Our earlier conversation discussed how
women's unique experiences can inform their understanding of the environment.
Impact of her secret battle with cancer:
●​ Maintaining Professional Credibility: Carson deliberately kept her cancer diagnosis
private because she feared that the chemical companies attacking her work would
dismiss her findings as being motivated by her illness rather than sound science.
This decision highlights her commitment to the integrity of her research and her
understanding of the potential for her personal health to be used against her public
message.
●​ Pressure and Physical Strain: Concealing her illness while undertaking the demanding
research and writing of "Silent Spring," and simultaneously facing intense public and
industry scrutiny, placed an immense physical and emotional strain on Carson. She
endured surgeries, radiation treatments, and various other ailments while maintaining a
public image of composure. She even instructed Freeman to downplay any reports of
her ill health.
●​ Fear of Not Completing her Work: Knowing she had a limited time, Carson was
terrified of dying before she could finish "Silent Spring". This urgency likely fueled
her determination to complete the book despite her deteriorating health. Freeman even
worried that the work itself was exacerbating Carson's illness.
●​ Stoicism and Resolve: Carson's decision to keep her illness secret demonstrates
remarkable stoicism and resolve. She chose to face her opponents head-on, wanting
them to attack her work rigorously, potentially making them look worse in the process.
Despite her physical decline, evidenced by her reliance on a wheelchair and the need for
a wig during public appearances, she remained committed to her cause.
In conclusion, both her loving relationship with Dorothy Freeman and her private struggle
with cancer significantly impacted Rachel Carson's life.
Reading Questions Week 9
What are the major differences in approaches to protecting the environment
between organic food consumers and EJ activists?​
Harrison, Jill. (2014). “Neoliberal Environmental Justice: Mainstream Ideas of Justice in​
Political Conflict over Agricultural Pesticides in the United States.” Environmental Politics.
●​ Based on the provided source, there are major differences in the approaches to
protecting the environment between organic food consumers (as part of
mainstream agri-environmental activism) and EJ activists, particularly concerning
the issue of agricultural pesticides in the United States.
Mainstream Agri-environmental Activists (including organic food consumers):
●​ Their primary approach to addressing agricultural pesticide problems involves
building alternatives to conventional farming and food systems. This
includes developing less-toxic farming practices, promoting voluntary education,
creating alternative marketing systems for sustainably grown food, and
increasing consumer information to facilitate choice.
●​ Organic farming is a central strategy, relying on consumer demand and price
premiums to encourage farmers to reduce pesticide use.
●​ They often promote local-food marketing arrangements, arguing that buying
locally can eliminate pesticide-induced illness for farmers and consumers. This
approach is linked to a communitarian notion of justice, where personal
connections between producers and consumers are seen as fostering care and
accountability, potentially reducing the need for regulation.
●​ Their discourse and practices reflect libertarian ideas of justice, treating the
avoidance of pesticide exposure as a personal choice through market
transactions, rather than a right to be ensured by the state. They tend to eschew
regulatory reform, frustrated with the state's ineffectiveness.
●​ They generally take a colour-blind approach and do not focus on inequalities of
race or class.
Environmental Justice (EJ) Activists:
●​ Their primary goal is to achieve regulatory restrictions on the most toxic and
unruly pesticides. They employ strategies such as press conferences, public
rallies, testimony at regulatory hearings, research reports, lawsuits, and
grassroots organizing.
●​ They prioritize protecting those who bear a disproportionate burden of
pollution, which are often low-income communities and communities of colour.
They view pesticide pollution as a "classic" EJ problem rooted in social
inequalities.
●​ They advocate for solutions that foreground distributive justice, insisting that
the state has a responsibility to protect all residents from pesticide exposure, not
just those who can afford organic produce. They are often ambivalent about
relying solely on alternative markets.
●​ Their vision of justice is pluralistic, encompassing distribution, recognition,
participation, and capabilities. They explicitly criticize the social inequalities
and relations of oppression that lead to environmental inequalities.
●​ They actively work to combat group-based oppression in the regulatory
process, such as holding meetings at accessible times with translation, and
valuing non-scientific knowledge.
●​ They demand participatory parity in environmental decision-making, scientific
research, and regulatory agenda setting.
●​ They focus on bolstering basic capabilities in affected communities to mitigate
the consequences of pesticide exposure.
●​ EJ activists explicitly name justice as their central concern, framing the issue
as a normative one deserving public debate, in contrast to mainstream actors
who often frame their actions in terms of scientific efficacy or necessity.
Overall:
●​ Organic food consumers and mainstream agri-environmental activists
largely rely on:
○​ market-based mechanisms
○​ individual choices within a framework influenced by libertarian
○​ communitarian ideas of justice
●​ EJ activists, on the other hand, focus on systemic change through
○​ regulatory reform
○​ driven by a pluralistic understanding of justice that emphasizes equity
○​ recognition of oppression
○​ participatory processes for marginalized communities.
How do scientific tools and metrics help define environmental injustice and direct
climate change investments to disadvantaged communities?
Mendez, Michael (2020). Chapter 5: “Cap-and-Trade-offs.” In Climate Change from the​
Streets. Yale University Press.
●​ Environmental Justice Screening Methodology (CalEnviroScreen), played a
significant role in defining environmental injustice and directing climate change
investments to disadvantaged communities.
Here's how these tools and metrics helped:
●​ Identification of Disadvantaged Communities: The California Environmental
Justice Alliance partnered with academic researchers to develop the
Environmental Justice Screening Methodology to systematically and spatially
identify communities most burdened by multiple sources of pollution and
vulnerable to its effects. This tool utilized a relative scoring system based on
23 indicators identified through scientific research and community-based input,
organized into three categories: hazard proximity and land use, air pollution
exposure and estimated health risk, and social and health vulnerability.
●​ Quantifying Cumulative Impacts: CalEnviroScreen employed geographic
information system (GIS) mapping techniques and land-use data to assess
the number and volume of environmental, health, and socioeconomic indicators
present in a particular census tract and their proximity to sensitive land uses.
This allowed for the calculation of a cumulative impacts score and the creation
of color-coded maps to visually depict the intensity of cumulative environmental
burden at the neighborhood level. This provided a more comprehensive
understanding of environmental injustice than assessments focusing on
individual chemicals or sources.
●​ Providing Scientific Credibility: The data generated by CalEnviroScreen
confirmed with greater scientific credibility what environmental justice activists
had long argued: that low-income neighborhoods and communities of color
across California are subject to high poverty rates, surrounded by hazardous
land uses, and exposed daily to emissions from toxic industries. This scientific
backing strengthened their advocacy efforts.
●​ Influencing Policy and Investment: Environmental justice advocates
strategically used the screening methodology as a scientific and political
means of communicating the environmental health conditions in their
communities to both local people and regulators. The maps generated by the tool
served as direct and detailed evidence for decision-makers, potentially
benefiting even communities without active environmental justice movements.
●​ Foundation for SB 535: The development and field-testing of the Environmental
Justice Screening Methodology provided the practical authority and scientific
basis for advocating for legislation like Senate Bill (SB) 535, which mandated
that a significant portion of revenues generated under AB 32's cap-and-trade
program be deposited in a Climate Change Community Benefits Fund for
investment in disadvantaged communities. SB 535 also required the board to
adopt a scientific methodology to identify the state’s poorest and most
polluted communities.
●​ Defining "Disadvantaged Communities": Although the final language of SB
535 provided broad criteria for identifying disadvantaged communities, the work
on CalEnviroScreen informed the understanding of which areas were
disproportionately affected by pollution, hazards, and socioeconomic
vulnerabilities.
●​ Targeting Investments: The data and maps produced by such tools helped the
state better understand where to target limited resources and programs to
address environmental injustices. The survey of environmental justice
organizations conducted by the SB 535 Coalition to inform the board's
investment plan also likely considered the findings of cumulative impact
assessments to prioritize programs that would provide the greatest health and
economic benefits in identified disadvantaged communities.
●​ Increased Transparency and Accountability: By providing a scientific
inscription of environmental justice within California’s climate change
governance, the cumulative impacts tool enhanced environmental justice groups’
practical authority and provided them with data to use for public reasoning and
decisions around environmental issues.
In essence, scientific tools and metrics like CalEnviroScreen provided the evidence
base necessary to:
●​ define and visualize environmental injustice
○​ crucial in advocating for and shaping policies like SB 535 that directed
climate change investments towards the communities most burdened by
pollution and vulnerability
In what ways are environmental health impacts defined from the port activity and
how do communities respond?
Smith Korfmacher, Katrina (2019). Chapter 6: “The Impact Project: Trade, Health, and​
Environment around Southern California’s Ports.” In Bridging Silos: Collaborating for​
Environmental Health and Justice in Urban Communities.
According to the sources, environmental health impacts from port activity are defined by several
factors. These include:
●​ Air pollution: This is a primary concern, resulting from diesel exhaust emitted by trucks,
trains, ships, and heavy equipment used in port operations. Even though emissions are
regulated by various laws, their cumulative environmental impacts can cause
significant health problems for nearby residents. Research shows negative health effects
from even low levels of air pollution, particularly for vulnerable populations.
●​ Noise pollution: Increased traffic around ports and the frequency of train horns are
sources of noise that can negatively affect the health of adjacent communities.
●​ Light pollution: Stadium lighting used at port facilities for 24-hour operations can spill
over into neighborhoods, potentially disrupting sleep, hormones, and immune function.
●​ Traffic: The movement of goods leads to increased vehicular traffic, which can impact
residential streets and contribute to air and noise pollution.
●​ Water pollution: Diesel fuel emissions and the discharge of sewage from container
ships can pollute coastal waters.
●​ Safety hazards: Workers in port operations, driving machinery, working in warehouses,
or unloading containers face health risks from air quality, heat, and other safety hazards.
●​ Cumulative impacts: Research increasingly shows that the combination of multiple
environmental exposures, such as air pollution and stress, can multiply negative health
effects.
Key aspects of community responses, as exemplified by THE Impact Project, include:
●​ Organizing and Advocacy: Community groups organize to raise awareness about the
health consequences of port activities and advocate for policy changes. Environmental
justice advocates emphasize the essential role of local community engagement in
developing effective solutions.
●​ Community-Based Science: Collaborations like THE Impact Project support
community-based research, empowering residents to collect data and understand the
environmental conditions in their neighborhoods. This "street science" draws upon the
lived experiences of community members [our conversation history].
●​ Capacity Building: Initiatives work to build capacity within communities to
knowledgeably participate in decision-making processes by providing education,
resources, and training.
●​ Public Communication: Efforts are made to increase public awareness through media
engagement, storytelling, videos, and accessible information about the health impacts of
port activities. This helps to reframe goods movement as a regional environmental health
and justice issue.
●​ Engagement in Decision-Making Processes: Communities participate in
environmental review processes by commenting on Environmental Impact Reports
(EIRs) and Environmental Impact Statements (EISs) for port expansion and
infrastructure projects. They also testify at hearings and serve on committees and task
forces.
●​ Seeking Policy Change: Community efforts aim to influence local planning and policy
processes, such as Clean Air Action Plans, truck-routing agreements, and land use
plans, to better protect environmental health.
●​ Forming Coalitions and Networks: Connecting with other community groups,
academic researchers, and sometimes government officials helps to amplify their voices
and leverage resources. The Moving Forward Network arose from THE Impact Project's
conferences to collaborate on federal policy changes.