Pulickal Family
History & Genealogy
Based on the writings of Late P.T. Tharian of Puthenangady, Kottayam.
Translated to English by Joseph Kuruvilla Pulickal of Kothmangalam.
Edited by his son, Nirmal Joseph Pulickal. 2018.
1
Introduction & Source Material
The Pulickal family is a predominantly Syrian Christian clan spread largely around
Central Kerala. Towns of Pala, Kottayam, Kothamangalam have seen a higher
concentration, although you can find Pulickal kin in almost any town in Kerala.
Although this book deals largely with the Christian off-shoot, there are also Hindu
and even Muslim Pulickals in Kerala. We can assume therefore that it is an ancient
name, that pre-dates all the Abrahamic religions brought into Kerala by the first
traders.
Dating back over centuries, the Pulickal Family plays an important role in Kottayam
and the Christian revolution in the Puthenangady area.
There is no written history of Pulickal family that exists. This is based on several
accounts in the oral tradition passed down the generations. It traces the origins of the
family in 12th century Ramanattukara to modern day Kothamangalam.
One such account is based on the writings of Late P.T. Tharian (Father of P.T.
Paulose) who had seen a thaliola1 back in the fifties, which describes some traces of
the history of the Pulickal family. Though the thaliola was misplaced, he passed on
his research to his son P.T. Paulose. Paulose visited some of the oldest relatives in the
clan and carefully recorded all his research. This book is based on his findings. Circa
1998.
Other Sources
1. Malabar, by William Logan 1887
2. The Syrian Christians of Malabar by Rev Edavalikel Philipos, 1869
3. Keralolpati, the origin of Malabar (published Plfleiderer & Riehm 1868)
4. The Periplus of the Erythraean Sea: travel and trade in the Indian Ocean.
By Schoff, Wilfred Harvey, 1874-1932
5. Islamic Reform and Modernity in Kerala by T. Muhammedali, 1957
1 Palm-leaf manuscript of family records
2
Chapter One: Ramanattukara (Pre-1245 AD)
The earliest known origin of the Pulickal family can be traced to a town called
Ramanattukara, part of a bygone nadu2 called Ramavalanadu. Thiruvannur stone
carvings of AD 1044 make references to Ramanattukara. It is part of present-day
Kozhikode.
The family name Pulickal can be ascribed to a Brahmin clan from Ramanuttukara. In
fact, the family was so well entrenched there that there was village called Pulickal
Gramam where many Pulickal families were settled. There are references to this in
the annals of Chokkur in AD 898 during the reign of Kotharuvi Perumal.
In AD 962, Ramanattukara was ruled by the Cheras (the Kulasekaras) from
Mahodayapuram (now Kodungallur) on the banks of River Periyar.
This was a period in Kerala’s history known as the early medieval period. The
Kulasekaras who ruled over Ramanuttakara established what is referred to as the
Second Chera Kingdom ( c. 800–1102). Ruled by Kulasekara Varman, at its zenith it
covered a territory comprising the whole of modern Kerala and a smaller part of
modern Tamil Nadu.
During Kulasekara rule, Kerala witnessed a flourishing period of art, literature, trade
and the Bhakti movement of Hinduism3. A Keralite identity, distinct from the Tamils,
became linguistically separate during this period. For the local administration, the
empire was divided into provinces under the rule of Nair Chieftains known as
Naduvazhis, with each province comprising a number of Desams under the control
of chieftains called Desavazhis.
The inhibitions, caused by a series of Chera-Chola wars in the 11th century, resulted
in the decline of foreign trade in Kerala ports. Buddhism and Jainism disappeared
from the land. The social system became fractured with internal divisions on the
lines of caste. The prolonged series of wars with the Cholas had led to a significant
weakening of the Chera ruler's control over various parts of Kerala. Some of the
2 A nadu was a sort of fiefdom. In medieval Kerala, during the period of the Cheras of Mahodayapuram,
the main nadus under the kingdom were Kolathunadu, Puraikizhanadu, Kurumporainadu, Ramavalanadu,
Eralanadu, Valluvanadu, Kalkarainadu, Nanruzhanadu, Venpolinadu, Kizhimalainadu, and Venad.
3 The Bhakti movement refers to the spiritual devotional trend that emerged in old-fashioned Hinduism. It
started in the eighth-century south India (now parts of Tamil Nadu and Kerala), and spread northwards. It
swept over east and north India from the 15th century onward, reaching its peak between the 15th and
17th century.
3
Naduvazhis tried to take advantage and assert their independence.
The movement of the capital of the later Cheras further south to Kollam meant that
the northern houses asserted their independence. Northern kingdoms such as
Polanad (Kozhikode area), Kolathunad (North Malabar region) formed semiindependent kingdoms from their existing royal houses.
The power balance in Kerala changed as Eralnadu rulers developed the port at
Kozhikode, allied with Middle-Eastern merchants. The Samoothiri (known in
English as the Zamorin Of Calicut) became one of the most powerful chiefs in Kerala.
In some his conquests — such as that of Valluvanadu - the ruler received assistance
from the Middle-Eastern sailors. Smaller states south of Kozhikode - Chalium,
Parappanadu and Tanore — soon had to submit and became their feudatories one by
one. The rulers of Payyormala, Kurumbranadu and other Nair chiefs on the suburbs
of Kozhikode also acknowledged the supremacy of Kozhikode.
Ramanattukara thus came under the influence of the Zamorin.
The early Pulickals of Ramanuttakara were landowners and priests. Over the years,
the family mushroomed and spread far and wide in the area. One among these
principal houses was devastated by the sudden demise of its patriarch, leaving
behind his wife and three sons. Never a pleasant occurence at any time, in the 12th
century, there could be no greater misfortune.
Brahmin women of Kerala did not have the freedom to step out of the house until
their marriage. Their only chance to breathe fresh air was the visit to the bathing
pond. But the ponds were very near to the kitchen to ensure that woman did not stay
far away from the confining walls of the illam (house). Once married, her freedom
was further curtailed. Her place was the kitchen or within the confines of the illam.
Her every move was curtailed by quoting Puranic slokas. For instance, a woman
should not dress up or wear ornaments for fear of infertility. Separate codes existed
for eating or sleeping. A wife should eat after husband eats, she should sleep only
after he sleeps and wake up before he gets up and such was the ideal propagated.
Sita, Savithri and Sheelavati were the perpetual images for women. She was carefully
segregated from the male world, even from her father and brothers, and if any one
dared to think or act differently, she became an outcast.
The darkest shadow in the Brahminical female world was to end up a widow.
It was believed that one became a widow because of her sins of the previous birth and
4
that her sins had caused her husband’s death.4
The widow’s miseries started with the ritual taking away of the thali (mangalsutra).
Then she was made to prostrate before the dead body of her husband placing the feet
of the corpse on her forehead as if apologising for her crime (of causing his death).
After the cremation she would bathe, but would not dry herself or change the wet
clothes. For the next ten days she would be incarcerated in a dark room, wearing the
same clothes and eating (uncooked food) only once a day. She would bathe thrice a
day and lie on the bare floor in wet clothes.
Widows were subjected to many inhuman restrictions. They were strictly prohibited
from wearing regular attire, ornaments or use sandals. They were allowed to use only
dung ash. Widows had to perform sacrificial offerings turning their face towards the
South and not to the East like their more fortunate sisters whose husbands were
alive.
We don’t know if the Pulickal widow went through all these indignities although
given the customs of the time it is possible. All the records say is that she (and her
sons) endured many humiliations and financial hardships. Consequently, the
Pulickal widow decided to take matters into her own hands.
She rejected the community that rejected her and decided to take the extreme step to
convert to Christianity. Part of the reason Christianity and Islam spread in Kerala
was owing to the extremely oppressive attitudes of Hindu Nambudiris and Nairs of
the time. The Brahmins disenchanted with the system found refuge in the Church,
which was politically very active and preserved Brahminical codes choosing only
those from the highest castes. Christianity was a religion of elite Hindus, Jews and
Syrian merchants. Islam, on the other hand, reached out to the trader and artisan
community and found easy acceptance there. (Discussed in detail in Chapter 2.)
According to Syrian Christian tradition, St. Thomas came to Kerala in 52 AD. The
indigenous narrative tells the story of St. Thomas landing on the small island of
Malankara or on the coastal side of Malabar, living there for many years, sailing to
Mylapore before going to China, returning to Malabar and settling at Kodungallur.
At Kodungallur he strengthened the original seven congregations he founded when
he first came, training leaders from the high-caste families and then departing back
to Mylapore where he was martyred by Brahmins for refusing to participate in the
4 We see the effects of this in modern Kerala too. In Thakazhi Sivasankara Pillai's celebrated novel and
later film Chemmeen, the central plot point is based on the superstitious belief that a fisherman’s death at
sea was caused by his wife’s infidelity.
5
worship of the Goddess Kali.
It is possible that St. Thomas initially targeted the Jews who were already in Kerala.
Several historians claim that the Jews were trading with Kerala even at the time of
King Solomon. Some of the ‘upper crust’ local people too, presumably, joined the new
faith. Here ‘upper crust’ would mean the educated or enlightened who, according to
oral tradition, engaged the Apostle in debates.
They are popularly known as Syrian Christians in view of the Syriac (classical form
of Aramaic) liturgy used in church services since the early days of Christianity in
India. They are also known as Nasranis (followers of Jesus the Nazarene). The
survival of the church in Kerala is very much a result of the development of an
indigenous character and adaptation to local traditions. Syrian Christians came to
rank after the Brahmans and as equals of the Nairs.
The Rulers of Kerala gave the Christians various rights and privileges written on
copper plates. These are known as Cheppeds, Royal Grants, or Sasanam.5 The
Christians were fully part of the Hindu caste system and integrated into its cultural
norms. To summarize, the Church in India then was - Hindu in culture, Christian in
religion and Syrian in Liturgy.
So the widow’s decision, while shocking, was not uncommon considering the culture
of that era.
From the Church’s perspective, it is not difficult to believe that they would readily
accept a high-caste Brahmin widow as a member, especially when she had three
grown (and from all accounts rather bold and fierce) sons to add to its growing
congregation.
Followers of the fictional fantasy genre show Game Of Thrones might be struck by
the similarity here to Daenerys emerging from the fire with three dragons.
5 There are a number of such documents: Thazhekad Sasanam; The Quilon Plates (Tharisappalli
Cheppeds); Mampally Sasanam; and Iraviikothan Chepped (Copper Plate). Some of these plates date to
774 AD. The language used is Tamil in Tamil letters with some Grantha script intermingled . The Quilon
Copper Plates which were given to Mar Sapor and Mar Prodh, brothers (referred to as Kaddisangal or
Saints by the Church of the East) who immigrated to Quilon from Persia in 823 AD, and also include
some Pahlavi, Kufic and Hebrew signatures. The plates show that the ruler of Venad (Travancore)
granted Syrian Christians seventy-two rights and privileges usually granted only to high dignitaries,
including exemption from import duties, sales tax and the slave tax. Yet another copper plate from 1225
further enhanced the rights and privileges of the Christians. These copper plates are considered some of
the most important historical legal documents in Kerala.
6
To the Brahmin community though, this was sacrilege. They took an aggressive view
of the Church’s evangelising and went all-out in their efforts to bring them back into
the fold. At first, the elders called for a council and attempted to reason with the
implacable widow and her sons. They did not yield and rejected all threats and
appeasement. When negotiations broke down, the Brahmins started pressurising the
family with boycotts, ritual shaming and other social indignities. The Brahmin youth
began a public campaign harassing the family with mocking street plays and public
demonstrations.
This soon led to several scrapes and scuffles and in one such altercation between the
Brahmin youth and the three brothers, a Brahmin youth was killed. The whole town
was tense for the next couple of days. It threatened to turn into a religious
conflagration because religious conversion was at the heart of the murder.
There was fear too that the wealthier Brahmins would recruit mercenary Nair
soldiers6 from the South.
The Church was in its infancy in Malabar with not many in its congregation. They
could do little to support the family and feared for their own lives. The matter was
escalated to the naduvazhi who took it to the Zamorin for judgement. There was an
outcry to take punitive action against the three brothers. One catch though, was that,
in those days the Zamorin could not punish a Brahmin. The most he could do was
exile them from his nadu. After the Zamorin’s order and fearing recriminations, the
widow and her sons had no option but to flee the town of Ramanattukara.
6 Many foreign travellers have spoken of the proficiency of Nair warriors from that era. It has been
recorded that Nairs start learning the martial arts and use of weapons at the age of seven or eight.
Typically, archery, spears and swords. They lived an almost ascetic life in quaint thatched homes. They
had a limited use of tools, utensils and other resources and always wore a sword when traveling outside.
7
Chapter Two: Chavakkad (Circa AD 1245)
The widow and her sons had to leave overnight. They carried little other than the
clothes on their back and their lives. They had no idea where they were headed. They
headed South and walked until they reached modern day Chavakkad.
Ramanattukara to Chavakkad today is a 2.5 hour journey by car. By foot, walking
along forest trails, it must have taken them 3 to 4 days to reach Chavakkad.
Sustaining themselves by what they could gather along the way.
12th century Chavakkad was a coastal town and a Muslim centre, thanks to the Arab
merchants and traders who frequented its beaches
We already spoke of conversions from Hinduism to Christianity. But it wasn’t just
Christianity. Islam was also a huge influence in Malabar, perhaps the more
predominant at that time. Why were so many people converting to these new
religions? People were embittered by Hindu religious exploitation and feudalism.
They found refuge in new systems which provided them relief and emancipation.
With the decline of Buddhism and later its gradual absorption by Brahmanism, a
vacuum developed where the oppressed people suffered without a philosophy to
depend on. Islam and Christianity filled the vacuum and offered them an alternative.
Malabar was indeed the most caste preservative part of southern India and there the
untouchability was very rigid and extreme. Even in the 19th century it was this
abhorrent system which compelled Swami Vivekananda to call Malabar a ‘mad
house’.
“Is there anywhere in the world a folly greater than which I have witnessed in Malabar? A
poor Paraya7 cannot walk through the streets where the high caste Hindus walk… the people
of Malabar are mad and their houses are mad houses.”
Besides social taboos and cruelties, the low-born were forbidden access to temples
and bazaars. They were not permitted to drink from the well used by the upper
castes. The Brahmins were not only the religious heads but they also stood at the
apex of the economic system as well. As owners of the land they exploited the lower
castes who were their tenants. The smallest show of independence by the tenant was
resented as an affront. The Hindu tenants were the worst sufferers. The tenants were
required to contribute to the expenses of wedding and other ceremonies in their
landlord’s house and to give gifts just to seek permission to celebrate a wedding in his
7 Low-caste.The root of the word pariah in English.
8
own family. Excommunication was the most painful punishment meted out to those
tenants who violated the traditions. He would be evicted from his land. The
punishments ruined the tenant. His last resort was to change his religion and thus
claim a new identity in society beyond the reach of landlords and Brahmins.
The only resort before the tenant was to convert either to Islam or to Christianity.
Islam was attractive. Muslim traders were wealthy and maintained a higher
standard of life and culture and this might have induced the upper and lower classes
alike to accept Islamic faith. Al Biruni, an eleventh century scholar, confirms this fact
when he visited India. He says that, “their (Muslims) style of living and working aroused
curiosity even among Hindu elites who stayed in the urban centres and got into contact with
them in consequence. As regards the artisans and the daily wage earners, they didn’t enjoy a
good position in the traditional Hindu system. The Hindu law and customs had already
dehumanised them.”
The attitude of the artisans towards Islam and Muslims is clear from the cases of
Kunhelu the martyr of Malappuram and Asari Tangal of Ponnani. Kunhelu was a
Hindu goldsmith, but fought on the side of Muslims in their battle against the Hindu
chieftain.
As liberal as commercial life was in Chavakkad, there were still restrictions on those
from outside the Islamic faith to integrate with their society. The widow and her sons
lived for a while in Chavakkad, the sons possibly engaging in itinerant labour and
small trading to make ends meet. However, life was difficult for those who hadn’t
converted to Islam. Unhappy with life in Chavakkad they decided to continue their
journey further South.
9
Chapter Three: Kodungalloor (AD 1260)
Their quest for refuge landed them a few days walk to the South at a Christian town
called Kodungalloor.
The Malankara tradition says that St. Thomas came to Kodungallur (Cranganore) or
Mahadevapattanam. It was very close to the Lost City and sea-port of Muziris. This
port provided trade to the West by means of the predictable monsoon winds that
would blow ships across the Arabian ocean during certain months and then blow
them back again a few months later. This provided direct access to Alexandria and
Aden with easy access up the Indus to Taxila/Gandhara, as well as Ormuz and
Seleucia-Ctesiphon in Mesopotamia. If you hugged the coastlines and braved the
Straits of Malacca you could also use the port to trade with imperial China in the
East.
Kodungalloor had a thriving Christian community consisting mainly of three
different sets of Christians.
The first were the early Christians born of early conversions of Jews and Hindus
along the coast. They were called Mar Thoma Christians.
The second group were of Syrian origin who came to trade. One such businessman
was Knai Thomman, a rich merchant and 72 families who came from Edessa (or
modern Urfa) and established a colony in Kodungalloor. In the group there were also
priests, deacons and their bishop, Uraha Mor Ouseph (Bishop Joseph of Uraha/
Urfa). Knai Thoma and his people were welcomed by Cheraman Perumal, the King of
Kerala, and were given permission to settle down in Kodungalloor. They built a town
in Kodungalloor with a church and 72 houses. Knai Thomman was the founder of the
Knanaya Christian community in Kerala.
The third were Christians from the Chola kingdom.8
While they had variations in certain aspects of Christianity they lived together in
harmony. Over the years they grew in strength and stature and the rulers appointed
them to key positions. They were preferred in the army over those from other
communities. They became noblemen and aristocrats in court. They were careful to
protect their high status by being very selective in conversions. They did not convert
from the lower castes. They adopted the rituals and practises of high-caste Hindus.
8 Tamil-speaking Christians from the Southern parts of Kerala.
10
In fact, the lines were so blurred that they were sometimes even called Hindu
Christians. They followed rites like Jata Karma9, Nama Karma10, Chorunnu11,
Vidyarambham, Vivaham. They wore their hair like Brahmins and wore ear rings.
Their festivals resembled the Thrissur Pooram with decorated elephants with their
nettipattam (decorative headdress), beautiful crafted koda (parasols) accompanied by
the panchavadyam, the rhythmic beating of the drum. And in keeping with their
Brahmin counterparts, they mostly remained vegetarians.
There were many reasons for this. The first requirement was to avoid the fate of
Buddhists and Jains, so the Christians avoided a direct confrontation with Brahmins.
They cleverly placed the saints in the position of Hindu Gods instead. First, they
projected their founder, St. Thomas, as a venerable person even to Hindus. He was
projected as equal and friend of Hindu Gods. In one, he was described as a friend of
Lord Vishnu, one among the Hindu trinity, and had conversations with Lord Vishnu
frequently. It is stated that the local Hindus also believed this. Another tradition
places St. Thomas as the founder of the Sri Kurumbakkavu, the famous Hindu Devi
temple at Kodungalloor. Further, St. Thomas was treated like a Hindu God. He had
the peacock as his vehicle just like any Hindu God. One can assume that such a
positioning for their founder had reserved a moderate position for Christians in the
Jathy formation of Kerala since as they had no separate ethnical identity from the
local people who were absorbed to the Brahmin-centred religion.
By positioning St. Thomas as the person who brought one of the Hindu Goddesses
and commanded her to stay at Kodungalloor, he was placed a step above the Hindu
Gods. Such a popular act was more effective than a strong theological dialogue
comparing both religions. It also avoided the possibility of the post-dialogue rivalry
as happened in the case of Buddhists and Jains.
There was also a great possibility for the Christians to deflect towards Hindu Gods
due to the increasing Brahmin influence and temples. The worship of the Mother
Goddess, Devi and of serpents was very strong in Kerala. Even though they were
Christians, those traits were very strong with them, since they were of the same
origin and were living together.
9 Jata karma is the first post-natal rite of passage for a new born baby, in ancient texts of Hinduism. It
celebrates the baby's birth, as well as the bonding of the father with the baby. During a traditional
Jātakarman ritual, the father welcomes the baby by touching the baby's lips with honey and ghee.
10 Nama karma is the naming ceremony in Hinduism and a Sanskara (rite of passage) to name a baby.
The ceremony is typically performed on the tenth or the twelfth day after birth.
11 Also known as annaprashana vidhi, annaprasan or Anna-prasanam, this is a Hindu rite of passage
ritual that marks an infant's first intake of food other than milk.
11
Christians dealt with this situation by promoting St. Mary and St. George. St. Mary,
the mother of God, who commenced the maximum reverence beyond any other
saints, was boosted as an alternative to the Mother Goddess in the Hindu concept,
whereas St. George, whose main miracle was the killing of a dragon, was placed as
the destroyer of snakes to avoid the fear among Keralites about snakes. The
positioning of this trinity of saints (St. Thomas, St. Mary and St. George) prevented
the Christians from falling out of Christianity. It also created an impression among
others that Christians have powerful Gods in Hindu terms. Almost all of the prePortuguese churches in Kerala were established in the name of any one of these three
saints.12
Indeed the derivations of such relations were against Christian doctrine. However,
they were necessary for the survival of Christianity in Kerala. They served the
purpose where it was found necessary but harmless.13
Where were we? Oh yes, Kodungalloor and the narrative of the widow and her three
sons. They came from Chavakkad hoping for a more sympathetic society and in
Kodungalloor they found it. Well integrated into Hindu society of Kodungalloor, the
Christians thrived. Wealth, culture, refinement — it was a golden era for the early
Christians of Kodungalloor. Kodungalloor at the time was ruled by the
Padinjattedath Swarupam who looked upon Christians favourably. There were
30,000 Christians and this new Christian family were warmly received.
One fall-out of the war with the Cholas was that it made the Brahmins all-powerful.
Everybody pledged their land with Brahmins as they believed that the properties of
Brahmins would not be annexed after a war. As a consequence, the Brahmins
became the principal landowners. They grew wealthy on the land and left trade and
commerce to the Muslims, Christian and Jews. They considered engaging in trade
beneath them.
The newly converted Christian Pulickal family had a steep learning curve. They were
from the priestly order. They knew nothing of trade and business. But their erstwhile
Brahmin status came in handy, as the Swarupam recognised their caste and provided
12 In the next stage, the Christian saints were placed in kinship with Hindu Gods. St. Mary and St. George
were said as the sister/brother of Hindu Gods. Many local legends, probably of later origin, elaborate the
kinship of Christian saints and Hindu Gods.
13 In no such legends, Jesus Christ is found appearing. It may be a deliberate act by Christians to keep
their God away from such comparisons since that was against the fundamental faith in the monotheistic
core (one true God) of Christianity.
12
land and extended benefits to help them settle in.
However, the family found it hard to find their feet with their limited resources and
inexperience. When it came to trade, there was an intense clannishness and rivalry
between Muslims, Christians and Jews. As time passed, the Muslims came to
completely dominate trade. They exercised a stranglehold on that economy and the
Christians had no option other than to turn to agriculture (although a few of them
continued to persist as traders).
But how do you become an agriculturist when all the land is owned by Brahmins?
They had to seek land elsewhere.
13
Chapter Four: Kuravilangadu (AD 1300)
The First Pulickal family lived in Kodungalloor for forty years. All three sons were
now married and had children of their own. Small traders of Kodungalloor at the
time possibly traded on the arbitrage between Kodungalloor, the fabled Lost City of
Muziris14 and the nearby villages. They traded in spices and earned a decent living for
themselves. But enough to get by comfortably, not really flourishing in any sense.
With an immigrant’s determination and resolve, they decided to set forth again,
seeking land for cultivation.
This took them further south towards Kottayam to the Christian hub of
Kuravilangadu. 15 It is a town devoted to Mother Mary. According to tradition, Our
Lady appeared to a few children at Kuravilangadu, who were tending their flock in
the bushes. It was the first known appearance of Our Lady in the world.16
To imagine what the First Pulickal family went through, let’s imagine what daily life
must have been like in 13th century Kuravilangadu.
The most revered people in town were the clergy, the kattanars (pastors) and
metrans (bishops), who provided local leadership and presided over specifically
Christian rituals such as the celebration of the Christian feast days and the Eucharist.
The lands owned by large temples and individual owners were held by tenants under
various forms of lease. Simple leases were the most widespread form of land holding.
14 Muziris (Muchiri, Muyirikode, Makotai, Mahodayapuram) was an ancient seaport and urban centre on
the Malabar Coast (modern-day Indian state of Kerala) that dates from at least the 1st century BC, if not
before it. Muziris has found mention in the bardic Tamil Sangam literature and a number of classical
European historical sources. The port was a key to the trade between southern India and the
Phoenicians, the Persians, the Egyptians, the Greeks and the Roman Empire. Though the Roman trade
declined from the 5th century AD, the former Muziris attracted the attention of other nationalities,
particularly the Persians, the Chinese and the Arabs, presumably until the devastating floods of Periyar in
the 14th century. Muziris disappeared from every known map of antiquity, and without a trace, presumably
because of a cataclysmic event in 1341, a “cyclone and floods” in the Periyar that altered the geography
of the region. The historians Rajan Gurukkal and Dick Whittakker say in a study titled “In Search of
Muziris” that the event, which opened up the present harbour at Kochi and the Vembanad backwater
system to the sea and formed a new deposit of land now known as the Vypeen Island near Kochi.
15 It continues to be a Christian centre even in the present day. Kuravilangadu is known as "The Vatican
of India”, "Kizhakkinte Lourdes", "Kuruvilla Naad", "Kuruvilla Angadi”. This may also account for the large
number of children named Kuruvilla in our family.
16 The early Christians commemorated the sighting by building a church there. Built in 105 AD, St. Mary’s
Forane Church is one of the oldest churches in the world. To give you perspective, it was built one
hundred years before Constantine declared Christianity as the official religion in the Roman Empire.
14
Most of the tenant cultivators (Kudiyans) were simple lease holders. Ordinary lease
holders (pattam) and the temple or royal servants converted the rent to be paid to the
land owner in the form of a service.
The basic occupational groups of such settlements consisted of agricultural
labourers,17 ritual-cum medicine men, astrologers, washermen, artisans and so on.
Kerala's trade was spread in three levels namely, local trade, long distance overland
trade and long distance overseas trade. The Christian families played their role in the
trade of Kerala. Apart from luxury articles and food grains, a considerable amount of
metals, medicinal herbs, silk and other fabrics were brought to Kerala.
Kuravilangadu’s proximity to Kodungallur meant that a fair portion of its trade was
routed through Kodungallur. Kodungallur was considered to be one of the earliest
emporia18 on the western coast. Though in ancient times Muziris was the reputed
centre of luxury goods, in later times there was a marked shift in the products by
medieval period. By the 13th century, articles of trade in Kuravilangadu included not
only imported luxury items like musk but also jaggery, salt, oil, grains and cloth.
Different kinds of markets like Antichantha, Aazhcha Chanta, and Nalangadi were
the common market places in pre-modern society. In addition to these occasional
markets, there developed permanent bazars or markets exchanging goods such as
rice, edible roots, vegetables, fruits, salt, pepper, oil and textiles. Barter was the most
common form of exchange and petty bargaining was the method of procurement. All
the goods were brought to the market by head/shoulder load, pack animals and by
waters.
Artisan classes had their own peculiar strict settlements called Theruvus.19 In this
way there were Chaliya Theruvus, where the weavers produced textile goods and
Chakkara Vanibha Theruvu, where the jaggery manufacturers settled and sold their
17 The most common agrestic slaves were constituted by the Cherumas, Pulayas, Kanakkars, Parayas
along with Malayas, Kadars, and Nayadis who were major hill tribes. By the extension of the agriculture to
the hill tracts, these tribals naturally played an important role in the agricultural production.
18 Specialized trading centers created on the frontiers of early medieval kingdoms through which kings
funneled and controlled long-distance trade in prestige goods. From late medieval times, a number of
great emporia in the Indian Ocean provided structure and vitality to its seaborne trade. The overland
caravan routes linking together China, Central Asia, the Middle East, India, and North Africa also passed
through urban centres performing similar functions.
19 These streets attracted many people and in the course of time were developed into markets. These
markets had a wide range of goods from food stuffs to craft products. It is reported that in the regular
bazaars, fairs were held on Christian festivals.
15
products and Kusava Theruvu, where potters exhibited their articles for scale.
European traveller John of Montecorvino visited Kerala in the 13th century. He had
something interesting to share about Keralite attire of the time. “Both men and women
use less clothing and they are bare footed. For the same reason there is no need of tailors and
shoemakers here. Till the age of 8 kids of both sexes are seen naked. Men never wear a shirt
or coat. They drape a cloth around the waist. Costumes of kings are not too different, except
that he wears more expensive cloth and a diamond necklace tied in a silk thread around his
neck.”
Land was available in Kuravilangadu and it was reasonably priced. The Pulickals
invested in some land and turned to agriculture. Being hilly, present day
Kuravilangadu is suited to rubber, coconut, cocoa, pepper, tamarind, ginger, tapioca,
pineapple and banana. Clove, vanilla and nutmeg are also grown. Also in abundance
are papaya, jackfruit, mango trees, and arrowroot. But a lot of these, like rubber,
cocoa and vanilla were brought in much later by the Portuguese. One can assume
that the early Pulickals mostly stuck to traditional crops like coconut, pepper, ginger.
In due course, they succeeded in generating wealth from the land and the family
were, at long last, settled and content.
16
Chapter Five: Puthenangady (AD 1400)
A hundred years passed before we learn anything by way of significance that
happened to the Pulickal family. Making a reasonable assumption, given the time
span, we can imagine two more generations of Pulickals spreading roots before the
next step of migration.
While the happenings among the early Pulickal family were unremarkable, the
region of Malabar was undergoing a sea-change from the mid-13th to the early 14th
century.
While we have accounts from the Keralolpati and from early travellers like Marco
Polo to account for the 12th century, one rich source of information for the 13th
century was Sheikh Ibn Batuta of Tangiers. Dispatched in 1341 by Sultan Mohammed
bin Tughluq with presents on a mission to the Emperor of China, Ibn Batuta was
wrecked on the Malabar coast and lost the presents.
“Its length is a journey of two months along the shore from Sindabur (Goa) to Kawlam (South
Kollam - Quilon). The whole of the way by land lies under the shade of trees and at the
distance of every half mile there is a house made of wood in which there are chambers fitted
up for the reception of comers and goers whether they be Moslems or infidels.”
“And in all this space of two months journey, there is not a span free from cultivation. For
everybody has here a garden, and his house is placed in the middle of it; and round the whole
of this there is a fence of wood, up to which the ground of each inhabitant comes. No one
travels in these parts upon beasts of burden; nor is there any horse found, except with the
King, who is therefore the only person who rides. When, however, any merchant has to sell or
buy goods, they are carried upon the backs of men, who are always ready to do so (for hire).
Every one of these men has a long staff, which is shod with iron at its extremity and at the top
has a hook. When, therefore, he is tired with his burden, he sets up his staff in the earth like a
pillar, and places the burden upon it; and when he has rested, he again takes up his burden
without the assistance of another.”
There can be no doubt that the foreign influence, particularly the Muslim influence
was on the increase, and it was not at all improbable that it was about this time that
the influence of the Zamorins began to preponderate in Malabar; and this was no
doubt brought about by a close alliance with the Muslim traders attracted to Calicut
by the freedom of trade offered there.
17
Kerala would no doubt have soon been converted to Islam either by force or by
conviction, but the nations of Europe were in the meantime busy endeavouring to
find a direct road to the pepper country of the East.
Pepper became a popular spice across the globe before 3000 BC. It was very precious
then. Since Pliny, who visited Kerala in the 1st Century AD, many travellers have
accorded the importance of pepper to the development of Kerala. During summer,
Europeans used it to preserve beef for the winter months. The procedure was
invented centuries ago and probably even pre-dates the Romans. It has been ascribed
that the Queens of Egypt used pepper as far back as 1500 BC and that pepper was
from Kerala! When John of Montecorvino visited Kerala in the 13th century, he also
described Kerala’s pepper trade with China. He noted how there were Chinese ships
leaving Kerala’s ports laden with pepper nearly every day.
The first assured step up in European influence to counteract the growing Muslim
supremacy over the pepper trade was when Bartholomew Dias sailed around the
“Cape Of Storms” in 1486. The Cape was promptly rechristened the “Cape Of Good
Hope” and the direct road to India by sea was won.
Amidst all this, one family broke off from the larger Pulickal clan and travelled
further south to Thekkumkur (present day Kottayam) which although a
predominantly Hindu town with a historical Cheran vibe, was seeing a trickle of
early Christian migration.
Predominantly the Saint Thomas Christians from Kodungalloor and Knanaya Syrian
Christians.20
Venpolinadu, a local kingdom in Kerala divided into two in the twelfth century, the
new divisions were Thekkumkur (the southern regime) and Vadakkumkoor (the
northern regime) respectively.
There were two big temples at Thekkumkur, one at Thaliyil and the other at
Eruthikal. The area surrounding these temples was comparatively developed.
Various denominations of Hindus - Nair warriors, Marars, Vaniars had settled in
20 There was also a social distinction among the Knanaya Syrian Christians between those intermarried
with Indians and those who did not. The former are called Northists (Vadakumbhagar) and the latter are
called Southists (Thekkumbhagar).
The Vadakumbhagar regarded themselves as the direct descendants of Thomas of Cana. From Kottayam
they migrated to Kallissery in Chengannur and reached as far as Ranni and a few other remote interior
villages like Pavukkara in Chengannur Taluk.
18
this region. However there were no Christians here.
How the Christians came to settle here has a very interesting back story.
In the Brahmin-centred mainstream society of Kerala, one cannot engage in any
profession if it was not their Kuladharma. The Brahmin system created numerous
castes and sub-castes to execute minute jobs. However, except the Ravaris and
Tharakans, who were limited in a few small pockets in north and northeast Kerala,
there is no trace of any merchant Hindu Jathy. Brahmin society desperately needed
the services of a merchant caste.
It is not reasonable to believe that Brahmins did not try to create a Vysya caste of
their own or convert the Christians into their religion. However, Brahmins had
several difficulties to create a trader caste of their own. Firstly, there was no traders
of Indian origin except Christians who were acceptable to adopt into Brahmin
religion. There may have been merchants of Jain, Buddhist or of any other Dravidian
religion existence. In such a case, they were the primary targets of Brahmins to be
converted to create a Hindu Jathy of merchants. However, their religious affiliation
was only with the Far East, which was not known as a major market for Kerala's
prime export, pepper. In that case, promotion of them and suppression of Christians
would make a sudden fall of pepper trade with the Middle East, which would cause a
rapid decline in the income of kings and local chieftains as taxes and duties.
Brahmin-centred society was forced to accept the Christians as Vysyas. The legends
about the establishment of several churches in the Christian heartland as well as the
stories of the migration of many Christian families to new places hold such an
element in their history and legend. Most families thaliolas assert that their ancestors
were invited to settle near a temple or the palace of a local chieftain, to satisfy the
ritual of Enna Thottu Kodukkal.21 On the other side, there are several temples having
legends about certain Christian families with the right to purify oil to those temples.
The literal meaning of Enna Thottu Kodukkal is 'touch and give oil'. It is a symbolic
presentation of their Kuladharma as merchants.
It also indicates that the right to Enna Thottu Kodukkal was the symbol of the
acceptance of Christians as Vysya in the Brahmin-centred society of Kerala. The
Brahmins and the temples cannot buy oil or any other imported supplies from one
who was not permitted to sell them. The Christian, by touching the oil, symbolises
that it is in his possession and hence he is selling it. The temples and the Brahmins
21 The rite to purify the oil
19
can accept it since trading was the Kuladharma of Christians. That implies they are
receiving it from the right source.
There were also certain cultural reasons cited for the exalted position of the
Christians of the time. Firstly, as noted earlier, there was no conversion to
Christianity from low castes in those days. Secondly, Christians were baptised.
Which was considered by Brahmins to be a second birth. So the Christian was
doubly pure! First by birth and then by baptism.
The Thekkumkur Raja who oversaw the two temples of Thaliyil and Eruthikal
believed persuading Christian families to move to Thekkumkur as critical to the
efficient management of the two temples. However it wasn't easy convincing them.
Many Christians preferred life in Christian towns and moving to a Brahmin province
made them fearful. A solution had to be found. The king, along with his high priests,
his ministers and other trustees formed a council and it was decided that certain
grants were to be provided to attract Christians to Thekkumkur.
High positions, endowments and monthly allowances were offered. Prime tracts of
land, which were not subject to taxation. Entitlements to temple food, free labour to
build their illams (homes) and a close friendship with the Raja, along with a
prominent status at public functions. It worked.22
The first Christian family to take up the offer was one smaller family within the
larger Pulickal clan from Poonjar. We were the pioneers of Christian settlement in
the area. The Raja kept his word and allotted land near the temples at a place called
Puthenangady.
In return for all the favours, the Pulickal family had one simple task assigned to
them. Once every month, a male member of the family had to walk up to the temple
entrance where a giant uruli23 filled with oil was placed. All he had to was
symbolically purify the oil by dipping his forefinger in it and the oil would be
considered cleansed.
22 Large scale migration of Christians from Kuruvilangad, Kaduthuruthi and Poonjar occurred later in the
16th century and they settled nearby Thazhathangady, Pazhayachanda, and Valiaangady.
23 Large, shallow cooking vessels are called Vattalam or Vaarpu. Vattalam is traditionally used to cook
food in temples and for marriages. Nowadays Vattalams are also used in hotels receptions and rich men’s
homes as a decorative item filled with water and flowers. Miniature Vattalams are called Uruli in Kerala.
20
The Devaswom24 the temple administration gave the Pulickal family a grant of 10
bushels of paddy as payment every year. The Pulickal family received this grant for
over 500 years until the year 1920!
In 1920 there was an uncharacteristic breach of rules in the age-old practices of the
Devaswom. This transgression wasn’t overturned for the next 40 years until 1960
when the Devaswom formally apologised to the Pulickal family and ceremonially
repaid the arrears owed to them for the past 40 years.
Mr Tharian Varkey of the Pulickal family received the arrears on the family’s behalf
and surrendered the family's right to future endowments. (The family in the 1960s
was perhaps embarrassed to earn money off discriminatory25 practises based on
medieval Hindu caste codes.)
Every year the Eruthikal Temple would celebrate its Ulsavam for 10 days. On the
first day of the festival, as per custom, to open the festival, the patriarch of the
Pulickal family would ceremoniously gift a big uruli filled with oil to the temple. On
the 10th day, to mark the closure of the festival, this uruli would be returned to the
Pulickal family filled with payasam.
There existed a very warm and cordial relationship between the Pulickal family, the
Devaswom and the court. They continued to maintain and follow high-caste
Brahmin culture and practises. They politely refused all other forms of employment
— be it agricultural or trade. Similar to codes of aristocracy across the world, nobles
were expected to live "nobly", that is, from the proceeds of their grants and
possessions. Work involving manual labour or subordination to those of lower rank
(with specific exceptions, such as in military or ecclesiastic service) was either
forbidden (as derogation from noble status) or frowned upon socially.
24 Devaswom (Sanskrit: Property of God) are socio-religious trusts in India that comprise members
nominated by both government and community. Their aim is to manage Hindu temples and their assets
and to ensure their smooth operation in accordance with traditional rituals and customs. The devaswom
system notably exists in the state of Kerala, where most temples are either managed by Government of
Kerala-controlled devaswoms or formed by private bodies/families. The properties of each temple are
deemed to be the personal property of the presiding deity the temple and are managed through a body of
trustees who bear allegiance to the presiding deity. The four Kerala devaswoms (Guruvayur, Travancore,
Malabar and Cochin) together manage nearly 3000 temples.
25 The 1950 national constitution of India legally abolished the practice of untouchability and provided
measures for positive discrimination in both educational institutions and public services for Dalits and
other social groups who lie within the caste system.
21
For nearly 5 centuries the family performed their duties and obligations, maintaining
a good relationship with both the court and the local Hindu community.
Over these centuries the family grew in numbers. But not all of them chose to settle in
Puthenangady. Many chose to live closer to their Christian roots and communities
and went back to Kuruvilangad, Kaduthuruthi, Palai, Kuruppamthara, Poonjar and
other areas. The illam at Puthenangady remained the home of the few that stayed.
22
Chapter Six: Kothamangalam (AD 1775)
375 years is a long time. We don’t have too many details of what happened between
the 14th and 17th centuries except that the family continued enjoying the privileges of
Enna Thottu Kodukkal. The original family stayed in the illam and surrounding areas
while others chose to spread out.
It wasn’t just the Pulickal family. Many other older Syrian Christian families were
migrating. It was a time of flux. Historical records speak of a large-scale migration of
Christians in the 16th century to Kottayam from places like Thazhuthangady,
Valiangady, Puthenangady, Nilackal, Thiruvalla, Athirampuzha, Pallom, Kollam,
Chengannur, Thodupuzha and Poonathra.
There were several reasons for this. The first was the hospitality and higher status
they received under the Raja and his court. Another reason some of these migrations
occurred was because of the domination of the Portuguese rites in the 16th century
church in Kerala. This domination forced the Christians into an interpretation of
Christianity alien to their forefathers.
Yet another reason cited for this migration is the destruction of crops by locusts and
resultant poverty and the fear of a tribe of dacoits of Tamil origin called
“Pandanmar”. The earliest migrants are believed to have settled in the “angadi” or
the nucleus of the neighbourhood. It is not surprising that the “ angadi” consists of a
street of houses built very close to each other for security.
In 1550 the Kottayam Valiapally26 was built by the descendants of the Syrian
Knanaya Christians. Later in 1579 the Cheriapally27 was built in Puthenangady. This
was all made possible by the patronage of the Raja.
26 This Valiapally church is famous for its two granite crosses known as Persian crosses. The crosses
were brought here from a much older church near Cranganore built by the forefathers of the builders of
this church. On each of the stone slabs is a cross with an inscription in the Pahalavi language, which was
the official language of the Sassanian dynasty in Persia.
27 St. Mary’s Orthodox Syrian Church commonly known as Kottayam Cheriyapally (Small church-
English ) is one of the oldest Orthodox churches in India in Kerala, India. Built in 1579, the church is well
preserved. The architectural style of the church is based on a mixture of Persian and Kerala style, with
galleries, pillars, cornices and pediments. The walls are adorned with beautiful murals made in Oriental
and Western styles on biblical and non biblical themes. The Church belongs to the Malankara Orthodox
Syrian church, an Independent church believed to be established by St. Thomas and following vestments
and liturgy of the Syriac Orthodox Church. Three Metropolitans of the Malankara Syrian Church came
from three families of Kottayam. They were Mar Dionysius, Malankara Metropolitan of the Punnathara
family, Mar Theophilos of the Varikkat family and Mar Athanatious of the Chackalaparambil family.
23
But the Raja’s days were numbered. In 1750 King Marthanda Varma captured
Thekkumkur and annexed it to Venad.28 The Raja had to flee from Kottayam to
Nattassery weakening the rule of the Thekkumkur kings. After the defeat to
Marthanda Varma, the Thekkumkur royal family only controlled the small area of
Kovilakam of Kolathu Kara Kozhanchery. Thus began the demise of the Idathil era.29
The Pulickal family remained comparatively small, possibly due to less male children
in the family compared to the other families in the region. In those days, it was
common to have a large number of children in each family. Christians followed the
patriarchal system and families with more sons became larger and enjoyed a strength
in numbers. Furthermore, the life expectancy in those days was around 45-50, so
attrition by death was much higher than in present times.
Idleness, wealth and privilege led to the some common evils of aristocracy.
Indisciplined and extravagant lifestyles. The younger generations became
unaccustomed to work and were forced to sell away large portions of their property
to survive.
One faction broke away and developed in the Eastern part of Kuravilangadu, closer
to Erattupetta. In the year 1775, one such Pulickal was Kuriako, who moved from
Erattupetta and settled in Kothamangalam and was the forefather of the modern day
Pulickals in that region.
28 The ruler of Thekkumkur had sided first with the Kingdom of Kayamkulam and then with the principality
of Ambalapuzha against Travancore under Marthanda Varma. After the fall of Ambalapuzha, and as the
ruler of Thekkumkur refused to come to terms with Travancore, his capital city was taken on September
11,1750 by Ramayyan Dalawa, the general and prime minister of Marthanda Varma and the state was
annexed to Travancore in 1753.
29 Or the Venpolinadu Edathil Karthavu (the family name of the Thekkumkur kings).
24