SAPIENZA UNIVERSITÀ DI ROMA
DIPARTIMENTO DI SCIENZE DELL’ANTICHITÀ
SCIENZE DELL’ANTICHITÀ
26.3 – 2020
EDIZIONI QUASAR
SAPIENZA UNIVERSITÀ DI ROMA
DIPARTIMENTO DI SCIENZE DELL’ANTICHITÀ
SCIENZE DELL’ANTICHITÀ
26 – 2020
Fascicolo 3
EDIZIONI QUASAR
La Rivista è organo del Dipartimento di Scienze dell’Antichità della Sapienza Università di Roma.
Nella sua veste attuale rispecchia l’articolazione, proposta da Enzo Lippolis, in tre fascicoli, il
primo dei quali raccoglie studi e ricerche del Dipartimento, gli altri due sono dedicati a tematiche
specifiche, con la prospettiva di promuovere una conoscenza complessiva dei vari aspetti delle società antiche.
Le espressioni culturali, sociali, politiche e artistiche, come le strutture economiche, tecnologiche e ambientali, sono considerate parti complementari e interagenti dei diversi sistemi insediativi
di cui sono esaminate funzioni e dinamiche di trasformazione. Le differenti metodologie applicate e
la pluralità degli ambiti presi in esame (storici, archeologici, filologici, epigrafici, ecologico-naturalistici) non possono che contribuire a sviluppare la qualità scientifica, il confronto e il dialogo, nella
direzione di una sempre più proficua interazione reciproca. In questo senso si spiega anche l’ampio
contesto considerato, sia dal punto di vista cronologico, dalla preistoria al medioevo, sia da quello
geografico, con una particolare attenzione rivolta alle culture del Mediterraneo, del Medio e del
Vicino Oriente.
I prossimi fascicoli del volume 27 (2021) accoglieranno le seguenti tematiche:
1. Ricerche del Dipartimento.
2. Roma e la formazione di un’Italia “romana”.
3. Pratiche e teorie della comunicazione nella cultura classica.
DIPARTIMENTO DI SCIENZE DELL’ANTICHITÀ
Direttore
Giorgio Piras
Comitato di Direzione
Anna Maria Belardinelli, Carlo Giovanni Cereti, Cecilia Conati Barbaro, Maria Teresa
D’Alessio, Giuseppe Lentini, Laura Maria Michetti, Francesca Romana Stasolla,
Alessandra Ten, Pietro Vannicelli
Comitato scientifico
Graeme Barker (Cambridge), Martin Bentz (Bonn), Corinne Bonnet (Toulouse), Alain
Bresson (Chicago), M. Luisa Catoni (Lucca), Alessandro Garcea (Paris‑Sorbonne),
Andrea Giardina (Pisa), Michael Heinzelmann (Köln), Mario Liverani (Roma), Paolo
Matthiae (Roma), Athanasios Rizakis (Atene), Avinoam Shalem (Columbia University),
Tesse Stek (Leiden), Guido Vannini (Firenze)
Redazione
Laura Maria Michetti
con la collaborazione di Martina Zinni
SAPIENZA UNIVERSITÀ DI ROMA
SAPIENZA UNIVERSITÀ DI ROMA
14-15 DICEMBRE 2017
LA MACEDONIA ANTICA E LA NASCITA
DELL’ELLENISMO ALLE ORIGINI DELL’EUROPA
a cura di
Francesco Maria Ferrara, Pietro Vannicelli
Per Enzo Lippolis,
con il quale questo convegno è stato pensato e organizzato
INDICE
F.M. Ferrara, Premessa . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1
J.K. Davies, The Impact of Macedonia . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3
I Sezione. Atene e la Macedonia
P. Vannicelli, Tucidide e il modello erodoteo: la spedizione di Sitalce in Macedonia del 429/8
a.C. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
25
M. Mari, Anfipoli diventa macedone: Filippo II e le lezioni della storia . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 39
M. Faraguna, Una città in attesa: Atene, Alessandro e la Macedonia tra realtà presente e memoria del passato . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 51
F. Landucci, Atene tra Cassandro, Demetrio e Lisimaco . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 69
II Sezione. Lo sviluppo della Macedonia: città e territorio
A. Kyriakou, The Sanctuary of Eukleia at Vergina / Aegae: Aspects of the Development of a
Cult Place in the Heart of the Macedonian Kingdom . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 85
A. Koukouvou – I. Psarra †, Ancient Mieza: a Macedonian City from the Perspective of its
Public Space . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
99
A. Koukouvou, Building Cities in Macedonia. The Stone Quarries and the Urban Development of the Kingdom . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 119
S. Drougou – C. Kallini, The Metroon at Aegae (Modern Vergina). Archaeological Evidence
of the Cult of the Mother of the Gods . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 133
B. Tripodi, La II tomba reale di Vergina quarant’anni dopo. Qualche riflessione ‘extravagante’ . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 143
VIII
Sc. Ant.
III Sezione. La Macedonia nella Grecia settentrionale: la Tessaglia e l’Epiro
G. La Torre, Skotoussa e il regno di Macedonia tra IV e II sec. a.C. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 157
L. Campagna, Il linguaggio architettonico della Tessaglia in età tardo-classica ed ellenistica:
considerazioni preliminari a partire dal caso di Skotoussa . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 173
G.M. Gerogiannis, Larisa di Tessaglia e la Macedonia. Monumentalità e trasformazioni della città . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 191
E. Santagati, Pirro: un velleitario epigono di Alessandro in Occidente . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 207
L.M. Caliò – R. Brancato, Sviluppo urbanistico, fortificazioni e viabilità nell’Epiro ellenistico: il caso della Valle del Fiume Vjosa (Albania meridionale) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 217
IV Sezione Spazi, comportamenti, contatti, influenze
F.M. Ferrara, Società e architettura privata nella Macedonia ellenistica . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 247
S. Guidone, Dalla Macedonia all’Italia meridionale: forme e modelli dell’architettura privata . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 265
R. Graells i Fabregat, Hellenistic Cuirasses: Shapes, Decorations and Influences Between
Macedonia and Southern Italy . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 281
J. Thornton, Gli ultimi Antigonidi nella tradizione storiografica: cenni sull’ostilità di Polibio
a Filippo V . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 299
A. Sassù, Ex Macedonia et De Rege Perse: il bottino di Lucio Emilio Paolo in Grecia . . . . . 311
Angeliki Koukouvou
BUILDING CITIES IN MACEDONIA.
THE STONE QUARRIES AND THE URBAN DEVELOPMENT OF THE KINGDOM
The tremendous growth in urban life in Macedonia in the 4th century BC, as new urban
centres were founded1, old ones re-developed and ambitious building projects carried out all over
the kingdom2, is a phenomenon whose technical aspect has often been ignored in related studies.
How were all these cities built? This is the question we will try to answer, in an attempt to
partially cover the large gap in research in this field.
The important archaeological remains revealed from 1999 to 2002 in the rescue excavation
carried out during the construction of the new Egnatia highway in Emathia prefecture placed a
new, hitherto unknown, site on the archaeological map. These remains, brought to light on a natu‑
ral plateau near the modern settlement of Asomata between Vergina (ancient Aigeai) and Beroia
on the south-eastern slopes of Mount Vermion, span a broad chronological period: from the Late
Neolithic to the post-Byzantine era (Fig. 1). For the most part they consisted of grave clusters,
with some buildings and remains of workshops, most probably belonging to farmhouses. In ad‑
dition, two ancient poros quarries (Quarries 1 and 2) came to light on the slope of the plateau.
Another ancient quarry (Quarry 3) came to light 1.7 km away, near the modern entrance of the
city of Beroia3 (Figs. 2-4). The Asomata quarries (as we shall name them for the sake of brevity)
are the first building-stone quarries to be excavated in Macedonia and among the very few in the
whole of Greece4.
Quarry no. 2 offered the most extensive evidence regarding ancient quarrying activity. It
was the largest and the best preserved and, most importantly, it had been filled in soon after the
cessation of quarrying operations in ancient times, thus providing a unique opportunity to study
quarrying techniques at firsthand, unaffected by weathering. The site preserved piles of quarry
rubble, stone chips, dumped cut blocks in situ, unfinished blocks still attached to the bedrock,
their extraction never completed, as well as many tool marks in excellent condition5 on the quarry
1
Hatzopoulos 1996, I, pp. 105-123. Hatzopoulos 1997, pp. 11-16. For an overview of the settlements in the Ma‑
cedonia region and their status (e.g. poleis, komai, etc), see Hansen - Nielsen 2004, pp. 794-809 (M.B. Hatzopoulos - P.
Paschidis).
2
Koukouvou - Psarra in this volume.
3
On the excavation at the site of Asomata, Emathia (Macedonia, Greece) see Koukouvou 2000; 2001; 2004, pp.
58-70; 2012, pp. 123-134. On the archaic cemetery of the site see Kefalidou 2009.
4
On the rarity of excavations of quarries, see BESSAC 1996, pp. 83-84. See also the remarks of Lazzarini (during
the concluding discussion of the colloquium on the building stone (Domikos Lithos 2002, pp. 352-353) about the need
to excavate ancient quarries. The lack of systematic research is especially evident in the Greek region, most notably for
quarries of building stone, see Koukouvou 2012, pp. 45-51. On the Asomata quarries see Koukouvou 2012. See also the
proceedings of ASMOSIA I-XII. The mission of the Association for the Study of Marble and Other Stones in Antiquity
(ASMOSIA) is to promote the study of marble and other stones of art historical or archaeological interest, mainly by
organizing conferences and publishing their proceedings. From 1988 till 2018 twelve meetings have been organized,
promoting interdisciplinary cooperation and research, dealing with themes as provenance and use of marbles and other
stones, quarrying techniques and transport, identification, restoration, and several more.
5
For Quarry 2 in Asomata see Koukouvou 2012, pp. 145-163.
120
A. Koukouvou
Sc. Ant.
Fig. 1 – Aerial photograph. The excavation near the Asomata village and the city of Beroia in the background (© Greek
Ministry of Culture & Sports).
Fig. 2 – Asomata, quarry 1 (© Greek Ministry of Culture & Sports).
26.3, 2020
Building Cities in Macedonia
Fig. 3 – Asomata, quarry 2 (© Greek Ministry of Culture & Sports).
121
Fig. 4 – Asomata, quarry 3 (© Greek
Ministry of Culture & Sports).
faces and beds (Figs. 5-6). It is confirmed that quarrying hit the bottom of healthy parent rock in
many places, reaching cavities or areas of unsuitable material. In this case, a large cavernous cham‑
ber caused the partial collapse of the quarry floor, forcing the workers to backfill it with debris in
order to construct a new working platform and to continue quarrying in other locations (Fig. 7).
The quarry had two entrances and quarrying in both branches developed on a rectangular
plan, with reference to a level plane that was established to serve as the quarry’s floor. As dig‑
ging proceeded, the gradual stepped extraction of the sloping ground enlarged the floor, and the
back and side walls of the pit were turned into increasingly high scarps. Since the floor was main‑
tained at the same level while operations proceeded, the side of the pit served as its entrance6.
Our study of the quarries consisted of the systematic recording and analysis of all elements
surviving in the three quarries, that is, the existing traces on their surfaces, the dumped and unfin‑
ished blocks, and the quarry rubble (latype) found within or around them. We used this informa‑
tion along with the available data from certain quarries in areas such as Corinthia, Kleonae, Aegi‑
na, Piraeus, Rhodes and Isvoria near Naoussa. This comparative study helped us to document the
quarrying methods applied, to identify the tools used, to estimate the shape and size of the blocks
extracted, to comprehend the difficulties the quarrymen faced, and to evaluate their level of skill.
Our conclusions concern all the quarries of the stone which the Classical sources called poros stone or porolith, the common building material used in ancient architecture7. We use the
same term in archaeological literature when referring to medium-hard to soft sedimentary lime‑
stones with margaic inclusions, sandstones, calcareous or volcanic tuffs, travertines, etc.8 The last,
6
For this type of quarry, common on slopes, see Röder 1971, pp. 260-264 (type I – Lehnenbruch) and Bessac 1986,
pp. 167-170.
7
The term was used in Antiquity not just for one type of stone with specific geological characteristics but also for
a whole category of relatively soft stones that could easily be quarried in rectangular blocks of any given dimension and
used as building material. For a corpus of the building-stone quarries of Greece, see Koukouvou 2012, pp. 61-109. See
also ibid. pp. 110-119 for a summary presentation of the most important quarries of the corpus.
8
Πῶρος, πώρινος λίθος, πόρος or ποῦρος in ancient Greek inscriptions. For these terms see, Orlandos - Travlos
1986 s.v. πῶρος, πώρινος, also Ginouves - Martin 1985, p. 40 s.v. “poros”, no. 211 and Hellmann 1992, pp. 364-366. The
most extensive study of the meaning of the term belongs to Wycherley 1974. For the use of poros limestone in Anti‑
122
A. Koukouvou
Fig. 5 – Quarry 2 with piles of quarry rubble, unfinished and dumped blocks (©
Greek Ministry of Culture & Sports).
Sc. Ant.
Fig. 6 – Among the quarry rub‑
ble and the unfinished blocks in
Quarry 2, a curved architectural
member (for a column?) is visible
(© Greek Ministry of Culture &
Sports).
Fig. 7 – The working platform,
made of debris and a layer of small
stones, that covered a large cav‑
ity of the quarry floor (© Greek
Ministry of Culture & Sports).
travertine, is the carbonate sedimentary rock that exists in the area and was extracted from the
Asomata quarries. According to our observations, the quarrying techniques used were common
to all three quarries.
Extraction was effected by cutting vertical channels, 6-11 cm wide, around the perimeter of
the block to be extracted. A percussion tool with a long handle and a sharp edge, 2 cm wide, was
developed specifically for soft stone quarrying. Its traces are preserved on the narrow cutting
trenches and the quarry walls either in the form of shallow parallel grooves or as a fishbone pat‑
tern, due to the alteration in working direction of the quarryman (Fig. 8). The separation of the
stone blocks from the parent rock was achieved by cutting a continuous shallow horizontal chan‑
nel at the base of the block. Metal wedges were then placed in this channel at regular intervals, as is
revealed by V-shaped traces on certain parts of Quarry 2. The use of wooden wedges is not docu‑
quity see Orlandos 1958, pp. 67-70 and Koukouvou 2012, pp. 53-60, with the relevant bibl. For the importance of the
geological factor in ancient architecture, see also Korres 1988.
26.3, 2020
Building Cities in Macedonia
123
mented through our observations at
the excavated quarries. The extrac‑
tion technique employed at Asomata
was widely used for the extraction
of soft building stone such as poros.
This method of vertical perimetrical
channels that reached the final depth
desired has resulted in the quarry
taking on a grid-like appearance
with straight lines, vertical walls, flat
floors, right angles and regular levels9.
Quarry 2’s total area is approxi‑
mately 450 m² and the total volume
of quarried rock is calculated to have
been 1125 m³. Its varying gradual lev‑
Fig. 8 – Traces of the extraction preserved on the floors and the walls
els,
as well as the traces on the wall
of the quarry (© Greek Ministry of Culture & Sports).
surfaces and floors, testify that blocks
of various shapes were quarried. Most were rectangular, 1.10 to 1.60 m in length, 45 to 75 cm in
width, and 45 to 70 cm in height. It appears that square blocks were also cut, 1 m by 1 m by 50-55
cm; these were probably needed for curved architectural members, as indicated by traces of carv‑
ing as well as a segment of a column that had not been released from the main block, found in the
quarry (Fig. 6).
The dating of Quarry 2 was based on the finds from the rubble layers and the fill of the
quarry pits, which served as a terminus ante quem for their period of use: the quarry was opened
and operated during the 4th century BC, most probably in its second half10. It must have been in
use only for a limited period of time, and once abandoned did not remain open for long; nor was it
re-used later on. This abandonment, necessitated by depletion of healthy rock and the appearance
of natural flaws, suggests that work may have continued at another quarry nearby11.
Quarries 1 and 3 were similar to Quarry 2 in physical appearance, general form and arrange‑
ment, but smaller in size. Their dating is more uncertain but we can place the period of exploitation
of Quarry 1 in the late Classical-Early Hellenistic period and of Quarry 3 in Hellenistic times12.
Archaeological research in the region identified more sites with traces of ancient quarrying
on the western slope of the modern-day Egnatia Highway, in the form of exposed, stepped or
sheer worked faces and floors, across a zone extending over a distance of 2 km between the River
Haliakmon in the Asomata area and Beroia. These finds are similar to the layout of quarries
in other regions, such as Corinthia, Kleonai, Delphi, etc., where extraction sites consisting of
groups of smaller units have been found13. In the Asomata-Beroia region, therefore, as in the
other areas mentioned above, the quarries covered an extensive area with multiple spots of
9
For the technique see Koukouvou 2012, pp. 181-195 (with bibl.). We must bear in mind that this method, which
offers exceptional accuracy, differs greatly from that widely used in quarries of marble and easily split rocks. In the latter
case, blocks are detached by means of the cutting of shallow channels and using crowbars and wedges, metal or wooden,
in the seams. This results in the formation of uneven surfaces, irregular levels and angular corners.
10
For the difficulties in establishing a quarry’s chronology, see Koukouvou 2012, pp. 48-50. For the chronology of
Quarry 2, see ibid. pp. 158-163.
11
Bessac 1996, pp. 103-105.
12
See Koukouvou 2012, pp. 163-174.
13
Koukouvou 2012, pp. 175-176. For the extensive quarrying zones at other sites, see Papageorgakis - Kolaiti
1992, p. 37; Marchand 2002, pp. 251-252, 271-273, 276-277; Hayward 2003, pp. 18-27.
124
A. Koukouvou
Sc. Ant.
intensive activity. Such stone extraction speaks of human activity in the form of quarrying and
transportation, with a significant impact upon the environment as well as the region’s everyday
life and economy.
With regard to Asomata, the archaeological data and our calculations indicate that a large
quantity of building material was extracted from this quarrying zone, in the form of big rectangular
blocks destined for large public buildings and other monumental structures, such as fortification
walls and secular or funerary monuments.
The location of the excavated quarries, between two important ancient Macedonian cities,
Aigeai and Beroia, raised a logical question regarding the destination of the large quantities
of extracted material. It was certainly intended for the construction of large public buildings,
obviously not to be found in a small and insignificant settlement like Asomata. But where was it
going to be used?
The 10 km of distance between Vergina and Beroia leaves no space to postulate another
Hellenistic city with its essential surrounding chora, as a possible recipient of all this building
material14. Furthermore, the geological study that was done for the area showed that Beroia could
easily extract sufficient building stone from its parent rock. On the geological map it is evident
that the area of the travertine deposits, on whose southern boundary we find Asomata, is located
exclusively north of the Haliakmon15. In the region of Vergina there is no travertine, nor any
other rock suitable for construction purposes. Yet the travertine, which we archaeologists call
poros, was used for all the monuments of a secular and funerary character in the city of Aigeai: the
magnificent palace, the fortifications and the Acropolis, the theatre, the other civic buildings, as
well as for all the monumental Macedonian tombs16.
These findings led to the formulation of the following working hypothesis: the large
quantities of building stone extracted from the quarries of the Asomata area were destined
for the neighbouring city of Aigeai and the construction of important public buildings in the
first capital of the Macedonian kingdom. To test this hypothesis, we examined samples from
the Asomata quarries and from monuments at Vergina (Aigeai) and other sites in Emathia. An
updated multi-method analytical approach was applied in the characterization of stone from
quarries and monuments, with the aim of obtaining archaeometric information on provenance.
More specifically, we determined the samples’ mineralogical, chemical and isotopic composition
using petrographic examination, optical and scanning electron microscopy, X-ray diffraction
spectroscopy, geochemical analysis through inductively coupled plasma mass spectrometry (ICP/
MS), as well as determination of stable isotopes of carbon (13C) and oxygen (18O).
The results were very rewarding. The samples from the Asomata quarries and those from the
ancient monuments of Aigeai show clear similarities regarding their mineralogical composition,
their content in major elements, trace and rare earth elements, but also in their isotopic composition.
The results of the isotopic study show that almost all samples from the ancient monuments of
Aigeai (nine out of twelve) fall within the range of the excavated quarries at Asomata (Quarries 1
14
For the ancient cities in the region and their territories see Papazaoglou 1988, pp. 124-127, 131-135, 141-149.
See also Gounaropoulou - Chatzopoulos 1998, p. 47. For the ancient ‘χωρία’ of the same region, see ibid. pp. 48, 141
and Koukouvou 1999, pp. 574-575 with notes 15-18. This settlement probably belonged to the land of Beroia. See also
Koukouvou 2012, pp. 132-134.
15
See Koukouvou 2012, pp. 134-136.
16
See Romaios 1953-54, p. 144; Andronikos et al. 1961, p. 28; Andronikos 1989, pp. 64, 66, 68; Kottaridou
1992, pp. 68-69; Drougou 1992, p. 48; Saatsoglou-Paliadeli 1992, pp. 55-56; Kottaridou, 1993, p. 83; SaatsoglouPaliadeli 1996, pp. 58-60; Faklaris 1996, p. 70. See Drougou 1999, p. 536, where the material of the monuments
is mentioned as poros stone. For the building stones used in the construction of the Palace of Aigeai see Kouzeli
2007, pp. 152-153.
26.3, 2020
Building Cities in Macedonia
125
and 2). The results of the archaeometric study therefore strongly support the probability that the
building stone used in the monuments of ancient Aigeai came from the Asomata quarries17.
The interdisciplinary research into the possible destination of the building material from
the Asomata quarries, namely the reconstruction of the now lost history connecting quarry and
monument, was dictated primarily by the unanimous belief of scholars that in Antiquity, at least
until the late Hellenistic period, there was a close quarry-monument relationship18. A connection
so close that it causes us to recast the well-known causality dilemma: “which came first: the chicken
or the egg?”. Did the monument make the quarry, or the quarry the monument?
Large-scale public projects required considerable quantities of building stone and, at least
during the Classical and Hellenistic periods, there were no quarries in the form of established
enterprises where one could order blocks, columns, etc., from a ready-made stock. The opening
of a quarry and the extraction of rock were the first stages in any building work and began only
after a contractor took over the project and a “contract” of construction (a syngraphe in Ancient
Greek) was officially signed. These contracts, which state in detail the builders’ obligations, and
the construction accounts are important, firmly dated, official financial documents that provide
us with authentic details about the extraction, initial rough treatment and shipment of building
stone19. They also document the costs and the elaborate organisation required for the acquisition
of stone masonry in Classical and Hellenistic times. Although our sources say little and are often
vague, it is evident that the opening of a building-stone quarry followed a specific order, which
determined the precise final dimensions of the blocks to be cut, the initial rough treatment on site
and their shipment to the final destination. As the document show, these stages were viewed as an
integrated whole, which was frequently undertaken by the architects in charge.
For example the decree of the Epistatai (that is, the commission of public works) of the
polis of Eleusis, dated in the middle of the 4th century BC, specifies the number of stones
(λίθους) to be quarried (τεμε̑ν), transported (ἀγαγεῖν), unloaded (καθελέσθαι) and finished (ἐργάσ[ασ]θαι) for the making of different architectural elements20. Here we have textual evidence
about the exact dimensions and foot units that correspond to the blocks. Inscriptions like this
are very important in understanding the ancient quarrying methods because they allow us to
see the design and planning methods as well as the construction history of the building. As also
indicated in the inscription, transportation was a very important, laborious and expensive part
of the whole project, especially land transportation, the cost of which in most cases exceeded
that of extraction21.
Transporting blocks of stone via ravines and service roads was made easier by the concentration
of quarries in wide quarrying zones, usually extending along the lower slopes of a region22. This
arrangement apparently facilitated not only transportation but also the better organisation of the
work, the allocation of personnel and the facilitation of the basic requirements for a quarry’s
17
For a full presentation of the laboratory results see Koukouvou 2012, pp. 207-218, and the relative Appendix, p.
335 ff. Current practice in provenance identification studies is to examine not only the marble but other stones as well,
see the special section in the ASMOSIA congresses (e.g. ASMOSIA X, ASMOSIA XI, ASMOSIA XII).
18
Modern studies, e.g. Korres 1995; Bessac 1996, focus on the connection between the quarry and the construction
site and underline the need for the research to move towards this direction.
19
For these inscription categories see Hellmann 2002, pp. 18-31. For the Epidaurian Tholos, see IG IV2, 103;
Burford 1966; 1969; Koukouvou 2012, pp. 44-45, 53-54, note 64, 195-197.
20
IG II2, 1666. One of the architects of this work was Philon, the well known architect of the Naval Arsenal
(Skeuotheke) in Piraeus, see Hellmann 2002, pp. 23-25.
21
For stone transportation methods in Antiquity see Wurch-Kozelj 1988. Kokkorou-Aleuras et al. 2010, pp. 5459. On the transportation of quarried stone from Asomata see Koukouvou 2012, pp. 197-198 (with bibl.).
22
This pattern was also used in regions such as Corinthia, Kleonai and Delphi, as mentioned earlier, see note 13.
See also Koukouvou pp.110-115, p. 176 note 358, 198-200 with bibl.
126
A. Koukouvou
Sc. Ant.
operation23. In our case, the blocks extracted from the Asomata quarries were transported via the
ravines crossing the region and the auxiliary roadways leading to the main road that skirted the
mountain and connected Beroia with Aigeai via the river Haliakmon24.
To judge from the extent of the quarrying and the testimonies of ancient sources, we can
safely suggest that in certain regions with extensive evidence of extraction, such as the Corinthia,
quarrying must have been a major activity with a vital impact on the life of the region25. In Classical
and Hellenistic times, according the prevailing view, major building quarries were as a rule used
for the construction of public works of religious or secular character. These quarries were owned
and operated by the state and by sanctuaries. In the rare case where a quarry was leased, then the
profits formed part of the city’s revenue. It has also been suggested, however, that in certain cases,
especially when quarries were located within a city’s grid, as in Piraeus, the landowners were
entitled to the exploitation of stone before building on their land.
Unfortunately, in Macedonia we lack the written evidence that could inform us about the
details of the design, organisation and execution of the construction works that changed the
kingdom’s cities completely. Macedonia, certainly, displays essential differences from the citystates of southern Greece, for which we have certain information. The Macedonian king, during
the period in question, that is the 4th century BC, had total control of the natural resources of
his kingdom, and consequently of the administration and exploitation of its mineral wealth26. It
has often been pointed out by scholars that Macedonia reshaped its urban landscape during the
late Classical and early Hellenistic period, by implementing ambitious building projects. It was
a time of prosperity and intense building activity in the kingdom’s major cities27. The erection of
important public buildings in Pella, Aigeai, Mieza and elsewhere demanded very large quantities
of poros, which was their main building material.
Hence, even if the three excavated quarries around ancient Beroia were only a small part of the
overall local quarry system, they are irrefutable witnesses of quarrying activity in this region of the
Old Macedonian kingdom in the 4th century BC. It was an activity that changed the appearance
of urban centres but also had a major impact on the shape and appearance of the countryside as
well. It required the opening of many quarries, the construction of service roads, the installation
of a sufficient number of workers and craftsmen on construction and quarry sites, the use of many
draught animals and wagons for transportation, and provisions for the distribution of equipment,
water and food to people and animals. An activity, that is, with various effects, economic and social.
In recent years scholars seem to have better understood and assessed the experimentations
and achievements of the Macedonian architectural programmes that managed the organisation
23
Such organisation would permit working in many areas without the different groups of quarrymen being ob‑
structed or the roads clogged with quarry by-products. See Marchand 2002, p. 339, note 175.
24
For the roads in the region see Koukouvou 2012, p. 133, no. 197 and p. 146, note 267. In Macedonia most cities
were situated on the lower slopes of hills, while the main roadways ran at their base (Aigeai, Beroia, Mieza, Edessa).
25
It is plausible that certain itinerant groups of specialists, originating from places with an attested quarrying
tradition, acted as mediators for the stone trade of their homelands and undertook the opening of new quarries and
the extraction and shipment of the quarried stone, see Dworakowska 1977, pp. 9-10; Hellmann 2000; 2002, pp. 26, 71;
Koukouvou 2012, pp. 199-201. For the supply of poros, see CID II: 34, col. I, l. 41. 62, col. II. A, l. 1. The building
accounts of five important sanctuaries provide essential information for the craftsmen who worked in them during the
Classical and Hellenistic period, see Feyel 2006, esp. pp. 341-368, for the distant geographical origin of artisans in these
major building projects.
26
See Koukouvou 2012, pp. 204-205.
27
See note 13 in the present article. See also Drougou 1997; Lilimpaki-Akamati 1999, pp. 29-35; Kottaridi 2004, pp.
533-538; Saatsoglou-Paliadeli 2007. For the epigraphical evidence and also the historical and archaeological data that
inform us about the development and organisation of the Macedonian cities in the 4th c. BC, see note 1 and Hatzopoulos 1999 (with bibl.). For the Macedonian cities and the development of public life see also Lilimpaki-Akamati 1999 and
Koukouvou - Psarra 2011, pp. 233-235.
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127
of complex spaces with selectivity and sophisticated original solutions. In a word, the role that
Macedonia played as the starting point in shaping the new trends of Hellenistic architecture and,
going further, the role that Macedonia played in the way the Western world built public spaces,
palaces and privileged residences28.
The ambitious Macedonian building programmes and their successful implementation
presupposed a general openness to new ideas and an influential political will and purpose which
could not have been devoid of ideological content. This willpower was expressed through another
kind of army that was mobilised by the powerful Macedonian monarchs in a wholly different
sphere. One must envisage an army of artists, craftsmen and workers devoted to new challenges,
introduced in particular by Philip II, whose contribution to the development and reform of the
civic units was enormous29.
It would be a real godsend if we could chronicle the progress of the building work that
transformed the Macedonian cities. Some idea of the process may be obtained from the inscriptions
recording the construction accounts of important sanctuaries of the Greek world, such as Delphi,
Delos, Epidaurus and Miletus, which are lively chronicles of the building works in progress30.
For an idea of the harsh daily life of the humble workers who, with technical skill, supreme
craftsmanship, passion and sheer hard work gave form and shape to the political will, the
architectural conception and the artistic vision of other creative forces of their time, we have the
evidence of the numerous inscriptions on broken pieces of pottery – ostraca – found in the Roman
imperial granite quarries of Mount Claudianus in Egypt, which preserve a working diary of the
2nd century AD. On these sherds, written in ink or charcoal, we find lists of the number of
craftsmen working in each quarry on a particular day, the sick and the reason for their absence
(“three ill today, of whom one has dysentery”), references to the distribution of water, food, tools
and equipment (e.g. ropes, pegs, wood), but also demands for repairs to the tools, especially for
sharpening and reinforcing cutting tools. Of course, it goes without saying that we must bear in
mind the differences in type and scale of the quarries we are discussing, in their management status
(these were of the Roman Imperial period), and also of geographical and chronological distance.
Nevertheless, the information we derive from these inscriptions is remarkably enlightening with
regard to the operating conditions of the quarries and reveals a daily life probably not so different
from that of the ancient Macedonian quarrymen31.
In our opinion the most important finding is that all the sources make plain the high level
of know-how, the careful planning, rational organisation and excellent management indisputably
needed for smooth and successful quarrying32. In my view, this cannot be better expressed than by
Manolis Korres, the expert in ancient quarrying activity:
“A good quarryman would quite often bear in mind a few of the problems faced by the archi‑
tect, and made calculations which demanded considerable thought. He had to observe, evaluate,
and handle a very difficult material. He had to comprehend complex combinations of geologi‑
28
See indicatively Kopsacheili 2011 with bibl. Also Koukouvou - Psarra in the present volume.
The public space of Macedonian cities crystallises in architectural form the crucial political and state changes that
Philip II put forth during his reign and helps us comprehend the meaning of the speech Alexander the Great gave at Opis
in Mesopotamia in 324 BC. (Arr. Anab. 7. 9. 2, transl. P. A. Brunt). For the decisive role of Philip II see Hatzopoulos
1997, esp. pp. 11-25; 1999; 2001, pp. 189-190; 2003, pp. 55-57, 64). See also Koukouvou - Psarra in this volume.
30
The accounts from the 2nd c. BC temple in Didyma of Miletus indicate the number of workers who quarried
and rough-hewed the blocks, as well as the cost of feeding and clothing them and repairing their tools, see Hellmann
2002, pp. 23-26 with bibl.
31
For the ostraca from the quarries in Mons Claudianus see Bülow-Jacobsen 2009. For characteristic examples see
ibid, pp. 16-17, no. 634-635 and pp.78-79, no. 725 (lists of personnel), pp. 68-69, no. 717 (mentions the sick personnel),
pp. 125-126, no. 791 (letter mentioning the need for sharpening the tools).
32
See Waelkens - De Paepe-Moens 1988, pp. 92-93. Korres 1995, p. 179.
29
128
A. Koukouvou
Sc. Ant.
cal, geometrical, artistic and mechanical factors. Finally, all these factors had to operate within a
perfectly organized system of work and production which in itself represented an exceptional
intellectual undertaking. Unfortunately, this achievement has till today remained almost ignored
since it is perceived as being neither artistic nor imbued with ideals… Why, therefore, should
a great project be arbitrarily divided into higher intellectual and lower manual or “managerial”
components?”33.
Angeliki Koukouvou,
Archaeological Museum of Thessaloniki
akoukouvou@culture.gr
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Abstract
Nel 2001 sono state portate alla luce tre antiche cave di poros vicino all’insediamento di Asomata, nella pre‑
fettura dell’Emathia (Macedonia, Grecia). Le cave di Asomata sono le prime cave di pietra da costruzione ad
essere state scavate e studiate sistematicamente, non solo in Macedonia ma anche in Grecia. Il loro studio ha
prodotto informazioni inestimabili sui metodi di estrazione e sugli strumenti utilizzati, nonché sul funzio‑
namento e l’organizzazione delle cave in età classica ed ellenistica. La loro ubicazione, che si colloca tra due
importanti centri regionali: Aigeai, l’antica capitale macedone (l’attuale Vergina) e Beroia, ha sollevato un
interrogativo sulla destinazione del materiale estratto. Per verificare la nostra ipotesi riguardo lo sfruttamen‑
to delle cave dell’Asomata per alimentare un importante programma edilizio che coinvolse la vicina Aigeai
nel IV secolo a.C., generalmente priva di depositi di pietra da costruzione, è stato intrapreso un progetto di
ricerca interdisciplinare. I risultati archeometrici confermano che i campioni delle cave di Asomata e quelli
dei monumenti di Aigeai hanno evidenti somiglianze nella composizione mineralogico-petrografica, chimi‑
ca ed isotopica. Questo contributo si propone di presentare l’intensa attività di estrazione e costruzione in
questa regione del regno macedone in un momento di prosperità e supremazia politica. Le cave oggetto di
questo studio costituiscono così il collegamento tra i potenti committenti, ovvero i basileis che costruirono
le grandi città del regno plasmando il nuovo volto della Macedonia ellenistica, con gli anonimi artigiani che
con la loro conoscenza tecnica e competenza ingegneristica realizzarono i progetti dei loro sovrani.