A RN O LD J T O Y N B EE . WITH MA NY COL OU RED MA PS L O N DO N M . A ND DE N T T O R ONT O €9 ° MCMX V SO N S L TD . P R EFA C E TH I S book is an attempt to review t h e problems of Nationality in the area a ff e cted by th e War My principal object has been to present the e xistin g facts in their historical setting and where these facts are of a psychological order as they so often are I have tried to reproduce sympathetically the diff erent nations conflicting points of view Some readers will regret that I h ave not confined myself to narrative altogether and will resent the will “ and ought that pun ctuate the was and is I would answer them that this practical app lication is the justification of the book National questions are of absorbing interest at all times to the parti cular nations they concern ; they are of o ccasional interest to the professional historian who touches them in the course of his research to the world in general they are normally of no interest at all But what are we to do about it s people exclaim when a problem is thrust upon their attention and finding no answer th ey hark back to their own aff airs This normal life of ours has suddenly been bewitched by the War and in the revaluing of all our values the right reading of the riddle of Nationality has become an aff air of life and death The war has exploded the mine upon whi ch diplomatists have feared to tread and we are wal king in a trance across ruins S o lv itur a m b u la n do or else we break our necks Th is is my apology for laying down the law and it will clear up a further di fficulty whic h mi gh t otherwise . , , , ' . , . . . ' , . , . , . , . , vi NAT IONAL I TY AND THE WAR use trouble When you change from present to ” future readers will say which do you mean to e xpound—what will happen what may happen or what o ught to happen é Certain ly not what will happen If we win is t h e implied hypothesis of every sentence I have written a hypothesis that baffles prophecy If I become cate go rica l it is a lapse of style not of standpoint Certainly not what ought to happen in the Utopian sense : politi cal problems have no universal solutions What d o es not meet the situation meets nothing : what meets it to day will not meet it to m orrow because the situation itself will have been t ransformed by bein g met My text is what may happen yet may partakes of both will and ought its meaning varies w ith its application The problem of Nationali ty has come to concern ourselves and so far as it conce rns us i t depends upon us for its solution—upon our intellectual judgments the makin g up of our mind and upon our m oral judgments the determination of our will We may thi nk this or that thought feel thi s or that feeling and each will give a different cast to the clay f ate h a s thrust into our hands W e have to decide whi ch way we ought to fashion it Yet the solution depends upon others as well In ourselves we often include our allies but the power of British will to in fluence Russian a ction is slight indeed and when we deal with neutrals or enemies our own will ceases to coun t whi le theirs becomes all important T his will of other parties is for us an objective fact : we ca n conjecture wha t it is likely to be and frame our o wn action either to thwart or to promote it but we cannot determine their will from ca . , , , , . , , . . - , . , . , , , . , , , . . . , , , . , , P REFACE vii withi n , and it is therefore idle for us to debate what they ought to do In discussing what may happen on the European continent we have simply to discover what national ideals or ambitions will assert themselves if the war removes certain forces like the traditional regime in Prussia or th e Dual System in the Danubian Monarchy w hich hitherto have prevented large groups of population from exercisin g their will a n d working out their own salvation I thus repu diate Utopianism and declare solvency for every draft I make upon the future The only piece of Utopianism of whi ch I am deliberately guilty is the suggestion that the U S A might undertake the ad ministration o f the Black Sea Straits ( Ch IX Sect Of course they will not and of course Russia will and a gain the reader will resent my inconsistency Better have left out the suggestion he will say I have left it in because it crowns an argument It is the redu ctio a d a bsurdu m of that dearth of international organisation whi ch is la rgely responsible for Europe s present pass and possibly it will se rve to bring out an underlying purpose of this book My review of problems does not pretend to be exhaustive — that would be beyond the scope of a single book and a single writer and it would also be a weariness o f the flesh Problems are le gion and they have no individual significance in themselves they are valuable only as illus trations of a phenomenon By looking at Nationality in the concrete from successive perspectives we may gain a clearer notion of what Nationality is than by the direct approach of an abstract definition At any rate it is worth while making the experiment for un der stand Nationa li ty we must now that it has proved itself the dominant politi ca l factor in Europe . , . , . . . . . , , . . . ' , . , , . . , . , , . NATIONALITY AND THE WAR I have still to acknowledge my obligations The chief so urce of this book is an ingrained habit of gazing at maps and much of my material had been imbibed uncons ciously in this way long before the war broke out and I sat down to write My cons cious debts are to S tieler s H an d-A tlas of the contemporary world and to th e wonderful H istorica l A tlas created by Karl S p r iin er and Theodor Menke his apostle Both of these I ha ve consulted continuously wh ile writing the book and compiling my own maps that accompany it and I have also derived much profit from the little A lldeu tsch er A tlas published under the auspices of th e A lldeu tsch e Verb a n d by Justus Perthes whi ch plots out th e dist ri bution of la ngu ages in Central Europe with admi rable exactitude though it combines scientific execution with cha uvinisti c i n spiration in a ch ara cteristi cally German fashion The reader will note in passing that the oth er atlases cited are also of German author s h ip and that conclusions based on their evidence are not likely to be biassed to Germany s disadvantage I am also indebted to books A mong works of reference I would single out two of Baedeker s hand books the eleventh e d ition o f A ustria H unga ry ( 1 9 1 1 ) and Ko nstan tinop el and Kleinasien but in thi s case the German source yields precedence to th e En cyclop e dia B ritan n ica ( eleventh edition published in whi ch has proved the most indi spensable of all my guides My extracts from the o fli cial census returns of various states are nearly all derived through this 1 channel and I have made espe cially diligent use of the . , . ’ , . , , , . , ’ . . ’ - , , . , Th e 1 9 1 1 editio n o f th e En cy clope di a takes its A u stro - Hu n garian I m ight h av e rectified them by th e sta tisti cs fro m th e censu s o f 1 90 0 m o re recen t retu rn s o f 1 9 1 0 , b u t I hav e d el i b erately refrain ed fro m d o m g so Th e fig u res o f 1 9 1 0 o f co u rse rep resen t th e p resen t abso l u te to ta ls o f th e vario u s p o p u l ati o n s m o re accu rately th an tho se o f 1 90 0, 1 . PREFACE ix excellently arranged arti cles on Austria Hungary " and Hungary For what I have written on Hungary I am li kewise in debt to the illuminating study on H unga ry in the 1 E igh teen th Cen tu ry by Professor M ar czali th e Magyar historian but above all to the work of Dr Seton Watson So far as I deal with his subjects my informa tion is taken at second hand I have learnt all I know about Magyarisatio n from his Racia l P ro blems in H u nga ry and all I know about modern Croatia from his S ou th ern S la vs I can do no better than refer th e reader to these two books for the substantiation of my indi ctment against the Magyar nation Th e Wa r a n d Dem ocra cy written in collaboration by Messrs Seton Watson Dover Wilson Zimmern and Greenwood was only published after the relevant part of my own boo k was already in proof and I have not yet had leisure to read it Yet though I have been unable to borrow from the book itself I owe an in calcu l able debt to another of its authors besides Dr Seton W atson I have had th e good fortune to be Mr Z im m ern s pupil So mu ch for maps and books they cannot compare with friends Without the help of my moth er and my wife this book would never have grown ripe for publi ca tion and I have to thank my wife s father Professor Gilbert Murray Mr A D Lindsay and Mr H W C b u t rel ativ e rather th an ab so l te qu an tities are valu able f o r m y p u rpo se an d in this r esp ect th e fig res o f 1 90 0 a re u n do b tedly m o re accu rate In 1 90 0 th e o fficxal p ro po rtio ns were do u b tless t h an tho se o f 1 9 1 0 a l ready d isto rted by th e H un g ari an census o fficials an d d o u b tless th e real p ro p o rtio ns h av e slig h tly sh ifted in th e m ean whi l e b u t b o th th ese m arg n s o f erro r a re m s gm fican t co m p ared W th th e g ro ss p erv ers o ns o f tru th p erpetrated by H u n garian o ffic a ld o m in 1 9 1 0 S o rapidly is a n ati o n d em o ralised wh en o n ce it su ccu m bs to chau vin ism P u b l ish ed b y th e Cam brid g e University P ress - . , , . , , . , . . , - , , . , , . , . . . ’ . . , ’ , , . , . . . . . . u , u u . - , , i i r i r . . 1 . x NATIONAL ITY AND THE WAR Davis of Balliol College and Mr R W Chapman of the Clarendon Press all of whom have read the book in whole or part either in manus cript or in proof Their advice has enabled me to raise the standard of my work in every respect When the criti cs tear my final draft in pieces I shall realise how my first draft would have fared had it been exposed naked to their claws Last but not least I must express my gratitude to my publishers Messrs I M Dent and Sons Ltd for their un failin g kindness esp ecially for bearing with my delays and reproducing my maps . , . . , . . , , . , . , . . , . , , . ARNOLD TOYNBEE Februa ry 1 9 1 5 . . C O N TEN TS CHA PTER I THE F UTURE II PRUSSIA N IS M OR GERMAN Y S A MEITIO N S A Th e Germ an E m pire . ' . , . at 21 B Th e Fren ch Fron ti er 40 8 C Th e D anish Fro n tier 4 D Th e Po lish Fro n tier 51 E Pru ssian S tate an d Germ an Natio n 80 III THE VITALITY O E A USTRIA 98 IV R ECO NS TRUCTIO N IN THE BALKAN S 138 A Hu n gary 1 40 B Th e S o u th ern S lavs 1 67 C A B alkan Z o llv erem 216 V TRI ES TE A ND ITALY 2 46 VI Tc cn A ND GERMAN IN THE N EW AUS TRIA a6 r VII PA N SLA VISM OR GERMAN Y S FEARS 2 73 VIII THE R USSIAN EMPIRE A N D NATIO NAL S ELF-GO VERN MEN T 2 8 1 A Th e Riso rgim en to o f Po lan d 281 B Th e Natio n al Evo l u tio n o f R ussia 2 94 C D evo lu tio n 3 00 D Exp an sio n 32 5 IX RUSS IA S N EEDS 337 A Th e Liberatio n o f th e Balti c 3 39 B Th e L ib eratio n o f th e B lack S ea 3 38 X THE DIS MA N I LIN G O E TURKEY 3 79 A Thrace 3 79 B A rm en ia 385 C Panis larnism 399 D TH E N ew An ato lia 412 B TH E N ew A rabia 433 X I NATI O NALITY Exp LO ITA TIO N A ND S TRON G GOVERN MEN T IN PERS IA X II NATIONALITY A N D S OVEREIGNTY APPENDIX O N THE M A P O E E UROPE IN DEX . . . . . . . . . . . ' , . . . . . . ' . . . ' ' . . . . . . . . , L I S T O F M A PS IN THE TEX T THE KIEI CAN AL Fa czng p age . THE DAN U B E Page T HE TRE N TIN O C O L O U RS GERMA N FRON TIER P O LAND THE S O U THE RN S LA v s THE BALKAN S HIN TERLAND O E ODES SA THE N EARER EAST THE NATI O NALITIES OF E UROPE THE 1 05 2 60 IN THE FRAN CO - 48 WA R A N D TH E N A T IO N A L ITY C H A P TE R I FUTURE TH E FO R the first time in our lives we find ourselves in complete uncertainty as to the future T o uncivilised people the situation is commonplace but in twentieth century Europe we are accustomed to look ahead to forecast accurately what lies before us and then to ch oose our path and follow it steadily to its end and we rightly consider that this is the characteristi c of civilised men The same ideal appears in every side of our life : in the individual s morality as a desire for Independence strong enough to control most human passions : in our Economics as Estimates and In su r an ces in our Politics as a great sustained concentration of al l our surplus energies in which parties are b eco m ing incre asingly at one in aim and eff ort while their di fferences are shrinking to alternatives of method to raise the material moral and intellectual standard of life through out the nation From all this fruitful con structive exacting work which demands the best from us and makes us the better for giving it we have been violently wrenched away and plunged into a struggle for existence with people very much like ourselves with whom we have no quarrel W e must face the fact that this is pure evil an d that we cannot escape it W e must fight with all our strength every particle of our energy must be absorbed , . , , . ' , , , , , . , , , , , . , . THE FU T URE 2 in the war an d meanwhi le our social construction must stand still indefinitely or even be in par t undone an d every class and individual in the country must suff er in their degree according to the quite ar bitrary ch an ce o f war in h v es horribly destroyed and work ruin ed W e have to carry t h is war to a successful issue because on that dep ends our freedom to govern our o wn life after the war is over and the prese rvation of this freedom itself is more import ant for us than the whole sum of concrete gains its possession has so far brought us Thus we are sacrificing our present to our future and therein obeying the civilised man s ideal to th e uttermost But we shall only be justified in our most momentous de cision by wh ich we have put to the touch the whole of our fortunes at once if the path we ch oose an d follow is worthy of the sacrifice and the danger we are incu rring for the sake of it At present w e are all working according to our individual capacities for success in the war but we have little influence even collectively upon th e result We have unreservedly put the control of it into the hands of experts whom we trust and rightly done so because it is the essence of this evil war whether the veil ed war of Diplomacy or the naked war of military force that its conduct must be secret and autocratic Naturally our thoughts are wi th the fleets and armies for we know that if they are beaten we lose the thing they are fighting for freedom of choice ; but we are in danger of forgettin g that if we win our object is not automatically attained If we read in the newspaper one day that the powers with which we are at war had submitted unconditionally to the Allies we should only be at the beginning of our real task The reco n stru c tion of Europe would be in our hands but we should , , , . , , , . , ’ , , . , , . , , , , . , , , , , . , , , , , , . , . TH E FUTURE 3 be exposed to the one thing worse than defeat in the field , to the misuse of the immense power of decision for good or evil given us by victory This is an issue incomparably graver than the military struggle that lies immediately before us Firstly we are more personally responsible for it as individuals The war itself is not only being managed by experts it was brough t upon us (the White Paper leaves no doubt in our m inds ) by factors outside England altogether But our policy after hosti lities cease will be decided by our own government relying for its authority upon the country behind it that is it will be decided ultimately by publi c opinion Secondly the state of war will have shaken our judgment wh en we are most in need of judging wisely The psychological devastation of war is even more terrible than the material War brings t h e savage substratum of human character to the surface after it has swept away the strong habits that generations of W e saw how the breath civilised e ff ort have built up of war in Ireland demoralised all parties alike W e have met the present more ghastly reality with ad m ir able calmness but we must be on our guard Time wears out nerves and War inevitably brings wit h it the suggestion of certain obsolete points of view which in our real normal life have long been buried and forgotten It rouses the instinct of revenge If Germany has hurt us we will hurt her more—to teach h er not to ” do it again The wish is t h e savage s automatic reaction the reason his perfunctory justification of it but the civilised man knows that the impulse is hope lessly unreasonable The hurt is being at war and the evil we wish to bann is the possibility of being at , . , . , . . , , , . . . , . . . , , , , . . , ' . , . , THE FUT URE 4 war ag ain because war prevents us working out our own lives as we choose If we beat Germany and then humiliate her she will never rest till she has redeemed " her honour by hu m iliating us more cruelly in turn Instead of being free to return to our own pressing business we shall have to be constantly on the watch against her Two great nations will sit idle weapon in hand like two Afghans in their loopholed towers when the blood feud is between them ; and we shall have sacrificed deliberately and to an ever increasing extent for the blood feud grows by geometrical pro r ss i o n e the very freedom for which we are now giving g our lives Another war instinct is plunder War is often the savage s profession : With my sword spear and 1 shield I plough I sow I reap I gather in the vintage If we beat Germany our own mills and factories will have been at a standstill our horses requisitioned and our crops unharvested our merchant steamers stranded in dock if not sunk on the high seas and our blood lavished on the war : but in the end an d treasure Germany s wealth will be in our grasp her colonies her markets an d such floating riches as we can distrain upon by means of an indemnity If we have had to beat our ploughshares into swords we can at least draw some profit from the new tool and recoup ourselves partially for the inconvenience It is no longer a question of irrational impulsive revenge perhaps not even of S weetenin g our sorrow by a little gain To draw on the life blood of German wealth may be t h e only way to replenish the veins of our exh austed ” Industry and Co mmerce So the plunder instinct ” might be clothed in civilised garb War we might , . , , . , . , , - , , . . ' , ’ , , . , , , , ’ , , , . , , . , , . - . , 1 Th e so n g o f H yb rias th e Kretan . THE FUTURE 5 express it is an investment that must bri ng in its " return The first argument against this point of view is th at it has clearly been the inspiring idea of Germany s policy and history already shows that armaments are as unbusinesslike a speculation for civilised countries as war is an abnormal occupation for civilised men We saw the e f fect of the Morocco tension upon German fin ance in 1 91 1 and the first phase of the present war has been enough to show how much Germany s com merce will inevitably suffer whether she wins or loses It is only when all the armaments are on one side and when in all th e wealth is on the other that war pays fact an armed savage attacks a civilised man possessed of no arms for the protection of his wealth Our A fghans in their towers are S harp enough not to steal each other s cows (supposing they possess any of t h eir own ) for cows do not multiply by being exchanged and both A f ghans would starve in the end after wasting all their bullets in the skirmish They save their bullets to steal cows from th e plainsman who cannot make reprisals If Germany were really not hing but a nation in arms successful war m ight be as lucrative for h er as an Af ghan s raid on the plain but she is normally a great industrial community like ourselves In the last generation she has achieved a national growth of which she is justly proud Like our own it has been entirely social and economic Her goods have been peacefully conquering th e world s markets Now her workers have been diverted en m asse from th eir prospering industry to conquer the same markets by military force and the whole work of forty years is jeopardised by the chan g e of method , . ’ , . , ’ , . , , , . ’ , . . , ’ , . . , . ’ . , . 6 THE FUTURE Fighting for trade and industry is not like fighting for cattle Cattle are driven from one fastness to another and if no better are at least no worse for the transit Civilised wealth perishes on the way Our economic organisation owes its power an d range to the marvell ous forethought and co operation th at has built it up ; but the most delicate organisms ar e the mos t easily dislocated and the conqueror whether England or Germany will have to realise that though h e may seem to have got the wealth of th e conquered into his grip the total wealth of both parties will have been vastly diminished by the process of the struggle The characteristic feature of modern wealth is that it is international Economic gain and loss is shared by the whole world and the shifting of the economic balance does not correspond to the moves in the game of diplomatists and armies Germany s economic growth has been a phenomenon quite independent of h er political ambitions and Germany s economic ruin would compromise something far greater than Germany s political future— the whole world s pros British wealth among the rest would be dealt p erity a deadly wound by Germany s economic death and it would be idle to pump Ger many s last life blood into our veins if we were automatically dr aining them of our own blood in the process But issues greater than the econo m i c are involved Th e modern Nation is for good or ill an organ ism one and indivisible and all the diverse branches of national activity flourish or wither with the whole national well being You cannot destroy German wealth without paralysing German intellect and art and European civilisation if it is to go on growing cannot do without them Every doct or and musician every scientist . , , . . - , , , , , . . , ' . ' , ’ ’ , . , ’ , ’ - , . . , . , , . , , , THE FUTURE 8 tions against its promoters ) we must carry thr ough th e ch an ge completely and at once : we cannot possibly af ford to be exposed to the danger again No tool machine or idea made by men has an immortal career Sooner or later they all ru n amuck and begin to do evil instead of good At that stage savage or unskilful men destroy them by force and replace them by their opposite civilised men get them under control and build them into something new and greater Nationality will sink from being the pinn acle of politics only to become their foundation and till the foundations are laid tru e further building is impossible But the bases of nationality have never yet been l aid tru e in Europe When we say that nationality was ” the political ideal of th e nineteenth century and that 1 870 left th e populations of Europe organ ised in national groups we are taking far too complacent a view of hi storical facts The same century that produced a united Italy and Germany saw out the whole tragedy of Poland from the first partition in 1 772 to the last revolt in 1 86 3 Human ideas do not spring into the world full grown and shining like Athena : they tr ail the infection of evil things from the past In the Dark Ages Europe s most pressing need and 1 only practicable ideal was strong government Strong govern ment came with its blessings but it brought th e evil of territorial ambitions The Duke of Burgundy spent the wealth of his Netherland subject s in trying to conquer the Swiss mountaineers Burgundy suc . , , , . . , . , . , . , , . , , . - , . ’ . , . . d throu gho u t this bo o k in th q f m nt w h h th e techn cal e Go v “ ” g ve d h v h Abs l tism A t cy d e d a sinister m pl y d b t b o th h v e c term s m e u su ally b tt to u s m u tr l wo d tha t i m pl es n o con n o tati o n an d t j ud gm e t o n what it d e tes 1 Th e ex p ressio n u asi - e o rn e a e no i s or n i is use s n se o ern o u an is n are . e , Go vernm e t S tro ng o e no e er , u e so . a e ne a e in ic u ocra ar i re a r i THE FUTURE 9 to the king of France But the very factor that made the French ki ngs survive in the struggle for existence between governments the force of compact nationality which the French kingdom happened to contain deli vered th e inheritance of the kings to the Nation The French Nation in the Revolution burst the Chrysalis of irrespons i ble government beneath whic h it had grown to organic life but like a true heir it took over the Royal Government s ideal Peace withi n ” and piracy without France had already begun aggression abroad before she had accomplished self government at home and in delivering h erself to Napoleon she sacrificed her liberty to her ambition Napoleon s only enduring achievements outside France were the things he set himself to prevent the realisation by a forceful reaction against force of German and Italian nationality Nationalism was converted to violence from the outset and the struggle for existence between absolute governments has merely been replaced by a s truggle between nationalities equally blind haphazard and non moral but far more terrific just because the virtue of self government is to focus and utilise human energy so much more eff ectively than the irresponsible government it has superseded Naturally the result of this planless strife has been no grouping of Europe on a just and reasonable national basis France and England achieving racial frontiers and national self government early inherited th e Earth before Germany and Italy struggled up beside them to take their leavings of markets and colonial areas But the government that united Germany had founded its power on the partition of Poland and in the second Balkan War of 1 9 1 3 we saw a striking example of the cu m b ed . , , . , ’ . , . ’ , , , . , , , - , , , - . , . - , , . , T HE FUTURE 10 endless chain of evil forged by an act of national inj ustice Th e Hungarians used the liberty they won in 1 86 7 to subject the Slavoni c population between themselves and the sea and prevent its union wit h th e free prin cipality of Serbia of the same Slavoni c nationality Thi s drove Serbia in 1 9 1 2 to follow Hungary s example by seizing the coast of the non Slavonic A lbanians ; and when Austria Hungary pre vented thi s (a right a ct prompted by most unrighteous motives ) Serbia fought an unjust war with Bulgaria and subject ed a large Bulgari an population in order to gain access to the onl y seaboard left her the friendly Greek port of Salonika Hungary and Serbia are nominally national states but more th an half the population in Hungary and per haps nearly a quarter in Serbia is alien o nl y held within the state by force against its wi ll The ener gy of both states is perverted to the futile and d em o ralis M agyarisin g and S erb isin g subject in g work of foreign populations and th ey have not even been successful The resistance of Southern Slav nationalism on th e defensive to th e aggression of Hungari an nationalism has given the occasion for th e present catastrophe The evil element in nationalism under its many " " ” names Chauvinism Jingoism Prussianism is the one thing in our present European civilisation that can and does produce the calamity of war If our object is to prevent war then th e way to do so is to purge Nationality of this evil This we cannot do by any mechanical means but only by a change of heart by converting publi c O pinion throughout Europe from " National Competition to National Co operation . , . ’ - , , , . , , , . , . . , , , , . , , . , , . THE FUTURE 11 Public opinion will never be converted so long as the present system of injustice remains in force so long as one nation has less and another more than its due . The first step towards internationalism is not to flout the problems of nationality but to solve them Th e most important practical business then of the conference that meets when war is over will be the revision of the map of Europe Merely to suggest such a thing is a complete reversal of our policy during the last generation We in England have been steadily shutting our eyes to nationality and minimising its importance Our English n ational question was settled long ago Our geographical situation as an island of manageable size gave our medi aeval Norman and Angevin kings an exceptional opportunity for establishing at an early date a strong well knit govern ment The nation became self conscious when it expanded under the Tudors and self governing by the political revolutions of the seventeenth century a full hundred years ahead of France While France was realising her nationality we were passing through the Industrial Revolution and during the last century we have been working with rapidly increasing success during latter years to adapt ourselves to our new economi c conditions If we do not think about nationality it is simply because we have long taken it for granted and our mind is focussed on posterior developments ; but it is increasingly hard to keep ourselves out of touch with other countries and though our blindness h as been partly distraction it has also been in part deliberate policy We saw well enough that the present phase of the national problem in Europe carried in it the seeds of war We rightly thought that war itself was the , . , , , , . . , . . - - . - , , . , , , , . , , , , . . T HE FU T URE 12 evil an evil incomparably greater th an the na tional inj ustices that might become the cause of it We knew th at if these qu estions were opened war would follow We accordingly adopted the only possible course We built our policy on the chance that national feelin g could be damped down till it had been superseded in th e publi c opinion of Europe by other interests not becau se Nationalis m was unj ustified but because it endangered so much more than it was worth Knowing that we h ad passed out of the nationalist phase ourselves and that from our present political point of view war was purely evil we hoped that it was merely a question of time for the Continental populations to reach t h e same standpoint Notably in German y the focus of danger we saw so cial interests coming more and more to th e front at the expense of m il itarism We threw ourselves into the negative task of staving o ff the catastrophe in the interim by a s trenuous policy of compromise and con cil iation which has been successful on at le ast two critical occasions Now that th e evil h as been too powerful and the catastrophe has happened th e reasons for t his policy are dead Nationalism h as been strong enough to produce war in spite of us It has terribly proved itself to be no outw orn creed but a vita l force to be reckoned with It is stronger on the Continent than so cial politics It is the raw material that litters th e whole ground We must build it into our foundations or give up the task not only of constructive social advance beyond the limits we have already reached but even of any fundamental reconstruction of what the war will have destr oyed P erh aps we might have foretold this from the case of Ireland immediately under our eyes Failure to solve h er national problem h as arrested Irelan d s develop , . , , . . , , . , , . , , . , , . , . . , . . . , , , . . ’ THE FUTURE 13 ment since the seventeent h century and imprisoned her in a world of ideas almost unintelligible to an English man till he has travelled in the Balkans This has been England s fault and we are now at last in a fair way to remedy it The moment we have succeeded in arran g ing th at the diff erent national groups in Ireland govern themselves in t h e way they really wish the national question will pass from the Irish consciousness ; they will put two centuries behind them at one leap and come into line with ourselves The Dublin strike contemporary with the arming of the Volunteers shows how th e modern problems are jostling at the heels of the old Although Unionist and Nationalist politicians could still declare that their attitude towards th e strike was neutral the parliament of the new Irish state will discuss the social problem and nothing else Ireland , then has forced us to think about the problem of nationalism ; and our Irish experience will be in valuable to us wh en peace is made and we take in hand in concert with our allies the national questions of th e rest of Europe To begin with we already have a notion of what Nationality is Like all great forces in human life it is nothing material or mechanical but a subjective psychological feeling in living people This feeling can be kindled by the presence of one or several of a series of factors a common country especially if it is a well defined p hysical region like an island , a river basin or a mountain mass a common lang uag e especially if it has given birth to a literature a common religion and that muc h more impalpable force a common tradition or sense of memories s h ared from the past But it is impossible to argue a p rio ri from th e presence of one or even several of th ese factors to the existence of a , . ' , . , , . , , . , . , , , , . , . , , . , , , , , . THE FUTURE 14 nationality : they may have been there for ages and kindled no response And it is impossible to argue from one case to another : precisely the same group of factors m ay produce nationality here and there have no eff ect Great Britain is a nation by geography and tradition though important Keltic speaking sections of the population in Wales and the Highlands do not understand the predominant English language Ireland is an island smaller still and more compact and is further unified by the almost complete predominance of the same English language for the Keltic speech is incomparably less vigorous here than in Wales ; yet the absence of common tradition combines with religious differences to di vide the country into two nationalities at present sharply distinct from one another and none the less hostile because their national psycho logy is strikingly the same Germany is divided by religion in precisely the same way as Ireland her common tradition is hardly stronger and her geo graphi cal boundaries quite vague : yet she h as built up her present concentrated national feeling in three genera tions Italy has geography language and tradition to bind her together ; and yet a more vivid tradition is able to separate the Ticinese from his neighbours and bin d him to people of alien speech and religion beyond a great mountain range The Armenian nationality does not occupy a continuous territory but lives by language and religion The Jews speak the language of the countr y where they sojourn but re ligion and tradition hold them together The agnostic Jew accepts not only the language but all the other customs of his adopted countrymen but tradition by itself is too strong for him he remains a Jew and cannot be assimilated These instances taken at ra ndom show that each case . , . - , . , , , . , , . , , . , . , . , . 16 THE FUTURE ference which will follow the war and is so much more important than the war itself with a clear idea of th e alternative solutions and a mature judgment upon their relative merits To accomplish this we need a co or dination of know ledge o n a large scale knowledge of history geograp hy religion national psycholo gy and public opi n ion It is a case for the collaboration of experts but mean while an attempt to review the whole question even if t h ere is no deep knowledge be hind it may if honestly made se rve at least as a plea for more detailed and authoritative contributions The remainder of this book is an attempt to make such a beginning We will take a series of act u al political groups some of them states with no national basis so me in which state and nation roughly coincide some that are true nationalities at present prevented from realising themselves in concrete form and we will start in each case by trying to understand the group s own point of View We shall find that it nearly always h as some justification and is hardly ever justifiable in its entirety This need not make us pessimistic it is one of the commonest traits of human nature Righ t and Wrong are always a question of degree and our next step will be to criticise the case of th e group under dis cu ssio n and estimate how far it is just and reasonable to give it what it asks In reaching our conclusions we shall find ourselves evolving a sch eme for the recon struction of that particular corner of Europe Such a reconstruction must be guided by certain obvious principles (i ) It must be done with the minimum of territorial or administrative change There is always a pre sumption in favour of the existing machinery so long , , . - , , , , . , , , , , . . , , , , ’ . , . . , , . . . . . , THE F UTURE 17 as it works varying in proportion to the civilisation of th e people concerned In a civilised country the pl ant of self government is elaborately installed not only in the material sense of public services and ad m inistration business concerns with capital invested in them which must in great measure be wasted if they are broken up and reconstituted on quite different lines but in the more important psychological sphere of political habit There is a certa in political value for instance in the esp rit de co rp s of the motley Austr ian army or even in the still callow constitutional tradition of the Austrian Crown lands parliament It is very hard to make people work together very easy to pull them apart again If th ey work together so badly that they bring the whole organism to a deadlock there is no course left but to part th em and regroup them on other lines which will enable th e various elements to function more smoothly But we must never forget that the negative work of demolishing what other men have spent their labour in building up even if it be a Bastille is at best a regrettable necessity (ii ) In the last resort there must always be minorities t h at su ff er T his must be so if men are not to let di ff erence of opinion prevent them working togeth er and co operation in spite of disagreement is the foundation of politics W e can only secure that th e minorities are as small and the suff ering as mild as possible This again is a question of degree In Macedonia until the year before last one T urk with one rifle caused a minority of a hundred Christians with no rifles to su ffer robbery rape and murder Every one agrees that this was an abomination In Great Britain at the present moment t h e numerically small We lsh-speakin g minority of school ch ildren have , . - , , , , . , , , ’ - . , . , , . , , . . . , - . . . , , , , . . THE FU TU RE 18 to learn English as well as th eir moth er ton gue but th e English majority do not learn Welsh Here we h ave su ff ering or disadvantage to one p arty with out inj ustice : the Welsh ch ild does not learn English because it is th e English speaking majority s interest that he should do so but because it is his o wn His only quarrel i s with the fact that the English population is much larger than his and its language much more widely spoken and it is as useless to quarrel with facts as it is to beat the sea and bind it in ch ains Th e Irish question has produced a rich crop of mis guided arguments o n both sides First came the skirmishes of historical sentiment The Unionists wished to keep everythin g as it was because Ireland has been conquered by England and united th ereby to th e English Kingdom Th ey were silenced by the outstanding fact that th e Catholic Irish are a separate nationality but not content with this the Nationalists decl ared that th e whole island was the heritage of the ” Irish nation with the deplorable result th at the Ulster Protestants made good their objection by thr eats of force Now the Protestants in turn are trying to grab more than their share by maintaining that Ulster is one ” an d indivisible in defiance of the fact tha t the territory Ulster as such has no organic life or in other words no nationality of its own This is mere encouragement to Nationalists to claim all Ulster counties complete where there are Catholic majorities though one corner of them may be entirely Protestant in population The onl y way out is for both parties to face the fact that there are two nationalities in Ireland English speaking Protestants and English speaking Catholics which in the greater part of the island form u n iform populations covering continuous territories ; but th at , . , ’ - , . , , . . . , . , , , . , , , . , . , - , THE FU T URE 19 there is an irreducible zone especially in County Tyrone where the two nations are inextricably mingled not only Catholic village interspersed with Protestant but Catholic and Protestant householders occupying alternate premises in the same town Even here the territories justly belonging to each nation could be plotted out to a nicety on a big scale map but it would be quite impossible to draw a frontier of equal delicacy for the practical purposes of public service and self government With the growth o f civilisation the human and the territorial unit become less and less identical In a primitive community the members are undifferentiated from one another : the true human unit is the total group and not the individual and the territory this group occupies is a unit too self su fficin g and cut o ff from intercourse with the next valley In modern Europe every sub group and every individual has developed a character or individuality of its own which must have free play while the growth of com m u n icatio n s elaboration of organisation and economic interdependence of the whole world have broken down the barriers between region and region The minimum territorial block that can be organised e fficiently as a separate political unit according to modern standards is constantly growing in size : the maximum h uman group which can hold together without serious internal divergence is as steadily di m inishing This would look like an imp asse were it not corrected by th e virtues of civilisation itself We started with th e fact that the essence of civilisation was F ore thought and its ideal the power of free choice the complementary side of t his ideal on the principle ” Do as you would be done by is to allow free choice , , , , . - , . . , , - , . - , , . . , . , , T HE FUTURE 20 to others when they are in your power It is a vir tue with as many names as there are spheres of human lif e ” ” Forbear ance Toleration Constitution alism When we have dr awn our frontier thr ough Tyrone with all th e ingenuity that Geography allows us there will inevitably be a minority left on either side a min ority no map makin g can further reduce Savages wipe out minorities : civilised men t ake testimonials from them The drawing of th e frontier is o n ly the first step towards the solution of the Irish question It will truly be settled if the minorities fin d that the disadvantage to which Geography puts them is more than made up by the good fellowship of the population with wh ich it yokes them Then they will become as strong a link between Cath olic Ireland and Ulster as the colonies of business men that voluntarily take up their residence in Liverpool and Hamburg are between Germany and Eng land Havin g stated these principles which once more draw our attention to psychological facts as being the really important forces to which all con crete mechanical manipulations of frontiers and institutions must be referred in the end we may now more safely plun ge Let us into the great sea of European controversy begin with the nation whose action has drawn us into the vortex Germany . , . , , , - . . . - . , , , . , , , . , . THE GERMAN EMPIRE 21 CHAPTER II P RUSS IAN I SM : ’ MAN Y S AMB ITI ON S O R GER A Th e Germ an Emp ire . THE living generation of Germans is su fferi ng for a thousand years of history They started in the race to emerge from the Dark Age with a smaller fund of civilisation than France had accumulated by her thorough Romanisation and than the Norman con qu ero rs carried from France to England ; and they further handicapped themselves by the only Roman tradition they did inherit the ghost of universal empire The Hohenstaufen dynasty Germany s chance of a strong government spent its strength warring in Italy on the impossible quest of bringing this ghost to life again When they failed Germany fell to pieces into a de bris of principalities of every size and character : self governing trading cities often more in touch wit h foreign traders across the sea than wit h the serfs at their gates ; Imperial knights the landlords of these serfs ruling their estates with practically sovereign power ; prince bishops who governed some of the most civilised d istricts of Germany in the valley of the Rhine ; and lay princes small and great from the Thuringian dukes whose do m inions were subdivided equally among the whole male issue of each generation to the strong military lords of the marches Brandenburg and Austria and the compact steadily growing duchy of Bavaria When the Reformation brought religious war even unified France and England were riven by the conflict German particularism fought out the issue to an in co n . , , . ’ , , , , . ’ , - - , , , - , , , , , , , - . , PRUSS IANISM 22 clu siv e compromise in the devastating W ar of Thi rty Years which paralysed the growth of Germany for a century just when England was workin g out her internal self government and prep aring for th e immense development of her coloni es and industry During the Thirty Years War Germany s consolidated neighbours began to fish in her troubled waters in the eighteenth centu ry she had become the playthi ng of the powers her prin cipa lities pawns in their game : at the end of the century she fell completely under the do m inion of France and had to endure the merited ridi cule of the conqueror for her particularism and its r esults a second h an dn ess and a helpless in ert stolidity This was the more bitter in that she was not merely feeding upon memories of a past dawn that had never become day she was conscious of an immense vitality in the present Wh i le Napoleon was anne xin g or humiliatin g her principalities Germany was giving Europe the greatest philosopher and the greatest poet she had yet known Kant and Goethe while the succes sion of German masters who were cr eatin g European music was rep resented by Beethoven Germany was already a nation : the spark had been kindled by intellect and art An intense desire foll owed to build up all the other sides of national life Germany s striking defect was her political disin te this de livered her into the hands of the French gratio n who preached their creed with drums and bayonets Civilised Germany turned again to the ideal of the Dark Age whi ch more fortunate nations had long realised and transcended a strong military gover nment An organ isation of just this type presented itself in th e kin gdom of Prussia Its nucleus was the march of Brandenburg the old frontier province against t h e , , - . ’ ’ , , , - . . , , , . . . ’ , . , . , . , PRUSS IA N ISM 24 principality was absorbed in Nassau durin g his lif etime) he did not find his vocation therein but took service in the Prussian admi n istration He came to the front after 1 80 6 and was the inspiration both of the in ternal reforms and of the war of li beration they made possible He was afterwards fired by the Romantic movement and devoted his old age to promoting the collection and publication of documents for the origins of German history a historical interest that really looked towards the future B ut the déb ris of the middle ages could not be cleared away in a moment and the next fifty years were a period of flux and indecision Two fact ors were striving to harmonise and never succeeding On the one hand the intell ectual and artis tic growth of Germany was gather ing momentum : in music philology p hi losoph y and theoretical politics the nation had not only found itself but achi eved the primacy of Europe On the other side stood the political organism of Prussia far stronger than before for the Vienna congress had greatly increased her territory and far more representative of Germany as a whole for she had exchanged the greater part of her alien Polish provinces in th e East for the German Rhineland on the West which made her a Catholic as well as a Protestant state and the bulwark of Germany agains t France She used the fif ty years to unite all North Germany in her customs union but her ruling class kept within its medi aeval traditions and only came into hostil e contact with the spiritual movement in which German nationalism still concentrated itself The Prussian governin g class aspired to rule Germany but it did not wish to merge itself in the growth of the German nation These two discordant elements were welded together , , . , . , , . , . . , , , , . , , , , , . . , . THE GERMAN EMPIRE 25 by a genius Bismarck He persuaded the German people that the Prussian machine alone could give them what they wanted and that to make the machine work effectively they must co n form the m s elves to its action there must be no more liberalism He persuaded the Prussian government that irresponsible absolutism ” could only survive by giving the people what it wants and that if it took the plunge from which other obsolete institutions like the Pope and the Hapsburgs had shrunk to their ruin it had a great future before it He worked with titanic tools In the blast furnace of three great wars with Denmark Austria and France he poured the whole energy of the German nation into the Prussian crucible and successfully drew out a solid mass of metal molten in just the form he had intended the German Empire To those who look at his work from outside after a generation has passed it appears that the task was too gigantic even for his powers The metal shows a flaw The Prussian machine has not proved itself adaptable enough it has not learnt to understand and work for the needs and tendencies of the German people The nation on the other hand has lost in success some of the qualities it preserved in adversity and taken a Prussian alloy into its soul Bismarck s harmonisation was sovereign for achieving the immediate result he had in view If his material had not been men but stone the statue of Germany he carved would have been a monu ment to him for ever But living material is always growing and those who work in it must direct their eye less upon the present than upon the future Bismarck brought Germany into line with France and England Her national question was solved at last and she was free to throw herself into industrialism , . , . , , , , . , - . , , , , , . , . . . , ’ . . , . , . . , . 26 PRUSS IAN ISM She threw herself into it with all that concentration of energy of wh ich Bismarck had first mastered the secret Here was a n ew sphere where intell e ctual activity and dis ciplined organisation might co -operate to give German nationality expression The commerce and manufactures that Germany has built up during the last forty three years are among the most wonderful achievemen ts in history there is a vigour behind them th at feels itself capable of inheriting the whole Earth Perhaps if the Earth had lain u n tenanted for Germany to inherit she would have found salvation in the ach ievement and Prussian prin ciples and German character mi ght have hardened into steel of a temper that Bismarck in idealisti c moments may have dreamed of But unfortunately the pleasant plac es of the Earth were occupied already The tropical countries that supply Europe with raw materials her o wn climate cannot produce were in the hands of England France and Holland : in the temperate regions capable of receivin g the overflow of European population new whi te nations of English Spanish or Dutch speech already were growing up one of them the U S A a world power the rest guaran teed an undisturbed development to maturity either by the United States or by Great Britain In the partition of the waste places of Africa durin g the l ast twenty years of the nineteenth centu ry Germany took her share but she got little by it Her tropical acquisitions seem not to pay their way from the commercial point of view and the only colony with a temperate climate S W Africa was vacant simply because its soil was desert while its one asset the good harbour of Walfisch Bay had been earmarked by Great Britain In 1 870 the Germans thought they . . - . . , , , , . . , , , , , , , , , . , . , , . . , , , . , THE GERMAN EMP IRE 27 had at last buried th eir unhappy political past yet here in the new chapter they had magnificently opened they were suffering for history still This has been more than they can bear and explains though it does not excuse their foreign policy ever since With the brilliant success of the Prussian military machine fresh in their minds they turned to Prussianism once more to accomplish their desire Instead of purging out the alloy when once the metal was cast the new in d u strial Germany has become Prussianised through and through In hoping to cancel by the use of military force the grave initial disadvantage with which they started their industrial career they have made a miscalculation that has brought evil upon themselves and all Europe The machine is entirely unadaptable to the new task set before it Blood and Iron could drive other nations off German soil ; they could even in Bismarck s handling cause a great psychological revolution in the political feeling of the German people They could not possibly be made fruitful for economic progress Economic advance can only be made by economic e ff ort We are deeply conscious of this in Engl and War as a constructive national activi ty is for us essentially a thing of the past between our warlike ancestors and ourselves th ere is a great gulf fixed the Industrial Revolution which has put us into a new environment In the eff ort to adapt ourselves to that environment we are increasingly absorbed we more and more recognise the vital importance of succeeding in this and resent the ” unremitting burden of armaments the distracting rumours of war and now this destructive folly into which we have really been drawn at last The retort is easy England has all she wants , , . , , , . , . , . , . . ’ , , . . . . , , . , , , . . 28 PRUS S IANISM She got it by war a century ago now she wants to be ” let alone to exploit it That merely proves that we have been more fortunate than Germany : it does not prove that the same military method will produce the same result n o w that the century has passed The conditions have changed and not after all in Germany s disfavour In spite of her bad start she has developed suc h immense industries that her town population has increased at a greater rate than that of the U S A during the same period : she has won markets for her manu factures not only in her own protectorates but in the colonies of other nations and even in the homeland of industrialism— Great Britain itself The surplus of her population whose growth has even outstripped her 1 demand for labour has found outlets entirely satis factory from the individual s point of view in North and South America where they already form a very prosperous section of the population and play an influential part in the self government of their adopted countr ies German enterprise has competed on equal terms with French English and A merican in China and Turkey and obtained contracts that o f fer good invest ments for all surplus German capital for some time to come This has been Germany s true victory in the en and she has done it v iro n m en t of modern civilisation all without moving a single gun against her neighbours She has not yet got abreast of England in wealth that is not the fault of living England or Germany but of dead history but so far as she has thrown herself into . . ’ , , , . , . . . , , , . , , , ’ , , , - . , , , . ’ , . , , This is tru e in th e sense th at th e h o m e m ar ket f o r skilled la b our B u t w hil e th e ski ll ed G erm an is seekin g n ew o p enin gs is g l u tted ab ro ad th e u nski ll ed P o l e is d riftin g in to Westp h alia to d o th e wo rk f o r w hich th e n ati v e Germ an 5 stan d ar d is too hi gh so th at th e Im mi gratio n statis tics at p resen t o u tb al an ce those o f Em igratio n 1 . , ’ , T HE GERMAN EMP IRE 29 the economic field she has by her o wn merit gained upon us to the utmost extent possible Her only avoid able handicap has been the great Prussian fleet and army which she has deliberately imposed upon herself Their creation upkeep and increase have steadily taxed her economic growt h and their e xistence has tempted her in her foolish trust in their efficacy for her ulterior objects to risk all h er real economic gains by bringing them into action This policy of Germany s has been an immense mistake It can work her no good but it has a vast potentiality for working both herself and the rest of Europe evil There is the sum of all evil in the fact that by attacking the rest of Europe with arms she h as forced us all to take up arms against her It is only our subordinate object to beat her because we know that if she beats us her public opinion will become more convinced than ever that her militaristic policy was right But the converse by no means follo ws that if we beat her we thereby convince her of her error Masses of people are only converted from ingrained opinions about complicated questions if they have every opportunity given them to be reasonable It is always tempting to refuse to be reasonable if yo u are being harshly treated and at the same time presented with u nanswerable refutations of cherished beliefs you inevitably prefer to go mad rather than be convinced Our ultimate object is to prevent war for the future and the essential means to this end is to convince Germany that war is not to her interest We and the French disbelieve in war already but a mino rity of one can make a quarrel in spite of the proverb Th e only way to convince Germany is first to beat h er badly and then to treat her well , , , . . , , , , , . ’ . , . , . , . , . , . , , . , . , , . . PRUSS IANISM 30 If we humili ate her we shall strengthen the obsolete ideas in her consciousness more than ever — perhaps ” no longer the idea of Plunder but certainly that of Revenge which is much worse : if we deal dis interestedly with her (though it will be in our own truest interest ) we may produce such a reaction of public opinion in Germany that the cu rse of aggressive militarism will be exorcised from her as eff ectively in 1 9 1 4 as the cu rse of po litic al paralysis was exorcised in 1 870 We have seen that Germany was led to pursue the policy which has culminated in this war by the o pp res sive sense that her development was being cramped by th e action of her neighbours At first she conceived their action as of a passive kind as the mere automatic dog in th e manger instinct of e f fete powers to cling to possessions they had not the initiative to utilise and in which nothin g but historical chance had given them their vested interest : her own mission she thought was to bend all her youthful energy and resolution to the task of evicting them in order to actualise all th e golden opportunities that they h ad missed More recently however since h er methodical pursuit of her aim has roused her victims to a sense of their danger and stimulated them to concert measures for their security she has viewed their behaviour in a more s inister ligh t as an active though veiled campaign of hostilities unremittingly carried on to compass her destruction and now that her ambition has combined with this undercurrent of fear to precipitate her in to an aggressive war so that she finds herself actually engaged in a life and death strug gle with these neigh bours whom she has envied despised and feared in one comp licated emotion she is more firmly convinced t han , , , , , . , . , - - , - , , , , . , , , , , , , - - , , , PRUSS IA N ISM 32 m an S W Africa they will say is essential firstly in order to round o ff the frontiers of th e South African Comm onwealth and secondly to prevent for th e future th e fostering from this hostile focus of the disloyalty against the British Empire unfortunately still rife in the Dutch element B ut it will be a perverse cure for Dutch disaff ection to reinforce it by including a still more irreconcilable German population within the same community unless we mean to abandon the liberal policy which has gone s o far towards wiping out the memories of th e South African War and rule Dutch and German alike with a heavy hand Such a disastrous course would lose us South Africa altogether by a war of independence like th at which severed from us the North American states th e finest colonies we ever had If on the ot h er h and we restore Germany her territory and avoid disturbing the natural development of our own South A f rican Co m m o n weatlh by the problems involved in the annexation we shall see a new South African nation ality grow up which will first blend Dutch and British into one people and in process of time exercise an attractive influence upon the territories adjoining when th ey too have filled up with a white population drawn from their respective mother countries and have evolved a separate lif e of their own If German S W Africa is not subjected to the South African Common wealth now as a conquered province she is more th an likely to join the Federation when she is ripe for self government as an in dependent member of h er own free will and so enrich the new nationali ty by adding a German strain to the Dutch and English basis When this happens th e South African federal state will take its place by the side of Great Britain on th e one hand and . , . , , , , , , . , , . , , . , , , , , , , - , . . , , , , . , . THE GERMAN EMPIRE 33 Germany on the other as a separate poli tical unit absolved from the control of either but inheriting the tradition of cordial relations with each and will become the strongest bond of good understanding between them instead of the bitterest cause of dissention The case of the other German possessions in A frica is ” simpler Th ey are not white men s countries and do not adjoin any great self governing member of the British Empire whose policy and interest must be con sid ered as well as our own they all lie within the tropical belt and like most European protectorates in those latitudes profit their owner if at all as fields for enterprise sources for raw products and markets for manufactures Towards these too we may be tempted to stretch out a grasping hand They do not even pay ” their way people will declare and she has not learnt t h e secret of governing natives it would save Germany s pocket and her African subjects hides if we took over the business instead of her Perhaps Togoland and Kamerun might be passed over every country in Europe after all has some little claim staked out on th e West African coast and they are h ardly worth picking up but German East Africa is another question and think h ow satisfactory it will be to obtain an all red ” route for the Cape to Cairo Railway Here we see the cloven hoof and it is sufficient to answer that the profit and loss of Germany s A frican possessions is emphatically her a ff air not ours that the skill to govern native races is only acquired by experience (we ourselves for instance blundered into our present more or less satisfactory Crown Colony system throug h an unh ampered century of experiments in misgovern ment) while the all red route even if it could be ach ieved without alienating Germany (and it would , , , . ’ , . - , , , , , , , . . , ’ ’ , . , , , - - - . , ’ , , , , - , B PRUSS IANISM 34 be out of all proportion to obtain it at th e cost o f th e alternative ) actuall y pr esupposes th e contin uance of that national antagonism which it is our object to ab olish Not the monopoly of the chief tru nk rail way of the A frican co ntinent but the co operation of all interested parties in its cons truction and utilis ation will open the way to the international en ten te we hope to call into being The most serious claim to German East Africa m i gh t be lodged by the In dian Empire The population of India is suffering from cong estion at le ast as acutely as that of German y and the East African coast that faces India across the A rabian S ea o ffers the obvious field for her expansion There has indeed been an attempt to convert in to a white man s country the highlands that both in the German and in the English territory in tervene between the coast and the great lakes ; but the experiment seems to be in process of breakin g down India then m ight conceivably ask in bo th provinces as a reward for her loyal aid in the present war that both British and German East Africa should be assigned to h er as a specifically Indian coloni al area This however is askin g for more than is in our power to grant We shall be ill advised if we do not in future offer th e Indian citizens of o u r empire th e most favourable openings w e can at least in regions whose climate renders them pre eminently suitable for Indian immigration like our o wn East African protectorate We hope that our German neighbours on that coast will do th e same and we might even poin t out to th em that th e introduction of a civilised Indian population in to a country where there is little question of their coming in to competition with white settlers will enormously in crease its economic productiveness which is its para , . - , , . . , , . ’ , , . , , , , . , , - . , - . , , , , THE GERMAN EMPIRE 35 to th e white nation to wh ich it belongs Moreover Britis h government in India is building for the Future an immensely powerful Indian nation and the exclusion of Indians from this territory would in volve Germany in th e same conflict that already threatens Can ada and the unless th ey modify th eir poli cy in th e meanwhile But we must let our action rest at th at The problem of Asiatic e xpansion must be met primarily by every state concerned on its own account It is probable th at th ey will find the difficulty of its solution so great that th ey will organise in tim e some intern ational authority to co ordin ate th eir policy on this question and voluntarily submit th em selves to its direction but th e solution cannot possibly " be furth er ed by pressure of one individual state upon another exercised as the result of a victorious war German y has another group of possessions in the Pacific and perhaps here she cannot succeed in comin g out of th e war unscathed Her Pacific territories have little value as areas for settlement or commerce Kaiser Wilh elm slan d in New Guinea is th e only one of any e xtent ; several archipelagoes of small islands only useful as coaling stations and the notorious fortress of Kiao Chao plan ted like a piratical strong hold on the Chinese peninsula of Shantung constitute th e remainder They are not so much an Empire in themselves as a strategical framework laid down for a future empire of indefinite extent and as such have caused considerable uneasiness to the maritime states in this part of the Pacific especially to Japan our ally and to Austr alia and New Z ealand two self governin g members of our empire The anticipations of these nations with re gard to Germany s designs are revealed by the energy with which they proceeded to attack m ount asset . , . . . - , , . , . . - , - , , . , , , , . ’ - 36 PR U SS IANISM th ese positions as soon as war broke out New Zealand struck at Samoa Australia at Neu Pomm ern Kaiser Wilh elm slan d and the Solomon islands while Japan undertook the severest task in the reduction of Kiao Chao Japan will emerge from the war in posses sion of th e latter place and she has handed over th e Caroline and Marshall Islands which she occupied in the course of her operations not to ourselves but to our two Pacific Commonwealth s The disposition of Germany s Pacific dependenci es will th erefore not come into our hands at all We may ensure th at Japan keeps to her dec lared in tention of consignin g Kiao Chao to its ultimate owner China by o fierin g to resign simultaneously Wei hai wei on th e oth er coast of S h antung which we only leased as an o ff set to Germany s coup in seizing Kiao Chao ; but in any event Kiao Chao will not pass back into Germany s possession and it is most unlikely th at any of th e other territories in question will be relin quis h ed by their respective holders Certainly Great B ritain h as no authoritative power to procure their retrocession to Germany even did she desire it and there is after all no reason wh y we should deplore Germany s loss of them It will involve no corresponding loss to her in dustrial and commercial prosperity a German interest that we mean scrupulously to respect and if possible to promote but will only cripple h er design of a militaristic world empire a German interest that we intend in self defence to remove from the sphere of practi cal politi cs Great B ritain s true policy then is to allow Germany to retain all openin gs for peaceable as opposed to forcible expansion aff orded her by her oversea dom inions as they existed before this war broke out . - , , - , , - . , , , . ’ . - , - - , ’ - - ’ , . , , ’ . , , - , - , , . ’ , , , , , THE GERMAN EMP IRE 37 and we s h all h ave a particularly free hand in th e decision of this question because th e command of th e sea and th e world wide naval operations it makes possible fall almost entirely within our province and not within that of our European allies We must furth ermore give just as great facilities as before to German immigration through all the vast portions of our empire that are still only in process of being opened up and settled and we must urge our allies to adopt the same prin ciple with regard to the territories in a similar phase of development which ackn owledge their sovereignty We must also respe ct the concessions which German enterprise h as secured for its capital with such fine ini tiative and perseverance in neutral countries of backward growth We shall find instances similar to the coaling stations in the Pacific where professedly economic concerns have an essentially political intention— certain sections of the projected Bagdad railway occur at once to our minds—and h ere we may be compelled to require Germany to abandon her title ; but we must confine such demands to a minimum Both we and our allies must take care that neither politi cal panic nor economic greed induces us to carry them to excess and in every case where we decide to make them we must give Germany the opportunity of acquiring in compensation more than their equivalent in economi c value If we meet Germany in this spirit she wi ll at least emerge from the war no more cramped and constricted than she entered it This will not of course satisfy her ambitions for they were evil ambitions and could not be satisfied without the world s ruin ; but it will surely allay her fears She will h ave seen th at we had it in our power to mutilate h er all round and cripple h er , - , , , . , . , , . , , . , , , , . , . , , , , ’ . P RUSS IANIS M 38 utterly and tha t we held our hand Once her fear is banished we can proceed to conjure away h er envy for to leave her what she has already would prepare the ground for an in vitation to j oin us in organisin g some standing international authority that should continuously adj u st the claims of all growing nations Germany among the rest by reasonable methods of comprom ise and so provide openin gs for the respective expansion of their wealth and population Such an intern ational organ would replace the struggle for exis tence between nations in wh ich each tries to snatch his neighbour s last crust by a co operation in which all would work togeth er for a common end ; but many tan gled problems strew the groun d in front of us before we can clear it for such a construction The national foundations of Europe must first be relaid and j u st as in the question of territories over sea the decisive word will lie with ourselves so in the case of European frontiers it will lie with our allies because the war on land is their provin ce and because the national problems at issue affect th em even more directly than us This does not absolve us from th e duty of probing these problems to their bottom rather it makes it the more imperative that we should do so inasmuch as our influence upon their so lution will depend prin cipally on th e impartia lity of our point of view an d th e reason ableness of our suggestions and very little on any power of making our will prevail by mere intransigeance or by th e plea of paramount in terests Great Britain ough t to come to the co n ference with very defin ite opinions about th e details of these problems even at th e risk of annoying her allies by th e appearance of meddlin g with what is less her b u siness th an theirs The Allies , . , , , , . , ’ - , . , , , . , , , . , . PRUSS IANISM 40 nationalities included against their will with in the present frontiers of the German Empire The se ttle ment after th is war mu st bring j ustice to th ese po pu la tions by aff ording th em an opport u nity for choosing freely whether they will main tain their connection with Germany or no and if not what destiny th ey prefer Wh en we have estimated th e probable results of t h eir choice we may proceed to consider what the efiect is likely to be on German public opin ion and look for some means of cancelling the bitterness whi ch cann ot fail to be aroused in some degree But th is is essentiall y a secondary consideration We have accepted th e principle that the recognition of nationality is th e necessary foundation for European peace ; and peace is endangered far more by th e unj ust violation of th e national idea than by the resentment due to th e j ust reversal of the injustice even if the wrongdoer be th e most potent factor in Europe and his victim th e most in significant We will proceed th erefore to consider in turn the national problems within th e German Empire on th eir own merits . , . , , , . . , , , . . B Th e Fren ch Fro n tier . Th e question of Alsace Lorraine is in soluble if it is treated as a controversy between Fran ce and ” Germ any Thi s land th e Germans will say has legally remained German soil ever since Karl the Great divided his empir e between his three sons It is true th at th e French annexed it by a series of conquests in the 1 7th and 1 8th centuries but the German speech of th e major part of its inhabitants is a living proof of its ” true own ers hip ” Granted the French will reply that we won - , , . . , . , , THE FRENCH FRONTIER 41 title by co nquest yet its recognition by in numerable German govern ments in innumerable treaties gave it a validity at least as great as that inherent in Charlemagne s testament before you wrenched it from us again by no other right than a conquest of precisely the same char acter If your present claims rest on ancient history why did you still leave us hal f Lorraine in 1 871 for you had no worse a ti tl e to it than to the half you took ? Y o u left it because you knew you could not hope to hold down by force so large a territory as that No force is your sole title now as you say it was ours before and ” th e moment has come for our revenge The two nations have bandied historical arguments like t h ese for forty three years without approaching any nearer to a conclusion because th eir pleas though mostly correct in fact are none of th em relevant to t h e situation The question indeed only affects France and Germany in a secondary degree th e parties primarily concerned are the inhabit ants of the disputed territory themselves and their present will is the only solution But th e autocratic regime on t h e Prussian model established in the Reichsland since its cession to the German Empire has assiduously suppressed any attempts on the part of that will to declare itself and our first business once this pressure is removed will be to organise some machinery for ascertaining wh at th e people s will may be We must in fact insist that a plebiscite be taken throughout th e Reichsland Many people will treat ” this proposal with cynicism A plebiscite they will “ say invariably confirms the desire of the authority that conducts it A vote taken under the auspices of th e Allies would as certam decide for union with France as one taken by the German regime before the war o ur , ’ , , . , . , , , . - , , , , , . , , . , , , , , ’ . , , . , , . , PRUSSIA N ISM 42 would have declared for adhe sion to th e German Empire Th is however assumes a sinister in tention when the presupposition of th e proposal is th e desire on our par t to de al justice to all nationalities an d a belief that it is our in terest to do so and it is clear that we are capable of hones tly conducting a plebiscite if we will A more valid objection would be th at however honest our oo n d u ct our opponents would never credit the fact if the result issued to our advantage and to their dis advantage so that even th e reality o f free choice by th e voters would not modify the resentment of their former masters The remedy for this would be th at the v i ctorious party should evacuate th e districts in d ispute altogether and hand over the organisation of the votin g to some neutr al power It might even then be object ed t hat th e foregoing decision of the war would necessarily influence the decision of th e vote and this is probably tru e but it will certainly not influence it automatically in favour of the conquerors A ll sorts of events isolated in cidents of the war itself and the varied memories of half a century before it will aff ect th e voters judgment more than th e total sum of past history drawn by t h e war s issue in fact this issue will be only one of many stimuli to the complicated motives th at will go to make up the fin al desire of the votin g population A plebiscite then need neither be an unreality to the voters nor seem so to th e parties interested ; and j ust as the will of the former is more important than t h at of the latter so th e moral e ff ect upon the voters th emselves of its true declaration is especially valuable The great merit of th e plebis cite is th at it saves population s from bein g consigned like cattl e from pen to pen a treatment the more in tolerable in proportion to th e civilisation . , , , . , , , , . , . , , . ’ , ’ , . , , , . , THE FRENCH FRONTIER 43 of th e people that suff er it and little calculated as the case of the Reichsland itself has proved to conciliate them to th e nationality with which they are thus ar bitrarily yoked The mere taking of a plebiscite will always go far towards e asing the situation : the real difficulty lies in determining the practical method on wh ich it is to b e conducted Clearly the result will diff er according to the S ize of the minimum unit within which a separate poll is taken If the votes of the whole population of th e Reichsland were polled for instance they would probably produce a balance in favour of the reunion of the whole unit with France while at the same time a smaller unit or units could have been detached from the whole wh ich with almost equal certainty would have declared for standing by Germany But it is obviously unjust that units capable of being separated out geo grap hi cally and possessed of a local consciousness of their own should be denied the expression of their will by artificial inclusion in a larger but inorg an ic mass The most important preliminar y therefore to the taking of a plebiscite is the definition of such minimum areas and it is here that th e impartial application of as much objective knowledge as we can muster is most essential Many of the following pages are occupied by tentative experiments in this direction 1 Th e Reich sland is shaped like a T square with its angle poin ting North East and its two ar m s are sharply 2 divided by the barrier of the Vosges The Western arm stretches across the gap between the Vosges and the Ardennes and forms the transition between the , , , . . . , , , , . , . , , , . . - - , . , Th e to ta l p o p u l atio n was in 1 90 5 , th e Germ an -sp eakin g el em en t co nsti tu tin g 8 5 p er cen t o f th e W h o l e 1 S ee M ap I . . . P R U SS IANISM 44 plains of Northern France on the one hand and the Pru ssian Rhineland on th e other This district includes both French and Ger m an speaking populations and a line drawn diagonally across it from North West to South Eas t an d rough ly coinciding wi th the watershed between the Seille and the Saar would indicate the boundary between the two elements It is certain that the 1 French speaking section of the district would vote unanimously for reunion with France wh ile the German speakin g section on the other hand seems either never to h ave felt or easily to have lost political sympathy with France and to have become conscious now of solidarity with its North ern neighbours of the same speech further down the Saar and the Mosell e The areas respectively inhabited by the populations in question form compact blocks adjoining the countries with which each is likely to seek union and the boundary between them follows a line quite suitable for a m ilitary and political frontier Clearly therefore these areas pres en t two natural u ni ts withi n which the vote should be taken separately and the result of th e polling s h ould de cide definitively the fate of each The town and district of Thionville (Diedenh ofen) ought perhaps to vote by itself because here th e population is mixed and the decision correspondin gly doubtful whil e its geographical situation would equally permit its inclusion in either country It is probable that it will vote for the conne ction with France and this will certainly be the case with Me tz the great fortress of purely French population at the junction of the Seille and th e Moselle ; with all the villages and townships of the Seill e basin itself ; and with the A bo u t 1 5 % o f th e to tal po pu latio n o f th e who le Reichslan d . , - - , , . - , , , , , , , . , . , , , . , , . , , , 1 . 46 PRUSS IANISM uncompromisingly determ ined to break loose from their present union with Germany The notorious incident t hat occurred at Zabern less than a year ago advertised th e fact that Prussian military government was in to ler able and that so long as Alsace was subject to it th e g ran t of constitutional self government would remain an emp ty formali ty but it might well become a reality as a result of this war and if Alsace had the opportunity of enterin g the German Empire as an independent member on an equal footing with the other s tates still more if she could enter it as part of a u n ited South German state strong enough to hold its own within the Empire against the North there is strong re ason to e xpect that the bond of common speech would assert itself and attract her strongly to her South Germ an 1 brethren only parted from her by the Rhine On t h e other hand the crescendo and culmination of Prussian brutality may have alienated Alsace from Germany altogether and made her feel that her salvation lies neither in a problemati cal reform of th e German E mpir e s internal organisation which she would h ave little influence in promoting nor in a precarious autonomy which she could never defend by her own resources but solely in placing herself once more unde r th e a gis of France where the gratification aff orded by her choice would ensure her a pecu liarly benevolent reception Th e decision then of Alsace or in oth er words h er nationality is quite unpredi ctable and th e question of meth od in organising the pl ebis cite accordingly assumes h ere a special import ance It is clear in th e first place . , , , , - , , , , , . , ’ , , , , , . , , , , , , . , Econ o m ics as well as lan guage draw Alsace to wards Germ an y all th e m ar k ets f o r h er m an u factu res lie d o wn th e Rhin e n o n e o f th em West o f th e Vosges 1 , , , . THE FRE N CH F RONTIER 47 th at the probable decision of North Eastern Lorraine to remain within Germany would incidentally decide the fate of the no rth ernmost strip of Alsace adjoining it on th e East If S aargem iin d continued German it would not be feasible either from the military or from the economic point of view that the railway connecting it with the Rhine valley should become French so that if the rectified frontier of Germany crossed the Saar not far North of S aarb o u rg it would have to include at least Weissenburg Hagenau and Bis chweiler on its way to the Rhine The small minority of population inhabiting this strip would thus inevitably suff er the loss of their freedom of choice but the rest of Alsace that is th e Southerly pass and the whole country South of it between the Vosges and the Rhine would still decide its own fate The crucial question next arises Wh at units of voting should be adopted in t his area 4 Seeing that the decision is so delicately balanced it might be argued that the units should be as small and numerous as possible and that every commune should be allowed to make its own choice Such a procedure however would in volve us in di fficulties Suppose Phalsbourg voted like S aargem fin d for Germany while all the other com munes voted for Fr ance it would be impossible to give Phalsbourg its way because its fulfilment would drive a German wedge across the extremely important railway and canal connecting French Saar bourg with French Strasbourg or again suppose that while Strasbourg voted for France Colmar and M iilh au sen voted for Germany it would be geo graphically impossible to link both groups with their chosen fatherl ands In fact Alsace itself is a minimum u n it Th ere are no suitable lines for a frontier to follow - ‘ , . , , , , , , . , , . , , . , , , , , , , ’ , . . , , 48 PRUSS IANISM b etween th e Vosges and th e Rhin e , or between Ph als bourg , Str asbourg and M iilh ausen so that, if we take th e plebis cite by fragments of th e district , we shall be compelled seriously to tamper with its result in order to reduce it to a workable shape and so nul lif y the voting to the di scontent of all parties It is worse than useless to take a vote unless it is meant to be definitive an d the disappoin tment of a single large minority is a lesser evil than the disillusionment of many small majorities Al sace then within the limits defined must vote as a s ingle unit We cannot foretell how the decision will go and the importance of the result both for France and Germ any is momentous Only one thing is certain that the accession of Alsace would profit either country little unless it were compassed by the desire an d t h e initiative of Alsace he rself , . , . , , , . , , . , , , . C Th e Danish Fron tier . The question of Schleswig Holstein h as not yet been opened by t his war but we must not for that re ason neglect it for the seeds of future war are th ere When the German Co nf ederation fough t Denmark on this account in 1 86 4 the two provinces had long been united under the Danish Crown and the prize of victo ry was their cession as a single unit to the conquerors ; but th e situation before the war and the settlement after it were alike unjust because this political u ni ty h as neither a national nor a geographical foundation It was monstrous th at the whole territory should be in 3 D enmark s hands for 85 % of th e total population is Ger man but it is equally outrageous that the Danish minority of should have been violently wrench ed 1 - , , . , , , , , . ’ , 1 S ee m ap o n o ppo site page . 1 To tal po pu lation in 1 900 . THE K IEL CANAL AND THE BAL T IC SEA I IAN D S il h o l m s h a v B rem e i h a v e n P PO P O S E D F R A I LW A Y S R O N TI E R S to B e r l i n DA N I S H " P O P U L A TI O N S “ THE DANISH FRON T IER 49 away from their national state The problem should now be solved by allowing either province to go its own way Holstein belongs entirely to Germany by nationality geography and tradition No Danish is spoken within its limits it flanks the Right bank of t h e Elbe estuary below Hamburg ; it contains the whole course of the Kiel Can al a vital artery of Germany s commerce that gives h er t h e necessary direct connection between the Baltic and the North Sea ; and even while actually under Danish control it always formed a juridic al part first of the Holy Roman Empire ” and then of th e German Confederation through the darkest days of Germany s political history T o sever the conne ction of this province with Germany is u n thinkable Schleswi g on th e oth er hand is predominantly Danish in speech and the plebiscite will almost certainly sh ow that the whole province (for it is one of those minimum units that are not susceptible of sub divi sion) is Danis h in national sentiment Geographically moreover its links are as strong with the Jutland peninsula as are those of Holstein with the German continent and th e present Dano German frontier is as unnatural and meaningless a line as is the South East boundary of Holstein against Hamburg L iib eck and Mecklenbur g The true frontier of Germany and Denmark does not lie at eit h er extremity of the two provinces but between th em In sketching it we must compromise between racial distribution and geographical necessity Th e presumption in favour of an e xisting line would suggest that we should simply follow th e historical boundary between Schleswig and Holstein but unfortunately the Kiel S hip Canal . . , , . , ’ , , , , ’ . . , , , - , . , - , - , . , . . , , PRUSS IANISM 50 coincides with th is along its Eastern section and both banks of the Canal must clearly remain wit hin Germ an territory ; so that while still takin g th e estuary of the Eider as the Wes tern terminu s of the frontier we must d raw its Eastw ard course furth er North and bring it to the Bal tic at the head of Eckernf Ord e Bay instead of the left shore of Kiel Haven This kn e th ough it leaves to Germany a slice of Sch leswig in addition to all Holstein whi ch is in itself by far the more po pulous and important of the two provinces still assigns to Denmark a small Germ an speaking area including the towns of Schleswig and Flensburg w hi ch cannot be detach ed from th e Danis h 1 speakin g unit The sympathi es of this tiny minority will be revealed by th e plebis cite Probably the factor of lan guage will be outweighed by histori cal tradi tion an d by the rigour of Prussi an administration for w hich the German nationality of the P russian state in which Schleswig has been forcibly incorporated is only a th eoreti cal compensation ; but even if these German speaking S chleswigers would prefer to remain withi n a reco n stituted Germ an y t h ey are one of those m inorities 2 that must inevitably be sacrificed to the e xi g encies of geographi cal facts for there is no natural physical frontier to be found that corresponds more closely th an the Eider line to the actual frontier of speech In detail , then and it is better to descend to detail for concr eteness sake the new frontier should probably run as follows : starting from the head of Eckernf é rd e Bay so as to assign the town of Schl eswig to Denmark but to leave Eckern f Ord e to Germany it should make a , , , , . , , , , , . . , , , , , , - . , , ’ , , , With an d in h abitan ts resp ectiv ely With o u t prej u dice to a possi ble gu aran tee o n th e p art o f E u ro p e o f th eir n atio n al cu l tu re an d in d i vidu a lity 1 . 1 , . , P RU S S IA NI S M 52 (c) Th e Poles possible gain from th e war amo u nts therefore to th e creation of a united national state enjoy in g internal autonomy but in corporated in a larger politica l organisation A n y of th e three powers would be will ing if th e opportunity arrived to m ake concessions to the P oles already subject to it in order to attract within its frontier upon th e same terms th e remain in g sections of the nation The Poles then can ma ke a bargain on much th e same lines with either group We have now to consider wh ic h group is in a position to negotiate most favourably with th em O ur ally Russia is th e traditional enemy of the Polish nation Th e two peoples have been rival leaders of the Slavonic world Poland drew her culture from th e Latin West and her peas antry rem ained sta u nch to the 1 Catholic Chur ch durin g the cris is of the Reformation R u ssia to ok upon herself the in h eritance of the B yzan tine Empire Sin ce 1 8 1 4 more than half Poland s territo ry and population includin g the national capital Warsaw has been incorporated in th e Russian Empire Accordin gly the national revolts of 1 83 1 and 1 86 3 were directed primarily and in effect solely against Russian rule and in th e concerted repression which th ey provoked from th e three powers the Russian govern ment has taken th e lead The most cruel symbo l of Polan d s h u miliation is the flau n tin g O rthodox Cath edral planted in th e ch ief public square o f Warsaw The bitter hatred Russia had in curred from the Poles was an opportunity for Russia s enemies Austria realis ing that some day she would be drawn into a lif e -and death stru ggle with Russia over th e ques tion of the Balkans was clever enough to seize it Th e histo ry o f P o lan d an d Irelan d has been parallel in m any po in ts ’ , , , , . , , , . , , . . . . , ’ . , , . , , , , , , . ’ . ’ , . - , . 1 . THE P O L ISH FRONTIER 53 Th e Hapsburg E mpire with its medley of races u n in atio n al sta te of co uld never convert itself in to a th e type to which nineteenth century Europe was con forming its true policy was to become a happy family in which various nationalities should live and let live side by side When the disasters of 1 86 6 forced in ternal reconstruction upon the government at Vienna 1 it miserably failed on the whole to realise this ide al only in the case of its Polis h subjects did it carry its n ew policy to completion In 1 86 9 the province of Galicia Austria s s h are in the Polis h spoils was granted a far reaching measure of Home Rule and Polish was declared th e normal lan guage of its ad m inistration and hig h er educ ation 2 Th ese concessions h ave made the Poles the most loyal citizens of th e Empire The Polis h club or parliamentary block h as practically become the govern ment party in th e Austrian Reichsrath on which th e ministry can always rely for the voting of supplies and th e passing of army bills The Austrian Poles have not of course abandoned the dream of national reunion but th ey have learnt to seek it under the Hapsburg ban ner and th eir propaganda in the Russian provinces serves Austrian foreign policy at least as much as th e cause of Polish nationalism When the Russian s occupied Galicia towards the beginning of the war th e Polis h population rose en m asse again st the invaders Their own experience will never commend to th em th e change from Austrian to Russian allegian ce The only , , , - , . , , , . , ’ , , . . , . , , , , . , . . S ee Ch 111 1 It m ust b e m en tio n e th at this reco gn itio n o f th e Po ish an gu ag e erm an , hich was o rm er th e u ni ersa a icia h it n o t o n in ro in ce, tho u gh it was o n an gu age o f o fficia usin ess in th e s o en ro o rtio n o f th e an insign ifican t o u atio n , b u t a so th e u th en e we o f US ian , th e n ati e sp eech o f n ear hal th e in habitan ts ee ‘n 1 . l by . Gl g éh fi é d ly G lb p p v w p v p p l f ly ly f l l l v l ly p k R . PRUSS IANISM 54 factor that may mo d ify th eir feelin g is th e Polish po licy of Austri a s German ally Pruss i a too found her interes t in fomenting th e enm ity between Russian and Pole but sin ce ti ll th e last generation of the nineteenth century she was still Aus tria s rival and had not yet become her ally, she worked for th e same object by supporti ng th e opposite party She consistently played second fiddle to Ru ssia in th e P olish concert and at the same time contrived to call th e tun e Prussian diplomacy at Petersburg th warted all attempts at a Russo Polish reconciliatio n and th en th e Prussia n m ilitary auth orities lent a helpin g hand to th e Russian government across th e frontier to suppress those insurrections whi ch the breakdown of con ciliation had stimulated By th eir mach iavellian hand ling of th e Po lish situation th e Prussians secured that th eir Ru ssian nei gh bour should have neith er th e wil l nor th e power to mena ce th e ms elves In 1 879 h owever th e German Empire tran sferred its allian ce from Russia to A u stri a and th e coun ter-allia nce be tween Russia and France finally cons ummated in th e nin eties ma de the breach irreparable Yet while s h e th us reversed h er foreign policy Germany entirely omitted to correct h er behaviour towards th e Poles at home so as to brin g it into line with that of her new Au strian ally Instead s h e succumbed to th e obs ession of nationalism an d began to chastise her P oles with scorpio n s instead of whips In 1 888 th e Prussian parliament es tablis hed an A nsied elu n gs kommission ( Colonisation Board ) for bu yin g up the land of Polis h proprietors in the provin c es of Posen and West Prussia and plan ting German se ttlers upon it In 1 90 8 th e Board was even granted powers of compulso ry expropriation Sin ce 1 872 press ure of ’ . , , , , - , ’ . , . - , . , . , , , , ’ . , , , , . , . - . . TH E POL ISH FRONTIER 55 th e most e xtreme kin d has been exerted to make Germ an in stead of Polish th e medium of instruction not only in high er education but in the local elementary s chools In fact the whole Prussian administrative machin e has been brought to bear against Polish nationality within the German Empire and in t his case its effi ciency has been Germany s misfortune Russia s intentions towards the Poles may have been equally sinister but she lacked the means to carry them in to e ff ect and national sentiments are determined less by motives than by results Germany has robbed Russia of th e premier place in Polan d s hatred Her Polish policy sin ce 1 87 1 has been as unintelligent as it was astute during the fifty years preceding She has called down upon her head t h e enmity of both Poles and Russians at once At th e outbreak of war then the Polish national con scio u sn ess hated the t h ree powers in the following order of intensity : Austria Russia Germany It remains to be seen wheth er the strong preference for Austria over Russia will be outweighed by th e extreme detestation of Austria s German partner Several factors make it probable that this will happen In the first place there are the events of th e war The war h as already made it patent to th e world that Germany is the dominant partner in the alliance an d Austria merely her tool If therefore the Central European powers win th e war it will be Germany s and not Austria s policy that will be imposed upon Europe in general and Poland in particular Meanwhile the Germans have shown beyond all doubt what that policy wil l be Th ey began of course like the other two powers by pro claiming the unity and autonomy of the N o t sto ppin g sho rt o f co rp o ral pu n ish m en t 1 , , . , , ’ ’ . , , . ’ . . . , , , . , ’ . . . , . , , ’ , ’ , . . , , , 1 . 56 PRUSS IA N ISM Po lis h nation ; but when they crossed th e frontier to make th eir word good th ey dealt with the Polish sub j ects of Russia th e nation s central core not as friends to be liberated but as a hostil e population to be terrorised The treatment of the frontier town of Kalis ch was on a ar with the worst incidents in Belgium Warsaw has p been s h uddering ever sin ce at th e possibi lity of th e same fate ove rtaking her and th ere has been someth ing like a natio n al risin g of the country people agains t the Germ a n troops in occupation Poles and Russians seem in process of being fused together in feeling by th e fire of a common hate They are stimulated now by th e instinct to defend their u nited country against th e in vader but when th e Russian armies cross th e frontier in turn bo th th e Polish and th e Russian soldiers that mar ch in their ranks will respond alike to the Pan sla v impulse of rescuing th e Polish minority in Prussia from th e jaws of Pan germ an ism If th en we and our allies are victorious th e erection of an autonomous Poland wi thi n the Russian Empire is almost assured and it will include not only th e former subjects of Russia but th e Polish victim s of Prussia as well This will come about not so much in virtue of th e Grand Duke s pro clamation whi ch under oth er circumstances might well have left the Poles cold but because Germany s behaviour has put th e Poles in a mood to respond warmly to her opponent s overtures and to compromise with Russia in a spirit of give and ” take T he chi ef obstacle to an en ten te between Poles and Russians was the memory of wrongs infli cted by Russia in the past These memories will be e clipsed effectively by the direct action of Germ any in the present There is also the permanent factor of Geography , ’ , , . . , . . , , . , , , , . ’ , , ’ ’ , . . . . THE POLISH FRONTIER 57 The Russian provinces by th eir central position and their great superiority in e xtent to the Prussian and Austrian fragments are the necessary nucleus of a united national state The same cause that made the Poles single out Russia for attack wh en they hoped to restore their nation to complete independence will make th em rally roun d Russia now that they have accepted th e principle of autonomy with in a larger Empire Th e victory of our enemies would certainly ensure to the Austrian section of the nation the liberties it already enjoys ; but in promoting such an issue the Galician Poles would be sacrificing the one chance of national unity to the preservation of their local Home Rule In making her bargain with the Poles Russia has th e supreme advantage of being one and in divisible wh ile on the other side there are the ambitions of two parties to be satisfied Whatever their professions or even th eir wishes Germany and Austria could never arrange between th em th e erection of a united Poland Th e reunion of th e whole nation within th e frontier of either one or th e other is clearly out of the questi on for neither would surrender its o wn Polish provinces to its neighbour A second possibility would be th e creation of an autonomous Poland under their join t protectorate to which they should cede their respective Polish terri tories But though the Galician Poles are perhaps a strong enough power in Austria to compel assent to their secession into th e new national state it is hardly con ceiv ab le that Prussia would of her own free will relax her grip upon her Polish districts The German and Polish populations on her Eastern frontier are desperately intermingled an d she still hopes to simplify the tangle by th e forcible Germanisation of the aliens Moreover much of the country in question is important to her , . , . , . , , . , , . , . , . , . , . , 58 PRUSS IANISM strategicall y A Po land manufactured under Austro German auspices would therefore be robbed from the outset of at least th ree m il lion of its citizens no less th an 1 7 per cent of the whole nation and it is further pro bable that the government at Vienn a in order to m ain tain th e balan ce of power between itself and its a lly would ins ist upon following Pruss ia s example and success fully oppose the transference o f the Galician Poles from their Austria n allegiance to the autonomous principality In the event of Austro German victory therefore th e pro mises of national res toration would result in noth ing but th e grant of auto nomy to the present Russian provinces whi ch include no more th an three fif th s of th e total Polish population The n ew Poland would start life a cripple and even this maimed existence would probably be short for the situation thus created could hardly be permanent The emergence of a self governing Polish state in their immediate neighbourho od would rouse the nationalism of the Prussian and Austrian Poles to fever heat They would be obsessed by resent ment at their arbitrary exclusion from it an d the autonomous prin cipality in turn could not remain in dif ferent to the ir struggles Gratitude towards Austria and Germany its liberators from Russian ru le and its o fficial guarantors again st the reimposition of it would be eclipsed by indign ation at these patrons flagrantly incons istent treatment of its brethren within their own borders The national government at Warsaw would begin to bargain be hind its prote cto rs backs with defeated an d chastened Russia for a genuin e reunion of the whole nation under Russia s banner Berlin and Vienna would get wind of the danger in time and they would foresta ll it by partitioning th e prin cipality itself . , . , , ’ , . - , , - , . , , . . , , , . , , ’ . ’ , , ’ . , PR U SS IANISM 60 vote to a man for liberation from her dominion and will carry the Austrian Poles with them It is one of th e ironies of history that Gali cia th e best governed pro vin ce of Austria should also be the provin ce whose loss in the event of defeat we can most confidently predict Austria will lose the reward for h er righteousness in Gali cia in retribution for her ally s s ins in Posen and West Prussia The exasperation of national feelin g on this Eastern frontier makes it considerably easier to as certain the will of the populations concerned than on the frontiers towards Denmar k an d France We ca n assume before an y plebis cite is taken that every Pole desires sec ession from Germany and we mu st also keep it clearly before our minds th at every German in the disputed zone will be sti ll more eager to remain a citizen of th e German fath erland In seeking to compromise between the wishes of th e German and Polish inhabitan ts of these districts we must not let ourselves be prejudiced by th e atro cious poli cy of th e Pruss ian government A gove rnment s actions are no certain test of a nation s fundamental character : political systems come and go and th eir ideals pass with th em whi le the nation s growth main tains its even course L et us forget for the moment how the Prussian administration has treated th e Poles and refrain from conjecturin g how a nationalist Polish regime might treat any German subje cts it acquired but compare with open minds the relative culture of th e individual German and Pole We shall probably receive the impression that the Germ an would suffer greater dis advantage by bein g annexed to a community of Poles whose standards would be lower than his own th an th e Pole would suf fer by enrolm ent as a German citizen , . , , , , . ’ , . . , , , . , ’ . ’ , ’ , . , , , , . , , , 61 THE POLISH FR O N T IER whi ch would be a kin d of compulsory in itiation in to a superior civilisation Of course compulsory conformity to an alien system of life , even if th e compulsion does not extend beyond the sphere of politics is almost equally distasteful whether th e people whose citizenship you have been forced to adopt are relatively more advan ced than your self o r more backward ; but in the present in stan ce we are in face of the situation th at so commonly arises in questions of nationality : a min ority must in evitably su ffer Th e German and Polish populations along this frontier are intricately interlaced This is not due to the modern activities of th e Colonisation Board th eir result has been the stimulation of national feeling not 1 the modification of national distribution The racial confusion is the gradual effect of four centuries the twelfth to the sixteenth durin g which the superiority of German culture over Polish was so marked that German speech and nationality were continuously push ing out their advance guards Eastward at the Poles expense less by violent conquest than by peaceful penetration at the summons of native Polish rulers This movement died down as soon as th e Poles began 2 to overtake in civilisation their German teach ers and D u rin g th e gen eratio n sin ce th e B o ard s ins titu tio n th e p ercen tages o f th e po p u latio n in P ru ssian p ro v in ces co n ta in in g b o th n atio naliti es have p ersisten tly sh ifted in favo u r o f th e Po les Th e Po l es b irthrate is m u ch h igher th an th e G erm ans an d this g v es them a greater share in th e to tal ann u al in crease A higher birthrate is o f co u rse sym p to m atic o f a l o wer stan d ard o f l fe in a sen se th e Germ ans ar e su ff erin g f o r th eir su p erio r cwrlisatio n an d this ex plains w hy th ey to l erate th e barb aro u s m etho ds by w hich th e Prussian go vernm en t attem p ts to right th e b al an ce In th e sixteen th cen tu ry th e Po lish n o b ility was co n verted to Calvin ism an d too k a leadin g part in th e cu l tu ral develo pm en t o f Eu ro pe In th e n ext cen tu ry th e Po lish ren aissan ce was su bm erged by th e Co u n ter Refo rm atio n . , , . . , . , , ’ - , . , ’ 1 , ’ . , . i , i , . 1 , . - . , 62 PRUSS IANISM the Colonisation policy is an un j u stifiable an d im practica ble attempt to set it going again by force b u t by whatever pro cess th e various Germ an enclaves have come to be estab lis hed on what was originally Polis h soil th eir sole but su ffi cient title is th eir actual presence th ere now In dealin g with th ese awkward German minorities we must es chew all historical arguments and simply start from th e fact of th eir present e xistence Besides th e intermixture of th e two nationalities there is a furth er fa ctor whi ch limits the possibility of re cti f yin g th e Eastern frontier of Germany in accordance with th e wishes of th e local population in th e various districts af fected O ur object in changin g the politi cal map is to sift out as lar ge a proportion of the Polis h element as we can from th e German an d free them from their presen t comp ulso ry asso ciation If the liberated territories were destined to be incorporated in an entir ely independent Polis h state we could pursue th is object with out any secondary considerations but we have seen that th e Prussian Poles will break th eir asso ciation with German y onl y to efi ect a new as so ciation with Russia We have still to e xam in e what form th is partnership is likely to take but we can prop h esy this much with certain ty th at th e New Poland an d Russia will have a common tarif f system and a comm on milita ry organ isation : in th e e conomic and th e strategical sphere the Western frontier of autonomo u s Poland will be identical with th e Western frontier of th e whole Russian Empire No settlement would be perman ent which left Ger many s Eastern flan k strategically an d economically at Russia s mercy Frontier lines must be drawn so as to enable the countries divided by them severally to lead an independent and self su fficien t life of their own , . , . , . , . , , . , , , . ’ ’ - . - . THE P OL IS H FR ON TIER 63 This is th e first condi tion th ey must satisfy if they are to h ave any si gnificance at all and an essenti al part of Independence is the capacity for resistin g by force of arms an armed attack on the part of the neighbour ing state This fact is unquestionably true at th e present time in Europe an d our reconstruction after th e war is over will be Utopian if we ignore it We are all hopin g that revulsion from war will lead to disarmament and that th e military factor will cease to play in the international politics of th e future the terribly domin an t part whi ch it has played in th e p ast ; we are all agreed that the posi tive impulse to disarm can come from no calculation of material advanta ge but only from a change of heart ; but we must recognise t hat th is psychological conversion wil l not be produced automatically by shutting our eyes to th e d ifli cu lties in its way We must at least facilitate it by securing that it involves no material sacrifices of prohibitive magnitude We saw that we could banish the struggle for e xistence between nationalities only by solving national problems and not by neglecting them This principle applies to th e crudest form of the struggle its conduct by the brute violence of war Nations will have no ear for the gospel of Peace so long as th ey feel th emselves exposed to each oth er s arms Th e present war was precipitated when several nations reached breaking point in a long drawn agony of mutual fear We shall not cure them of militarism by placing them at each other s mercy more completely than ever War will only become impossible when either party s frontier has been made so in vu l n erab le that the oth er abandons all idea of violating it If the frontiers of Belgium against Germany and Fran ce h ad been as invincibly fortified as th e Franco German , . , . , , . . . , . , ’ . - . ’ . ’ . - 64 PRUSS IANISM frontier itself is fortified on eith er side th ere would have been no campaign in the West In deli m iting therefore our new frontier between Germany and th e Russian Empire we must e xpose neith er country to the other s strategic initiative (other wise we shall only accentuate their fears and open a new era of war between th em instead of closing th e era th at is past ) and here we are confronted with a dilemma for the e xis ting frontier th ough it grievously violates th e national prin ciple was negotiated with the precise in tention of producing a true strategic equilibrium T his frontier dates from the Congress of Vienna which resettled Europe in 1 8 1 4 after the overthrow of Napoleon O ne of the main lin es of settlement upon which all were agreed was that Prussia should take her s hare of the spoils in Western Ger m any while Russia s hould be p aid off with those Polish provinces which had 1 been seized by Prussia and Austria in the last partitions an d subsequently erected by Napoleon into th e Grand Duchy of Warsaw Prussia stipulated however that this principle should not apply to th e d istricts of Ku lm er 2 land an d Posen and insisted upon their inclusion within h er own frontier She gain ed her poin t because it was universally recognised that her deman ds in this quarter were b ased on consideratio n s of strategical necessity an d were not prompted by territorial ambition Th e present frontier th en was admitted in 1 8 1 4 to be the min imum line whi ch Prussia could defend succ ess fully against Russian attack We now propo se to push this line still furth er back towards Breslau and Berlin in deference to the prin ciple of Nationality but we must , . , , , ’ , , , , , , . , . , , , , , , . , . , , . , , . , an d 1 795 93 7 1 an i gh t S i tu ate o n th e o rtresses G rau en z an d Th o rn 1 f 1 d . d R b k o f th e Vistu la an d co n taini n g th e , . THE POLISH FR ON TIER 65 not allow our insistence upon true national frontiers to blind us to the strategic factor Our final result must be a compromise between th e two prin ciples and before we put the question of national allegiance to the vote among the inhabitants of th e debata ble zone we s hall have like the diplomatists of 1 8 1 4 to lay down a limit b e hind which t h e German frontier must not be driven even though it may deprive considerable enclaves of Polish population lying within it of the right to ch oose for themselves th eir own political destiny This limit imposed upon the new frontier will seriously restrict the range of the Polish plebiscite Theoretically the vote might still be taken in the strip of territory between the German minimum and th e present frontier line but in practice there would be a one -sided ness about such an arrangement against wh ich the victorious Poles an d Russian s would energetically protest A m in imum has always a strong tendency to become a maximum as well and our allies will probably accept the principle of th e min imum line only on con dition that Germans on the wrong side of it shall suffer the same loss of free choice that th e Poles must suffer who are left on the opposite side In this case the situation would be e xactly opposite to that on th e Fran co German border There the tracing of boundaries by the parties to the conference will be simply a preliminary step towards constituting th e local population into groups and the free vote of these g rou ps will then decide the fate of their respective districts In Poland on the contrary the plebiscite would be eliminated altogether and th e new frontier defin itively constituted by negotiations between plenipotentiaries of Germany on the one side and Poland and Russia on the ot her . , , , , , . . - . , . - . , . , , , . 66 P R U SS IA N ISM Th e actual course th e new lin e will follow mu st depend largely upon th e bargainin g power possessed at th e close of th e war by th e two parties and is to that e xtent unpredictable but the transaction wil l not be co nducted by Germany and Russia alone All members of th e Congress will take a han d in it and Great B ritain s influence as a mediator will be especially valu able in this question because she has absolutely no direct interest in th e issue It is in cumbent u pon us th erefore to work out for ourselves a compromise which we can recommend independently of bargainin g power as the best possible under the permanent geographi cal and racial circums tances and we had better frame suggestions for a new frontier in some detail O ur d is cu ssion will be clearer if we treat the e xtensive line from the Carpathians to the Baltic in several 1 sections We will begin with Silesia (a) Th e province of Silesia occupies th e whole upper bas in of the River Oder It forms a portion of th e great North European plain and its only physical frontiers are the Riesen Gebirge Range on the South West whi c h lies between it and Bohemia and th e Carpathian Moun tains on the South which divide it from Hungary Th e country possesses two chief lines of communication with th e rest of th e world North Westward the Oder descends to th e port of Stettin at th e head of a lan d locked arm o f the Baltic the H alf th e great Moravian Gap between the Riesen Gebirge and th e Carpathians opens a route to the Danube basin which is traversed by several lines of railway leading to Vienna These geographical factors have determ ined Silesian history Silesia was occupied about 600 A D by the S ee M ap II f o r all sectio ns - , , . , ’ , . , , , , , . . . . - , - , , . , - , , . . . 1 . . 68 PRUSS IANISM ally on eith er side of th e Austro Prussian frontier while 1 the fo cus of the coal district lies just within the Prussian frontier against Russia near the point where the German Austrian and Russian Empires meet an d is continuous with th e min ing districts of Russian Poland from which it is only separated by an artificial boundary The existin g frontiers then do not e xpress e conomic articulation but they correspond still less to the bound aries of Nationality The German colonisation up th e Oder never reached the head waters of the river Up to a poin t between Brieg and Oppeln slightly above th e confluence of the Neisse tributary the Oder is flanked by a German population on ei ther side ; but above that point though along th e mountain s the German element stretches still further South and even spreads into th e Moravian Gap as far as the water parting be tw een the Oder and Vistula systems th e native Pole has main tain ed himself astride the actual course of th e Oder and is in occupation of the river s Left b ank as well as its Right Above Ratibor again along the highest reach es of th e Oder th e Pole is replaced by the Tch ech We have to devise a new frontier which shall do more j u stice th an th e present to national distribution wi thout running violently counter to econo m i c facts Th e Western frontier of th e Russian Empire and th e New Polan d or in other terms the Eastern frontier of Austria and German y migh t start from th e Hun garian boundary on the sum mi t of the Carpath ians at a point just East of th e pass th rough whi ch the railway connects Sillein ( Zsolna) in Hungary with Tesch en in Austrian Silesia and th ereafter with Ratibor in Prussian Silesia on - , - , , , , . , , , . - . , , , , - , , ’ . , , . , , . , , , Th e to wns Mys lo witz fo rm 1 fro n ti er . Gleiwitz B eu th en K onigsh tte K atto witz o n e p ractica lly co n tin u o u s u b an zo n e ski rti n g th e of , u , r , , THE POLISH FRONTIER th e 69 Left bank of the Oder Fro m this starting point it might run parallel to the railway along the divide between the Oder and Vistula systems and continue in a N N W direction till it struck th e Oder s Righ t ban k a few miles below Ratibor It migh t thence follow th e Oder down wards to a point opposite the junction of the Ho tZea Otz tributary from the Left bank and then take a straight line slightly East of North to the So u th ernmost point in th e province of Posen This frontier would exclude from the new Poland the Polish population on the Left bank of the Oder but even along this section of the Oder s course it is only the rural population that is Polish the towns on the river bank — Oppeln Kosel an d Ratibor — are predominantly German If moreover we allowed Russia to cross the Oder and extend the frontier of her Empire right up to th e Erz Gebirge we should be transferring to her th e strategical command of the Moravian Gap placing Vienna at her mercy and cutting the dire ct co m m u n ica tion East of the mountains between the Prussian and Austrian sections of Silesia We are proposing on the other h and to include in Poland the extremely important mining district of the ” Five Towns Germany will doubtless protest against this on account of the considerable German population that h as been attracted to this area by the openings it offers for all kinds of employment ; but we can fairly write off this German minority abandoned to Poland against the Poles across the Oder whom we have assigned to German y Moreover the German element here is not merely a minority but actually a small and a d ecreas ing one The mass of the miners and workers is recruited from the Polish countryside and the growth of the Polish majority has already made itself felt in - . , , ’ . . . . , , , . , ’ - , , . , , , , , , , , . , , - . , . , , . , PRUSS IANISM 79 politi cs In spite of o ff i cial pressure exercised upon ele ctions the Five Towns now return Polish Nationalist representatives to the Prussian Landtag and th e Im perial Reichstag The economi c issue raised by th e tran sference of this distri ct to Poland is not so simple as th e national By driving a political frontier between th ese coal min es in th e corner of Silesia and th e industrial to wns furth er North West w hich at present consume their output shall we be ruinin g th e prosperity of both ? We may answer th at a political frontier need not imply an in su r moun table tariff wall yet if such a fiscal barrier were to be erected in this in stance all parts of Silesia would certain ly suffer economically for the adjustment of th e co u n try s national problem Even in the latter case however th e dislocation would only be temporary There are coal seams in the German portion of Silesia round Breslau whi ch could be developed to supply in su fii cien cy that region s industri al demand This would of course deprive th e Five Towns of their current market but th ey would rapidly find a new ma rket towards th e East A considerable manufacturin g ind u stry has already grown up in Russian Poland notably in th e neighbourhood of Lodz It is capable of almost limitless expansion because the huge agricultural and pastoral hinterlan d of Russia is its potential customer If the produce of th e frontier coal field s were diverted from German Silesia hither the expan sion of Polish manufacture would receive an immense impetus an d would more than keep pace in its demand for coal with Five Towns offered it th e output the The frontier line th en which we have suggested in th e Sil esian section seems to stand the econo m ic as well as the nationalisti c test We may now turn our atten tion to the section that follows . , . . - - , , - , , ’ . , . , - , , ’ . , . , . , . - , , . - , , , . . THE POLISH FRONTIER 71 (b ) The province of Posen is shaped like a flin t arrow head with its wings resting on the present Russian frontier an d its point directed in wards straigh t towards Berlin Strategically as we have seen its control is vitally important to German y for her se curity A foreign power established in military possession of Posen City could from this fortified base strike South -West ward towards Glogau on the Oder , an d cut th e con n ectio n s between Silesia and Berlin or it could strike North Eastward towards Dan zig on the Balti c and isolate from the rest of Germany the provinces East of the Vistula If the Russian General Staff were given a free hand in Posen Germany would virtually cease to be an independent power In Nationality on the oth er hand Posen is p redo m in 1 It is a wedge of alien population driven an tly Polish deep into the German mass and the considerable German minority is mostly concentrated on th e North ern boundary along the River Netze Isolated German enclaves however are scattered over th e whole area of the province These advan ce guards are not th e fruit of th e Colonisation Board s plantations which have hardly succeeded in affecting the racial map like their com patriots in Silesia they are descended from German burghers summoned by the native government in th e Middle Ages to civilise th e country Their histo ry therefore is above reproach and even had t h e title o f the original settlers been doubtful that would not have warranted us in treating the present generation with less than justice Nevertheless in so far as th e destiny of Posen is to , , , . , . , , - , . , . , , . , , . , , . ’ , , . , , , , . , Th e p o p u l atio n o f th e p ro vin ce to talled Po lish elem en t n u m b ered o ver a m illio n 1 . in 1 90 5 : th e P RUSS IAN ISM 72 be determined by the national factor this dispersed min ority of German s is not sufficiently strong to retain for Germany any part of the province but its North ern frin ge an d we find ourselves placed in a d ilemma If we give precedence to Nationality almost th e whole of Posen s hould be ceded to the New Poland if to Strategy then no portion of th e co u ntry s hould be detached from its present connections There seems to be only one possible solution of th e di fficul ty The overwh elmingly Polish districts mu st be incorporated in the Autonomous Prin cipality an d thi s mean s that they will come with in th e bond of th e Russian Empire but Russia in return must allow th e fortifications of Posen City to be dismantled and must undertake not to push forward her military lin e in to th e new territory but to keep it with in the limits of th e present frontier Military conventions of this kind which h ave no sanc tion behind them but the good faith of the contra cting parties are best secured by being made recipro cal and th e question of Posen might give occasion for a compact between the Russian Empire and Germany of a much wider range Russia on her side might promise to con struct no mi litary works in any of the te r ritories she may acquire from Germany along the whole lin e from th e upper Oder to the Balti c Germany migh t demo lis h in compensation all fortifications in her provinces East of th e Vistula and withdraw her strategical front to th e line of the Vistu lan fortresses Such an arrangement would greatly diminish the e xtent to which each coun try was e xposed to an aggres sive movement on th e part of th e other Of course it would be in the power of either to break its word at any moment and fortify the neutralised territo ry with in its , , . , , . . , , , . , , , . , , , . . , THE POLISH F R O N T IER 7; own frontier and this would give it a momen tary strategical advantage over its more honourable neigh bour ; but fortifications cannot be built in a day and the other would immediately retaliate by doing the same in its o wn neutralised area If as we have suggested fear is a mo re potent stimulus of armaments th an ambition a General Staf f would be very reluctant to increase th eir power of o f fensive against the rival nation if they knew that th e inevitable price would be similar action on the oth er s part which would correspondingly diminish their own power of defence A compact therefore which strength en s the defensive capacity of both parties has the greatest possible chance of stability If such a compromise could be effected the new frontier migh t ru n from the Southernmost corner of Posen along the whole Western boundary of the pro vince to the point where th at boundary h its the River Warta After crossing the river the frontier should chan ge direction abruptly to slightly North of Eas t and take a course midway between the Warta and th e Netze continuing in th e same line till it struck the Vistula between Bromberg and Thorn This would leave within German territory the whole course of th e River Netz e an d also the canal which links the N etze and Vistu la systems th rough Bromberg and is one of the principal in land waterways of Prussia (c) The lower course of th e Vistula from a poin t just above Thorn to its mouth runs th rough th e German province of West P russia which flanks the river on both sides West Prussia in sp i te of its name is a com p arativ ely recent acquisi tion of the Prussian kingdom It was only incorporated at th e first Partition of Poland in 1 772 Before that date it had been Polish territory , , , . , , , ’ , . , , , . , , . , , , . , , . , , , , . , . . , PR U SS IANISM 74 ever sin ce Y agiello n broke the power of the Teu to n ic Knigh ts at th e battl e of Tannenberg in 1 4 1 0 A D In th e manifesto addressed to th e Poles s h o rtly after th e outbreak of th e war th e Grand Duke made a pointed 2 allusion to this historic victory and hin ted tha t if the Ru ssian s and Poles in concert carry th e present struggle to a triumphant conclusion West Prussia will be one of the national heirlooms whi ch he will restore to the new Polis h state Th e Polis h claim to the province has strong argu ments in its favour The Polish element is hardly less 3 im portan t here than in Posen The Germans are in a m ajority but th ey are concentrated in the great port of D anzig and only thinly s cattered through th e rural districts On stri ct grounds of nationality a strip of West Prussia on th e Left bank of th e Vistula stretch ing all th e way to th e Balti c so as to include a small e xtent of coast immediately West of Dan zig ought to be detach ed from Germany and added j ust like th e ma jor part of Posen to autonomous Poland Probably this would not content th e Poles For economic reasons th ey covet the fundamentally German clean city of Dan zig and would th erefore insist on a cut of th e whole province Polish an d German portions alike although any such demand is of course refuted by ” th e National Prin ciple itself Yet the mangled slice ” clean cut receives a categorical veto as well as the from Geograp h y Th e first kin g wh o ru l ed at o n ce o ver th e P o lish an d th e L ithu anian 1 . . , , , . . . , , , . , , , , , . . , , , . , , . 1 natio ns . Th e rev erse sustain ed a f ew w eeks afterwar ds o n this v ery spo t b y th e R ussian arm ies in th eir first in vasio n o f Trans-V istu lan G erm an y, h as m ad e th e nam e less au spicio us 11 A t th e Germ an census o f 1 90 5 th e po p u lati o n o f Wes t P ru ssia were o flicially adm itted to o f w ho m to tall ed b e Po l as 1 . . 76 PRUSS IAN ISM the parties to th e European conference The n ational ideals of th e West Prussian Poles are to be subordinated to a paramount interest of the German nation It is German y s part to see that th e sacrifice entailed s h all be as light as possible and she must not be allowed to repu diate her obligation Moreover the exclusion of this half million of Po les from their national state affe cts not only the disappoin ted fragment itse lf but also the liberated Polis h nation The new Autonomous State has a claim to compensatio n for submitting to this national loss and the account can b est be settled by an economi c concession The Vistula is Poland s river It rises on th e Po lis h flan k of the Carpathians both the national capitals Cracow and Warsaw lie on its b anks and it is th e main artery of the country s communications If the lower reaches of the river and the numerous Po lish popula tion that dwells along th em also must defin itively remain outside th e new political fro ntier th ere is no reason why Polish traff i c on the river should be barred by a tari ff fence at this line A furth er condition for th e retention of West Prussia must be imposed on German y S h e must grant the new Poland free trade do wn the Vistula to th e Baltic and throw open to h er Danzig at the river s mouth as a free port This provision is essential to Polan d s future pro s parity Its e xtortion through milita ry defeat may wo und th e pride of th e German nation but its most ardent advocates will be the great German busin ess firm s at Dan zig itself who will be fully sensible of th e possibilities opened to them by this immense extension of their city s commercial hinterlan d (d) We have still to discuss the frontier East of th e Vistula Th e homogeneo u s German popula tion of . . ’ , . , , . , . ’ . , , , , ’ . , , , - . . , ’ . , , ’ . , , ’ . . T HE P O LISH FR O NTIER 77 East Prussia compactly mars halled along the B altic coast between th e Vistula and the Niemen does not properly come into question In all German y th ere is no more German land than this We s hall doubtless be reminded however that this inh eritance was won for Germanism not by th e peaceful penetration of burghers like Silesia and the fringes of Posen and West Prussia Th e but by the sword of th e Teutonic Knights ” German s came h ere th e fanatical Germanophobe will cry by brute force : by brute force let th em be ” expelled again If historical arguments must needs be answered we may point out that the folk they dispossessed were not Poles nor even Slavs The original Prussian s belo nged to a separate branch of th e Indo European family an d were kinsmen of the Lith u an ians across th e Niemen ; but th e German cru saders who set th emselves to root out heath enism from this secluded corner of Europe did th eir work so thoroughly that th ey an nihilated th e heath en th emselves together with their beliefs No native Prussian now s u rvives to Claim his ancestral in heritance and the titl e remain s with his destroyers who h ave robbed him even of his name and raised it from an obscure tribal appellation to be the o fficial style of th e greatest political organism t hat German y h as yet created The German -speaking region in East P russia th en must be left on the same side of the frontie r as before Its natural boundaries are shar ply defined towards every qu arter not merely by the Sea on the North and th e rivers th at guard its flanks but by the chain of th e Mas urian Lakes th at stretch es parallel to the coast and divides th e district from its hinterland Th e Slav advan cing from the South -East has never , , . . , , , , . , , . , . - , , . , , , . , , . , , , , . 78 P R U SS IANISM penetrated th is barrier It s h eltered first the abo riginal Prussian s and then their German namesakes from th e Poles and in the present war it is proving itself a form idable obstacle to th e Russi an armies ; yet while Geog raphy has made it the perman ent strategi cal frontier of East Pr u ssia th e politi cal frontier has never coincided wi th it since the se ttl ement after Tan nenberg but has kept to a quite artificial lin e drawn furth er in land towards th e South Th e strip o f country between this present frontier and th e lakes could be detach ed from East Prussia with out aff ecting the strategical situation and it is in habited 1 by a P olish population th e Masuri ans Thi s is per haps the only unit in the whole of th e Eastern frontier-zone of Germany to which th e decision by plebis cite can be applied and we must not neglect th e opportunity for we cannot predict a p riori the choice the Masurian s will make as we can predict that of th e other Pol es Th ey h ave been united politi cally with their G er m an ne ig hbours beyond th e la kes for considerably more than five hu ndred years an d in the sixteenth centu ry th ey foll owed them in their secession from th e Roman Chur ch Th ey have shared since then in th e Lutheran culture of Northern Germany It is hig hly probable that tradition will prove a stronger factor t h an langua ge in determining th eir nationality but certain ty will not be reach ed till tha t nationality de clares itself in th e vote (e) As far as th e Left bank of th e Niemen East Prussia with th e possible exception of th e Masurian unit will th us main tain its present connections We have still to consider th e fragment of th e province beyond the river s further bank This is th e only portion of East P russia that ought undoubtedly to be ceded to th e Th ey n u m ber abou t . , , , . , . , , , . , , . . , . , , . , ’ . 1 THE PO L ISH FRONTIER 79 Russian Empire The majority of the inhabitants are Lithuan ians at present separated by an artificial line from the mass of their fellow countrymen on the Russian side of the frontier The only considerable 1 German enclave is the port of Memel situated on the exit from the Kurisches Haff or lagoon into which th e Niemen debouches ; but we can write off against Memel the Lithuanian enclaves on the South bank of the 2 river which we propose to leave within the German frontier and from the economic point of view Russia s claim to Memel is as s trong as Poland s to West Pru ssia Th e upper system of the Niemen provides waterways for the traffi c of Russia s Lithuanian and White Russian provinces and Memel is the natural point of connection between this in ternal trade and the sea We can now suggest how the frontier East of th e Vistula should run Crossing the Vistula at a point between Bromberg and Thorn it should assign Thorn to Poland The possession of this fortress is strategically essential to th e new principality for the present campaign has already shown how a German force concentrated on th e lower Vistula can from this base strike towards the interior in any direction If Thorn remained in German y s hands Poland would be exposed perpetually to a German o f fensive and communication between Posen and Warsaw might be cut at any moment In Polish h an ds on the contrary Thorn would not be a menace to Germany for the course of the Vistula below it is flanked . , - . , , , ’ , ’ . ’ , . . , . , ’ . , , . , , , Po pu latio n , 1 There are 1 in 1 905 . L i th u an ian s in E ast Pru ssia alto gether In 1 90 5 th e to ta l p o p u l atio n o f th e p ro v in ce was S in ce th e Masu rians an d Lithu an ian s am o u n t to gether to abo u t half a m illio n th e Germ an blo ck m ust to tal a m ill io n an d a half ‘ . , . 80 PR U SS IANISM by a series of German fortresses all th e way down Th is is th e one instance we have encountered in which th e strategical factor outweighs the racial to German y s detriment an d not to her gain for Thorn is in h abited by 2 a German population Beyond Thorn th e course of th e frontier will be deter min ed by the Masurians choice If they elect to abide by Germany th e new frontier after skirtin g Th orn to the North will bend Eastward and co incide with th e present line a few miles E ast of the fortress : if they merge themselves in Poland the frontier will h ead North Eastward towards the line of the lakes It will run j ust South of Deuts ch Eylau Osterode and Allenstein and parallel to the railway th at connects them Th en leaving LOtzen to German y but giving Lyck to Polan d it will converge upon the present frontier wh ere it is in tersect ed by the 54th parallel of la titude From this point th e new frontier will in an y case follow th e lin e of th e old till it hits th e Niemen Th ence th e Left bank of th e river will form the remainder of its course 1 . ’ , . ’ . , , , , , . - , , , . , . , . . E . Prussian S ta te an d Germ an N a tion We have completed our survey of Germany s Eu ropean frontiers and have found that however con sid erately we tr eat her she cannot es cape W ith out very serious territorial curtailment Can we reconcile h er feelings to this necessary loss 9 If we glance back at the cessions we have deman d ed from th e German Empire we shall see that nearly all of th em are at Prussia s e xpense In fact our proposals migh t seem in tended as a deliberate reversal of P russian history The acquisition of Silesia and th e Polis h Grau denz Marien werder Marien burg ’ , , , . ’ , ’ . , . 1 1 , , . P RUSS IA AND GERMANY 81 provinces first raised her to th e rank of a great power The campaign against Denmark in 1 86 4 won her not only Schleswig but most of Northern Germany two years later Th e territory taken from Fran ce in 1 871 did not become Prussian soil but as the Reichsland it symbolises th e hegemony over all Germany wh ich Prussia attain ed through her French victory by th e fo u ndation of the German Empire Those to whom vae v ictis makes the paramoun t appeal will here fin d a fresh opportunity to interpose We are now prepared to grant you they will say that in the Allies settlement with the German nation justice Your hopes of an d mercy may prove the best poli cy reconciling Germany are not so fanta stic as might be supposed but the facts to which you have just called our attention prove far more conclusively that you cannot possibly reconcile Prussia We th erefore o ffer you a general principle for your guidance Spare German y by all means but humiliate Prussia without restraint Destroy Prussia s hegemony in Germany by liberating all th e German lands which she annexed in Make them independent members of 1 8 1 4 and 1 86 6 a truly federal Empire and remove the diminis h ed Prussia s last hold upon the remain der of the nation by s tipulatin g in the terms of peace that the Hohenzollern s hall resign th e dignity of German Empero r You can not make your peace with Prussia then you must ” anni h ila te her with a ruth less hand Our first reply to this will be that the interference of foreign powers in a nation s internal affairs is th e sove reig n mean s of weldin g togeth er th at nation s most 1 disco rdant elements If we ordered Hanover to secede Th e su ccess o f Bism arck s po licy is a co m m en tar y o n this fact He in du ced fo rei gn ers to pu t sp o k es in to Germ an y s wh eel in o rder to u se th em h im sel f as l ev ers f o r u p h eavin g G erm an y s n atio n al sen tim en t . . , , . . , , ’ , . . . , ’ . . , ’ , . . ’ ’ . ’ 1 . . ’ , ’ . 82 PRUSS IANISM from P russia the Hanoverians would for the first time realise their pride in Prussian ci tizenship and if th e Kaiser were bidden doff his Imperial Crown Bavaria would for the first time acclaim him whole heartedly as her war-lord Instead of cru shing Pru ssia by isolating her from the German nation we should most eff ectively alienate th e German nation by rallying it round Prussia So much is certain but we can clear up th e argument more satisfactorily by thin kin g out What meanin g the name Prussia conveys to our min ds Historically the Prussi an is the Squire from beyond ” 1 the Elbe a character in which we divine th e ferocity of th e Borderer th e fanaticism of th e Crusader and the dogmatism of th e Protestan t While be hin d th e squire mar ch es the peasan t from his estate who seems to have no life beyond obedience to his leader s commands and to revert whenever he fin ds himself leaderless to the habits of his barbaro u s an cestors in th e days before th e squire appeared in the land Looked at from one poin t of view th e growth of modern Prussia is simply the story of how th is sinister troop (hostility makes us distort th eir features beyond th e truth ) has imposed its domin ation progressively upon th e whole German world first stretching out its hands from Elbe to Rhin e to swallow up th e North an d then compellin g th e South to foll ow in its train We picture th e Prussian drill sergeant forcing th e too pliable Rhin elan der into his iron mould and we feel that we have been watch ing the deliberate depravation of a ” nation s character You m ay know Prussia we exclaim by h er fruits Prussianism made th e war an d th e war is a disaster for German y and for the whole of ” Europe O st Elb isch er J u n ker , , , - . , . , . , , , , , , ’ , , , . , , , . - , ’ . , . , , . 1 - . 84 PRUSS IANISM ion These two Prussian areas have been the actual theatre of this German achievement Lo oked at from th e economic point of View Prussia is not an incubus which h as fastened itself upon th e German nation s life but th e most vital element of that l ife itself which has raised German y to her present pitch of greatn ess The Prussian state may sti ll be controlled by th e ” Ag rarian Interest but the squirarchy is not th e factor in Prussia which enables her to control in turn th e rest of Germany The German Empire is held togeth er by the hegemony not of the Eastern mark but of the Industr ial North Westphalia and Silesia are not merely typical elements of modern German y th ey are the country s core Junkerdom th e traditional Prussia of the squire may s till ca ll th e tun e but no music would follow if the resourceful in defatigable Pru ssia of th e in dustrial workers were not there to trans late the deman d into reality Germany could never have borne th e cost of her stupendous armaments if th e new Prussia had not all the time been disseminating her manufactures th rough th e markets of th e world an d winnin g for her profits an ever increasing proportion of the world s surplus wealth she could not have outdone the armaments of Great Brita in an d Fran ce in quality and elaboration as well as in mere mass had not West phalia lent all her engineering skill to manufacture and improve German y s armaments as well as to pay for them The new Prussia h as virtually supplanted th e old even in her own peculiar sphere : the works at Essen are the drivin g force behin d the milita rism whi ch we are combatting in this war and the Krupps have eclipsed as the exponents of Prussianism the von B lii ch ers and von B ulows The futu re character of Prussia th en will in no case t . . , ’ , , . , . . ’ . , , , , , . , - ’ , ’ , . , ’ . , , 85 PR U SS IA AND GERMANY be determined by the military caste which originally built her up Already they seem to feel the reins slip ping from their grasp and to suspect that the creature will one day be impelled to deny his creator The future however belongs to Herr Krupp as little as to his aristocratic godfathers Behind the capitalist S tand th e myriads of his workers All over Europe they are comin g to realise the services of their class to the state and its potential power in politics and they are reso lv ing to conquer the position in society wh ich is th eir clue ; but in Germany th e class consciousness of t h e Workers is even stronger and their resentment more bitter than in the countries of the West because th ey are here thrust more ruthlessly into the outer darkness It is certain th at the German Workers will one day Krupp may still claim all credit come into their o wn for the cannon and armour plate and hold h is o wn again st his employees yet machines however perfect do not constitute an army : its essence is always its men Th e German General Staff boasts far more loudly of its four million trained combatants than of its 42 centi metr e guns and the new industrial Prussia supplies th e blood as well as the gold and the iron The increase of ° 5o /0 in the population of the Empire between the years 1 871 and 1 90 5 h as been entirely urban The new industry of the Westphalian and Silesian town s pro duces th e subsistence for these new mouth s The in dustrial centres have become the main reservoir on 1 which the General Staff depends for its recruits In a m ilitaristic state political power gravitates into B ern hardi in Germa ny an d th e N ext War discu sses this witho u t app earin g to r ealise its sig n ifi ca n ce H e n o tes an d d eplo res th e fact th at th e to wnsm an is n o t su ch sym p ath etic m ateri al f o r th e A rm y as th e p easan t . , . , , . . , , - , , , . . - , , , . - , . , , . . . , 1 , , . . , , ' 86 PRUS S IANISM the hands of th ose wh o bear th e military burdens It has been hin ted th at the forces which now govern Germany Capital and Privilege in coalition actually precipitated th e war in order to forestall the outbre ak of the in ternal class stru ggle and th eir o wn downfall Whether there is an y tru th in this or not the so cial problem in Germany will not be decided automati cally in this sense or in that by victory or defeat An army of workers elated by a military triumph and convinced that it was due to their o wn organised endeavour and sacrifice might well make short work after the war was over of the un scrupulous directorate which had deliberately in volved th em in t his fiery trial We have seen on the other hand that defeat followed by undis criminatin g humiliation might reconcile the prin cipal victims to the s ch emers who were ultimately responsible for both m isfortunes In either case the attitude of the industrial masses will be the important factor and th eir state of mind in the event of th e Allies victory will depend much more u pon how we deal with them in the settlement at the close of hostilities th an upon th e military results of the war itself Here the beli ever in e xternal intervention will inter ” rupt us again I discern he will exclaim an infallible means of securing for ourselves the gratitu de an d sympathy of this industrial class whom you have now proved to be the real Prussia of the future I no — longer propose to crush Prussia I see th at the Prussian hegemony in Germany is synonymous with the natural — unal terable economi c supremacy of the North but I do advo cate in tervention in the social evolution of Prussia herself You say that the workers are bo und to gain th e upper hand let th em gain it by our good . , , - . , . , , , , . , , . , ’ , , . , . , , . , . , O fi ces . 88 PRUSS IANISM here tofore will make itself felt at las t an d will in spire Prussian policy with a new spirit Moreover this change of heart (your o wn phrase) will prepare the way for a furth er salutary m o d ifica tion of Prussia s equilibrium Formerly I proposed to detach all th e liberal parts of Prussia from her irreclaim able core : now I suggest that w e smo ther an d soften th e core by re inforcing the fruitful fibres that surround it You have poin ted out that the non Prussian com m u n ities in Northern German y are i solated survivals destined to ultimate absorption in their Pru ssian environ ment Perh aps you have not sufficiently emphasised th e ef fect th eir assimilation will have upon Pr u ssia her self for their importance c annot be measured by their territorial e xtent There are th e three Hansa towns for in stan ce Hamburg is the second largest city in th e 1 Empire even Bremen is bigger th an Danzig and th e group as a whole conducts all the trade of th e Elbe and th e Weser The barren naval bases of Cuxh aven Wilh e lmshaven and Helgoland are the only mark P russia s advent has made upon the North Sea coast You have related again how the German national consciousness was first fostered by German Intellect and Art ; but if you call to min d the S piritual centres of Northern Germany you will half fancy that th ey have purposely been boycotted by th e Prussian frontier — Dresden Leipzig Jena Weimar Goth a not one of th em lies on Prussian soil Berlin has s triven for a century to array herse lf in their glories but th ere is , , . , ’ . . - , . , . . , , , . ’ . , , , . , , , , . , 1 Po p u latio ns in 1 90 5 B erkh Ham b u rg B rem en D an zig Lu b eck PRUSS IA AND GERMANY 89 a tradition in th eir very names which she cann ot plagiarise Finally I will meet you on your o wn ground and remind you that in the industrial world Silesia and Westphalia have not entirely outdistanced the older manufactures of Saxony Chemnitz can still bear com parison with Beuthen or Elberfeld The incorporation then in Prussia of th e oth er North- German elements will immensely strengthen that industrial democracy whose triumph we wish to ensure while they on their part will find no grievance in such ch ange of status if it coincides with a radical revision of the Pru ssian constitution guaranteed by the hand and ” seal of Europe There is far more wisdom in these suggestions than in the programme they supersede The eradication of Prussia hardly needed refutation but the liberalisation of the Prussian constitution and the consolidation of all North ern Germany within the Prussian state are clearly essential steps towards a better future In t his instance th e end is not at fault but only the means We shall have to insist once more in reply that even the mildest and most beneficial of internal transformations cannot be e ff ected by external pressure that a ready made constitution has no more charm t han a ready made coat and that even if Industrial Germany accepted the political costume we of fered her there would be no telling in what fash ion our gift would be worn : she migh t even give it a militaristic turn and disconcert us by aping the drill sergeants from whom we h ad delivered h er Nevertheless when th ese objections have duly been filed we shall probably admit that we h ave sighted our desired goal if only some road thitherward were apparent The upshot of our discussion is this We hope f o r a . , . . , , , , , . . , . , . - , - , , , - . , , , . . PRUSS IANISM 99 far reaching ch an ge of equi librium in Nor th ern Ger man y but we realise that if we meddle with the s cales ourselves we shall end by inclining th e balance more heavily then ever in the present direction The auspicious revolution can only be produced by a spontan eous internal movement Can we promote or at any rate foresee any issue which would rouse Northern Germany to cast out Pru ssianism on its own initiative We know the cause of Germany s devoted loyalty to the military caste in the present war She sees in th em th e cham pions of her nationality th e leaders in h er life and -death struggle against a world in arm s One thing alone would utterly discredit th e Prussian squire archy in German eyes : if on some grave question of state th e Junkers sacrificed th e national in terest to the interest of their own tradition We have seen that the keystone of Bismarck s policy was the creed that Prussia s and German y s interests were identi cal He equated th e unification of Germ an y with t h e extension of Prussia s hegemony but his doctrine had one stumbling block to overcome it involved the exclusion from the national Empire of 1 one sixth part of the nation s str ength the Germans of Austria The settlement between Prussia and Austria after the Seven Weeks War of 1 86 6 was a violation of German national tradition Since the Great In terregnum into which the Holy Roman Empire fe ll after the reign of Frederick II in the thirteenth century German unity had been little more than a name but the ghost of it that lingered on had atta ched itself during the last four - , , . . , , ’ . , - . , , . ’ ’ ’ . ’ , - ’ , . ’ . , . p k l y N o t co u n tin g th e G erm an - s ea in g S b e rec o n e erm an in nati o n a i t 1 k dG . w iss, wh o , o f co u rse, cann o t P R U SS IAN ISM 92 wh o wo ul d be enabled by th is heig htening of th e od ds to hold h er entirely at their mercy They wo u ld respond to th e milita rists call for still greater armaments not from motives of revenge so much as in self protection again st a greater evil Such misgivings would be set at rest completely by th e reunion of the Austrian Germans with the Empire Even if every Alsatian Sch leswiger and Pole managed to e xtricate h imself from German y s net the accession of the Austrian block would more than doubly com pensate the loss Germany would be placed beyond all danger from her neighbours and the North German would have solved e f fectively the e xternal problem of th e nation with out seriously compromising his inte rnal suprema cy within it The economic primacy of Northern Ge rmany is almost certainly su mcien t to outweigh A u strian Germany in addition to th e South but to make th e contin uan ce of their hegemony sure the North erners would probably take of their own free will th e steps we so inten sely desire The reinforcement of the Southern groups would give Pru ssia and the Northern enclaves a strong mutual interest of their own in consolidation an d this would necessitate a prelimin ary reform in the Prussi an franchise for Hamburg and Saxony would declin e 1 members hip of the Prussian state on the present terms . ’ , - . . , ’ , . , , . , , . , , . No rth wo u ld p ro b ably evo ke a sim ilar Th eir u ni ted m o v em en t o n th e p art o f th e th r ee S o u th ern states po p u latio n in 1 90 5 was o n ly an d th eir ar ea sq u re a m i l es S in g ly th ey w o u ld fin d th em selves in a v ery w ea k positio n between th e gr ea t Pru ssian an d A u strian u n its Th e n atu ral lin e o f divisio n b etween th e co nso li dated states o f No rth an d S o u th wo u ld start fro m th e Aus trian fr o n tier at th e extrem e N o rth West co rn er o f Bo h em ia an d fo llo w th e pr esen t bo u n dary b etween B avaria on th e o n e han d an d S axo n y an d th e Th u rin gian p rin cipalities o n th e o th er Th en ce it wo u ld cu t in to w hat is n o w Pr u ssian territo ry p assin g slightl y s se-D a m stad t (th e S o u th o f Fu lda ti ll it hit th e bo un dary o f He 1 Th e co nso lidatio n o f th e . . , . - , . , , PRUSS IA A N D GERMANY 93 Thus the internal effect upon Northern Germany of Austria s restoration to the Empire would immediately prove fatal to the traditional Prussian ruling class They would h ave the choice of letting th e reins drop quietly from th eir hands or of being overthrown ignominiously in th e eff ort to deflect the nation from its natural course Th e revision of the Imperial constitution would crown th eir d isco m fitu re Under the present system the supremacy of Prussia is vested in the Imperial title and privileges of her Hohen Zollern king who is th e war lord and executive head of th e whole nation ; but if the Hapsburgs return the Hohenzollern can be suzerain no more Bismarck ban ished the Hapsburgs from Germany because he kn ew th at th ey could never take a subordinate place wit hin it Hapsburg and Hohenzollern can only come into p artners hip ag ain on terms of absolute equality This does not mean the weakening of that unity with which Germany was endowed by Bismarck : it only mean s that un ity will no longer be maintained by a monarc hi cal bond The Hohenzollern will sink to be no No rthern blo ck o f th e prin cipality) It wo u ld co incide with this bo u n dary alo n g its S o u th ern segm en t an d break n ext in to Pru ssian Nassau f o llo wm g th e crest o f th e Tau n u s Mo u n tains till it reached th e Rhin e o pposite B in gen This wo u ld assign to th e S o u th n o t o n ly Hanau an d Wiesbaden b u t Fran kfurt th e cen tr e o f G erm an railways an d fin an ce w hich h as b een in co rpo rated in P russia sin ce 1 866 B y G eo grap hy th e wh o le b asin o f th e Main b el o n gs to th e S o u th as w ell as th e u pp er b asin o f th e Rhin e as f ar as Bin gen an d th e Tau n u s f o r at this po in t th e u n ited stream fo rm ed thro u gh their j u n ction p ierce s by a narro w d efil e a lin e o f hills ath wart its co u rse an d en ters a n ew stag e w h en it em erg es again in to th e o p en B eyo n d th e Rh in e th e bo u n dary lin e wo u ld co in cid e with th e p resen t bo un d ary between th e B avarian P alatin ate an d Rh em sh Pru ssia as f ar as th e b o u n d ary o f th e Reichslan d in th e n eighbo u rhoo d o f S aarge m n d w h ere it wo u ld take to th e water p artin g b etween th e Rh in e an d th e Mosell e till it reach ed th e fro n tier o f F ran ce Th e positio n o f th e F ranco Germ an fro n tier wo u ld o f co u rse d ep en d o n w h eth er A lsace u nited herself with Fran ce o r with this n ew S o u th Germ an u nit ’ . , . . - , , . , . . . . , , . , , . , , . - , u - , . - , , . PRUSS IANISM 94 more th an constitutional sovereign of th e new North German state consolidated under the Prussian title an d governed from Berlin the Imperial Reichstag will gain corr espondingly in s cope and authority by th is relief from monarch ical concurrence Th e national unity that overrides federal particularism will thus receive in Germany the same parliamentary expression that it possesses in the an d through th is common democratic organ the v arious groups within th e nation will be represented in the national co u nsels in strict pro portion to their several importance On t his prin ciple the North will preserve its leaders hip in German y Germany will be freed from fear of her neighbours and Europe will be reassured as to Germany s poli cy in the future Th e eje ction of the Ho h enzollern from th e hig hest place in th e Empire will be equivalent in Eu ropean eyes to a renunciation of Prussian ism These are great expecta tions but as far as Eu rope and Germany are concerned th ere is no apparent obsta cle to their realisation Ger any however is no more in m command of th e situation th an ourselves Everythin g turns upon th e reincorporation of Aus trian Germany and this lies in th e hands of the Austrian s alone No one can compel th em to re-enter Germany against their will nor prevent th em from doing so if they wis h Will th e Germans of Austria be moved to take this step or no f Certainly they will not take it to oblige Germany or Europe Nations do not dispose of th em selves upon altruisti c motives Austria will only seek members hip in the German Empire if S h e finds her own interest in doing so and obviously her interest will not poin t this way unless th e result of the present war upse ts the sta tus quo even more momentously for h er than for Germany , . . , , ’ . . , , . , , . , . . , . . , . 96 PRUSS IANISM only be caused by some e xternal agency in their despite This defini tion of what a break u p of th e Hapsburg Empire implies may forestall an objection that must long have been in the criti c s mind You talk very ” glibly he will have been thinking about reconciling German y by giving her two fold compensation for her European losses but perhaps her conquerors may find such conci liation clear at the price Do you really suppose tha t the Allies if they final ly beat Germany by an e xhausting war will allow her to emerge even stronger than before from the subsequent settlement 5 It is of course obvious that they will not an d the objection is so far cogent It is not relevant however to the case in question During th e last generation the states of Europe have tended to play a less and less individual part in the game of diplomacy and war The coalition not the s ingle country has become the un it of power German y s military strength can only be estimated in terms of the whole group to whi ch she belongs and since the German an d th e Hapsburg Empires have now been 1 p artn ers in in ternational politi cs for thirty fiv e years we must for this purpose treat them as a sin gle block It is true that the standard of so cial efli cien cy in general and of military organisation in parti cula r is considerably higher in th e German se ction of the block then in the other so that the transference within the block of an impo rtant element from th e inferior Ha ps burg system to the superior German would certainly increase the power of the block as a whole given that its total composition continued the same If the break u p of the Hapsburg Empire were merely nominal and the . - , ’ . , , - , . , , , . , , . , . , ’ , . , , - , . , , , , - . , 1 S in ce 1 879 . PRUSS IA A N D GERMANY 97 group which had formerly consisted of Germany and Austria cum Hungary were reconstituted as German y cum Austria and H u ngary then our critic s comment would be quite in point The coalition would in deed emerge stronger than before with a margin of increase th at would cover the loss of a few border provinces and the Allies could not suffer events to take such a course This possibility is disposed of however by our con clu sio n that Austria will never merge herself in Germany unless the other elements of the Hapsburg Empire do break away from her in some real sense and fly o ff at a tangent both from the Hapsburg state and from the German coalition If this were to happen it would of course immeasurably lessen the total offensive power of German y and h er group and we could regard a con sid erab le addition to the individual streng th of Germany herself with perfect equanimity We are accordingly faced with the question : will the War produce a radical break u p of the Ha psburg Monarchy and if it does on what lines will the dis solution take pla ce 5 We s h all then find a further question awai ting us Dissolution supposing we come to believe it probable will certain ly c ancel the factors which at present render union wit h Germany undesirable to Austria but it need ” not in spire her with a positive desire for it If the Hapsburg complexus is loosened Austria will find herself released from old ties She may prefer to con tract no new ones and embark instead upon a phase of independent existence This is a contingency we shall have to consider before we can proclaim o u r Austrian solution of the German problem as a certainty ; but we must not be over has ty We will try to deal with only one question at a time - - ’ - , . , , . , , , , . , . - , , . , , , . , . , . , - . . T HE V ITAL ITY OF A U S T RIA 98 CHAPTER III THE VITALITY AU STRIA OF CA N the Hapsburg Empire survive the present crisis f The question has been asked several times already during the past century and has been answered invariably in the negative yet th e Empir e still e xists and is playing a leadin g part in international po liti cs at this moment Twice over Austria was utterly defeated and sho m of e xtensive territories by Napoleon only to emerge in 1 8 1 4 with wider frontiers than S h e possessed in 1 792 For th e ne xt thirty th ree years international statesman s h ip took its cue from th e Austrian Ch ancellor Met Then th e international revolution of 1 848 tern ich overth rew M ettem ich with bewildering suddenness an d it seemed as though the Monarchy would vanis h with th e diplomat who in ca rnated its ideals In this year it was buffeted from one quarter by th e full storm of Italian Nationalism which had been brew ing for half a century and now swept the people of every Italian principality into a common cr u sade against th e alien master encamped on the Po On the oth er flan k Tch ech s and Ma gyars renounced all parti cipation in a Germanised state and summoned th e Hapsburg to accept th e crowns of independent Bohemia and Hungary at Prag an d Pé szo n y unless he were willing to forfeit their allegiance altogether Even Vienna th e capital an d core of the Empire rejected her native sovereign Th e fire of Liberalism set th e Viennese population in a bla ze : th ey made co m mon cause with th e Ma gyar Liberals fu rth er down th e Dan ube and th e Emperor , , , . , . - . , . , , . , , , . . , , THE VITAL ITY OF AUSTRIA 1 00 and consummation Napoleon III dealt h er a hard blow in 1 8 59 whi ch led directly to the establishment of the Italian national sta te In 1 866 the new Italy an d Prussia drawn together by coincidence of resentment and ambition attacked Austria simultaneously from two flanks and ousted her completely from the Italian and Ge rman spheres Yet th e main body of the Empire did not dissolve under these strokes external humiliation merely opened a n ew epoch of in ternal evolution The Hapsburg Monarchy then has resis ted the shock of thr ee titanic phenomena : Democracy the Risorgimento and B ismarck The earthquake carried away Lombardy Venetia and the hegemony of Germany — two pinnacles and an ornamental fa cade—but the b u ilding itse lf stood firm So we might infer the present cata strophe may detach Gali cia and possibly Bosnia as well but still the Monarchy will not collapse if it outlived th e nineteenth century it need have no fear of th e twentieth Nevertheless th e prophets of death have reason though not precedent on their side The Hapsburg state like the Prussian has gro wn out ” of one of German y s Eastern marks It is entirely the creation of the Hapsburg Dynas ty which estab lish ed its hold on the duchies of A ii stria and Styria in when Rudolf of Hapsburg was Holy Roman 1 2 82 Emperor Round this nucleus successive generations of Hapsburgs have gathered the present collection of provin ces by conquest inheritance feudal escheat marriage settlement free gift legal chicanery and all th e other methods which contribute to the growth of p rivate estates Austrian history has therefore been domin ated likewise by the personal factor but here the analo gy with Pru ssia ends : both developments are . . , . , , , . . , , , . , . , , , , , . , , . , , , ’ . , , . , - , , , , , . , THE VITALI TY OF AUSTRIA 101 expressions of family character but their comparison illustrates the marked divergence of Hapsbur g and Hohenzollern temperament The Prussian collector has been systematic and self controlled Starting on the Eastern fringe of the German world we have seen how persistently he shifted his land marks towards th e West never grasping too eagerly but never relaxing his grip till his estates co in cid ed with Northern Germany in extent and his administration was adopted for the government of the German nation The Hapsburg has shown no such consistent policy He has pursued his hobby in happy go lucky fashion gaining here and losing there with good humoured in difference There are few territories in Europe that have not passed through his hands Before th e great prize of Austria became his he lived in a castle on the 1 banks of the Aar from which he derives his family name The warriors of the Five Cantons ejected him from his ancestral dwelling when they founded Switzerland and at present not one rood remains to him of this land nor of Alsace and th e Black Forest his earliest acquisitions He has own ed Spain and Belgium in the West Venice Milan Naples and Sicily have been ruled by him ; in combat with the Turk he advanced far deeper into Serbia during the eighteenth century than his armies have penetrated durin g the present war and the occupa tion of the Danubian principalities once carried him to the Black Sea coast All these bizarre properties have been lost to him but there is variety enough in the assets that remain Pr u ssia has made herself the exponent of German nationality : modern Austria is representative of no Th e ch ief S o u th ern trib u tary o f th e Upp er R hin e , . . , - , , , . . - - , - . . , . , , , . , , , , . , . 1 . , THE VITALITY OF AUSTRIA 1 02 nationali ty at all It is true that two small nations the Magyars and th e Tch ech s are wholly contain ed within her frontiers ; but these constitute no more than 2 and per cent respectively of her total population The majority that remains is composed of fragments detached from six nationalities Germans Italians and Roumans ; Poles Ruthenes an d Southern Slavs In all th ese six cases th e main body of th e race lies beyond the Austrian frontier whi le in four of them it is organised in to a national state immediately conterminous with it Germany Italy Roumania and Serbia are each waitin g to claim th eir Austrian irredenta wh en the favour able moment arrives The Hapsburg Monarchy has set Nationality at defian ce and th at is why th e prophets shake their heads over its destin y What is th e secret of its extraordin ary vitality which h as falsified all the prophets calc u lations and enabled it to survive both in ternal dissidence and pressure from without é An organ ism cannot thrive with complete disregard to its envir onment If the Monarchy has not adapted itself to the national principle it mu st h ave responded to some other factor of equa l significance in the modern world We shall find th is factor in Geography The political maps of mediaeval and contemporary Europe produce quite different impressions The former is complex and variegated like a mosaic or like some rich window of stained glass which has been shattered by cannon and pieced togeth er again hap 1 . , , . . , , . , . , , . , . ’ , . , . . . , , 1 W e m ight b rin g th e n u m b er u p to fo u r if we tr eated th e S lo vaks l y , d p en d n t o f th e T h e h s a d di s tin g uish ed th e th ern S l vs S lo v es fro m th e S To tal po p latio n o f A t ia H g ary M gyars Tch e h s S lo vaks Th e fig es ar ta k n f m as a n atio n a i t in en 1 e c e a ou us r u c th e censu s o f 1 900 . - , c , n . - un a , ur e e , ro THE VITALITY OF AUSTRIA 1 04 intended to confine the chastened Magyars within iron lim i ts It was therefore similar in design to the Mark of Brandenburg which was founded during the same period to protect Northern Germany against the Sla vonic tribes likewise advancing Westward on th e fur ther flan k of the Carpathians Austri a however outstripped Brandenburg in its early development Under the House of B ab en b erg whi ch ruled it from its foundation until th eir own e xtinction in 1 2 46 it grew steadil y in population and extent : when the Hapsburgs took possession of it in 1 2 82 it included not merely Upper and Lower Austria up to th eir present boundaries but the Mark of Styria as well and was thus already one of th e most impo rtant units in the German world T his prosperity was due to the province s command ing geographic al S ituation Vienna which has been its capital since the m i ddle of th e twelfth century is th e key to th e Danube b asin because it lies at one of the 1 prin cipal breaks in the river s course At this poin t two great mountain giants stretch out th e ir arms towards the Danube from opposite sides On th e South West the Alps press forward till their last spur th e Wiener Wald plunges into th e stream imm ediately West of th e ci ty : North Eas tward the Carpathian s spread their wings fanwise and one of th em th e Little Car ridge descends as far as the Nort h bank of t h e a t h i an p Danube immediately E ast of the March tributary and j ust above the Hungarian town of POS zo n y (Pressburg ) Between th ese two lines of mountains there intervenes a strip of plain th e Marchfeld in the angle formed by th e junction of the March with th e D anube Across the Marchfeld A l p and Carpathian beckon to ar e th e o th er Th e Ir o n Gates . , . , , . , , , , , . ’ . , , , ’ . - - . , , - , , , . , , . , 1 . THE VI TAL I TY O F A U S TRIA 105 Ki ev o o Le m b e r g one another and the river whispers to all human way farers from the South East th at th ey must slip through this gap if th ey wish to reach his source since to left and right th e mountains close th eir ranks and present an impenetrable barrier Vienna however has seized control of th is narrow gate Ensconced between th e Wiener Wald and th e Danube it commands the March feld on the opposite bank A n army that traversed th e plain from the East and sought to as cend the river furth er in Vienna s despite would make the attempt at its peril Vienn a has proved its strategic worth against more formidable enemies than the Magyar : in the sixteenth 1 an d seventeenth centuries it s hielded Germany and Western Europe from the Turk Th e two sieges laid to it by the invader first in 1 530 and then again in 1 6 83 were the most critical moments in the protracted assault upon Christendom but the Turkish tide found here its Alb recht D rer s woo dcu t th e Gro sse Kan n o n e reveals h o w d eeply a Tu rkish i n vasio n was dread ed in G erm an y abo u t 1 500 A D , - , . , , . , . ’ , . . , , , 1 u ’ , , . . 1 06 THE VITAL ITY OF AUSTRIA high water mark After the crucial year of th e second sie ge it ebbed steadily back and Vienn a ceased to be a milita ry outpost as the border between Christendom and Islam s hifted further and further down th e Danube again Th us ended th e medi aeval phase of Vienn a s history For seven hun dred years th e place was a fortr ess severing th e upper from the middle b asin of the Dan ube sin ce th en it has become an imperial city th e centre of a state formed by th e union of both regions within a common frontier S u p erficially this looks like a complete reversal of char acter in reality Vienna has risen to be th e capital of a great modern monarchy pre cisely because it has continued to be th e point of conta ct and division between two worlds The portion of th e present Hapsburg Monarchy that lies West of Vienna belongs to the industrial world of Central Europe The man u facturing district of Reich enberg in th e No rthern corner of Bohemia is con tin u o u s with the Saxon Black Country immediately across th e frontier In Silesia we have seen how negligible the political boundaries are from the economi c poin t of vi ew Austrian and Prussian Silesia constitute an indivisible economic unit and this un it in turn is only one section of a vast industrial belt which begins in Poland and e xtends Southward th rough Moravia and Lower Austria as far as Styria beyond the Danube on th e Alps South Eas tern slope The po rtion of the Monarch y that lies East of Vienna presents a striking economic contrast The immense plain of alluvium deposited by the Danube and the Th eiss which opens out below Buda Pest and is kn own ” as th e A lf Old specialises in the production of wh eat The mountainous country between the an d horses Drave and th e Adriatic is devoted to stock breedin g - . , , , . ’ . , . , , . . . , , , , ’ - . . - , , . . THE VITAL I TY OF AUSTRIA 1 08 head to foot of the Empire like a spin al cord and the Hapsburg domin ions have consolidated themselves round this central conductor of e conomic life Hapsburg terri tories beyond the range of the Danubian nervous system have inevitably fallen away an d been absorbed in o th er organisms while territories within its compass have been irresistibly drawn into the Hapsburg sphere and vitalised into an organ ic whole The centripetal prin ciple we divined in the Hapsburg Monarchy reveals itself therefore as economic The Monarchy has accommodated itself to the cur rent set going by the Indus trial Revolution of th e e ighteenth centu ry an d this augurs strongly for its survival The economic factor operated side by side with the nation al in the mouldin g of n ineteenth -century Europe The territorial simplification which we have noted in general and traced more closely in the Hapsburg instan ce was determined principally by the economic cause Economics have been winning their way to primacy and we may prophesy that in the future international phase of civilisation they wil l play the dominant rOle The settlement of 1 866 then brought the Hapsb u rg Monarchy economic unity and equilibrium A living organism cannot however remain static : to survive it must grow A ll states are in process either of growth or of decline and they are inevitably reduced to the latter phase by failure to succeed in the former Un til 1 866 Austria wasted her str ength and jeopardised her future by failing to recogn ize her Danubian character Bismarck and the Risorgimento taught her by a rude lesson that the true field for her expansion lay neith er towards Italy nor towards Germany but in the same direction as the Danube s current Thenceforth Austria set her face steadfastly towards a South Eastern horizon , . , , . , , . , . . , , . , , . , , . , , , . , . , , , ’ . - . THE V ITALITY OF AUSTRIA 1 09 h as taken a very sinister This trend Eastwards comple xion and h as even occasioned th e present war ; yet its motive force is not the dynastic ambition wh ic h govern ed Austr ia s development as recently as th e Napoleonic period It is only partly accounted for by that national chauvinism of th e Prussian type which du ring the l ast century h as been superseding th e rivalries of Autocracy and caricaturing th em in its exaggerated egotism The essence of the movement is not militaristic but economic It is the penetration of an in dustrialised unit in search of wider markets and wider sources of raw prod u ce into regions still on th e far side of the Industrial Revolution The most S triking e xpression of th e Eastward Trend is the position won by the Austrian Lloyd Steams hip Compan y in the traffi c of th e Levant You can board th ese steam ers bound for Trieste at every great port in th e Nearer East Th e express service from Alexandria has become the favourite route of British o fficials return ing from Egyp t and the Soudan on leave and the Company has had the enterprise to run another service so far afield as Bombay and Ceylon in order to capture th e passenger traffic from British India as well Batoum th e port of Russian Caucasia is anoth er terminus of th e line and it serves th e whole of Asiatic Turkey for th e carriage of th e European mail In all th e E ge m you will not meet fin er s hips th an th ese an d they produce th e sense of some strong civilised power behind th e horizo n As soon as you have passed Corfu the impression deepens Serious competition from the French Messageries Maritimes or from the various Italian lines ceases conspicuously at the mouth of the " Dran g nach Osten 1 , ’ . , . . , , . . . , , - . , , . , , . . . , THE VITALITY OF AUSTRIA 1 10 Adria tic an d th e whole trade up the East coas t of 1 th is gu lf is monopolised by the Lloyd In Epirus and Albania th e Lloyd stands for European civilisation It provides the onl y means of transport for no practicable roads have yet been constructed on land Goods mails and travellers depend upon it entirely for local as well as for foreign traffi c : in th e squalid coast towns th e arrival of the Austrian packet boat is th e event of th e week and even the hostile Montenegrin s cannot aff ord to boycott it from th eir more imposing harbour of An tivari Montenegro is an improvement upon Albania Here for th e first time th e steamer can come dire ctly alongside a quay instead of anchoring a mile out and transacting her busin e ss by means of lighters plyin g clums ily to and fro across the strip of s hoal water inshore Wh en however you leave Antivari be hind an d turn to enter Cattaro Fjord you stumble suddenly in to European civilisation As th e reaches of th e Bocche open out fin ely metall ed and graded roads substan tially built cottages and beautift terraced mountain slopes pre sent th emselves o n either hand and a general air of prosperity and good management pervades th e scene Thereafter you touch in succession at the Dalmatian ports— Gravosa Spalato Sebenico—each busier th an the last and you wonder cu riously in what this se ries will culm inate and what is the fountain h ead of th is continually intensified econo m i c activity th e first symptoms of w hich you encountered in such distant quarters In Dalmatia as in Krete an d th e Morea your imagination is fired by the majestic remains of Th e Un g aro C ro ata lin e fro m F iu m e is an artifi cial en terp rise with th e sam e po liti ca l in ten tio n as th e recen t attem p t to m a ke H u n gary in du strially in d ep en den t o f Aus tria by th e d ev elo p m en t o f H u n garian , . . , . , - , . . , . , , , , , . - , , . , , , - , , , . 1 - , , THE VITALITY OF AUSTR IA 1 12 Th e economi c solidarity of th e Empire was strikin gly The Ministry for i llustrated during the crisis of 1 90 8 Foreign Affairs had seized the oppo rtunity of th e Turkis h Revolution to procl aim the formal an nexation of th e ” Occupied provinc es Bosnia Herzegovin a Th e inhabitants of the district are South ern Sla vs and th e act was a much heavier blow to Serbian nationalism which still aspired to in corporate the territory in th e Serbian state th an to Ottoman Imperialism wh ich had long resigned itself to a merely nominal suzerainty Th e an no u ncement accordin gly aroused the deepest resentment throughout th e Slavonic world and not least among th e Slavonic citizens of th e Empire itself The Slavs however could m ake no reprisals Russia was paralysed by d isaster in th e Far East and revolution at home pro Serbian demonstrations wi thin the Haps burg Monarch y itself were vigorously suppressed by th e gove rnment and Serbia was impotent without e xternal suppo rt Turkey on the other hand was able to re taliate most e f fectively by boyco ttin g Austrian shipping along her whole imm ense coast line and eschewin g the use of Austrian manufactures In particular th e Turks ” abandoned the fez for they had come to depend for the supply of their national headgear almost entirely upon Austrian industry This Austrian manufacture of fezes happened to have 1 become lo calised in Bo h emia and so the Turkis h reto rt hit the German and Magyar elements in th e Monarchy who were really responsible for the government s action far less severely than the Tch ech s its bitterest opponents Austrian O fficial Circles might therefore have been R eichen b er g th e chief in du strial cen tre o f th e p ro vin ce lies in a Germ an sp eakin g distri ct ; b u t th e who le o f Bo h em ia Tch ech an d Germ an p o rtio ns alik e h as beco m e th o ro u gh ly in dustrialised durin g th e last cen tu ry . , . , , , , . , . , , . - , , , , . - , . , . , , ’ , , . 1 , , - , , . THE VITAL ITY O F AUSTRIA 1 13 expe cted to congratulate themselves on killing two birds with one stone Yet the economic interaction of each part of the Monarchy with every other is so close an d Bohemian industry is such an indispensable element in this delicate rhythm tha t the effects of th e lo cal blow made th emselves universally felt Instead of rubbing its han ds the Ministry for Foreign Aff airs was brought to its knees an d strenuously exerted itself on the Tch ech s behalf The Turkish Government was able to extort more th an adequate material reparation for the Monarchy s moral delinquency before it gave the signal for th e boycott to cease Th e breac h with Turkey in 1 90 8 was an interlude Since the Balkan crisis which culminated in the R u sso Turkish war of 1 878 the Hapsburg and Ottoman Empires have normally main tained a good understand ing and the birth of this friendship was followed immediately by the alliance with Germany in 1 879 This triple association which has endured ever since and has embarked in common upon the present war is likewise explained by the economic situation If Pan germ an politicians dream of eventually consolidating a zone of territo ry from Hamburg on the North Sea to Koweit on the Persian Gulf into a single political unit th is is simply a hypoth etical expan sion of the grouping which already e xists in miniature in the Haps burg Monarchy itself The Hapsburg state is built up out of the industrial districts West of Vienna and the agrarian districts East of it : the Pan germ an Con federation would include the whole of industrialised Central Europe on th e one hand and a proportionate agrarian element in South Eastern Europe and Nearer Asia on the oth er There is considerable economic justification for this . , , . , , ’ . ’ . . , , . , , , . , . , - . THE VITAL ITY O F AUS TR IA 1 14 programme Geograp hy has imposed th e Trend Eastward upon th e younger industry of Central Europe as in evitably as she summoned th e older in dustry of the West to th e Atlantic and to th e colonial areas which lay along its hi ghways Yet Pan germ an ism has set itself a diffi cult and perha ps a disastrous goal in determ in ing to convert this economi c possibi lity in to a political fact It has begun by challenging the rest of Europe to a mortal duel upon thi s issue We ha ve good hope that the battle will end in th e d isco m fitu re of the aggressor and th e frustration of his plans but even if he were victorious in the war he wo u ld fin d himse lf hardly nearer to his objective He hopes to fas hion a vast political structure upon his economic framework he has first to learn wheth er this b as is su flices for th e exe cution of a less ambitious piece of crafts mans hip Will the cen tripetal force of economi cs finally over come the centrifugal force of Nationality in th e present 3 Hapsburg Empire The programm e of P n germ an ism a stan ds or falls by the answer to this question an d it is also a repetition in more precise terms of th e ques tion we asked ourselves at the close of th e last chapter Will the Hapsburg Empire break up as th e result of this war ? Our attention is re called to the internal stru e ture of the Hapsburg state this time in its political aspect 1 . , . , . . , , . . . , , , , . Th e co u ntries whi ch have coalesced into th e present Hapsb u rg Empire are some degrees removed from th e original centres of modern European civilisation an d , Th e Ger m an o -Aus tro -Tu rkis h l eagu e h as p ro v ed itself firm er " Trip le Allian ce, o f w hich Italy, no t Tu r key, is th e thir d th e o ffi cial I ta ly j o in ed th e Cen tral Euro pean po wers in 1 882 o n m em b er acco u n t o f a tem po r ary eco n o m ic clas h with Fran ce, b u t h er fu n da s ts, as w e shall see later, are en tirely d ifieren t fro m thei rs m en tal in tere 1 . ' . 1 16 THE VITAL I TY OF AUS TRIA kin g and attempted by means of Strong Govern ment to wren ch unenlightened populations out of their ch erished traditions and convert them forcibly by the accomplished fact Neglectin g all local dif ferences of lan guage religion and custom he proceeded to t e fashion hi s dominions on a pedanti call y uniform plan Joseph s crusade was a disastrous failure Reform was checkmated by revolt and he was killed by ten years of unrelieved disappointments Yet his short reign has determined th e course of th e Monarchy s internal history ever since He contrived to range Nationality an d Enlighten ment in opposite camps His dogmatic disregard for national feeling awakened it into franti c life an d it arrayed itself for the battle not in th e Rights of Man (of which it had never heard ) but in the fa m iliar harness of medi e val vested in terests The centres of ” nationalisti c resistance were the provincial estates bodies representative not of peoples but of castes They were dominated by th e nobility and the Church S O that nationalism in the Hapsburg Empire started with 1 a strong feudal and clerical bi as whi ch h as left per manent e f fects The movement has remain ed legalistic instead of becoming p h ilosophic It loo ks to th e past rather th an to the future and has fallen a willin g victim ” to the malady of historical sentiment Joseph s death in 1 790 concluded the first bout in th e contest between enlightened despotism an d nationalisti c reaction but th e factors of success an d , . , , , . ’ . , . ’ . . , , . , . , , . . , . ’ , This is tru e o f th e di fferen t m o vem en ts i n vari o u s degrees Magyar n ati o nalism f o r in sta n ce h as b een w h o lly aris to cratic an d n o t cl erical am o ng th e S l o v en es w h ere th e n o b i li ty w as G erm an cl er icalism h as na ti o n al f eeh n g am o n g th e Tch ech s was till r ecen tly b een su p r em e fo stered in i ts earlier p hase by th e C hu rch an d th e o rigin ally Germ an 1 . , , , , , no bility in co j u n ctio n , n THE VITALITY O F AUSTRIA H 7 failure were too evenly divided between th e two forces to allow a speedy decision The struggle continued in termittently till the revolutionary year of 1 848 brought it to a head We have already seen how Hapsburg autocracy was overthrown in one year only to rise again in the next how the national principle was champion ed by the Ma gyars who were willin g to take up arms on its behalf and how their heroic resistance to Francis Joseph s armies was overcome by the intervention of Nicholas his accomplice From 1 849 to 1 86 1 Joseph s theories seemed to have triumphed but in the bitterness of the conflict despotism had discarded its enligh tenment A uniform regime of absolutism was imposed upon the whole Monarchy and the o fficia l use of German the language of the Viennese bur eaucracy was universally enforced with out regard to the nationality of t h e governed Suc h a s ystem could not last because its spirit was entirely negative It was created to repress the evolution of nin eteenth century Europe an d was bound to succumb under the wave s return The external blows which forced th e Monarchy to resign its Western ambitions and set it free to pursue the economic career of a Danubian unit had an equally momentous effect upon its internal politics The war of 1 859 induced the government to temper centralisation by the grant of a constitution The provincial estates or diets were called into e xistence again though their traditional institutions were n o w standardised to an o ff i cial pattern and each diet was empowered to elect representatives to a two ch ambered parliament for the whole Monarchy ; but the utter deb cicle of 1 866 followed hard upon this concession . . , , , ’ , . ’ , . , , , , . , . - , ’ . , . . , , - ’ ‘ , 1 18 T HE VITA L ITY OF AUSTR IA and the government found itself at its subjects mercy At this crisis the initiative was seized by the Magyar nation Th e relative weight of their numbers in the motley population of the Mon archy the corporate feeling in spired in th is mass by the tragedy of 1 849 an inherited politi cal tradition and able leadership in the present all combin ed to give them the mastery of the situation They were able to dictate their own terms and the Ausgleich or Compromise which they imposed upon th e Dyn asty h as remained th e basis of the Monarchy s internal organ isation ever since Th e prin cipal terms of the compact were as fo llows (i ) Hungary recovered her separate existence as a state with the territorial e xtent traditionally claimed by ” Crown of St Stephen and with Magyar as its th e ’ o fli cial language (ii ) This state was organ ised as a constitu tional monarchy and the sovereign ty was declared hereditary Francis Joseph and his in the Ho u se of Hapsburg heirs were to reign with the title of king after co ronation at Pest (iii ) Th e new Hungarian Kingdom was made autonomous in every department of political activity with three exceptions (a ) Foreign Af fairs including th e Consular Service (6) Naval and military org anisation (c) The budget required for these purposes (iv ) The control of th ese three departments was vested in an organ of authori ty common to Hungary and the rest of the Monarchy and the character of the common institutions was jealously defined (a) Hungary s allegiance to them was conditional upon the establishment an d maintenance of a unified ’ . . , , . , ’ . . , , . . . , . . . , , . . . . , ’ THE VITAL ITY OF AUSTR IA 1 20 in dependence Durin g th e war of 1 849 th e Ma gyars had deposed the House of Hapsburg denoun ced all connection with th e o ther parts of th e Monarchy and procla imed Hungary a republic Thi s declaration of the national will had been nullified by brute force for seventeen years the national freedom had been paralysed by a tyrannical regime an d now at last in 1 866 the bonds were broken in sunder A fter passin g th rough such an experience as this the Magyars might have been expected to assert th eir in dependence more vehemently than ever before Yet in this supreme moment the ” 1 nation was guided not by the violent Ko ssu th ists but by th e moderates under De ak : it chose co n stitu tio n al monar chy within th e Hapsburg complex instead of republican in dependence outside it The Magyars are strongly in fluenced by sen timent and this ch oice involved the most severe sentimental sacrifices Their constancy in abidin g by it th erefore proves that since 1 848 they have become conscious of a higher necessity whi ch impe ls them to main tain the Hapsburg unit unbroken The Austrians on th eir part made perhaps even a greater sacrifice in acceptin g the Magyars terms Sentiment they could not have saved for it was bound up with th e mainten ance of th e Germanising regime and since the deb cicle that was of course beyond their power but it might appear th at they would have con su lted their material interests better by resortin g to the other e xtreme and breaking o ff from Hungary altogeth er The compromise imposed upo n them a disproportionate share of the common burdens they m u st accordingly have found that co -operation with Hungary brought . , . , , . , . , . , . . , , ’ . , , ’ ‘ . , Lo u is Ko ssu th was th e Magyar exp o n en t o f th e id eals o f 48 an d h e was p res i d en t o f th e H u n garian rep u blic in 1 849 ’ 1 , . THE VITAL ITY OF AUSTRIA 121 th em more than adequate material compensation in oth er directions The e xplanation lies in th e economic structure of th e Danubian unit which we have already analysed The Ausgleich is simply the political expression of the economic situation The Austrian half of t h e Dual Monarchy corresponds to th e industrial region above 1 Vienna the Hungarian h alf to the agrarian region below it Their economic interdependence is recognised in the common tariff : Hungary abandons the possibility of building up an indigenous industry of her own by protection against Austrian m an u f actu res in order to secure a virtual monopoly of the Austrian market for foodstuff s and raw produce The value of political massiveness in the competition of international com merce is recognised in the three Jo int Ministries Austria helps Hungary to pay her way because these common organs enable her to draw on Hungary s strength as well as h er own for the diplomatic and military support of h er commercial expansion The political powers then which control respectively the Aus trian and the Hungarian half of the Monarchy have reckoned with the economic factor and have both concluded th at it is th e determining force in their politi cal destin ies They see that neither of them is economically strong enough to stand alone and that th e alternative to Dualism is not independence but the in corporation of each in an oth er group or unit Yet why should suc h a change of grouping be essentially less desirable for them than the present arrangement ? It need involve no economic loss : we Th e p ro vin ce o f D al m atia b elo n gs to Austria tho u gh it lies f ar do wn th e Ad riatic o n th e o ther S id e o f th e Cro wn o f S t S tep h en s str ip o f co ast lin e b u t it is an insignifican t excep tio n d u e to chan ce rath er th an d e s ign . . . , . , , , . , ’ . , , , , . , , . 1 , ’ . , - , . THE VITAL ITY OF AUSTRIA 122 can imagin e conditions under whi ch it would actually be advantageous Suppose th e Central Powers won this war and realised the Pan germ an s dream by building their politico -e conomic confederation from Hamburg to th e Persian Gulf this colossal complex would naturall y articula te itself into two groups The German Empire and Austria would coalesce to form th e industrial half : the agrarian h alf would constitute itself out of Hungary th e Balkans and the Ottoman Empire It might seem that Austria and Hungary would both gain by such t e organisation We have allowed that the Germans of Austria would be degraded to a second ary rOle in th e German Empire ; but me anwhil e we have d is covered that they cannot stand alone For them it is merely a choice of yoke fellows and their mightier kinsmen of North ern Germany would be more sympatheti c companions th an th e Magyars with their alien speech and inferior cu lture Moreover as members of a con solidated German block they would obtain much better terms in a new Ausgleich with th e agrarian win g than they enjoy in their present Ausgleich with th e Crown of St Stephen The Magyars on th eir side would gain consider ably in political importance In th e Dual Monarch y Hungary is no more than an equal if not actually an in ferior partn er : in a new South Eastern group her comparative population wealth and culture would give her u ndisputed leaders hip Th e loyalty with whi ch both parties have clung to th e Ausgleich must therefore depend upon some fu rth er factor in addition to the economic We have seen that the Ausgleich takes full account of th e e conomi c facts It is a compromise be tween unity and in dependence dictated by economic ne cessity . ’ , . , . , - . . - , . . , . , , . , - , , . . . , THE VITALITY O F AUSTRIA 124 remain der : actually it was concluded between th e Ma g yars of Hungary a strong minority and th e German s of Austria who constituted no more than per cent of th e e xtra Hungarian or Austrian population in In this light the Dual S ystem acquires a sin ister connotation It could fairly be represented as a conspiracy between the two strongest nationalities in the Hapsburg Empire for the concerted oppression of th e rest From 1 849 to 1 866 the entire population of the Empire was subjected to compulsory Germanisation but the buf fets the German master received from his enemies in 1 86 6 so weakened him that he was driven to take one of his serfs into partnership He stru ck a bargain wi th th e Ma gyar the slave with th e most powerful fists He raised him to be his peer made over to him a large S hare of h is land and chattels to deal with as he pleased and obtained for himself in return immunity to exploit the remainder of his ill gotten poss essions just as u nscrupulously as ever The Ausgleich registers no real advance in politi cal ideals After its ins titution no less than before the population of the Monarchy has been divisible into two categories oppressors and oppressed The grouping has been modified the system has endured This secondary compromise between uniformity and devolution makes not for stability but for disruption The Germans and Magyars muster between them only per cent of the total population Th ey will not succeed in e xploiting the majority for ever If they rely upon economic solidarity to cover their sins they are leaning on a broken reed for we are in presence of a factor infin itely stronger than th e economic M an is Pop u latio n o f A ustria Germans , , , . . . , . , . , , - . . , , , . . , ‘ . . . . , , . 1 , , THE VITALI TY OF AUSTRIA 125 no more exclusively homo eco n o m i cu s th an he i s homo sapiens his motives are determined neither by free choice nor by mechanic al reaction but by an incalculable combination of both yet as he advances in civilisation his own will plays a more and more dominant part No amoun t of economic pressure Wi ll stifle a growing nationality s revolt against injustice The break u p of th e Dual Monarchy would dislocate the economic life of oppressors and oppressed without discri m in ation but the latter will assert their freedom at the cost of an y sacrifice Samson dragged down the pillar though he knew he must perish with the Philistines The Dual phase of the Hapsburg national problem is therefore essentially transient and since a return to the centralisation of th e fif ties is out of the question th e alternatives before th e Monarchy are thorough devolution to all nationalities alike or a series of national secessions wh ich will be equivalent to a break u p We have now defined our original question within narrow limits To forecast the fate of the Empire after th e present war we have to e xamine wheth er the tendency towards devolution has been on th e increase or on th e decrease durin g th e forty-seven years since th e Dual System was established A house th at re main s divided against itself must fall in the end Has the rift grown so wide th at th e Hapsburg Monarchy must succumb to the first tremor of earthquake or is it so n early closed that t h e danger point is passed and th e building can defy even the most appalling shocks ? To dis cover th is we must review the in ternal politics of th e Monarchy since 1 86 7 There are two strands of development to follow for under the Ausgleich th e Crown of St Stephen has disengaged itself from the , , . ’ . - , , . . , ’ , - . . , . . , - . , . , T HE VITALI TY OF AUSTR IA 1 26 rest of th e Danubian Unit and led a separate life of its o wn We will leave this junior Hungarian partner for the moment and concentrate our attention upon the 1 Austrian half of th e complex whi ch has continued in the direct line of the Hapsburg tradition , . , , . The Ausgleich stipulated for the establ ishment of parliamentary government in th e Austrian as well as th e Hungarian state The country thus re awakened to political life found itse lf div ided into two camps On th e one side stood th e Parti cularists who had beaten Joseph eighty years before They championed the traditional rights of th e provin ces and preferred th e most conservative measure of lo cal Home Rule to the most l i berally conceived centralist constitution Demo cracy was indif ferent to them for th eir main stays were still the nobili ty and th e Church and th eir influence was confined to the backward provinces They were not primarily nationalists One of th eir 2 strongholds was the Tyrol a purely German district more devoted to the Dynasty than any oth er part of the Empire It was P articularist because the u n so phisti cated peasants had not emancipated themselves from clerical leadership and because the province itself is mountainous and isolated Another Particularist strong - . . . , - . , , . . , . , . yl Hpb b a s u rg state h as een th e S in ce 1 86 7 th e o fii cial st e o f th e " us trian n u n g arian ha l is n o t u n g arian Mo narch , e t t h e n o y tech n ica Th e o n o fi CIal ustrias ar e th e two en tit e ustr ia D an u ian arch- u chies, th e o ld erm an m ar , an d th e co rrect tit e o f h o e seem s to b e th e kin g o ms an d th e n o n - u n garian ar tn er as a ienna an s re resen te in th e eichsrath at co n en ien t, tho u gh u ite u n o fii cial o rm u a is Cis-L eith an ia an d Trans-L eith ania Th e L eitha is a S o u thern tri u tar o f th e D an u e, hich o rm s th e b o i n d ary et een th e two sectio ns o f th e D u a Mo narch f o r a f ew ' 1 A b l d q i in l a s lly H H p l dA d p d R f l G w l . ly V k H A A . d v f l . b b w r f t co u n tin g th e S o u ti 2 . y y l b w y f Italian sp eakin g Tren tin o app en d ed to it o n th e - 1 28 T HE VI TAL ITY O F AUS T R IA h er into a closely knit e fficiently organised industrial 1 state The Liberals found th eir chief support in the German element especially in the provinces of Lower Austria an d Styria The reactionary sympathies of th e Tyrolese were as exceptional among the German s of Austria as they were normal among th e Slavs and the German nationality contributed an overwhelming proportion of th e commercial and professional classes by whom the new Austria was to be buil t up The Liberal Party accordin gly envisaged its poli cy from a German point of view They contemplated the Germanisation of th e Austr ian state not so much throug h national chauvinism as because unif ormity was part of their th eoreti cal programme and was only conceivable on a German bas is The Liberals of 1 86 7 met wit h far more success th an their imperial forerunner Th e leaven had worked its way deeper since his time The philosop h er auto crat h ad wrestled alone against all his subjects : now his ideas were being put into action by the best educated an d best organised se ction of th e pop u lation itself Moreover th ey were setting th emselves a more modest task Joseph h ad grappled with the whole Hapsburg Empire : th e Liberals were loyal an d convinced sup porters of Dualism By lettin g the Crown of St Step h en go its own way they had relieved th emselves of th e more backward and stiff necked half of the Dan ubian Unit and saved all th eir energies for dealing with th e rest In th e parliamentary struggle with the Parti cularists - , , . , . , , . . , . . - . - - . , . . . , - , . , Th e ap plicatio n o f th eir p o h ti cal creed to eco n o mi cs led th em to Th ey were th e sam e co n clu sio ns as th eir E n g l ish p red ecesso rs co n vin ced F ree- trad ers 1 . . THE VITALITY OF AUSTRIA 1 29 the Liberals won an easy victory Th e Ausgleich itself gave them a preliminary advantage by stipulating for unified parliamentary government A common constituent assembly had to be summoned as we have seen to ratify the Compromise on Austria s part and 1 this body proceeded in the same session to frame a parliamentary constitution on centralist lines On this occasion and on many others th e Parti cularist Bo h emian depu ties played into their opponents hands by refusing to take their seats as a protest against the rejection of their demands With the assistance of the Polish group the German Liberals were still able to muster a quorum and carry on the government according to the letter of the constitution Bohemian abstention merely relieved the government of an opposition The Liberal ministry rallied to itself all the forces of enlightenment in the country by passing in 1 86 8 a series of laws which uncompromisingly abolished the 2 civil authority of the Catholic Church In 1 87 1 the Tch ech s made their supreme e ff ort for the restoration of the Bohemian kingdom and failed In 1 873 Centralism ac hieved its fin al triump h by carrying a law which took the election of parliamentary deputies fro m the provincial diets and transferred it to the direct vote of th e constituencies The Liberals however had a S hort career They had shot all t heir bolts Austria was freed from her most galling medi e val handicaps and initiated into her industrial phase ; the party had no more to o f fer the . . , ’ , , . , , ’ . , . . . , . . . , , . D ecem b er 1 86 7 Jo sep h h ad already do n e th is wo rk, b u t th e eccl esiastica l o rganisa tio n h ad b een swep t b ack in to p o wer by th e re actio n ag ainst th e . - Revo lu tio n Th e co n co rdat o f 1 85 5 b etween Vi nn ese Abso lu tism an d P ap al Ob scu an tism h ad g iv en th e C h u h al m o st co m p lete p o wer o ver m arria ge an d edu ca tio n in th e Hap sb u rg Mo narch y e . r rc . THE VI TALITY O F A U S T RIA 1 39 co u ntry and its influence began to dec lin e A fin ancial crisis in 1 873 tainted it with discredit and six years later it fell The era of Liberal reform was followed by a lull 1 For fourteen years Austria acquiesced in the neutral ministry of Coun t Taaffe who conciliated all parties by a policy of parliamentary inactivity The Industria l Revolution however was producing its effect and great chan ges were taking place beneath the surface (a ) The first symptom was a dramatic reversal in th e clerical position The workers of the German -speaking industr ial centres were beginning to ach ieve class consciousness They were profoundly hostile to the Liberal capitalism which had created and exploited them an d were determined to gain a hearing for their own point of view The Clericals saw their opportunity Th eir old enemies and conquerors were being attacked on the opposite flank : they did not remain passive spectators but circled round th e Liberals rear from Right to Left and joined forces with the new movement In 1 882 the Catholi c group had detached itself from the Conservative mass : during the next de cade it began to be converted to Christian So cialism The ideas of Joseph had triumphed by appealin g to the middle cla ss the Church went one step further and sought to re establish its hold over the people by identifying itself with In dustrial Democracy In the course of th e eighties the New Toryism achieved striking successes Factory legislation was passed and National Insurance introduced The clerical cu rrent was confirmed in its new trend (b ) Th e general rise in economic prosperity had like wise af fected th e Austrian Slavs Education had , . , . . , . , , , . . . , . . ’ , . , . , - . ’ . . . . 1 1 879-9 3 . T H E V ITALI T Y OF AUS T RIA 1 32 This programme was not Utopian The Tch ech s and Poles h ad entered th e pale of European civilisation earlier than any oth er branch of the Slavonic race Prag and Cracow had played a promin ent part in history before the foundation of Petersburg or Tobolsk More over the emergence o f th e new Christian So cialist party among the Young Tch ech s German fe llow citizens o f fered hopes of racial recon ciliation Industrial ism an d th e Cath olic Church both overrode the divisions of nationality The German Liberals had failed to remove the national problem unity might still be attained by transcendin g it The P romised Land however was still far off and the path was so beset by dangers t hat it was doubtful whether Austria would reach her go al (c) Christian So cialism was not the only new move ment among the Austrian Germans The old Liberals had fallen because they fail ed to move with the times Th ey had lost control over the Industrial Revolution and the Clericals had snatched from them th e initiative in so cial politics ; but they had also mismanaged the assimilation of the Slavs and the Young Tch ech s had arisen in their despite Th is Slavonic renaissance evoked a German party of a purely nationalistic character Aus trian Pan germ an ism had its root in the German districts of Bohemia which were threatened most immediately by the progress of the Tch ech s in numbers and education The alli ance with th e Ger man Empire in 1 879 gave the movement great impetus In 1 880 an association called the German School 1 was founded to f oster education in th e G er Union man language throughout Austria Bismarck became the party s hero and Prussian meth ods their ideal D eu tsche S ch u l verein . . , ’ - . . , . , , . . . , , . . , . . , . ’ . , 1 - . THE VITALI TY O F AUSTRIA 1 39 They wis h ed to direct all the resources of government to the Germanisation of Slovenes and Tch ech s This German chauvinism thwar ted the larger interests ” of the German nationality The new German Left in the Austrian Reichsrath was obsessed by th e n atio n alis tic idea and spurned all the factors that were making for progress and unity Had it triumphed the later con cep tio n of a German confederation from Hamburg to the Persian Gulf could never have taken shape for th e Danubian Unit the central link in the chain would have been shattered in pieces by German fanaticism The crisis came four years after Count Taaff e s resignation In 1 89 1 the Young Tch ech s had com p letely ousted the old Bohemian Particularists and th enceforward they were a power in the Reichsrath By 1 897 they had become strong enough to impose their will upon the government and ordinan ces were promulgated which established Tch ech as an o fli cial language side by side with German through all districts of Bohe m ia The result was a complete breakdown of constitutional government The German nationalists made parlia menta ry procedure impossible Obstruction developed into a physical struggle between the parties for the possession of the House The resignation of the ministry and th e repeal of th e decrees eased the situa tion at Vienna only to necessitate martial law in Bohemia Both sides were intractable and since they combined to prevent th e conduct of any business in parliament government had to be carried on for nearly nine years independently of it by aid of an emergency clause in the Constitution During this period national bitterness steadily grew to the exclusion of all other political interests . . , , . , , , . ’ . , . , . . . . , . , , , . , . T HE V I TA L ITY OF A U STR IA 1 34 Such conditions could not las t for ever Austria was rapidly losing all political m o ra le and unless the non nationalistic forces in the country could rally th emselves suffi ciently to make some great step forward nothing could prevent the state from sinking through a p hase of irresponsible government into utter disruption The situation was saved by a fresh appeal to demo cracy In 1 90 5 people began to discuss the introduction of Manhood Suffrage in place of the old franchise of the Pru ssian type The proposal brought out the positive community of interest between the Slavonic national groups an d the German so cialists Both had everything to gain by an electoral system based not on privilege either of class or of race but upon the numeri cal proportion betw een th e various sections of th e population and th ere was no rivalr y between th em because their aims did not come Within the same plane of politi cs The Slavs were still occupied by th e preliminary question of nationality the German workers were devoted to social problems Th e satisfaction of th e Slavonic nationalists could bring German Labour nothing but gain National aspirations would p ass out of th e realm of politics as soon as they were realised an d their Slavonic devotees would be liberated to recru i t th e non nationalistic ranks of So cial 1 Democracy and Christian So cialism The proje cted Reform Bill produced a b en eficen t During th e months efiect even before it became law wh en it was in debate a fres h current of political interest swept through th e mass of th e population an d it did not disappoint th e country s expectations when it was fin ally promulgated towards the close of 1 90 6 . , , . . , . . , , , , . , . . , - . . , , ’ . C om p are th e rel atio ns b etween th e Irish Natio n alists an d th e L ib er al P arty in th e B ritish P ar li am en t 1 . THE V I T A L I TY 136 O F A U S TRIA If th e unity of th e Hapsburg complex is essential to th e maintenance of its members position in the world developments accomplished in one half of the Monarchy will be of little consequence unless they extend them selves ultimately to the other Austria had transcended nationalism in vain if the same sinister force were still capable of precipitating catastrophe in Hungary ; yet the Ausgleich rigidly debarred the Austrian people from any intervention in Hungarian affairs There was only one power in th e Empire to which an appeal from th e Ausgleich could be made and that was the Hapsburg Dynasty The Ausgleich h ad never challenged the Dynasty s supreme position Francis Joseph had witnessed many transformations of his Empire before 1 866 and h e remained th e living symbol of a tradition older and more enduring th an th e settlement of th at year It was to th e King Emperor s credit th at he accepted the Dual System with whole hearted loyalty though the very sinceri ty with which he devoted himself to securing its success rendered him as he advanced in years less and less capable of seeing beyond it Francis Ferdinand however his nep h ew and his heir held a very different opinion about th e Dyn asty s mission in th e present For him Dualism was no state of perfection but only a passing phase in the Monarchy s long history He saw with a clear eye th at the Magyar German compact was bound up with racial oppression and that so long as it remained in force the Danubian Unit went in danger of a devastating explosion of nationalism What h e would have accomplis h ed had h e ascended the th rone it is impossible to say People are always apt to magnify possibilities that have been denied th e ch ance of realisation yet th is much see m s ’ , . . , . ’ . , . ’ - - , , , . , , ’ , . ’ , . , , . . , , THE VI TALITY O F A U STRIA 13 7 certain that h e contemplated th e abo lition of Dualism and th e substitution of a Trialism in its place Th e Slav was to be raised to an equali ty with the German and th e Magyar and to receive his just share in th e political control of a state whi ch depended upon him so lar gely for its wealth and population Had Francis Ferdinand lived to do his work h e migh t have created an epoch in Hapsburg history even more impo rtant th an that of the Ausgleich The forward movement whi ch triumphed in Austria in 1 90 6 migh t have conquered the remainder of th e Monarchy within th e ne xt generation Such hopes were cut short by h is assassination at Sarayevo in June 1 91 4 That crime was the tragedy of Austria By plungin g her into a European war it cancelled in a moment all th e con stru ctive work of half a century and made th e wound of nationalism break out again to bleed more violently perhaps than it has ever done since 1 848 We have seen th at th is mo rtal disaster was due to no causes latent in Austria herself To understand its an tecedents we must examin e contemporary events in the oth er ha lf of th e Monarch y the Crown of St Stephen , , . , . , . , . . . , , , , . . , , . . 13 8 THE B AL KA N S CHAPTER IV RECON STRUCTI ON I N THE BALKA N S IN Vienn a people like to say th at th e East begin s at if we borrow th e ep igram with th e th e River Leitha mod ifica tion that the Ba lkan s begin there we s hall bring Hungarian history into its true perspective Vienna is not merely th e dividing point between two e conomic worlds : it is also the point of tran sition between opposite phenomena of racial distribution West of the Leith a th e nationalities of Europe are main ly grouped in compact blocks whi ch correspond with considerable accuracy to the physical and e conomic 1 arti culation of th e continent The national basis would suggest itself naturally to th e observer as a prin ciple of poli tical organisation and this quarter of the world was in fact the cradle of the National State South East of th e Lei tha however th e nationalities are interlaced in ine xtricable confusion over an area th at e xt ends to the Bla ck Sea and the lEgean and the international congress which will follow th e war might well despair in this region of coaxing sovereign national states out of Geography not to speak of reconcilin g their structure with the necessities of modern economic life Th e Th e problem must be faced nevertheless pop u lations of South Eastern Europe are poss essed by the idea of nationality to a morbid degree Intimate conta ct has produced mutual exasperation instead of understanding and good fellows h ip while th e d ifi cu lty of devising any compromise that would deal impartial Fo r a visu al p resen tatio n o f th is fact see M ap VII , . - . , , . , - . , , , , . . - . - , 1 . THE BALKANS 1 49 that we could not deal with any one of them in isolation We wi ll th erefore include Hungary with the rest under ” th e common deno m ination of a Balkan State and we will approach her first because s h e holds the premier place in the group both in geograp hical situation and in degree of spiritual and material development We s hall find t hat s h e displays all th e ch aracteristics of th e Balkan type A H unga ry . , , . . . The Kingdom of Hungary covers th e major part of th e middle Danube basin From the junction of th e March tributary as far as the Iron Gates the river flows th rough Hungarian territory The Carpat hian Range wh ich circles from the former point to the second 1 in a vast sweep towards the North and East constitutes both th e watershed of the Danube system and the frontier of the Hungarian state Southwards alone th e kingdom is bounded first by the Drave descending from th e Eastern face of the Alps and then by th e Danube itse lf from the point wh ere it unites with the Drave an d adopts th e latter stream s Easterly course The mountainous zone on the other S ide of thi s line w hic h intervenes between the Danube basin and the Adriati c has never been in corporated in Hungary directly The h eart of th e Hungari an land is the Alfold an alluvial plain deposited in the hollow of a vanis h ed sea In s h ape it is roughly an isosceles triangle with th e South ern river boundary of the kin gdom as its base 2 and with its apex at th e V ereczka Pass the midmost po int of the Carpath ian arc The Danube flows through it from Buda Pest to its junction with the Drave and S ee m ap o n p 1 0 5 Im m ediately East o f th e Uj o k Pass - . . , , - . , , ’ . , - , . , . , - , , . - , 1 . . 2 . HUNGARY 1 41 it includes th e strip of country between the Danube and the Theiss as well as a wide zone beyond th e Left or Easter n bank of the latter river This central plain was occupied by th e Magyars in th e ninth century A D Bursting through the Carpathians by the Vereczka Pass they entered the A lf Old at its apex flooded it with th eir settlements and pressed still further up th e Danube above Buda till th ey were checked as we h ave seen by th e Austrian and Styrian Marks Yet th e Magyars never made th e whole of Hungary th eir own On either flank of the A lf Old there are stretches of hill country included like itself with in th e encircling wall of the Carpathians but sundered from it by lesser mountain barriers In two comparatively iso lated regions the earlier possessors of th e land managed to maintain their existence under Magyar dominion North West of the Alfold a series of long winding valleys descends from th e Carpathians and opens upon the Danube be tween Pressburg and Buda Pest They have remained in th e possession of the Slovaks a Slavonic population hardly distinguishable in dialect from th e Tch ech s of Moravia and Bo h emia on the oth er S ide of the River March East of the A lf Old lies the district called Transylvania Be tween the V ereczka Pass and t h e Iron Gates the main chain of the Carpathians makes an extremely salient angle towards the East but a secondary branch of the range takes the s hortest course from the one point to the other and skirts the Eastern side of the A lf Old in a 1 North and South direction A considerable extent of In th e thirteen th cen tu ry this rid g e was cl o th ed in d ense fo rest an d th e settl ers wh o p en etr ated i t fro m th e d irectio n o f th e Alf ld th erefo re e t e n am e o f Transylv an ia to th e co u n try th ey reach ed o n th e o th er ga , . . . , , , , . , . - , , . . - , - . , . . , , - - . 1 , o Si g hit eo . 1 THE BA L KANS 42 tangl ed h ill and valley is caught within th is split in the mountain line and is almost equally secluded by it from th e more open country on all three sides Th e passes which lead through the outer Carpath ian wall North Eastward into the Moldavian steppe and Southward into the plain of Wallachia carry as many lines of railway as th ose which pierce the interior wall The an d debouc h upon th e levels of t h e Alfold provin ce is rich in rivers but th e water system hardly facilitates communication with th e outer world Th e countless streams have to concentrate th eir forces in thr ee main channels before th ey can succeed in breaking throug h th e mountain barriers and even then th ey content themselves with precipitous gorges barely wide enough for th e current itself Two of th ese 1 channels however fin d their way to th e A lf Old and 2 only one to th e Wallac hian plain so that to that e xtent Transylvania may be reckoned to have closer geo grap hical links with Hungary than with Roum ania When the Magyars appeared in the Alfold this sheltered province was already occupied by the Roumans a pop u lation of Latin speech ? Th e Kingdom of Hu ngary was thus heterogeneo u s in nationality from the beginn ing and as her h istory developed the confusion increased After th e conversion of the Magyars in the eleventh century A D German colonies were introduced to civilise the country They opened up the min eral resources of th e Slovak hills and established themselves Th e A lt ( Al u ta) Th e M aros an d th e S zam o s Pro b ably th ey are d escen d ed fro m th e L atinised in hab i tan ts o f Ill yricu m th e sectio n o f th e Ro m an Em pire between th e Alps th e Drave an d th e Ad riatic Wh en S lav o m c im m igr an ts fro m th e North descen d ed u po n th e Adriatic co ast in th e seven th cen tu ry A D (see b elo w) th ey wo u ld have been likely to press th e native pro vin cials E astward acro ss th e D an u b e , . - , , . - , . , , . , , , . ' , , , . . . , . , 2 1 . . 1' , , . . , . . THE B A LKA N S 1 44 th e line of the Save and the Iron Gates an d th e P eace of Belgrade in 1 73 9 delimited a frontier between the Ottoman and Hapsburg Empires whi ch resigned the 1 whole of Hungary to the latter Yet the ejected Turk had not failed to set his mark upo n the land and the victors found the Alfold a deser t In the middle of the eighteenth cen tury the Hapsburg Monarchy was entering th e Strong Government ph ase and the newly acquired territories o ffered a magnificent field of experim ent for the ideas of ” Enlightened Autocracy The country was rich in natural resources it lay waste through want of popula tion to develop them and the Government met the need by schemes of colonisation and town building on an e xtensive scale The re con struction of Hungary was the most stri king success of Maria Theresa s and Joseph s po licy During their reigns the material traces of th e Tur k s presence were ob literated and before th e end of th e century the Kingdom once more approached th e standard of Central Europe in acute contrast to the territories still blighted by Turkish misgovernment immediately beyond her frontier Yet in restorin g Hungary s material pro sperity her n ew ru lers immeasurably aggravated the impend ing problem of nationality Before the Turkish conquest the Alfold had been the stronghold of the Magyar race and the Magyars had therefore suffered more severely than an y oth er elemen t in the country by the devastation of the Turkish wars The remnant of the nation that survived on the plain and th e fragment of it that lay West of Buda along the This fro n tier rem ain ed u naltered u n til th e o ccu p atio n o f Bo snia Herzego vin a in 1 878 Th e o n ly ch an g e in th e in terval was th e ann exa tio n to A us tria o f th e D alm atian co ast p ro vin ce fo rm er ly a Ven etian po ssessio n at th e settl em en t o f 1 8 1 4 , . , . - , . , - - . ’ ’ . ’ , , ’ . , . , . , 1 . - , . , HUNGARY Austrian and Styrian border might perhaps have made good th e losses by th eir own gradual increase under the regime of peace and security that had descended upon them at last The process however would have been extremely slow and the autocracy was neith er patient nor far sighted while it would h ave ignored th e factor of nationality on principle even had it realised its bearing on th e situation Th e Government therefore re peopled th e Alfold by the indiscriminate introduction of settlers from all th e surroundin g races Roum ans from Tran sylvan ia were allowed to encroach upon th e plain till they had advanced half the distance between their mountains and th e Theiss Serb refugees from Ottoman territory were encouraged to settle on the Northern bank of the Danube Enclaves of German colonists from Swabia were distributed all over the land to leaven th e other elements with Western civilisation By the time the work was finis h ed Hungary had been reduced to such a racial medley th at the Magyars no longer constituted 1 more th an a bare majority of the population , . , , , - , , . - . . . . . A n an a sis o f th e census ta en in 1 900 f o r th e Kin g e x c us i e f C r a t i a S a o nia) is th e est co m m en tar o o ( 1 l v ly lv N a tiona lities Magyars “ artisa n To tal p o p u latio n k b N u m b ers do m o f Hu n gary y o n th e resu lt Percen tages 1 46 THE BALKANS Had histori cal continuity been broken as completely in Hun gary as in other Balkan l an ds this confusion of tongues might have proved harmless Joseph s political genius might have steered the country i nto the wake of the Swiss Confederation an d initiated it into th e European fraternity as a non national state The Turkis h rule in Hungary however had been short and it had never extended to the whole kin gdom Th e Slovak country in the North Pressburg on the Danube and a strip of territory between th e Danube and the Drave along the Styrian boundary had all escaped conquest by electing the Hapsburg as their king and sheltering themselves beneath his strong arm In the opposite quarter Transylvania had been saved by a vigorous lin e of princes who secured the autonomy of th e provin ce under th e suzerainty of th e Turkish Empire In a very considerable portion of the country the medi e val tradition th us maintained itself unbroken and when the unconquered North Western border the Turkish pashalik and the Transylvanian principality were united once more th e forces derived from the past were strong enough to ch allenge the Hapsburgs s ch emes for th e future We have seen that the Hungarian Estates took the lead in th e struggle between Centralisation and Parti cularism whi ch convulsed th e Whole Hapsbur g Monarchy from 1 780 to 1 849 They were able to do so because medie val Hungary had developed h er parliamentary institutions more strongly th an any oth er European country except our own The Hungarian nobility was abnormally numerous The majority of the class consisted simply of the free proprietors in the Magyar speaking districts including almost everybod y who was not a serf Many were , ’ . , - . , , , . , , . , . , - , , , ’ . . . . - , . THE B A L KANS 1 48 new found liberties of th eir common country but required the recognition of the Serb language as the o fficial medium in Serb lo calities The Magyar m inistry refused to consider their claim Magyar they declared must be the only language of administra tion in th e whole kin gdom of Hungary and when th e Serb leaders refused their allegiance on such terms as th ese Kossuth rep lied that th en th e sword must ” de cide be tween them The ruin of the Magyars hopes in th e following year was largely due to the dread with whi ch the rest of th e Hu ngarians looked forward to their success All other nationalities in th e kin gdom sympathised with the Hapsburg cause and the Serbs at least fought valiantly on its behalf When the events of 1 866 enabled the Magyars to snatch victory out of defeat the f o reb o d ings of their alien fellow citizens were more than realised To the remaining inhabitants of the Hapsburg Mon archy th e Ausgleich brought some measure of relief from the intolerable regime of the fif ties : for th e subject populations of Hungary it opened the gloomiest page of a precarious history The Compromise with the Germans of Austria and th e Hapsburg Dynasty delivered Hungary into the h and of the Magyar Liberal Party If the Liberals of Austria correspond to the English Radicals of 1 83 2 we can only liken their Ma gyar namesakes to the men of 1 688 The Glorious Revolution was heralded with a flouris h of trumpets and the tale has been continually enhanced by conventional eloquence yet in Hungary as in England the era of free institutions merely established th e ascendancy of a close oligarchy Th e Hungarian magnates who in 1 86 7 emerged victorious from nearly a centu ry of political warfare - , . , . , , , . ’ . , , , . , - . ’ . . , . , , , . , , HU N GARY 1 49 reproduced both th e virtues and th e vices of th e Englis h 1 Whigs Th ey treasured an ingrained tr adition of statesmanship that has been valuable to the backward majori ty of their countrymen and experience had made them convinced haters of certain pernicious political ideals ; but they were not concerned to practise their principles too pedantically and in the last resort they subordinated all scruples to the retention of their power Th e Liberalism of the Magyar Wh igs was more than a veneer In questions of re ligion for instance 2 Hungary remained true to her traditions of toleration But th ey were fanatical nationalists and the whole political energy of the party rapidly became absorbed in a campaign of M agyarisatio n Magyar chauvinism has been of a di fferent stamp from th e policy of any German party in Austria The Austrian German s have always been content to dominate their fellow nationalities The Magyars however were less civilised than the Germans and th ey bore a much larger proportion to the total population of their Th e conservatio n o f th e Whig fam ilies d ep en ded o n th e system ” of En tail which h ad d evelo ped in th e seven teen th cen tu ry In Hu n gary th e co nso lid ation o f lan d ed estates was st ll m o re drastically pro m o ted by a law fo rbiddin g an y n o ble to alien ate h is lan d This m u re was in tro d u ced b y L o u is I in 1 3 5 1 an d rem ain ed in fo rce till . , , . , , . . , . . - , , . , 1 . , i . e fg . , 1g Hu n gary is divided between m an y creeds Th e Ro m an Chu rch draws its ad heren ts fro m three o f th e races—Magyars Germ ans an d S lo va ks—an d acco u n ted in 1 900 f o r n ear ly 49 % o f th e p o pu latio n Calvinism th e ext stro gest sect is co nfin ed to th e M gyars A ll th e S erb s an d a m aj o rity o f th e Ro m ans are o rtho do x wh il e th e rem a in d er o f th e R o u m ans an d all th e Ru th en es are Uniats o b servin g th e O rth o d o x ritu al b t o wn in g all egia ce to th e P o p e Lu theranism is co m m o n to S lo vaks an d Germ a Th e a o f Tu rkish ru l e in Hu n gary w co t m p o ary with th e Cath l c reactio n Whi l th e Hap b gs we e savag ly rep essin g P ro testa tism in th e te ito ies n d er th eir co n tro l th e Tu rks exten d ed th eir to leratio n to all C h ristian sects in th e Alf o ld an d th e Magyar Calvin ists in evo lt against th e tyran n y o f Vien n a o ften m ad e co m m o n cau se with th e Mo sl em acro ss th e b o rd er In th e au to n o m o u s p rin ci pali ty o f Transylvan ia Pro testan tism was th e o f fi cial religio n 2 . , . n , n a . u u n . ns e r as o i e . n rr r s ur u n e r . r e r , , r . . THE BALKANS 1 50 coun try Th ey aimed at nothin g less th an the e xtirpa tion of other languages and cu ltures and th e ultimate conversion to th eir own nationality of every inhabitant of th e Hungarian Kingdom The meth ods for obtaining this result which were inaugurated by the Magyar Liberals after 1 86 7 were an imitation on a far larger scale of Prussia s policy on her Polish frontier Nothing comparable to them has been perpetrated in Western Europe for at least a century To find an Englis h parallel we must hark back once more to the Whigs of 1 688 and call to min d the repression of the Catholics by the British administra tion in Ireland during the black era th at followed the Battle of th e Boyne The Magyars like the Russians O ttoman Turks an d oth er peoples on th e outskir ts of European civilisation are ostentatious of th eoretical enlightenment but th eir borrowed idealism serves to cloak the survival of realities which have ceased to be possible further West By the new constitution all citizens of Hungary were declared equal before the law with out distin ction of race and were expressly guaranteed th e enjoyment of their national individuality Yet the same constitution recogn ises Magyar as the only lan guage of state and the other tongues have been jealously excluded from o fi cial use T h is ord inance is perpetually in evidence In purely Slovak or Rouman towns the names of the stree ts are posted up in Ma gyar and the name of the pla ce its elf is M agyarised in o fficial parlance On the state rail ways th e Magyar language has a monopoly : time tables notices and even the tickets are printed in Ma gyar alone and Magyar is th e admin istrative lan guage of th e railway sta ff The same thing applies to all oth er . , . ’ . . , . , , , , . , . , . . , . - , , , . THE BALKANS 1 52 service The state itself must suff er by forfeiting the assistance of some of its most capable citizens Ag ain th e Magyar will have a ready answer We " Magyars he will say have a much higher standard of education and culture than the other inhabitants of our country Power gravitates towards e fficiency and even if no l anguage ordinances had been passed the Magyars would have found the m selves in control of the Hungarian state This also is true In 1 86 7 the Magyars were ahead of the rest in education and they have li kewise main tain ed their lead in the meanwhile Yet the history of education in Hungary during this period should put the Magyar apologist to silence The M agyars have ensured their superiority by paralysin g their neighbours progress rather than by progressin g themselves If the subject nationalities are more and not less illiterate now than they were fifty years ago it is because the Magyar government h as closed practically all their secondary and the great majority of their primary schools and has made it in creasingly hard to obtain instruction in any but th e Magyar tongue The Magyars politi cal monopoly was originally justified by culture but they have perverted politi cs to the monopo lisation of culture itself by grotesquely uncultured means Under these circums tances the relative degree of education attained at present by the Magyars and their fellow citizens loses all significance as a standard of political value Hungary however is at least a constitutional country Why then have the min or nationalities failed to redress 5 their wrongs by constitutional pressure They amount to littl e less th an half the population Surely they could retu rn such a formidable contin gent of representa . . . , , . , - , . . , . . ’ . , , , . ’ . , . - . , , , . , . H UN GARY 1 53 ives to the parliament at B uda-P est that Magyar f ministries would be driven to a compromise This door is closed because the government of Hungary is not constitutional in th e modern sense : it is only called so by courtesy The country still awai ts " its Great Reform Bill and the medi aeval franch ise which Great Bri tai n sloughed o ff in 1 83 2 has here endured till th e present day We have said that the Magyar politicians of 1 86 7 were Whigs we shall discover their rotten boroughs in the non Magyar constituencies They were as well versed in corruption as English politicians were in the eigh teenth century and they reinforced bribery by intimidation In non Magyar constituencies the precedent of overawing opposition voters by the presence of troops has become well established and the device has more than once led to bloodshed which would have been called massacre if it had occurred in Turkey No redress therefore is possible through parliament because the leaders of the non Ma gyar nationalities can never obtain a seat there They are rigidly debarred from a political career and even in the neutral sp h ere of literature art h istory and all that is included under the name of culture th ey are made to suffer for the privilege of leaders h ip The Magyars have adopted the Greek tyrant s policy " of cutting off the tallest ears in the cornfield Any form of distinction renders a Slovak Rouman or Serb citizen of Hungary immediately suspect to his coun try s police Personal liberty in Hungary suf fers direly from the want of a Habeas Corpus Act The laws of con sp iracy are so compre h ensive that arrest Without specification of the c h arge and protracted imprisonment before trial are events of normal occurrence Wh en r , . , , , . - - . , . - , . , , , - . , , , , , . ’ . , ' . . . THE BALKANS 1 54 it is remembered th at in virtue of th e la nguage ordin all proceedings in court have to be conducted an ces exclusively in the Magyar language the picture of racial oppression is complete This atrocious system w as eleb o rated by the Liberal Party which came into power in 1 86 7 The Liberal regime was protracted De ak the statesman of the Ausgleich was succeeded in 1 876 by Count Co lo m an Tisza the Magyar Wal pole who remained uninterruptedly in o ffice until 1 890 His resignation in that year started the party on its decline but its fall was staved off for a dozen years longer by the raising of th ose ecclesias tical i ssues which Austria had settled as early as 1 868 In 1 90 2 the Liberals were first challenged on their real s tanding gro u nd th e maintenance of the Ausgleich A radical movement had been gaining strength which aspired to pass beyond compromise to independence “ The ideal of the _Left w as self su fficien cy They wished to see Hungary take her place as a sovereign unit on an entire equali ty wi th the other states of Europe In our analysis of the Danubian Monarchy we have noted that great economi c difficul ties s tood and always will stand in the way of such a development The only chance of overcoming them would be th e en th u si astic co -operation for this end of the whole Hungarian people The first object therefore of the Magyar Left should have been th e conciliation of the non Magyar nationalities They should have driven their Liberal opponents from o ffice on this issue justified th eir own installation by a complete reversal of the prevailing chauvinism and a definitive solution of the racial problem on democratic lines an d then joined - , , , . . , . , , , . , . - , . , . - . , . , . , , . , . , , 1 THE BALKANS 56 th ey surrendered at dis cr etion as soon as it became certain that a bill of identical purport was on th e verge of passing into law in the Austrian half of the Monarchy At the beginning of 1 90 6 a Coalition min is try w hich had renounced the Magyar word of command was at last called into o ffi ce but their quiver had been emptied of its arrows Towards the end of 1 90 8 th ey introduced a carefully planned reform bill whic h would have advanced th e Hungarian franchise from th e medi aeval to the Prussian level The elec torate was to be increased very con sid erab ly in numbers the qualification for su f frage was to be literacy the electors were to be classified according to degrees of education and the more highly qualified were to possess more than one vote Political power was thus represented as th e privilege of culture but since the dominan t Ma gyars had long been engaged in exterminating all non Magyar culture within the borders of Hungary the bill was calculated to produce a demo cratic impression without extending the franchise beyond the limits of the Magyar race It was of little consequence therefore that the ministry s main programme of independence eclipsed th eir perfunctory efforts towards internal reform before the franchise bill had tim e to pass into law Its mere formulation proved once and for all that the subject nationalities had no thing to expect from Magyar 1 Radicalism an d in the trial of strength with Austria and the Crown to which the Coalition now committed itself Francis Joseph was still able to wield his m aster weapon an d . , . , . , , , . , - , . , , ’ . , , . Altho u gh o n e o f th e co m p o n en ts o f th e Co alitio n was th e Peo ple s g ro u p w hich h ad taken th e cause o f th e n atio n al t es in to its p ro g ram m e ’ 1 i i . HUNGARY 1 57 Early in 1 90 9 th e more e xtreme elements of the Left forced th e Coalition premier Dr Wekerle to open the campaign for economic autonomy with th e demand for a separate Hungarian state bank Th e Crown refused to consider the question so long as the franchise remained unreformed : such a momentous proposal Francis Joseph declared must be endorsed by a parliament truly representative of the whole Hungarian people T his shrewdly aimed blow broke up th e Coalition into fragments The moderates and the intransigeants were each strong enough to stalemate the other no ministry could be formed and in 1 90 9 as in 1 90 5 parliamentary government was suspended At the beginning of 1 9 1 0 Francis Joseph appointed a ministry of king s friends under the leadership of Count Khuen Hed erv ary a notorious po litical boss who had thoroughly learnt his trade during a twenty years 1 tenure of the Croatian vice royalty Th e Hed erv ary cabal scattered promises broadcast to all aggrieved elements in the country and the elections conducted under its auspices next summer surpassed even Hun garian precedent in their corruption When the new parliament met the Count had a docile majori ty at his beck and th e Magyars saw their constitutional tradition reduced to a farce The lesson sank deep Khuen H ed erv ary was too shady a character to serve as more than a stop gap and when he vanished from the scene all sections of Magyar opinion were more than content to accept Count Stephen Tisza once more Tisza remains in o ffice at the present moment and his restoration means that the evolution of Magyar politics has come to a dead stop . , , . , , . - . , , , , . ’ - , - - . , . , , . - . - , . , . 1 S ee S ecti o n B . THE BAL KANS 1 58 He stands for a reaction to the programme of 1 86 7 compro mise with Austria and th e Dynasty war to the knif e again st th e non Magyar nationalities in Hungary itself The Magyars have realised that d em o cratisa tion and Magyarisatio n are in compatible and they have preferred to sacrifice progress to ch auvinism Thus Hungary and Austria have diverged profoundly in their po liti cal history since th e year of the Ausgleich In 1 86 7 Hu ngary possessed the more enlig h tened tradition of the two and the initiative towards co n stitu Then tio n al government came from the Magyar side for a time they marched abreast but when the problem of nationali ty emerged like a steep cliff athwart their path Austria pressed forward and after a hazardous s truggle attain ed the summit : Hungary halted and with out even s cannin g th e cliff s face for a handhold turned about and began to retrace her steps Between 1 86 7 and 1 9 1 4 the politi cal standard of th e Magyar nation has griev io u sly deteriorated , - . , . . , . , , , , . . The results of our survey warrant the assumption that if the two Central European monarchi es suff er defeat in the present war th e subject nationali ties of Hun gary when th e plebis cite at last e n ables them to express their desire will act like the Polish subjects of Germany and vo te to the last man for liberation from th e Magyar state We have to examine whether their secession from Hungary will involve the disruption of the Danubian Empire Ju st as in the case of Poland their e xtrication wi ll necessarily be incomplete Geography has made Hun gary a natural unit sundered from her neighbours and knit togeth er within herself by pro m inent p h ysical b arriers and within this area th e races are e xtraordinarily - , , , , . . , . , , 1 60 THE BALKANS From the senti mental po m t of view we need have little scruple in wounding the Magyars pride Individually they are an attractive people and they have known how to keep the sympathies of Western Europe alive on their behalf by harping on the tragedy of 1 849 ; but since the year of the Compromise they have behaved like the servant in the parable who was forgiven by his lord and then seized his fellow servant by the throat They cannot altogeth er escape the hypocrite s retribution In the interests of common justice therefore Europe must guarantee the alien enclaves in Magyar territory Yet a guaranteed t e organisation of the Hungarian state on s till more drasti c lines might well be in the best interests of the Magyars themselves for it would be th eir one chance of inducin g the much larger blocks of alien population whi ch are not debarred from secession by geography to hold fast of th eir o wn free will to their present allegiance Th e prin cipal terms of such a guaranteed re settle ment should run as follows (i ) Local self government should be re organised At present it is based upon th e medi aeval counties which are very unequal in size an d entirel y out of relation to racial boundaries These county divisions should be recast into n ew local units standardised approximately in area and population like the French depar tments and each department should be made racia lly homogeneous as far as possible This would give every nationality in Hungary a number of local units more or less proportional to its per centage in the total population of the country The department should employ its national lan guage as its o fficial medium of administration and should , ' . , , - . ’ . , , . - , , . - - - . . , . , , . . , 161 HU N GARY be the basis of electoral organisation for the central Hu ngarian parliament (ii ) There should be no parliamentary devolution to national blocks The races are so interlaced that it would be impossible to carve out areas including all the Rouman or all the German inhabitants of Hungary and endow them with extensive Home Rule The various national territories are too scattered for effective organisation as unities (iii ) On the other hand national education and all public activities that contribute to national culture s hould be placed under the exclusive control of national committees consisting of the deputies elected to the central Hungarian parliament by the various depart ments belonging to each particular nationality Th ese committees should share between them the annual budget voted for public education by the parliament as a whole in proportion to the percentage of th e total population which they respectively represent (iv ) All questions of universal interest such as communications and defence social an d economic development fiscal relations with other countries consular service and foreign policy in general should remain as heretofore within th e provin ce of the central 1 parliament now to be elected on the new departmental basis If the non Magyar nationalities of Hungary were assured some such refor m s as these it is conceivable th at geographical and economic considerations would prevail with them over hatred of the Magyars and desire for incorporation in their own national states ; but . . . , . . . , , . , . . , , , , , , . - , f presu m ably su bj ect to th e co d iti ns o f th e A sg leich u n l ess o th er Circu m stan ces l ead th e H u n g ari an p ar liam en t to term in ate th e co nn ectio n with A u stria A n d th ere o re n . . o u , 1 62 THE B ALKANS prediction is impossible an d we must reckon with th e contingency that certain elements may in any event 1 secede Will the cohesion of th e whole Hapsburg Monarchy be endangered by th eir secession f The German colonies in th e A lf d ld and in the Slovak 2 hills are too widely dispersed for extrication and the Slovaks thems elves do not come in to question from our immediate stan dpoint They may be eager to secede from Hungary but they would only do so in order to coalesce with the Tch ech s of Austria Th ey have no blood breth ren outside th e frontiers of th e Danubian Empire and th e satisfaction of th eir national aspirations would affect the internal organisation of th e whole unit rather th an its so lidari ty towards the outer world We are left with the Ruthenes Roumans and Serbs (i ) The Roumans are the strongest non Magyar nationa lity in Hungary and we have seen that they are concentrated in Transylvan ia and the adjoining strip of the A lf d ld towards the border of th e national 3 Roumanian Kin gdom Their transference t h erefore from Hungary to Roumania would seem a natural , . , . , . - , . . , - . , , , , . p te o f M agyar t o n th e S lo v aks Ru then es an d Ro u m ans ha ve stea d il y b een d isen gagin g th em s lves sin ce 86 7 f o m th e Magy to ls Th e g ro wth o f a na tiv e in tellegenz ia h as h eighten ed th eir ti n a l co ns cio u sn ess a d rece t years th e cu rr en t o f em ig rati n P easan ts wh o to th U S A h as b ro u ght w ea lth in to th eir d ist icts h ave m a de th eir little p i l e in Am erica h ave b een b u yin g o t th e b ig e ta tes o f th e Whig m agn ates an d th ereb y freein g th eir so il fro m th e ali n m as ter s p resen ce Th o u gh th e Germ an s o f Hu gary wo u ld escap e fro m th e Magyars if th ey co ld f o r th e A us g l eich h as secu ed th em n o b etter treatm en t Wh il e th e Magya h av e b e n in allian c th an th e o th er na ti o n a l ties M agyarise Wi th th e Germ an s o f A u stria th ey h av e n o t h sita ted to Fo r th e distrib u tio n o f th e th e two m illio n G erm an s in th eir m idst l atter see M ap III Th e free Ro u m ans o f th e p resen t kin g do m are p ro b ably d escen d ed f o m Transylvanian settlers wh o du rin g th e early Middle A ges pu shed th e o p t th ro u gh th e C arp ath ian s a d es tabl ish ed th em selv e i S tepp es 1 In s is a i i , , e r na 1 r ar . o , e . n in n o r . . . u s , ’ e . 2 n u r , i rs . e e e , . . 3 r , n ou . s n en THE BALKANS 1 64 present crisis If Roumania intervenes in the war in favour of the Allies the prize will fall into h er grasp : if she remains neutral till hostilities cease her claim s will not ob tain preference in the subsequent settlement (ii ) The Serb settlements in th e A lf d ld are conter minous with those of th e Roumans They skirt the North ern bank of the Danube from a point opposite th e jun ction of the Morava tributary as far upstream as th e junction of th e Drave but they are bewilderingly entangled with Germ an and Magyar enclaves The " majority of them lie wi thin th e B anat of Temesvar a square field delimi ted in the South Eastern corner of the Alfold by th e Transylvanian mountains on th e East and th e Maros Theiss and Danube rivers on the other three sides Th e Banat was one of the prin cipal th eatres of eigh teenth century colon isation : the Roumans have established themselves in the Eastern half of it and the Western half is divided between Germans and Serbs while the Magyar element is almost negligible If the Rouman section became detach ed from Hungary the annexation of the remainder to Serbia would be a logical corollary The courses of the Th eiss and th e Maros offer a good frontier in thi s quarter for the Magyar state and the Serbian national kingdom South of the Dan ube will be anxious to incor irredenta on the river s further shore po rate its in order to remove Belgrade beyond the range of siege artillery planted on Hungarian soil If however the Rouman part of the Banat fails to break away from Hu ngary its fate will be decisive for the Serb districts This wo u ld in vo lve th e transf er en ce o f th e Germ an en clav es in th e B an at as well ; b u t th ey are d oo m ed in an y case to b e m erg ed in a state o f alien n atio n ality an d an y al tern ativ e w o u ld b e a rel ef fro m . , , . . . , . , - , , . - , . , , . , ’ , . , , , 1 M agyarisatio n , . i 1 65 HUNGARY as well They are no more than a wedge driven in be tween the Magyar and Rouman populations of th e 1 Alfold and could not be excluded from the Hungarian frontier if the country on both sides of them remained within it (iii ) The Ruthenes occupy the opposite corner of the They A lf iild round the head waters of the Theiss number less than half a million and are divided from their Magyar neighbours by no natural boundary while the other twenty fiv e millions who speak the same 2 dialect live on the further side of the Carpathians The geographical factor therefore strongly favours th e existing pol i tical situation yet the force of national antipathy and sympathy is more imperious still and th e mountain barrier is not impassable Two lines of railway traverse that section of the range under the shadow of which the Hungarian Ruthenes dwell and one of the routes is the famous Vereczka Pass which gave entrance into th e land first to the Magyars and then to the Ruthenes themselves and has witnessed the passage of Russian invaders during the operations of the present war It is therefore possible that the Ruthenes may set geography at defiance and throw in their lot wi th the vast body of their race wh ich stretch es unin terru p ted ly Eas tward from the Carpathians further slopes to the upper waters of the Don These then are the three instances in which Hungary is liable to suffer territorial loss Our discussion has 3 yielded no certain conclusions but it h as sufficed to show that secession in these quarters will not jeopardise the continued existence of the Hapsburg Empire Even S ee M ap III S ee C h VIII C R ectifica tio n s o f th e Hu n g arian fro n tier are in d eed so p ro b l em atical that we h ave n o t attem p ted to in d i cate p o ss b iliti es in th e m aps attach ed to this b oo k . , . . - , . , , - . , , , , . , , , . , ’ . , , . , . 1 1 . . 3 i . . . THE BALKANS 1 66 if all possibilities were actualised , th e Magyar Kin gdom would still be left with nearly twelve million inhabitants in occupation of a compact and productive territory The balance between Austria and Hu ngary would of course be destroyed but th e break-down of th e Dual System migh t strength en the inward cohesion of the Monarchy by opening th e way for a federal re co n stru c tion of the whole on genuinely national lines Even if the losses in Galicia an d Hungary were serious enough to degr ade th e Dan ubian unit from the ran ks of the Great Powers it might survive as an essential member in the re organised fraternity of European nations We have now e xamined the state of th e national problem in the Kingdom of Hungary as well as in the Kingdoms and Lands Represented in the Reichsrath ” at Vienna without discoverin g any ulcer fatal to the lif e of th e Hapsburg organism ; but our examination of the Trans L eith an ian half of the Monarchy is not yet complete In addition to the Hungarian realm the Crown of St Stephen comprises the Kingdom of Croatia Slavonia beyond the South ern bank of the Drave Th is Hungarian dependency has impli cated the Hapsburg Monarchy in the national problem of th e So uthern Slavs Po p u latio n o f Hu n g ary within p resen t fro n ti ers (acco rdin g to census o f 1 900) P ossi bl e losses after th e p resen t war calcu lated at a m axim u m (a ) Ro u m ans S z ekels an d S axo ns ( b ) S erbs ( c) G erm an en cl av es am o n g S erb s app ro xim a tely (d) R u th en es 1 . , , , - . , - . , , - , . . - . . 1 , , . , . To tal o f po ssibl e lo sses Mi nim u m rem ain der 1 1 68 THE BALKANS Th e system of the Morava and the Save and in fact th e whole region between the Drave th e Iron Gates and th e sea was occupied in the seventh century A D by a swarm of the great Slavoni c host whi ch found its way through the Moravian Gap and the Marchfeld and drifted down upon the Adriati c coast T hi s flying column of the Slavonic invasion did not remain u ndi ff erentiated withi n itself Its rearguard tarried under the lea of the Alps and is represented by the modern Slovenes Its vanguard crossed the watershed of the Middle Danube spread out fanwise towards th e ZEgean and the Black Sea and has developed Both these detached into the Bulgarian nationality groups have evolved racial and diale ctical characteristics which distinguish them sharply from the main body 1 which lies between W e will leave them aside for the moment and concentrate our attention upon the latter ” for whom we will reserve the title of Southern Slavs T he Southern Slavs in this specialised sense of the name speak an absolutely homogeneous dialect and occupy a compact geograp hi cal area extending from Agram ( Zagreb ) to Uskub ( S ko plye) and from Belgrade to Salona T hey have thus become immediate neighbours of the Magyars who two centuries later descended upon the country on the further bank of the Danube and the Drave and at the present time the two 2 races are approximately equal in numerical strength but in every other respect their history has been str ikingly different The rich unbroken levels of the Alfold offer a natural cradle for a strong unified national state the Southern Th e B l g ars d erive their n am e b u t n o thin g el se fro m a n on S l avo n c caste o f n o m a d con q u ero rs o ff th e stepp es E th er l an gu age is n o w spo k en by b etween eigh t an d nin e m i ll io ns o f p eo pl e , , , , . . , , . . , . , , . . , , . , , , , , . , , , . , , 1 u i 1 , , . i . THE SOUTHERN SLAVS 1 69 Slavs on the other hand have been grievously handi capped by their p hysical environment The gaunt ribs o i the Dinaric Alps wh ich shoulder th e Danube system away from the Adriatic are not kindly to Ma n Th e rock-surface cropping out through the scan ty soil sets a rigid limit to the growt h of population while the scanty communities that maintain their existence are isolated from one another by the parallel ranges of mountains and the rushing rivers which carve their way amon g them Even the Adriatic coast line which rivals Norway in the maze of its fjords and islands is of little avail for internal communication The land opens towards the Danube and the watershed rises hard above the shore T he rivers invariably flow inland and only one the Narenta drains South Westward to the sea Such a lan d could never have become an independent focus of human life Its physical function as a link between the mountain masses of Central and South Eastern Europe has conditioned the history of its in habita nts and doomed them to be the victims and t he spoil in the warfare of alien worlds The country of the South ern Slavs has been debat able g round from the beginning Christianity pene trated it simultaneously from opposite directions The Croats in th e North West were converted from the Catholic centres of Aquileia and Salzburg O rthodox missionaries from Byzantium mounted the valley of the Vardar and secured the alle gian ce of th e Serbs in the l Morava b asin , , . , . , , - , . , . , . , - , , . . - , . . . - - . Croat an d S erb were i n o rigin two kin dred tribes iden tical with th e C hro bat an d S o rab wh o rem ain ed No rth o f th e Carpathian s Th e nam es h av e g rad ually been ad ap ted to d en o te all S o u th S l avo n ic p eakers wh o b elo n g respectively to th e Catho lic an d th e Ortho d x C hu rch irrespective o f po litical gro u pin g o r lo cal habitat 1 , . - s o , . THE B A L KANS 1 70 Th e in dependent career of both th ese tribes was brief Th e Croati an prin cipality flourished in the eleventh century but in 1 1 02 it was an nexed to the e xpanding realm of th e Magyars and for the next three centuries Hungary and Veni ce fought for the sovereignty of the land till the dispute was settled by a compromise About 1 420 Venice finally establis h ed her rule along the Dalmatian littoral while Hungary retained her suzerainty over the hin terla nd The fortunes of Serbia were grander In 1 1 59 the House of N em an ya came to the front an d steadily built up a national state which attained its zenith in the fourteenth century Stephen Dushan Tsar of the Serbs from 1 33 6 to 1 3 56 A D ruled from th e Danube to the 1B gean and threatened to besiege Con stantin ople itself but disaster followed close upon his triumphs Th e year before Stephen s death the Ottoman Turks had occupied Gallipoli on the European shore of the 1 Dardanelles thirty years later they fought the Serbs 2 in th e heart of their country on the field of Kossovo an d their crushing vi ctory made an end of Serbian in dependen ce The advance of the Turks aggravated the dis u nion of the Southern Slavs by introd ucing another creed In the twelfth century the Pauli cian heresy from Armenia 3 had obtained a footing in the region and th e nobility of Bosnia a Hungarian dependen cy on the banks of th e Bosna River embraced it as th eir national faith Th eir ch oice isolated them from their neighbours and . , , , . , . . , . , . . , , , . ’ , , . . , , . , , 1 1 3 86 . Kosso vo Po lye= Field o f B la ckb ir ds 3 It was b ro u ght by Arm eni an su b j ects o f th e Eas t Ro m an E m p ire who m th e Byzan tin e go vernm en t h ad fail ed to co n vert to O rth o d o xy an d h ad p u nish ed f o r th eir co n tu m a cy by exi lin g th em to th e o ppo si te bo rd er o f th e Im p erial territo ry Th e S lavo ni c co n verts th ey m a de in th eo p h i lo i th eir n ew h o m e to o k th e titl e o f B o gu m i ls 1 . , , - THE BALKANS 1 72 example From 1 5 2 7 to the pre sent day the Dynasty has ruled this section of the South- Slavonic world by hereditary right The battles betw een Austrian and T urk were de cided on the b anks of the D anube but the Dinaric mountain zo ne was the scene of fierce and co ntinuous subsidiary warfare Durin g two cent u ries of inconclusive strife th e Turkish cavalry sometimes penetrated right up the Save and ravaged the Venetian pl ains at the head of 1 the Adriati c while for nearly twen ty years the Haps b u rg standard was p lanted in Belgrade and the Austrian frontier pushed far up the valley of the Morava Neither power however proved strong enou gh to wrest from the other the und isputed dominion of the whole South Slavonic region and the Treaty of Belgrade in 1 73 9 terminated the struggle by a partition The whole of Croatia and Slavonia fell to the Haps burg : the Ottoman retained Serbia and Bosnia The 2 new frontier started from the Iron Gates and followed the course of the Danube upwards as far as the j unction of th e Save Belgrade in the South Eastern angle between the two rivers remained a Turkish fortress and th e Hapsburg frontier proceeded along the Save s Northern bank till it reached the point where the latter river is joined by the Una Thence it turned Sout h W estward first conformin g to the Una s windin gs and then taking an irregular course of its own across the mountains till it struck the coast opposite the island of Pago T his made the Hapsburg Empire immediately conterminous with the provin ce of Dalmatia which the Venetians had managed to defend against O ttoman . , . , . , , . , , - , . . , - . , , , ’ , . ’ , , , . , 1 y o f K arlo witz in 1 7 1 8 Fo llo wm g u po n th e Treat S ee M ap III . . THE S O UTHERN SLAVS 1 73 aggression ever since it fin ally passed into their hands in the fif teent h century Napoleon made an end of the Venetian Republic and cast her territories into the meltin g pot In the general re settlement of 1 8 1 4 Dalmatia an d Ragusa were defin itively incorporated in the Hapsb urg dominions and the whole Eastern littoral of the Adriatic from Trieste to th e fjord of Cattaro thus came to be united under the same Austrian government With this exception however t h e terri to rial arrangements of 1 73 9 still remained in force when the events of 1 86 6 forced the Danubian Monarchy i nto the most recent phase of its history In the year of the Ausgleich the Monarchy s position with regard to the Southern Slavs almost e xactly reproduced its relation towards the Italian nation after th e settlement of 1 8 1 4 In both cases one section of a nationality was in cluded within the Hapsburg frontier while th e remainder lay beyond it an d th e Monarch y s Italian experience had proved th at such a situation was essentially unstable A divided nationality was bo u nd to attain unity in time It might achieve it within the compass of the greater Empire if t h e latter succeeded in advancing its frontier to include t h e whole race but the frontier could not remain stationary If it failed to advance it must retire and national unity be realised at the Empire s expense by the total secession of the nationality from its organism In the Italian case we have seen that such secession could occur without vital injury to the Monarch y s structure : in the present instance failure involved far more serious consequences The Monarchy had just been forced to accept its geographical destiny as a Danubian state and in the new development of its history the South Slavonic region off ered the necessary , . - . , , , , . , , . ’ . , ’ . . , , . , ’ . ’ . , - THE BALKANS 1 74 avenue for expansion Excluded from G ermany and Italy Austria Hungary must grow Eastward or else resign herself to paralysis diminishment and final dissolution Since 1 86 7 therefore the attention of the Joint Ministry for Foreign Affairs has become increasingly concentrated upon th e South Slavoni c problem The Monarch y has never been faced by a graver issue but on the other h and it has seldom enjoyed conditions so favourable for a successful solution The South Slavoni c population within th e frontier included Orthodox as well as Catholi c elements and the Dynasty had a strong traditional hold over both its Serb and its Croat subjects Each regarded the Hapsburg as their saviour from the Turk The Croat s loyalty was rein f orced by religion for he was a devoted clerical and Aus tria has never abandoned the r ole of the leading Catholic state : th e Serb was conciliated by an exceptional measure of toleration Imperial rescripts of 1 690 and 1 6 91 granted the Serb refugees in Hapsburg territory complete freedom in the practice of their ritual and allowed them to organise an autonomous church under the presidency of a patriarch established at Karlowitz The erection of the Military Frontiers along th e Save towards the close of Maria Theresa s reign transformed the South Slavonic borderers into regular soldiery and in the struggles against Napoleon and the Risorgimento the Croat regiments were th e flower of the Austrian armies To their enemies they were merely notorious for the savagery they had acquired in their warfare with the Turks but th e Dynasty they served was deeply indebted to their ad m irable constan cy In 1 848 Croatia was th e only non Germ an province . - , , , , . , , - . , . - , . ’ . , , . , . ’ , , - , , . , . - THE BALKANS 1 76 f estatio n of it against any constituted authority whatso ever By his over logical policy he played into Russia s h an ds Russia followed up her advantage with de cision and when Serbia started her new life under Russian a u spices the Danubi an Monarchy found its rival es tablished on the very threshold of its Balkan doorway Ever since the turn of the Turkish tide in 1 683 it had been obvio u s th at th e ebb would never cease till all Europe was free of the flood The Turk s presence might be protracted but it h ad become provisio n al and sooner or later he must vanish out of th e land The Treaty of Adrianople taught Austrian statesmen that in playing for the Turk s in h eritance t h ey must reckon with Russia hen ceforward In 1 86 7 therefore the Monarchy s road Eastwards was alr eady overshadowed by the Russi an cloud but the danger though formidable might still be braved with impunity The cloud might pass without a storm The Balkan drama was not yet played out The Serbs who had won their freedom with Russia s aid were only a fraction of the race The majo ri ty sti ll remained under Turkish rule and the prin cipali ty in the Morava valley aspired to liberate a Serbia irredenta of gr eater territorial extent than itself ’ - . . , , . , ’ . , , . ’ . ’ , , , , , . . . ’ . , . s h i a w ere more than the u ti on was Southwards ro u nd th e upper 0 ox in religion : and its t ributaries the district of m Kossovo once the fo cus of the national life still awaited its redemption Serbia and t h e Danubian Monarch y were bo th under a vital necessity to advance in th e same direction and bo th were O bstructed by the same Turkish occupant of the land Why should they not advan ce in unison to satisfy their common need at th e Turk s 0 , , , , . , . ’ THE SOUTHERN SLAVS expense ? 1 77 Serbia had one supreme desire the a cco m of her national unity Russia had left the m li s h e t n p work half done and had alienated her protege e into the bargain by intriguing to strengthen her influence over her Serbia was ready to throw herself into the arm s of any great power that would help her to complete the realisation of her ideal The refugee communities North of the Danube which had become the chief centres of modern Serb culture afforded a spiritual link between the Hapsburg Empire and the autonomous prin cipality If the Hapsburg Government had profited by the experience of 1 83 0 and espoused the cause of Serbian nationality it might still have rallied the wh ole South Slavonic race under its o wn banner The breakdown of the reactionary re gime in 1 86 6 off ered the occasion for such a change of policy towards the Southern Slavs Some concession to th e principle of nationality was essential if the internal cohesion of the Monarchy was to be saved : liberalism in this particular instan ce would brin g positive gain as well , by setting the salvaged Danubian unit upon its new path towards exp ansion under the most auspicious circumstances Unfortunately however reform was baulked by compromise We h ave seen that the Ausgleich of 1 86 7 was no reconstruction of the Hapsburg Empire on the basis of nationality but simply a deed of partnership between Germans and Magyars for the continued o p pression of the rest It made the Magyar oli g archy a po wer in th e Monarch y That was the only new factor it introduced and its eff e ct upon the forei g n policy of Austria Hungary as a whole has been even more disastrous than the internal race-co n flict to which it has given vent within Hun g ary itself , . ’ - , , . - . , , . , , - . . . , , . , . . , - . THE BALKANS 1 78 The Magyars were reckl ess egotisti c and well organised T hese qualities gave th em an undue influence in the Dual State and their geographi cal S ituation m ade that in fluence p ar amount on the South Eastern frontier A fter 1 86 7 the South Slavonic problem and therewith the fate of the Eas tward ” Trend passed more and more completely under Magyar control at the very time when it was be coming of e xtr eme impo rtance to the whole Danubian Unit Th e terms of the Ausgleich assigned to the Crown of St Stephen almost all the Southern Slavs withi n 1 The stru ggle of 1 848 49 had the Hapsbur g frontier inspired the Magyars and their Slavonic neighbours with mutual fear and resentment and th e memory of it did not promise well for the future of th e Hapsb u rg Croats and Serbs now that they were abando ned to the Ma gyars mer cy W e h ave already e xamined the case of the Serbs in Hun g ary : we have now to consider the relations between th e Magyar government and th e vice -royalty of Croatia Slavonia Th e Ma gyars secured th is province for the Crown ” of St Step hen basin g th eir claim upon their m ediz v al suzerainty over it Such a historical argument was of course without value yet the terms Croatia obtain e d seemed generous enough to compensate her for incor n with her larger neig h bour ra o t i o p The Croato-Hungarian Compromise was voted by th e Hung arian par liament and the Croatian diet in It con ceded at once to the Croats and Serbs 1 86 8 beyond th e Drave fundamental rights whi c h the nationalities in Hun gary itself have been struggling vain ly for half a century to obtain There was no Th e D alm atians w ere th e ex cep tio n , . , - . , , , . . - , , ’ . - . , . . , . . . 1 . 1 80 THE BALKANS By th e terms of the Croato -Hungarian Com promise this state built and state-owned railway was ” common proper ty of the Crown of St Step h en an d the control of it fe ll within the province not of the Home Rule government at Agram but of the central government at Buda Pest If the Compromise had any meaning the railway administration S hould h ave taken due account of both Croatian and Hung arian interests but the fas h ion in whi ch Buda— Pest inter Compromise as a p reted its trust reve aled th e fiction The Magy ars have used their po h tical predomin ance in th e common parliament to govern the Fiume railway exclusively to Hungary s economic advantag e and deliberately to the economic detriment of Croatia Freightag e tariffs are manipulated so as to favour through traffic from the A lf Old to Fiume at the e xpense 1 of local tr affi c in Croatia itself and every eff ort is made to fo cus at Buda Pest all r ailway conne ction between Croatia an d the rest O f the continent Where more direct routes are already in existence not only tari ffs but time tables are distorted to in duce goods an d passen g ers to travel to Vienna or Belgrade by way of the Hungarian capital where the railways have yet to be built the Magyar government does everything in its While Hungary power to obstruct their development itself is covered with a network O f lines the section of the Fiume railway between Ag ram and the coast has never been e xtended by a single branch so that Croatia is deprived of independent communication with her natural market in Austria on the one hand an d with her - . - , . , , . ’ , . - - , - . , - , . , , , Essek o n th e B rav e to A gram was lo w place to Fiu m e tho u gh th e distan ce i n th e fo rm er case is o n l y three fif th s as grea t as in th e latter 1 d f ff ro m th e g oo s- tarif er th an th e tari fi ro m th e sam e In 1 91 1 - , . THE S O UTHERN SLAVS 1 81 South- Slavonic neighbours in Dalmatia and Bosnia on the other The Croats could not be expected to submit gladly to such a system and the attitude of the Magyars towards them has been governed solely by th e deter mination to force it upon t h em For this purpose it was necessary to hold Croati an politics well in hand and the settlement of 1 86 8 offered facilities for the task Croatia possesses her o wn autonomous legislature but the Ban or Viceroy the supreme executive authority is appointed by t h e ministry at Buda Pest The Magyar government perceived in this o f fice an instrument for keeping Croatia to h eel and t h ey foun d th e right man for the post in Count Kh uen-Hed erv ary 1 The Count governed Croatia for twenty years by a Tammany regime which h e worked out almost to perfection He paralysed the O pposition in th e Diet by fomenting the rivalry betwee n the Croat and Serb sections of the population and secured a safe govern me n tal majority over t h e disorganised nationalist votes 2 by the Magyar method of electoral corruption O ffi cial pressure was not di fficult to exert for the entire political patronage of the country belongs to the Ban but if the polling turned out against him Khuen Hed erv ary was always prepared to dissolve the newly elected diet and repeat t h e process till h e obtained a house of a more satisfactory complexion Suc h were the e ff ects of Magyar domination upon the South-Slavonic communities under the Crown of St Stephen meanwhile Magyar influence had In th e l atter year h e l en t his services to F ran cis 1 8 83 1 90 3 J o sep h an d accepted th e Hu n garian p rem iersh ip S ee ab o ve Ev en th e D iet o f 1 86 8 which v o ted th e Co m pro m ise with Hu n gary h ad been packed with safe m en by ill egi tim ate m eans . , . , . , , - . , , . . , . , , - , - . . 1 , - . . . 1 , , . 1 82 THE BAL KANS asserted itself in the relations between t h e Monarch y and the Southern Slavs beyond the frontier In the summer of 1 875 there was a general rising of the Christian peasants in Bosnia The Ottoman Government failed to suppress it and in the following summer the Serbian principality in the Morava vall ey intervened in favour of th e Bosni an Serbs an d was foll owed by Montenegro a little community of Serb mountaineers above Cattaro fjord which had never forfeited its independence to Austrian Venetian or Turk In a few months the Ottoman ar m ies crushed Serbia to earth and a sympath etic insurrection of the Bulgar population along the D anube was quelled with appalling savagery but the only result of these T urkish successes was to bring Russia into the field Th e Tsar declared war in Turkey in the spring of 1 877 before the close O f the year the Tchataldja lines were forced and the Russian troops within striking distance of Constantinople In March 1 878 the T urkish govern ment signed the Treaty of San Stephano Thus once more salvation had come to th e Balkan Christians from th e Muscovite and the Danubian Monarchy had m issed anoth er O pportunity This time th e fault lay not with th e authoritarian principles O f Vienna but with the Magyar chauvinism of Buda Pest While Ru ssia was hesi tating in 1 876 the Monarchy might have forestalled her by championing Serbia in her desperate straits The Croats an d the Hungarian Serbs were watching with intense anxie ty th e v icissi tudes of their Slavonic b reth ren s struggle for liberty yet so far from being guided by the feelings of such an ” important element in the Crown of St Stephen th e Magyar government brutally trampled upon them Not only were Hungarian subjects rigorously debarred . . , , , , . , , . , . . , . , . . ’ , . , . 1 84 THE BALKANS ments h as produced remarkable results In stri king contrast to the policy pursued in Croatia during the same period by Magyar statesmans hi p the material prosperity O f the country has been cons cientiously fostered Law and order have been established road s and railways have been built education has been provided for On the o ther hand the development of national self consciousness has been uncompro m is ingly resisted The hos tility of the Moslem Bosniaks was quickly overcome Left stranded by th e ebb of the Turkish tide they found their existence threatened once more by th e O rth od ox and Catholic majority of th eir fellow Slavs among whom they had lived a life apart as pariahs or t askm asters for more than seven centuries Naturally they turned for protection to the German and th e Magyar to whom the Ch ris ti an S lavs were as alien as to themselves The Joint Ad m inistration on its part espied in this powerful but denationalised element the very ally it needed and set itself with success to win the Bosniaks support 1 , . , . , , . , - . . , , , . , , . , , , ’ . eg a n “ ? and to sti m u te their parti cularism still ei r own further Kallay even attempted to create the conscious ” ness of a separate Bosniak language di ff erentiated from the standar d South Slavoni c idiom of Croat and Serb by a few insign ificant dialectical pe culiarities M , , , - Th e adm in istratio n o f Bo snia w as assign ed to th e J o in t Min istry f o r F in an ce To tal po pu latio n o f Bo snia i n 1 895 S o u th-S lav o ni c elem en t abo u t 1 th e . ' O r th o d o x S er bs l Co ns istin g o f Mosl em Bo sn i aks l Catho lic Croats For th eir distrib u tio n see Map III . dep artm en t o f THE SOU T HERN SLAV S 1 85 th e Serb element in t h e province which amounts to two fif th s of the total population was correspondingly discountenanced This deliberate discri m ination in treatment between the various sections of the population has marred the Administration by giving it an illiberal cast and in one important sphere it has h ampered the policy of material improvement To conciliate the Moslem landowners the pressing agrarian problem has been indefinitely shelved The occupation of Bosnia thus sowed seeds of dissention between the Serb nationality and the Dual Monarchy yet these seeds might still have withered without bearing fruit The excellence of th e Bosnian Administration worked potently for stability and th e step might plausibly have been explained as the final act in t h e Danubian State s geographical evolution Ever since the Hapsburgs had added Dalmatia as well as Slavonia to their dominions the ultimate incorpora tion of Bosnia had been a geographical necessity Th e province is shaped like a triangular wedge and its apex presses upwards perilously close to the lines of communication between the centres of industry and agriculture in the Danube basin and their ports on the Adriatic seaboard The occu pation of the triangle gave the Monarchy its s hort base line for a frontier instead of the combined length of the other two sides Th e General Staff might have vindicated it as a defensive measure of purely military import Unfo rtunately however the Berlin Conference did not confine its mandate to Bosnia Serbia and Montenegro were both granted considerable increases 1 of territory but their frontiers were carefully held , - , . , . . , . , ’ . , . , , - . - , . . , , . , b b d dd pl dp d d S er ia o tain e in a itio n co m ete in e en en ce su zerain t —Mo n ten egr o h ad n e er su m itte to i t 1 y v b . fro m O tto m an 1 86 THE BALKANS asunder The Turkish Government was left in 1 possession of the Sandjak of Novi Bazar a strip O f mountaino u s country which ran from South East to North West in th e general direction of t h e Dinaric Ran ge and serv ed as a land bridge between th e Dual Monarchy now in oc cupation of Bosnia and the O ttoman Empire sti ll estab lished in the interior of Macedonia and along t h e littoral of t h e ZEgean To make the maintenance of t hi s bridge secure the two powers concluded a convention under whi ch t h e distri ct was garrisoned by Austro Hungarian tr o ops without pre judi ce to the Ottoman civil ad m inistration Th e garrisoning of the Sandjak revealed the occupa tion O f Bos n ia as the first step in a new movement of offence The Trend Eastward was to fin d its realisation in territorial expan sion to an ZEgean sea board but instead of proceeding in unison with South Slavonic national aspirations the Dual Monarchy had made up its m ind to march over the Southern Slavs dead bodies Ever since 1 878 Austro Hungarian statesmanship h as been pavin g the way for a fres h advance During the Hami dian regime the garris ons in th e Sandjak looked on while the Serb population of th e Kossovo dis trict a few miles away was being exter minated by bands O f Moslem A l b an iam tea~ b k us t e tto m an Government fi aT H ii figary ref u sed f o i nte r f ere sh e pro f essed s crupulous respect for Ottoman sovereignty yet all t h e ti me she was spreading her propaganda among O ttoman subje cts in the i m mediate neighbourhood She es tab lished a virtual prote ctorate over the Catholic Alban ian clans in the h interland of 2 S ko d ra a mountain ous region between Kossovo and Pro vin ce . - , - - - , . , , - , . . , , ’ . - . , , ' . ” , . , . ‘ 1 88 THE BALKANS At fir st the statesmans h ip of 1 878 seemed likely to be justified by success T he supers ession of the San Stephano Treaty by the diplomats at Berlin went far to cancel t h e prestige whi ch Russia had won by her military victory and the new prin cipality of Bulgaria which the Powers had grudgingly allowed to come into existence with in reduced limits did not prove a source O f strength to its Russian creator Like the Serbs after 1 82 9 the Bulgars found Russian tutelage a doubtful blessing but they displayed far more vigour in shaking the m selves free In an incredibly short time they ventured to steer an in dependent course O f their own Flouted by Bulgaria Russia looked to Serbi an loyalty for consolation but Serbia had been mort ally o ff ended by th e ere ction of a rival Slavonic state in the Balkan area and had entered on a new politi cal p h ase The throne of the prin cipality was occupied at thi s 1 time by Milan O b ren o v itch the most notable statesman modern Serbia has produced He saw that Serbia was not strong enough to achieve her des tin y unaided and that to invoke the assistance of greater powers was merely to offer herself as a pawn in their game It was clear that the Berlin settlement would not be upset in a day and Milan deter mi ned to take advantage of the inevitable lull for the development of his country s material prosperity Geo gr ap hy h as made the Morava valley a natural appendage of t h e lVIid d le Danubian B asin The Danubi an Monarchy spreads its bulk between Serbia and Western Europe and the little state could not be gin its economic growth unless it had secured . , , , . , , . . , , . , , . , . , ’ . . , d er th e Cro wn o f S t S tep h en in Bo sn ia th ey we e u n d er th e j o in t pro tecto rate o f th e D ua l Mo narchy in S e bia an d Mo te egro th ey w m em b ers o f in depen de t n tio n al st tes in Kosso vo they were st l l s bj ect to Tu r kis h m isgo v ern m e t He ascen d ed it in 1 86 8 un . r , r , ere n a n u 1 . a . , n n i 1 89 THE SOUTHERN SLAVS its big neighbour s good will Moved by these con siderations Milan did not hesitate to sacrifice national ideals and turn his kingdom into a satellite of Austria Hun g ary The ne xt ten years witn essed a struggle between the king supported by the Liberal or Progressive Party on the one han d and the Russophil Radicals on the other Milan succeeded in carrying out his programme Railways were built and the finances reorganised in spite of the opposition aroused by increased taxes without any immediately visible returns In 1 885 an opportunity presented itself for striking at Bulgaria and jealousy prompted Serbia to seize it She declared war only to suff er a severe defeat and nothing but the Dual Monarchy s veto prevented th e Bulgarian army from marching upon Belgrade This intervention marked the zenith of Austro Hungarian ascendency 1 over Serbia yet Milan actually survived the bankruptcy of his foreign policy It was not till 1 889 that he was d riven to abdicate and allow Alexander his son to reign in his stead Alexander was a minor and the Liberal regency found itself unable to cope with the growing Radical block in parliament In 1 893 the young king took th e reins into his own hands and attempted to govern through a Radical min istry but the experiment soon broke down The Radicals endangered the understanding with the Dual Monarchy and wrough t havoc with t h e publi c ’ - . , . , . . , . , . , ’ . - , . , . , . , . , , l w R lk d ly w d w b ld l y l b d p R l p v l y v f d l w A n d a so th e lo est eb b o f A t u ssian in flu en ce in th e B a ans ith ra n h er th e o u t rea o f th e war, u ssia h ad im m e ia te m i itar sta hich was en gage in u i in g u p th e B u garian arm S h e h o e that this step o u at o n ce co n ci iate S er ia an d teach th e ay ar B u gars that th e co u n o t is ense Wi th ussian assistan ce When th e Bu gars im ro ise icto rio us gen era shi o u t o f their nati e reso u rces, an d S er ia a ie to th e D u a Mo nar ch to sa e h er ro m th e co n se u en ces o f e eat u ssia was ea t two stag gerin g blo s 1 l b k ff w y p d w w d l q l R d w ld y ld p v dv b ppl d df R . . . . THE BALKANS 1 90 finances a political catastrophe was imminent and the country recalled the only m an who could avert it Five years after his e xile the O ld kin g returned to Belgrade in triumph His poli cy had conquered Serbia submitted herself to his gu i d an ce party rancours cooled down and the national energy concentrated itself in economi c channels King Milan s success did n o t fail to produce its e ff ect upon the Russian Foreign O ffice Deserted by two of her protegees Russia found herself left with no friend in the Balkans but Montenegro and was forced to reconcile herself to an abatement of her ambitions Russian and Austro Hungarian interests in the B alkans were not essentially incompatib le R u ssia s obje ctive was the Black Sea Straits : th e Danubian Monarchy coveted an ZEgean seaboard There was no geograp hical obstacle to the partition of the Balkan peninsula by the two powers into an Eastern and a 1 Western sphere and Russia was now prepared to consider Austro Hungarian overtures to this e ff e ct Th e advent of the next phase in Turkey s dissolution pre cipitated a compromis e Th e Berlin Congress had stipulated for administrative reform throughout th e territories ab andoned to Ottoman 2 sovereignty in Macedonia and th e Porte had published a pretentious sch eme of enlightened government but the proje ct remained a dead letter and the Ch ristian populations at last determined to help themselves The situation however was complicated by their disunion Th e idea h ad a lready co m m en d ed ts elf to J o sep h II j u st a cen tu ry befo re In 1 789 h e m ad e an alli an ce with Catheri n e o f Ru ssia f o r th e p arti tio n o f th e Otto m an Em pire b u t th e Tu rks d efen ded them selv es sto u tly an d th e v u l tu res soo n div erted th eir atten tio n to th e P o li s h , . , . . , , . ’ . , , . ’ . i . , - . ’ . , , , . , . , 1 i . . , , carcas e. 2 f yed to co ver th e three Otto m an v il ayets o f Kosso vo Mo n astir an d S alo n ik A n u n o ficial nam e em plo go v ern m en ts , , a . THE BAL KANS 1 92 Th e Murzs teg Programme seemed to have started the Dual Monarchy upon th e l ast stage of its advance towards Salonika without committing it to the dreaded con flict wi th Russia In 1 904 Russia was diverted from the Balkans by her war in the Far East and its disastrous close in the following year gave Austro Hungarian statesmen cause to congratulate the m selves Apparently th e Eastward Trend had an absolutely l ear field before i t : their good fortune had exceeded their expectations At the very moment however when Russia retired from the lists South Slavonic nationali ty was coming of a g e and preparing to ch ampion its o wn cause In 1 900 A le xander of Serbia made an unfortu nate marriage and broke away from his fath er s influence His action was bitterly resented by the country Milan died before he could recover his authority and his loss increased the general misgiving A conspiracy was formed among the O fficers of the army and in 1 90 3 King Ale xander and Queen Draga were murdered in their palace under the most brutal circumstances Th is atro city did not strike the Austro Hun g arian 1 Foreign Ministry as important at the time but Austro German and Magyar hatred has battened upon it during th e stru g gle between the Dual Monarchy an d Serbia which h as supervened In t h e O ctober of 1 90 8 th e writer happened to be dining in an Oxford college where a distinguished Magyar was a guest He was an owner 2 of vineyards in the Toka y district a major of Honved cavalry and a professor of mathematics into the bargain in fine he was a typical representative of the cultured Austria H n g ary Russia an d Mo ten egro we e th e o ly fo reign se ta o t tem po rarily with d raw th eir d plo m a tic rep states w hich d i d r ves fro m B el grad e as a p ro tes t Y eo m an y . , . c . , , - , , . ’ . , , , . , . - , . . , , , , 1 - u , i n i . 1 r . r n , n re n THE SOUTHERN SLAV S 1 93 Whi g oligarchy Th e Balkan War h ad just broken out and t h e name of Serbia was mentioned in the conversa tion when suddenly the table was startled by an exclamation The Serbs Liars and t hieves 1 They killed their king and queen with bayonets Thieves and liars During the hush which followed a graduate of the college who was by birth a Galician Jew was heard remarking aside t h at in our part of the world you can always guess a man s nationality by t h e ” people h e abuses The comment hit the mark The hate was primary in the professor s mind his justification of it an after th ought In arriving at his estimate of th e Serbs national character he had never consulted his reason had h e done so it would have sho wn him t h e absurdity of jud ging a young nation by the scandals in its high places The history of Serbia since 1 878 is not to be divined in the intri g ues of a handful of politi cians at Belgrade but in the industry of the peasants wh o have been purging from t h e Morava basin the traces of Turkis h misrule Th e success with which t h ey have overcome their initial h andicap and brought their country into line wit h more fortunate parts of Europe is sufficient to vindicate their capacity for civilisation Wh en Alexander was murdered his father s economi c po licy was already bearing fruit Serbia h ad developed her agrarian resources to the point of producing an annual surplus she was now in a position to enter th e field of international commerce Her natural market was the industrial world of Central Europe and the direct line for th e export of h er produce accordingly lay thr ough the D anubi an Monarchy S O long however as she monopolised all Serbia s economic outlets Austria Hungary could impose on Serbian exports , . , . , , , ’ . . ’ , ’ . , , . , , - . , , . ' , . . , . , , ’ , THE BAL KANS 1 94 whatever prices she chose economic independence could only be achieved by openin g up an alternative route Alexander O b ren o v itch was succeeded on the th rone of Serbia by Peter Karageo rgev itch the h eir of a rival dyn asty and the first important act of th e new reign was the negotiation in 1 90 6 of a tariff convention with Bulgaria wh ich promised Serbia access on reasonable terms to a port on the Black Sea This sudden ch ange in the relations of the two principalities caused considerable consternation at Vienn a and Bud a Pest Not only did it threaten to reli eve Serbia from her economic thraldom to the Dual Monarchy it portended a political entente between th e rival Slavoni c groups in the Balkan Peninsula More ominous still it coincided with a similar movement among the South Slavoni c citizens of the Monarchy i tse lf When Khuen H ed erv ary r esigned the Croatian vice regen cy in 1 90 3 he left no competent successor behind him and the political life of Croatia began to revive T he prolonged parliamentary crisis at Buda Pest which foll owed the overthrow of the Magyar Liberal Party produced its echo South of the B rav e In the Autumn of 1 90 5 a conference of Croat deputies from the Croatian Diet and the Austrian Reichsrath was held at 1 Fiume A resolution was adopted expressing sym pathy with the Magyar Coalition in its stru ggle agains t the Crown but demanding that the liberties for which the Coalition professed to be fighting should be extended to Croatia as we ll the Compromise of 1 868 was to be O bserved in spirit as well as in letter and constitutional Th e in itiativ e cam e fro m th e Cro at l ea d ers in D alm atia wh o as citizens o f A us tr ia h ad b een abl e to d evelo p a m o re u n tram m el ed po li t cal activity” th an their l ess fo rtu n ate b reth ren u n d er th e Cro w n . , , - , . - . . , - . - , . , - , , . , , . , , 1 , i of S t S teph en . . 1 96 THE BAL KANS D anubian Monarch y must seize this opportunity to realise its ambitio n s or else ab andon them for ever A eren th al deliberately embarked upon the death struggle wi th the Southern Slavs The first bout in th e confli ct did not result in his favour During 1 90 7 he retaliated upon Serbia for her e ff ort towards economic liberty by waging a remorseless 1 tariff war against her The Serbian peasantry suff ered severely but they showed unexpected obstinacy : instead of coming to terms they developed new outlets an d markets with such enterp rise that A eren th al h ad to abandon his campaign as a failure Ne xt year however he returned to the ch arge In January 1 90 8 he concluded a convention with the O ttoman Government for the construction of a railway through the Sandjak of N o v ib azar which was to link the Austro Hungarian railway system in Bosni a with the Turkis h rai lhead at NIitro vitza His object was to side-track Serbia by diverting to this new route the through traffic between Central Europe and th e lEgean littoral wh i ch had utilised hitherto t h e line th rough 1 B elgrade an d up the Morava valley to Salonika He paid dearly for this move for it drew Russia on ce more into th e B alkan ar ena Russian opinion regarded the railway scheme as a direct violation of the M ii rzsteg agreement : it por tended the consummation O f the D anubian rival s ” Eastward Trend The Government shook o ff its leth argy and determined upon a counter-stroke In . , . . - . , , . , . , , - . - , . , . ’ . . , Nickn am ed th e Pig War in Au stria Hu n gary swin e b ein g S erb ia s chi ef articl e o f expo rt Th e Mi tro vitza lin e trav erses th e K o sso vo district an d j o in s th e L ike th e Bo snian system an d th e p ro po sed S alo nika R ail way at Usku b co n n ectin g hn k it is n arro w g au g e w hi l e th e B el grad e U sku b S al o ni ka Railway is bu ilt on th e regu lar Co n tin en tal stan dard S ee M ap III 1 - , ’ . 1 . ’ - - , - , . . THE SOUTHERN SLAVS 1 97 June 1 908 the Tsar entertained King Edward VII at Reval and Great Britain and Russia announced in conjunction a new and drastic scheme of Macedoni an 1 reform The eff e ct was momentous A Young Turk committee h ad been planning for years the overthrow of Abd u l ham id s absolute government Educated by exile in Western Europe they had imbibed its national c h auvinism as well as its liberal ideals Th e Reval Programme convinced them that Turkey wo u ld forfeit th e sovereignty over her European territories altogeth er unless she could accomp lish immediate reform from within They resolved to risk everythin g to save the integrity of the Empire The revolution was started among the troops in Macedonia before the next mont h was out and in a few days T urkey was converted into a constitutional state The duel between A eren th al and Serbia had thus set all the Balkans and the Nearer East in commotion before the autumn of 1 90 8 Meanwhile the South Slavonic problem had rapidly been assu m ing more serious pro portions within the borders of the Dual Monarchy The Spring of 1 907 witnessed the inevitable breach between the Serbo Croat Coalition Party and the Magyar Coalition Ministry In a bill submitted 1 by Francis Kossuth to the parliament at Buda-Pest Magyar was decl ared the sole o fficial language for the railway system not merely of Hungary as heretofore but of all territories included under the Crown of St Stephen This was a clear contravention of the Compro m ise of 1 868 by which the South-Slavo n ic . - , . . - ’ - . , . , . . , . - . , . - . , - , . . , C o mm o n fear o f Germ an y h ad led th ese two p o wers to co m po se th eir o u tstan din g d ifferen ces th e year b efo re 1 1 Th e so n o f L o u is . . THE BALKANS 8 19 tongue h ad been guaranteed O fficial status with in th e li m its of Croatia In proposing it the Magyar Radi cals h ad shown their h and Their Liberal predecessors had confined the poli cy of M agyarisatio n to Hung ary this bill was an attempt to ext end it to Croatia T he Serbo Croat deputies in the parli ament at Buda Pest at once resorted to obstru ction They were defeated by a ta cti cal man oeuvre and the bill became law but th e struggle was only continued the more fiercely at Agram At the begin n ing of 1 90 8 the Magyar government dismissed the Ban then in offi ce as unequal to th e situation and specially appointed B aron Paul Rauch to supe rintend as Viceroy the impending elections in Croatia yet Rauch though he strenuously applied Kh uen Hed erv ary s metho ds did not obtain from them h is gif ted predecessor s results T he Croato Serb coalition secured an absolute majority in the new Diet and all that Rauch could do was to prorogue the session for an indefin ite period and govern in defiance of the constitution During the months therefore that followed the Turkis h revolution A eren th al found all sections of the South Slavonic race in a dangerous state of agitation Being a man of courageous temper he resolved to crush the spirit of Serb and Croat alike by an overwhelm ing blow In October 1 90 8 he repudiated the sovereignty of the Porte over Bosnia and declared the annexation of the Occu pied Provinces to the Austro Hungarian 1 Monarchy This act at once provoked a European crisis but A eren th al showed himself not unequal to the occasion . . . - . , . , , ’ - , ’ . - , , . , , , - . , . , - . , . with B l g which ly d e o ced O tto m a suz rai n ty d p o cl m d th sim u l t n eo ann exati o n (in a sim il a ens e) o f Easte n R u m eli 1 Th e a co up us was n ' efi ected in co n un r s ll u o si e r u n ari a, . an a. r ai e e THE BALKANS 20 0 two camps into whi ch the Europe an powers were divided A eren th al h ad unchained forces beyond his contr ol He had assert ed his will in a problem of vital impo rtance to the Danubian Monarchy but he had done so at th e price of transferring th e ini tiative for the future to th e dominant partn er in the Central European allian ce The aftermath of the crisis withi n the Monarchy itself was h ardly less embarrassing Baron Rauch had rid himself of t h e Croatian Diet for the moment : he was resolved to ru in the Croato -Serb Coalition before he faced it again Durin g t h e early summer of 1 90 8 Pan Serb his O fficial press worked up a scare of conspiracy ; in July the first arrest was made on the charge of High Treason and before the end of Jan u ary 1 90 9 no less than fif ty eight Serb citizens of Croatia all people of O bscure station were in prison pending t h eir trial on this account The judicial proceedings at not open till March when the external cris is g its déten te and the attention of Europe was concentrated upon them before they dragged to their belated close in October Thirty one of th e vi ctims were sentenced to terms of imprisonment varying from twelve to five years but Rauch had failed in his real objective : all attempts to imp licate the Coalition members of the Croatian Diet had broken down and the party was able to follow up this negative success by a triumph of a more startling c haracter During th e same month of March in which the Bosnian crisis ended and t h e Agram trial began the N eu e Freie Presse newspaper had published at Vienna an article on the relations of the Dual Mon archy to the South Slavonic problem by an emin ent Austrian historian Dr Fried j u n g Thi s article was writt en in an authoritative tone it specifically charged the Serbo . . , - . . . - , - , , . , , - . , , . , - , . . THE SOU THERN SLA V S ’ 20 1 Croat Coali tion Wi th being the exponents and tools of agencies in Belgrade and supported its assertions by quotations from documents Some of the documents purported to be o ffi cial correspondence of the Serbian Foreign Office others were minutes of a semi-O fficial revolutionary society but Dr Friedj u n g when chal lenged refused to reveal their provenan ce and the Coalition deputies accordingly entered a libel action against him at Vienna The hearing of this case only came on in December 1 90 9 after the treason trial was over but this time the proceedings l asted no longer than a fortnight The trial at Agram had cast a lurid light upon the methods of espionage employed by the Austro Hungarian Ad m inistration in Bosnia Croatia and Dalmatia now at Vienna Dr Fried j u n g s documents were revealed as forgeri es concocted within the walls of the Austro Hungarian legation at Belgrade communicated to Fried j u n g as genuine by t h e Joint Foreign O ffice and utilised by h im in all good faith The action was hastily stopped by a compro m ise before th ese results could be registered in th e verdict of th e court but the evidence of t h e witnesses h ad created an immense sensatio n Dr S p alaiko v itch the incriminated Serbian o fficial p u t in an appearance and brilliantly vindicated himself and his country The Tch ech sa v a n t Professor Masaryk of Prag who counted amon g his pupils men of the rising generation in all the Slavonic countries of the Danubian Monarchy and the Balkans prove d himself still more formidable Implicated as a witness in the trial he refused to let the matter drop He was a member of the Austrian Reichsrath and when the Delegations next met in November 1 90 9 he was elected as one of the Austrian , . , , , . , , . , , . - , , ’ . , , . , , . . , , , , . , . , , THE B ALKANS 20 2 representatives This gave him an opportunity for a direct passage of arms with the Joint Foreign NIin ister A eren th al hardly attempted a defence and M asaryk pro ceeded remorselessly with his interpellations till he had pieced together and exposed the whole o fli cial A eren th al aspired to be the Austrian conspiracy B ismarck without possessing the capa city of his Prussi an ensample The exposure was as damning ” as that of the Ems Telegram and it had overtaken him with disconcerting speed Thus ended the firs t bout in t h e conflict before the next began Bar on A eren th al had been removed from th e 1 scene but during five short years of o ffice he had fixed the lines on which it should be fought to its conclusion B aron Rauc h did not survive the Fried j u n g incident early in 1 91 0 he was superseded and the Croatian Diet was convened once more T he respite however was brief The ideals of th e Serbo Croat Coalition and of Magyar nationalism were not compatible with one anoth er So long as Magyar ministries could control th e politics O f Croatia it was possible to observe in outward form the Compromise of 1 868 now that the majority in th e Diet was possessed by a party truly rep resentative of th e Croati an people co operation between the parliaments at Ag ram and Buda P est h ad become impracti cable and the Compromise inevitably broke down A fresh deadlock led once more to the suspension of constitutional government in Croatia in th e spring of 1 91 2 and almost i mme di ately afterwards the Serb Church in the Hapsburg dominions was deprived of its charter whi ch had been consistently respe cted since its original grant in 1 6 9 1 . , . . , . , . , . , , - . . , - , - , . , , . 1 Fro m O cto b er 1 90 6 u n til early in retirem en t. 1 912 . H e d i ed so o n f a ter hi s THE BALKANS 20 4 Dalmatian coast and nation ality as well as geography supports Serbia s title to an outlet in this dire ction , since th e whole territory that intervenes betw een Belgrade 1 and Spalato is occupied by a homogeneous South Slavonic population Yet h ere too Serbia s ubiquitous neigh bour blocked the way : the crisis of 1 90 8 had shown that Austria Hun gary was established j ust as permanently West of the Drina as North of th e Save and that Serbia s dream of concessions in this quarter had been Utopian A casual glance at the map suggests that after the annexation of t h e Kossovo d istri ct Serbia might have engineered a railway across it to the Montenegrin port of Antivari and thus obtained an outlet only slightly fu rth er to the South but with a map that represents the re lief of the l and th e idea will be d ispelled by closer examination Antivari possesses a tolerable h arbour but an impassable hi nterlan d The m assif of the Black Mountain rises immediately behind it and the very physical qualities th at have safeguarded Montenegro s liberty have denied her the possibi lity of railway development The Dinaric barrier between , ’ ’ . , , - , ’ . , - , , , . . , ’ . ppro xim ately at th e m id po in t o f th e S o u th S l avo nic coast half way between Fiu m e o n th e o n e h an d an d th e m o th o f th e Bo yan a Riv er o n th e o ther It is d esti n ed by g eo gra p hy to b e th e prin cip al po rt o f th e S o u th S l avo n ic a ea b t at p es t its capaci t es ailway co nn ct o ns W th its hin ter l an d are n eu tra lised by th e la ck o f Th e B os i an Ra lway h as n o t yet o p en ed is way to (see M ap t h o n th e estuary o f th e an y po rt fu rth er u p th e co as t th an M etk O Naren ta tho u gh a b ran ch diver ges fro m that po in t in th e o ppo s te di rectio n to Ragu sa an d co n t n u es stil l furth er S o th East as f a a Casteln u o vo at th e en tran e o f Cattaro fj o rd To lin k th e S er b an rail way system W th th ese actu a l o r po te ti al po rts o n th e D alm atian ed A S erbian lin e coast li ttl e f rth er rai lway co ns tru ct o n is req Mo rava an d its tri bu tary th e Tzetin ya ascen ds th e v all ey o f th e Weste as f ar West as U j itz e : a b an ch o f th e Bo ni an Railway starts fro m S arayevo cro sses th e D rin a at Vishegr ad an d ru ns right u p to th e Th d stan ce between th e two rail S er b an fro n tie at V ard ish te h eads is les s th a twen ty fi e m iles ( ee M ap 1 l S p a ato lies a - - u , . - r u , r n e en r i i i i Vi c i , i , u c , i u u ir s , , r . - v . , r n s n rn i r i . i , - e s i , THE SOUTHERN SLAVS 20 5 the Danube-basin and th e sea is at no poin t more di fficult to surmount Serbia was t h us driven to look furt her South As soon as th e Turkis h resistance in North ern Macedonia had been overcome she despatched a column by forced marches across the Albani an mountains and occupied a stretch of the Turkish coast line extending from Alessio at the mouth of the Drin as far Southward as th e port of Durazzo At this point the Dual Monarchy interv ened Count Berchtold who had succeeded Baron A eren th al at th e Joint Ministry for Foreign Af fairs set his veto upon th e establishment of Serbian sovereignty at any point on the Adriatic coast Once more the Monarchy had to mobilise her troops in support of her diplomacy an d this time against Russia on th e Galici an frontier yet by Sir Edward Grey s e ff orts the catastroph e was once more averted and Serbia yielded to B erch to ld s demand He made play B erch to ld s action was not defensible with the Austro -Hun g arian protectorate over t h e North Albanian clans and posed as the champion of a small nationality against its unscrupulous neighbour yet in a precisely similar case the Magyars h ad avowedly been sacrificing the interests of the South ern Slavs in Croatia to their own need for railway communi cation with t h e sea The hypocrisy of B erch to ld s plea was enhanced by the fact t hat Serbia unlike Hungary could have found a seaboard in Dalmatia without doing any violence at all to the national principle had not her way been barred by the Dual Monarchy itse lf Even th e occasion for this stroke seemed ill ch osen Feeling in Croatia and Bosnia was already inflamed ag ainst the government by the internal situation the Serbian successes h ad furt h er ag itated it by a wave of . . , , - . . , , . , , ’ ’ , . ’ . , , ’ . , , , . - . THE BALKANS 2 06 sympathetic enthusiasm and t h e morale of Serbia herself was very di fferent in the spring of 1 9 1 3 from what it had been in the Spring of 1 90 9 B er ch to ld s diplomacy however had an ulterior object He divined that Serbia now entirely debarred from the Adriatic would insist on obtaining an l Egean outlet in compensation T his would bring her into col lision i with Bulgarian clai ms in Macedon a the Balkan allies would quarrel over the division of their Turkish spoil their formidable harmony would be destroyed and after they had e xhausted one another by an internecine war the Monarchy s path towards Salonika would once more be open In startin g this train of events Berchtold overreached hims elf Serbia duly enlarged h er Macedonian claims the tension betw een the Balkan allies incre ased and towards the end of June 1 9 1 3 Bulgaria opened the Second Balkan War by a treacherous night attack upon the Serbian outposts along the line of the Vardar Yet the result O f this secondary contes t was an even greater surprise than the collapse of the Turks Th e Greek and Serbian armi es almost immediately assumed the O ff ensive and cleared Macedonia of Bulgarian troops ; Roumania declared war and invaded Bulgaria from the opposite quarter : hardly more than a month had passed before the Bulgari an resistance was completely broken The Treaty of Bukarest which de fined the terms of the re settlement was a proclamation of B erch to ld s failure Serbia s gains were far greater than they would have been if the T reaty of London had remained in force and the four allies had settled their claims by peaceful compromise The Dual Monarchy s d isco m fitu re was proportionately ag gravated In the autumn of 1 91 3 , ’ . . , , , , . , , , , ’ . , . , , - . . , , , . - , ’ . ’ , ’ . . 208 T HE BAL KANS formidable military power Th ey would be s trong in thems elves and worst of all they would b e stron g in their friends B erch to ld s di plomacy h ad exorcised th e first B alkan Confederacy only to conjure up a more dangero u s en ten te in its place Th e alliance between Serbia an d Bulgaria was essentially di re cted agai n st Turkey once the Turks were driven be hind the Chataldja lines its positive stimulus would in any case have van ished Roumania however was as dis interested in respect of Turkey as Bulgaria was towards the national problems of the Middle Danube basin and h er new understand in g with Serbia could h ave but one meaning Just as Serbia had made co m mon cause with Bulgaria to liberate the Slav populations under Ottoman rule so she would fight shoulder to shoulder with Roumania to wr ench away from t h e Hapsburg complexus the irredenta coveted by eac h of them in this quarter The cherished dream of a Trend Eastward was fading away and the forebo ding of a Wes tw ard Trend at the Monar chy s e xpense was be ginning to take its place Thus ended the second bout in the conflict between the Dual Monar ch y and the South Slavonic nationality Could the Monarchy retrieve its position befo re t h e drama was played out Yes if t h e face of Europe were ch anged by a trial of strength between the opposing camps into which the European Powers were divided If the central group triumphed the Danubian partn er could snatch success out of failure and lay han ds upon 1 Salonika after all Would Germany the dominant member in the partners hip be willing to stake her all upon t his issue ? S ee th e B ri tish White Pap er N o 82 . , , , . ’ . , . , , - , . , . , ’ . . , . , , . , , 1 , . . THE S O UTHERN SLAVS 2 09 Yes again for while the events of 1 908- 9 had already endowed th e South Slavonic problem with international significance the solution of the Moroccan question after the crisis of 1 91 1 had promoted it to be th e supreme ” test of the Bal ance of Power Th ese considerations counselled th e Joint Minister for Forei gn Aff airs to precipitate a dénou emen t at th e first opportunity and the murder of the Archduke Francis Ferdin and at Sarayevo in June 1 9 1 4 presented him with the initiative The crime was perpetrated by a South Slavon ic subject of th e Monarchy a Bosnian Serb It is idle to bran d 2 whole race with an individual s misdeed Orsini s attempt to assassinate Napoleon III in 1 858 did not stain the honour of the Italian people still less did Napoleon tax the Sar dinian Government with responsibility for the act of a man who was not a Sardinian subject There is no shadow of proof th at King Peter s ministers were implicated in the present the facts aff air any more than Cavour was in the other can only be established wh en the trial of the murderers h as run its course yet before the proceedings were opened at Sarayevo Count Berchtold had exploited the occasion to force war upon Serbia against her will German and Magyar apologists represent this u n provoked attack as a punitive expedition They remind us that when the A fghans massacred Sir Louis Cav agn ari and his suite at Kabul Lord Roberts retraced his steps and exacted a bloody vengeance Suppose they argue that the Viceroy of India or the Prince of Wales were sniped at h is camp -fire during a tour along the North-West F rontier you would carry fire and ” sword through the hi lls without remorse We will accept the comparison if we may carry it to , - , . , . - , . ’ ’ . , . ’ , , . . , , , , . , THE BALKANS 2 10 a sustained conclusion If we suppose so much we must likewise suppose that the inhabitants of Ireland an d the Scottish Highlan ds happen thems elves to be Afghans in race that th e Welsh and th e Cornis hmen if they are not actually A f ghan s too speak some closely allied Persian dialect and that Afghan is reco gnised 1 as an o fficial language in the British Navy : add to this an inflexible system of universal conscription an d we shall be able to picture our Afghans from Ireland and Scotland bein g mobilised in company with th eir English-speaking neighbours and marched across the Indian frontier to slay their barbarous brethren who had sniped an Eng lish grandee ? Wh atever the German and the Magyar may feel abo ut their onslaught upon Serbia for their South Slavoni c fellow ci tizens it is compulsory civil war This abominable culmination of the Dual System is the Th ird Act in the South S lavonic drama but the plot has broadened out T his time we are parti cipatin g in th e action ourselves and playing for life and death If we and our allies succeed in dominating the fin a le in what guise will the original actors emerge from their protracted ordeal . , , , , , , - , - . , . . , , If the Dual Monarchy su ffers defeat in the present struggle its South Slavonic subjects will find thems elves for the firs t time at liberty to consult their own interes ts instead of bein g exploited in the selfish interest of oth er nationali ties We can be sure beforehand of their Ev ery o fli cer in th e Austro H u n garian Navy is req uired to sho w p o fiCi en cy in th e S o u th S l avo nic to n gu e b ecau se th e cr ews are dr awn alm o st en ti r ely fro m th e C ro at po p u l atio n o f D al m a tia an d Is tria an d ar e ap t to u n d erstan d n o thin g b u t th eir n ativ e l an gu ag e b eyon d th e b are Ita lian wo rds o f co m m an d To m ak e o u r co m p ariso n exact w e m u st im ag in e t ha t th e Afghan wh o fired th e das tardly sho t p ro v ed to h ai l fro m I rel an d - , , . - 1 - r , , , . 1 , . THE BALKANS 2 12 Th is gulf will take many years to bridge an d h ere again cir cum s tances have placed the Southern Slavs at a disadvantag e they have been compelled to begin the work of construction from the wrong end In Italy the initiative came from th e most advanced Startin g from P iedmont on community in the country the borders of France the movement proceeded m eth o di cally towards the East and South : Lombardy Emilia and Tus cany were consolidated into a national state before Garibaldi sailed for Si cily with his Th ousand If Piedmont had shared the fate of Venetia and Lombardy and had been assigned to Austria at the settlement of 1 8 1 4 the course of events would have been very d ifferent By 1 860 the North would have been conso lidated not as an independent kingdom but as a complex of provinces jumbled together in the Hapsburg collection Italian Natio n alism would have been forced to abandon Tuscany and Romagna and would have found no stan ding ground North of th e Marches If at this stage the Pope had identified him self with the Risorgimento and had incorporated the South in his dominions as Serbia incorporated Mace do n ia after h er Balkan victori es he might have preached a crusade against Austria and liberated all the North from her yoke with the assistance of her European rivals yet when the oppressor had been driven beyond the Alps h is highly civi lised victi m s and their Papal champion would have been left in an embarrassing position Th e Pope would have become th e hero of the No rth but th e clerical ideals which h ad inspired his victorious armi es would not have commended th em selves to Itali ans th e other side of the Apenn ines The Northerners releas ed from Austrian strong government would h ave hes i tated to accept a cleri cal parliamentari anism in its place , . . , , . , , . . , - . , , , , - , . , . . THE S O UTHERN SLAVS 2 13 T his fantastic an alogy may serve to indicate the attitude of patriotic Croats towards th e Orth odox nationalism of the Morava principality Wh en Serbia prostrated the Turkish and Bulgarian armies in two successive campaigns her triump h reacted upon the Sout h- Slavonic provinces of the Dual Monarc hy The Serbs of Hungary and Croatia tu rned th eir eyes in e arnest towards Belgrade and th e Croats took pride in their kinship with the vi ctors This spi ritu al exalta tion brought the South Slavonic nation to self con scio u sn ess but we must guard against over-estimating its effect The spell of the Hapsburg is broken and Croatia Dalmatia and Bosnia are ready to transfer their allegiance to the Karageo rgev itch yet they will not do ” so at the sacrifice of their historical sentiment We have noted the strength of tradition in this part of Europe When Croatia and Dalmatia are set free their fir st impulse will be to restore the T riune 1 as it e xisted in the eleventh century A D Kingdom an d th ey will insist on entering the South Slavonic Union on this b asis Th e national state will thus take shape as a federation of at least two members In B os n ia the Serb element predominates over the two others and Serbia will doubtless incorporate the whole country Th e Bosnian problem involved her in h er struggle for life and death and the possession of th e province is the stake of victory as the protagonist in the national cause Serbia is worthy of her reward Wheth er the federation will contain more than two members depends upon the choice of Montenegro No South Slavonic community cheris h es so glorious a tradition as she but her history is bound up with the national adversity S h e remained a virgin fo rtress of Cro atia S l avo n ia D alm atia - . , . , . - - , . , , , , . . , . . , - . . , . , , . . - , . 1 - - . THE BALKANS 2 14 liberty wh en all h er brethren had succumbed to alien masters : wh en they are free once more h er isolation will have lost it significance and if she clings to her particularism she will be holding her friends at arm s length instead of her foes She will be cutting herself o ff from the social and economic development upon which the South Slavoni c world will enter as soon as the preliminary question of nationality has been solved When Bosnia gravitates towards Belgrade the moment will have come for Montenegro likewise to ” merge herself in a Greater Serbia The South Slavonic Union then will articulate itself into a Triune Kingdom of Croati a Slavonia Dalmatia on the one hand and a Greater Serbia on the other with an autonomous Montenegro as a possible third partner 1 Its geograp hi cal frontiers are determined already by the boundaries of t h e several provinces On t h e North West it will inherit the former frontier between ” Austria and the Crown of St Stephen on the North E ast it will be divided from Hungary by the line of the 1 West it will take Drave and the Danube on the South— possession of the Adriatic coast line from Spizza to 3 Fiume , , ’ , . - . , . - , , - , . . - . , , - . S ee M ap 111 1 Th e tri an g u ar en c a e et een th e D ra e, th e M u r, an d th e C ro ats, an d sh o u th ere o re S tyrian o r er is i n h a ite ex c u si e ro ati a in a i tio n , ins tea of b e assi gn e to ein g in c u e , as at p resen t, in th e ki n g o m o f u n gar 1 Th e co ast sho u b e istr i u te et een th e m em ers o f th e D alm ati a, b u t A t resen t i t is en tire m o n o o is e o nf e erac " th e Triu n e Ki n g o m , as th e rice O f its articu arism , sho u ce e to S er ia an d o n ten egro su ch arts o f th e D a m atia n itto ra as h e S o u th - E as t o f th e N ar en ta estu ar , in c u in g M etko v itch an d agu sa, attaro ail w a , as e as th e sh o res o f th e term ini o f th e B o sn i an j o r , hich is th e n atu ra oo r a o f th e o n ten egri n i ghl an s Th e Triu n e Kin g o m sho u b e co m ensate in th e o o site u ar ter h erso , an d L essm th e a i tio n o f thr ee is an s— eg ia , at res en t in c u e u stria in th e Kus ten lan d pro vm ce o f 1 . l lv b w v b d b d l v ly by ld f d C dd d b l dd d H y ld d b d b w b C d y p ly p l d by d p p l ld d b M p l l l y l d R R y w ll C f d w l d wy M H d d ld p d pp q by dd l d V l C p l dd A . . . . 2 16 THE BALKANS an archy it superseded He will regard the national idea with suspicion an d the long deferred but inevitable solution of the agrarian problem will seem to confirm his fears by singlin g him out from the Christian peas an ts and impoverishing hi m to the ir advantage Yet the spread of education will break down even the Bos n iak s sullen tradition As th e consciousness of his Slavoni c language gro ws upo n h im the barrier of h is oriental reli gion will melt away Nationalism will ulti mately heal the breach between the descen d ant of the B o gu m ils and the men of his own blood from whom he has been alienated for eight centuries by religion . - , , . ’ . , . . C . A B a lkan Zo llv erein The secession of the Southern Slavs will dislocate the structure of the Danubian Monarchy more seriously than any mutilations on its Carpathian border T he Hungarian member of the Dual Partnership will be cut o ff from the sea by an independent state of its own 1 calibre occupying the whole region between the Morava bas in and the Austrian frontier The Magyars will find the tables turned upon them T hey will experience henceforth th e geographical disabilities they imposed upon Serbia heretofore Deprived of a coast line o f their own they will be compelled to make terms with one of th eir neighbo urs to secure access to a port Satisfy this vital need they must yet they will still . , - . . . , . , A red ced H gary wil l sti ll n u m ber n ea ly tw elve m i llio n in h ab tan ts : a S o th S lav n ic Un ion will m ster so m ew hat u n d er 1 u i n in e, Vi z . r un u - o u A BALKAN Z O LLVERE IN 2 17 be free to choose between two alternative me ans of doing so They may address themselves either to Austria or to th e South Slavonic Union and the issue will probably be taken up by the two politi cal parties which have been struggling for the allegiance of the Magyar nation Tisza and his following will press for closer union with Austria They will take advantage of the national animus against the Slavs which will have been em bittered immeasurably by the result of the war an d they will appeal to the national pride never to acknow ” ledge defeat Fate they will say has robbed us of our railway to Fiume and of the harbour to which we have devoted so much money and labour yet Fiu m e is only sundered by the Istrian peninsula from the Austrian harbour of Trieste and the one port is hardly more remote from the A lf Old than the other Through Laibach Marburg and Steinamanger Trieste can be brought into direct railway communi cation with Buda Pest Why h umiliate ourselves by begging favours of the enemy wh en we can fall back upon the loyalty of our Austrian partners who have passed with us through the terrible ordeal of war Th us Tisza will argue for the maintenance of the Dual System The secession of the Southern Slavs however will upset th at economic balance on whi ch Dualism depends When either half of the Monarchy stretched from the Carpathians to the sea Austria controlled Hungary s access to her markets in Central Europe and Hungary in like measure controlled Austria s access to her source of raw material in th e South East Each was in a position to inflict equal economic damage upon the other and both would have been left losers by fiscal warfare wh ile fiscal co operation brought t h em mutual . - , . . , , . , , , , , . , , . , , . , , . ’ , , ’ - . , , - THE BALKANS 2 18 gain It was therefore in t h eir common interest to compro mise on a joint tari ff wh ich gave each the monopoly of the other s custom Under the new conditions on the o th er hand th e operation of the Dual System would place Hungary at Austria s mercy So long as t h e Southern Slavs on the Austrian border were under the Magyar yoke Austria was debarred by Magyar policy from opening up relations with them once they are independent she will be able to deal with them as principals and the long delayed railway connections will at last be estab lish ed between Salzburg and Vienna on the one hand and Agram on the other After this Hungary s co -operation will no longer be indispensable to Austria Austria will be able to turn Hungary s flank at any moment by putting her industry into direct communi cation with the Balkan area in Hungary s rear along t his new l and route South of the Drave Hungary will be side tracked as e f f ectively by the completion of the Croatian railway system as Serbia would have been by Baron A eren th al s abortive railway schemes in the Sandjak Th is would give Austria a crus hi ng tactical advantage in the decennial readjustment of the Jo int Tarif f By threatenin g to abandon th e existing partners h ip and to contract a new one with the Southern Slavs i n stead she could force the Magyars to unconditional surrender If the threat were carried into e f fect Hungary would be powerless to disturb Austria s communications with the South East while the Austrian tariff wall would debar her from her sole remaining egress to th e sea Austria s economic life would be una ffected Hungary s would be completely paralysed Under these circumstances the equality of the two . , ’ . , , ’ . , , , - , . ’ , . ’ ’ - - . ’ . . , , . , ’ - - , . ’ ’ , . THE B AL KANS 2 20 bids us be loyal to th e A ustrian s wh o at this very mo m e n t are taking advantage of our di fficulties to e xploit us in cold blo o d Why sentimentalise over a partners hip solely recommended by opportunism when loyalty to it quench es t h e last g limmer of hope for our national future Let us S hake o ff our paralysis and help ourselves The secession of th e South ern Slavs h as destroyed the equilibrium between Austria an d our own country but it has also cast th e South Slavonic Conf eder ation as an independent weight into the b alance The equilibrium may still be righted if we can in cline this weight to our side of th e s cales Let us take the initiative out of Austria s hands by denouncin g the Ausgleich ourselves and forestall her by securing ” the partnership of the Sout h ern Slavs for Hungary This hypotheti cal disputation between two politi cal parties stands in e ff ect for the con test between national fanaticism on the one h and and economi c necessity on th e o ther Let us assume th at a short experience of Dualism under t h e new conditions converts the 1 Magyar nation to the Independence poin t of view , . , . , , . , . ’ , . . , Th e S lo vaks are th e o n ly im po rtan t el em en t in Hu n gary th at is likely to clin g to th e Au strian co n n ectio n Their co u n try is lin ked by th e Alf o ld : th eir d ialect is n a tu re with P ozso n y, B u d a P est, an d Geo grap hy an d n atio n iden ti ca l with th at o f th e Tch ech s in Au stria a l ity th u s d raw th em in o pp o site d ir ectio ns, an d th eir o n e h O p e o f s in so m e fo rm o f n atio n al d evo lu tio n reco n ci lin g th e tw o facto rs lie 1 . . h in an u n b ro ken b " If A H yp D an u ian Un it u n g ar u stri a an d art, Th e Tch ech s Wi l th e S o a s m u st sacri fice o n e acto r o r th e o th er in icate th eir n atio n a it sece in g ro m u n gar u rg e th em to en efit th e Tch ech s th em s e es can ce in g his o u u stria to erm an s an d gi in g th em th e th eir n u m erica in erio rity to th e u stri an in th e eich srath at ienna, b u t it is o u t u ro s ect o f a m a o rit W h eth er th e S o a s ou b e in fl u en ce this co nsi eratio n Th eir th e ha e ro th er ho o ith th e Tch ech s e ten s to an gu age a o n e a co m m o n tra itio n , an d th ere are f ew in ication s at n e er sh are n ati o n a co n scio u sn ess Th e S o a s i a co m m o n r esen t o f o u t a n atio na i e o f th eir ro ab e er to g eo gra h , an d wo r Wi t l vk f v d A T w ld b l f A p p j y R l v k w ld b dw x v d d p l p b ly d f p y . . . l y by G d by d l k d V f lv by v d l . H ll l y d bf l . y v d l v k w ll l lf A BALKAN ZOLLVEREIN 22 1 suppose that the Left supersedes Tisza in O fli ce to carry out its rival programme what response will its overtures receive from the Southern Slavs The Southern Slavs will be torn between th e same two motives as the Magyars t h emselves Th eir national hatred of their nei ghbours is at least as strong as their neighbours hatred of them with distant Vienna they have always been on friendly terms When they find themselves in the proud position of being wooed by Austria and Hungary in competition prejudice will certa inly incline t hem to favour the Austrian suit Their economic interest on the other hand will really be identical with the interest of Hungary At the first glance their new economic position might appear invu lnerable : the territorial resettlement that excluded Hungary from the sea will have assigned to th e Southern Slavs an extensive Adriatic seaboard and the possession of open ports is a guarantee of economic independence Yet so long as the new Confederation stands alone the settlement will not essentially have improved the nation s continental situation Before the war Serbia was isolated from Central and Western Europe by the whole bulk O f the Dual Mon archy : after the settlement the Austrian half O f it will still present a nar rower but no less impenetrable barrier to the united South Slavonic nation and the game will be in Austria s hands more completely than ever S h e may start by playing O ff the Confederation against Hungary, but she will be free to reverse her an d . ’ . , . , , . , . , ’ . , - , ’ . within a egen e ted Hu garian state Pro p hecy ho wever is im possibl e Th e rel ati n o f th e C ro ats to th e S erbs rem ain ed p recisely parallel till as ecen tly as 1 9 1 2 an d with th is p reced en t befo r o u r eyes we can o n ly say that if th e S lo v als are insp ir ed to id e tify th em selv es with th e Tch ech natio n ality th ey m u st b e gran ted p erfect liberty to carry th eir cho ice in to ef fect o wn r ra n . , , o . r e , n , . THE BAL KANS 222 tactics Wh enever she pleases and play off Hungary ag ainst the Confederation The Southern Slavs will discover like the Magyars that Austria is mistress of th e i n itiative so long as they attempt to cope with her single-handed By th e time the Hungarian In d ep en dence Par ty makes its overtures the Federal Govern ment will be ready to welcome them Experience will have prepared both nations simultaneously to compose the ir feud and adopt the alternative poli cy of co operation If the negotiations are crowned with success the geographical structure of the Danubian Un it will have proved itself a stronger force than national chauvinism The politi cal edifice of Dualism will have collapsed under th e tempest yet the Tran sleith an ia wh ich perished with the breaking of St Stephen s Crown will have reasserted its econo m ic function in a Z ollverein between two independent national states The new Zo llverein will prove in turn that the national and the economi c principles of articulation are not fundamentally in compatible A reconciliation on this basis betw een the Magyars and the Southern Slavs T he W ill win for both parties what they really want Southern Slavs will enjoy national unity the Ma gyars economic freedom The port of Fiume will become the common property of t h e two states an d the railway that links it with the A lf Old through Agram will be ad ministered conjoin tly in the interes ts O f both , . , , , . , . . , . , ’ . . . . , . , . Th e South-S lavoni c Ques tion has been the most di ffi cult problem in the Balkans If we have found its solution can we not apply our discovery to solve t h e rest The Tran sleith anian Zollverein will already cover a wider area towards the South -East th an was . , A BAL KAN Z O LLVERE IN 22 ; ever included in the frontiers of Hapsburg Trans leith an ia cannot its limits be extended still further in the same dire ction The friendships as well as the enmities of Serbia will be inherited by the South Slavonic Federation and since the Second Balkan War Serbia has maintained a close understanding with Roumania and Greece T his en ten te has been inspired in part by the fear of Bulgarian reprisals but chiefly by the discovery of mutual economic interests of an enduring character No better means of providing for these interests could be found than the incorporation of Serbia s two friends in the Z ollverein (i ) Immediately after the settlement at Bukarest in the autu mn of 1 9 1 3 Roumania began to negotiate with Serbia for the construction of a railway bridge across 1 the Danube at Turnu Severin which was to lin k the railway systems of the two countries Roumania possesses a co ast line of her own on the Black Sea but traffic thr ough th is door is condemned to make the circu itous passage of the Bosphorus and Dardanelles and m ay at any moment be brought to a complete standstill by the caprice of the Ottoman Government The railway conve n tion wit h Serbia was Roumania s first S tep towards an open port on t h e Adriatic and in the present stru ggle between Serbia and the Dual Monarchy Roumanian as well as Sout h Slavonic interests are at stake If Bosnia becomes Serbian soil and the present Serbian railhead at U j itz e is connected through the B osnian system with a port on the Adriatic the new route will serve not only the basin of the Morava but th e whole Wallachian plain beyond the bridge at Turn u Severin S ee M ap III - , . , . ’ . . , - , . - , , . ’ , - . , , . 1 . THE BA L KANS 2 24 The freedom of this economic highway will be as important to Roum ania as the freedom of the Fiume Railway is to Hungary and it will be open to her to secu re it by the same method Roumania will almost certainly apply for members h ip in th e Transleith an ian Zollverein and the two original members will consult their best in terests by granting her request Roumania wi ll win her outlet on the Adriatic Hungary and the Southern Slavs wi ll gain in return free p assage over the Roumanian railways to th e port of Costanza on the 1 Black Sea (ii ) By another railway convention the Bukarest settlement linked Serbia to Greece Before the Balkan Wars Greece was practically in the position of an island : for commun i cation with con tin en tal Europe she was as dependent upon the sea as Gr eat Britain and Ireland By 1 90 8 she had constructed a railway of standard European gauge from Athens as far North as Larissa and before 1 9 1 2 she had extended it t hr ough the pass of Tempe to the point where the G raeco Turkish frontier struck the coast of the ZEgean The under taking had involved great engineering di f ficulties and a proportionate expense yet just when the arduous part of the task had been accomp lished and no physical barrier remained between th e Greek railhead and th e terminus of the European system at Salonika the Ottoman Government cheated the Greek nation of its object by refusing to allow the prolongation of the line through Turkish territory Hu n gary an d S erbia already en j o y f ee co m m u ni catio n with th e B l ack S ea d o wn th e chann el o f th e D an u b e B y a series o f E u ro pean 1 883 —th e riv er was th r o wn o p en to free treaties 1 8 78 1 87 1 1 85 6 Iro n Gates S ea n avigatio n fro m its m o u th as f ar u pwar ds as th e g o in g craft h o wev er cann o t ascen d ab o v e B rail a an d th e greater p art of this in tern atio n al sectio n is o n ly ava l abl e f o r b arges a n d rive , . , . . . . , . , - . , , , . 1 r . - , , , . , , , i s team ers . r 2 26 THE BALKANS Roumania in seeking economic partnership with the South Slavonic state and she negotiated a railway agreement on very similar lines She gave Serbia free access to the E gean and received in return th e freedom of the continental route as far as the Austro Hungarian frontier Like Roumania she speculated on the eventual removal of the A u stro Hungarian b arrier in the present struggle the Southern Slavs are fightin g th e Greeks battle as well as their own and any poli cy that enables them to succeed in the ir endeavour must commend itself equally to Greece If the South Slavonic federation can only cope with Austria by joining Hungary in a Z ollverein then it is the interes t of Greece to enter the Zollverein too Her application will not be refused for she has as much to give as to receive The admission of Roumania will extend t h e Zollverein to the Black Sea : the admission of Greece will realise the Trend Eastward by bringing it down to the lEgean This twofold increase in its membership will have expanded the Zollverein from its Tran sleith an ian nucleus to the opposite li m i ts of the Bal kans Four national units will already be included within its boundary : will it succeed in federating the two that remain If Albania and Bulgaria can be induced to enter the fold the Zollverein will become co extensive with the whole Balkan area (iii ) Albania will not find it easy to stan d out of a combination to whi ch both Greece and the S outh Slavonic Federation belong The country consis ts of a strip of co ast fronting the heel of Italy across the narrowes t part of the Adriatic and backed by a zone of barren mount ains through which several passages lead East ward into Macedonia and descend eventually to the - , . , - . , - ’ , . , . , . . . - , . . . , A BALKAN ZOLLVEREIN N orthern 22 7 littoral of the lEgean This hinterland is e ncircled by Greek and South Slavonic territory on all sides Albania has no history The principality was created by the flat of the Powers ; its limits were laid down by the conference of ambassadors that supervised the making of the Treaty of London ; its frontiers were drawn out in detail by an international bound ary commission It was called into existence not because it had the will to exist as a n ational state but simply a s an alternative to a vacuum that would inevitably have been filled by the encroachment of the Greek and Serbian frontiers Its function is to hold the ring w hile the native population develops from a barbarous aggregate of clans into a civilised nationality Meanwhile Albania has started life destitute Her population is uneducated and her material wealth unexploited Her only immediately available asset is her geographical position She is mistress of two ports which have recently won notoriety in Europe 1 The direct transit from Brindisi leads to the Southern e xtremity of the Albanian coast Here lies the moun tain locked basin of Avlona whic h disputes with Spezzia Bay the claim to be the finest harbour in the M ed iter ran ean but suff ers more than Spezzi a from the high mountains that hem it in on the landward side In s pite of the limestone barriers Avlona is likely to 1 become the terminus of a narrow gauge railway w hich will work its way up the valleys of the Vio sa and D h ryn o s to Greek Yannina and thence descend to Arta and Agrinion whence a line of narrow gauge ru ns a lready to a point opposite Patras on the North coast of . . . . , . , . . , . . . . - , , . , - , , , 1 1 Th e cro ssin g o ccu pies m o st o f th e n igh t in an o rd in ary mail-steam er S ee M ap IV . . 228 THE BALKANS the Co rinthian Gulf This route will probably compete with the Salonika Railway for the e xpress traffic between Paris and Athens Durazzo the other port lies half way up th e Albanian coast line The transit from Italy is accordingly longer and the harbour itself is wretch ed beyond description The town lies huddled under the Southern lee of a group of sand-dunes whic h are linked to the mainland by a malarial waste of marshes and lagoons The deposit of the swamp has silted up the sea far out beyond th e actual shore line and the smallest steamer can not approac h within half a mile of the jetty Durazzo has not hin g to recommend it except its communications with the interior which are as excellent as t hose of Avlona are poor Since the Roman period Durazzo has been the 1 termin us of a route whi ch ascends th e valley of the S ku m b i to Elbassan penetrates by a pass to the vall ey of t h e Black Drin crosses the stream at Struga where it issues from the Lake of O h rid a and th en after skirting the lake shore and p assing through O h rid a itself breasts a second mountain range and descends at last into the basin of Monastir To compensate Serbia for the renunciation of terri to rial sovereignty over Durazzo the Powers bestowed on her the freedom of th e port and gave her the right to construct a railway through Albanian territory in order to connect this outlet with her own r ailway system The route we have described will probably be chosen for the final section of the new Serbian line From Monastir a rai lway already leads South Eastward through Greek territory to Salonika : it will only be - . - , , - . , . , . - , . , . , , , , , , . , , . . - IV Th e S ee M ap ro a , th eir v ia E gn atia 1 d Ro m an s im p ro ved th e track in to a m etall ed . . THE BALKANS 2 30 t h e other hand it infli cted consider able hard ship upon the clans in h abitin g the mountain ous coun try immediately West of the M eto ya who had been accustomed to deal with the outer world through Ipek J ako v a an d Prisren the three towns of the plain and now found the m selves barred out from their only available mar ket places by the new Serbian frontier Th e Zollverein will eli min ate the new injustice without restorin g the old Th e Serbo Albanian frontier will remain where the commissioners drew it but since it will no longer constitute a customs barrier the clansmen from the Albanian side wi ll once more be able to visit th e towns in the Serbian plain land as freely as when plain and mountain were yoked together politically by Ottoman m isrule (b) The mountains of Northern Albania verge on 1 their other flank towards the Lake of S ko d ra and half th e clans descend to market at S ko d ra town whi ch li es at the lake s South Eastern e xtre mi ty Geography has destin ed S ko d ra to be a focu s of traf fic The lake discharges itself past her walls into the channel of the 1 Boyana River and for the small steamers that ply upon th e lake the Boyana is navigable from this po int to the sea Th e sea going steamers employed in the coastal trade find good po rts of call at Dulcigno a few miles North of the B o yan a s mouth and at San Giovanni di Medua a few miles South of it Both these harbours (if they may be dignified by the name ) are connected with S ko d ra across level country by good high roads If all the S hores of the lake were Al banian no proble m would arise but unfortunately its North Western On , , , , , , - . - . , - . , , ’ - . . , - . , ’ , . , - . , - , 1 S ku tari . A bran ch thro wn o fl by th e u nited stream o f th e White an d Black Drin after it h as wo u n d its way thro u gh th e Alb anian m o u n tain s an d wo n a clear p assage to th e sea S ee M ap IV , , . . A BALKAN ZOLLVEREIN 23 1 extremity passes beyond the Albanian frontier and penetrates deep into the mountain mass of Montene g ro Physi cally Montenegro and Northern Albania con stitu te a single region of which S ko d ra is the natural capital : historically this homogeneous hinterland has been partitioned between two hostile races which can never merge the ms elves into one politi cal organism An open door at S ko dra is equally vital to Albania and to Montenegro yet the town cannot be included in the political frontiers of both at once The rightful ownership of S ko dra is not in doubt The Southern Slavs extend to the head of the lake b u t an Albanian population dwells along its lower shores and S ko dr a itself at its opposite extremity is a purely Albanian ci ty The struggle for S ko dra is the history o f Montenegrin encroachment upon a lien territory The Montenegrins have been forced in this direc tion thr ough th e fault of Austria Hungar y which h as d ebarred them from their lawful outlet to t h e South Slavonic coast Had the Montenegrins been at liberty to reach the sea through Cattaro fjord by incorporating the kindred villages that fringe the waterside th ey would never have tried to reach it through S ko d ra by subjugating an Albanian population almost as numerous as their own In 1 878 t h e Congress of Berlin assigned to Montenegro the harbour of Antivari beyond th e e xtremity of the Austrian littoral Antivari is not a convenient port for the Black Mountain A high range of hills blocks t h e way thither from the head of S ko d ra Lake yet th e Montenegrins have striven with success to overcome this p hysical d isadvantage by the construction of a mountain railway across the barrier ? Au stria It starts fro m Virp azar o n th e l ak e sho re , - . , , , , . , . . , , , , . . - , . , , . , . . , - 1 - , . TH E BALKANS 2 22 Hun gary however grudged her South Slavonic neigh bour even this h ard won e conomic liberty By a corollary to th e Berlin Treaty she secured for herself 1 po wers of control over the traffic of th e new Montene grin port and to win an untrammeled outlet Montenegro was forced to go still further afield After the Berlin settlement had produced a revulsion of feeling in Great Britain Gladstone succeeded D israeli in o ffi ce to undo as far as possible what Disraeli had done and one o f 1 his first acts was to ext ort the transference of Dulci gn o from Turkey to Montenegro Gladstone s gift was more b en eficen t in its intention than in its result The only practicable route between th e Montenegrin h interland and Dulcigno lies through So long therefore as S ko d ra remained in S ko d ra other hands Dulcigno was of no economic value to its new masters whi le S ko d ra was deprived of its natural port In 1 91 3 the Balkan War gave Montene g ro th e opportunity to annex S ko d ra as well but when the fortress capitulated the Powers rightly intervened and the inclusion of S ko d ra in the new Albanian principality put an end for ever to Montenegrin hopes S ko d ra and Dulcigno can now never be reunited under Montenegrin sovereignty the logical alternative is their reunion Within Albania Baulked of S ko dra Montene gro wi ll lose nothing by the retrocession of S ko d ra s port and her whole title to Dulcigno will fall to the ground as soon as Cattaro fjord and the Austrian littoral on either side of it have passed into her possession Yet no amount of compensation on the opposite fla nk will induce Montenegro to yield territory to A lbania Without some equivalent return on Alban ia s part , - , - . , . , , . ’ . , . , , , . , , . . , ’ , . ’ . 1 Wai ved by B aro n A eren th al in 1 909 as p art co m p ens atio n f o r th e ann e a ti o n o f x Bo snia 1 . 1 880 . TH E BALKANS 2 34 geograp hi cal point of view Epirus and Greece are inseparable Th e Powers took their stand upo n nationality ” The country they argued may be Greek but the ” people are Albani an They speak an Albanian dialect This argu ment betrays a misconception of what nationality me ans Nationality is not an objective attribute but a state of cons ciousness whi ch depends for its stimulus upon a certain degree of civilisation We ha ve seen that among the majority of the population included with in the principality s frontiers it is con they have no group cons ciousnes s spicu o u sly abs ent : beyond the clan The Epiro ts alone are civilised enough to possess it and their civilisation and nationality are both drawn from the same external source The significant fact about the Epiro t is n o t that h e speaks Albanian at home but that he learns Greek at 1 school and finds in his adopted language a passport to a wider life The Epiro ts are th e only Albanians who can boast a history and their hi story consists in the castin g off of Albanian barbarism and the putting on of European culture in its Greek form After the Turkish conquest the majority of the Albanians were converted to Islam : th e Ep iro ts alone followed the e xample of their Greek neighbours and remained loyal In the eighteenth century to t h e Orthodox Church the Orthodox ecclesiastical tradition developed into a national Greek renaissance the Epiro ts were fir ed by the new movement and welcomed the Greek school that grew up beside t h e Greek church They looked forward as eagerly as the Greek of Macedonia or th e , . . , , , . . . . ’ . , . , , . , . , . , . v ll d d l Th e i a ge sch oo s in E w h o m a e th eir o rtu n es in exan ria 1 Al . f piru s have m ostly b een en do wed by n atives Gr k o m m erc1al en tres l ke S m yrn a an d ee c c i A BALKAN ZOLLVEREIN 235 M itylin i to the day when nationality should find expression in political liberation an d unification When Yan nina fell in the spring of 1 9 1 3 the clay seemed to have dawned The Powers thrust them into the outer darkness of the Albanian principali ty just when t h ey were on the threshold of the promised land The Epiro ts have not submitted tamely to the ruin of their hopes The Powers could prevent their annexa tion to Greece but they could not compel their adhesion to Albania In the summer of 1 9 1 3 they r aised a national mi litia and have successfully resisted all attempts on the part of the Albanian Government to assert its sovereignty If Albania is to secure the friendship of Gr ee ce she must abandon a claim wh ich she cannot enforce Th e Epiro ts have proved tha t common language is in th is case no national bond by ta king up arms for t h e rig h t to merge t h emselves in a nation of other speech When she h as solved the frontier problems of the M eto ya Dulcigno and Epirus Albania will be free to face the task of internal construction The new government will here find the exercise of its authority hampered by the very lack of that national consciousness the presence of which in Epirus has made it altogether impossible Its writ will run where the Ottoman sultan s ran in the ports and the plains but if it is wise it will follow the Ottoman policy of leaving th e mountains to thems elves To the clansman it will make no diff erence that the government is national he will still view its action simply as a menace to the liberty of the clan and he will feel no greater obligation to pay taxes to an Albanian exchequer at Durazzo than to a P asha who collected them at the same konak for transmission to Constantinople The Albanian . , . . . , . , . , . , . , , , . . ’ , , . , . 2 36 TH E BALKANS revenues will depend not upon the contributions of the Albanian population but upon the customs levied on th e trade of Avlona and Durazzo that trade in turn will depend upon the admission of the principali ty to the Balkan Zollverein (iv ) The Zollverein wil l not be complete until it has secured the adhesion of Bulgaria Since th e Balkan Wars the Bulgarian territory has 1 extended to th e [Egean as well as to the Black S ea and the Bulgarian frontier thus blocks every land route from the remainder of the Balkan area to the Black Sea Straits and to the Anato lian contin ent that lies beyond ? The Zoll verein would suff er grave i nj ury from Bulgaria s economic hostility and in her present mood Bulg aria is prepared to inflict as much injury upon her neighbours as she can The latest liberated of all the Balkan nations she devoted herself with fierce singleness of purpo se to the realisation of her national destiny In the Balkan W ars she staked all to win all and issued t h e loser For her misfort u ne she has chiefly herse lf to blame By her murderous attack upon the Serbian outposts s h e deliberately provoked the disastrous struggle with her alli es and h er tactless diplomacy was responsible for the intervention of Roumania Yet the victors sacrifi ced the righ teousness of their cause to a most unrighteous e xploitation of their victory ? In the division of spoils at Bukarest they stripped Bulgaria naked and unless S ee M ap IV Th e m os t im po rtan t o f th ese ro u tes is th e Orien ta l Rai lway whi ch strikes Eastwar d o t o f th e Mo rava v all ey at Nish en ters B u lg arian territo ry j ust b eyo n d P iro t an d p ass es thr o gh S o fia Phi lip po po lis an d Adri an o ple to S tam bo u l Th e lin e is con tin u ed o n th e o ppo site sid e o f th e Bo sp h o ru s by th e An ato li an Rail way w hich starts from S tam bo u l s Asiatic su bur bs B u lgaria is th e Germ an y o f th e B alkans th e Treaty o f B u k arest is a warn in g to th e Allies . . . , - ’ , . , . , . . , . , 1 . 1 , u , u , , . , , ' . 1 . THE BALKANS 2 38 dominantly Greek and the hinterland predominantly Bul g ar but there are large areas where the two n atio n ali ti es are inextricably intermin gled village alte rnating with villag e in the same valley It is impossible to draw a politi cal frontier in s trict ac cord with the racial distribution If Bulgaria claim ed every Bulgar vill age it would not be fe asible to sift out th e Greek enclaves and the whole debatable zone down to the coast line itself would be drawn within the Bulgarian frontier : on th e other hand if Gree ce ass erted her title to every patch of Gr eek population she would have to incorporate not only the whole coast but extensive portions of the Bulg ar hin terlan d It is clear that the problem can o nl y be solved by a compromise and durin g the negotiations whi ch were interrupted by the Second Bal kan War Ven ezelo s th e Greek premier worked for the partition of the zone in to two sections Th e Eastward or Thracian section was to be cc extensive with the lower basin of th e River Mari tza : here he proposed to resign the co ast as well as the The Westward or Macedonian hi nterland to Bulgaria section was to include th e lower cours es of th e Vardar an d of the Struma and here he claimed for Gree ce a s u fi cien t hin terland to cover the coast When the negotiations were superseded by war and vi ctory put the initiative entirely into Ven ezelo s hands he interpreted his principle in the sense most favourable to Greece and extended hi s Western se ction as f ar as the River Mesta ? From the racial point of view the settlement was still a compromise If Ven ezelo s an nexed to Greece the Bulgar hinterland West of the Mesta he honourably S ee M ap IV , , . . , , - , , . , , , , . . , . , ’ , , . , 1 . BALKAN ZOLLVERE IN A 2 39 abandoned to Bulgaria the Greek littoral between the Mesta and the Maritza Th e Bulgars demand a modi ficatio n of the present frontier on economic and not on The natural route from Sofia their n ational grounds to the sea follows the valley of the Struma capital do wn to the port of Kavala a short distance East O f its mouth The Tre aty of Bukarest left the greater part of this route in Bulgaria s hands but barred her out f rom its terminus Bulgaria repudiates reconciliation with Greece till this economic wrong is righted Greece refuses to satisfy Bulgaria at the cost of territorial cessions which would violate V en eZelo s racial settlement Bulgaria s entrance into the Zollverein is thus the o nly means of composing the quarrel for it will satisfy Bulgaria s economic need without necessitating the change of political frontier Kavala like Salonika w ill remain under Greek government but Bulgaria will be as free to make commercial use of it as Serbia is f ree to trade through Salonika In this instance the benefits of the Zollverein accrue to Bulgaria and by refusing to enter it on t h is account s h e will be inflicting more harm on herself than on her neighbours (c) Bulgaria s differences with Roumania and Greece have proved to be not irremediable her last and most serious diff erence is with Serbia and this time the parts are reversed Bulgaria claims territory on national grounds Serbia refuses to cede it for economic re asons The Vardar rises on South Slavonic soil and Uskub at t h e junction of its h ead waters is as truly a Serb city as Nish or Belgrade Below Uskub however the whole basin of th e river is occupied by a Bulgar p o pu la tion which extends as far Westward as the Albanian frontier The nationality of this population is not in . , . , , . ’ , . ’ . ’ , ’ . , , , . , . ’ , . . - , , - , . . , , THE BALKANS 2 40 doubt as Bulgar in sympathy as in dialect and it regards the Serbian regime as a foreign domina tion Serbia gave witness against herself in the treaty she concluded with Bulgaria in the summer of 1 9 1 2 before their joint declaration of war against Turkey She admitted Bulgaria s exclusive right to the region South of Uskub and even left the allotment of Uskub itself to the arbitration of the Tsar By e xtendin g her sovereignty down the Vardar from Uskub to Y evyeli Serbia committed a crime against the principle of nationality whic h can only be atoned by the retrocession of the whole territory in question to B ulgaria ? Before the outbreak of the present war such a suggestion would have been Utopian : without compensation Serbia would never have consented to disgorge the greater part of the spoils for whi ch she had fought two desperate campaigns If Bosnia falls to her at the impending settlement and her str ength is further in creased by the incorporation of the Triune Kingdom in a South Slavonic Federation she will be in a position to do full justice to Bulgaria on her Mace do mian frontier without being crippled by the territorial loss Should she still persist in her refusal she would it : 1 is , . . ’ , . , , . , - , . , b in th e S er ian co n ten tio n th at th e S lav o m c ial ect s o en in en tra Mace o n ia is a ariet o f S o u th -S a o n ic in th e n arro er sense It is n o t e en an in term e iate in et een an d B u g ar Th e two angu ag es are sh ar S o u th- S a o nic i f er en tiate ro m o n e an o th er, an d th er e can b e n o am bigu it in th e ato is u n er o n e h ea c assifi catio n o f th e Mace o nian o r th e o th er Lin gu istica l , th e Mace o nian S avs are as u nm ista a e B u gars as th e S a s o f S o fia o r P e n a, an d th e B u garian ro agan a o f th e ast ro th erho o twen ty years h as ro use in th em a een sen se o f n a tio na th th e s ea ers o f th eir to n gu e wh o i e e o n th e B u g arian ro n tier 1 h er tr eat in th e S u m m er o f Th e m o ra o li gatio n co n tracte ’ B u garia 5 treach ero us attac in th e S u m m er o f 1 9 1 2 was can cel e 1 91 3 O n th e o th er han , if sh e secu res h er n ati o na u nit as a resu t ig atio n to res ect th e rin cip e o f n atio nality o f th e resen t war, h er o ’ in B u garia s case Wi b e ro o rtio n ate in crease 1 d Th ere is n o p k w lv df df l lv tru th C l p d . ly p k l b l d by . l ll l d lv d d l d bl p p v v y l . p l d lv l kb w y d d k bl l l p p d k lb lv b y d l f d by y k l y p p l ly d . ply . l d . l THE BALKANS 2 42 Vi layets of Kossovo and Monastir in an Easterly direction til l it strikes the River Vardar at a point below the junction of the Pein ya tributary but above the town of Veles ? After crossing the Vardar it might run along the river bank u p -stream and continue its course up the Left bank of the Pein ya to a point due East of Uskub Here it might turn E astward once more and mount the watershed between the Pein ya and B regaln itza valleys till it reaches the sum m it of Mount Osigo v a on the present Serbo Bulgarian frontier This line would leave to the South Slavoni c Federa tion bot h Uskub itself and the railways that connect Uskub with Mitrovitza Nish and the Egri Palan ka 1 Pass to Bulgaria it would assign O h rid a the basin of Monastir the mi ddle course of th e Vardar and all the 1 countr y between the Vardar and the Struma , , - , . - . - , , , , , . We have now discussed the economic federation of Hungary and the Southern Slavs th e six Balka n units Roumania and Greece Albania and Bulgaria We can abstract our conclu sion in the followin g formula The political deadlock between national aspirations in the Balkan area is due to economic individualism e conomic collectivism is the necessary condition of ” national self realisation B etter kn o wn u n d er its Tu r kish nam e as K o p ru l u bridg e p lace Th e cap ita l o f th e B u l garian E m pir e in th e el ev en th cen tu ry A D To begi n with B u l garia Wi ll d epen d f o r rail way co m m uni catio n with h er n ew territo ry u po n th e S erbian lin e thr o u gh Usku b an d th e Gr eek lin e thro u gh S al o ni ka b u t S h e will certa n ly fo llo w u p h e n cor po r atio n in th e Z o llv erein an d th e rect ficatio n o f h er fro n tier by th e con stru ctio n o f two n ew rail ways ( i ) Fro m Kosten di l d o wn th e vall ey o f th e S tru m a to S erres which will give h er a co nn ectio n alo ng th e Greek rai lway system thro u gh Dram a to K avala (ii ) Fro m Ko sten di l to Ko d j an a in th e B regaln itz a val l ey o ver a pass S o u th o f Mou n t O sigo v a an d th en ce thro u gh Ish tip Veles an d Prilep to Mo nas tir Thi s Wi ll give h er an in d ep en d en t co n n ectio n with h er Macedon ian terri to ries , , - . . 1 - 1 . . 1 , r i i i , . . , . , . . , , A BALKAN ZOLLVEREIN 2 43 In the environment of a Zollverein Hungary and the Southern Slavs the Southern Slavs and Bulgaria Bulgaria and Greece Albania and Montenegro all alike can compose their respective feuds and arrive at a mutually satisfactory territorial reconstruction on a national basis The Zollverein seems to be the in stru ment that will eradi cate th e seeds of war from the B alkans so far as those seeds are sown by the Balkan nationalities themselves Our di scussion however has also shown us that the Balkan peoples are only responsible in a secondary degree They have erred in leaving their field unfenced th eir stronger neighbours are the enemy that has scattered the tares If we recall the outstanding factors that mi litate against Balkan peace we S hall find the root of them all in the machinations of the Great Powers If Serbia has fallen o u t with Bulgaria and Montenegro with Albania it is because Austria Hungary excluded both Serbia and Montenegro from the Adriatic If Albania is at enmity with Greece it is because Italian diplomacy robbed Greece of Epirus If Roumania and Bulgaria are in dispute over the D o b ru d j a it is because Russia in 1 878 swindled Roumania out of her coast line North of the Danube If A lbania is still likely to be convulsed within When she has settled her differences with her two neighbours it is because Austro H u ngarian pro pagan d a has incited t h e Catholic clansmen to make th e task of the Moslem government impossible By th e building u p of a Zollverein these standing tares may be pulled out by the roots : how can we hinder their replacement by others more devastating still The Balkan are a has been a menace to peace because it has been a no man s land an arena flung open to the , , , . , . , , . . , . - , . , . , - . , - , . - - ’ , THE BALKANS 2 44 strong nations of Europe to tempt them to turn aside from the strait and narrow way of so cial advance and tear each other in pieces for the proprietorsh ip of a wilderness Once Germany has been what the B alkans are now In the seventeenth century s h e was d ismembered by ” the T hirty Years War an d in the eigh teenth century the Powers fought over her carcase as they h ave been fighting over the Balkans during the century that has j u st expired : Sweden drew the sword to hold Pomerania France to seize the Left bank of the Rhin e Bismarck did one good service to peace By rais ing Germany from the de ad and making her the peer of the Powers instead of their prey he closed the German arena to the confli cts of Europe No Bismarck will arise to weld together the Bal kan S tates and enrol them in the front rank of t h e com b ata n ts that possibility need cost us n either hope nor fear In spiration wi ll come not from Central Europe the shadow from which the Balkans are being delivered by the present war but from America the land of promise to which Balkan i m migrants are finding their way in ever increasing numbers O n the American continent during the last century th e Latin Republics h ave lived th rough their Balkan p h ase without disturbing the peace of the world at l arge because th e United States have held the ring and have prevented the big dogs outside from taking p art in the little dogs scu ffle Th e Balkan situation in Europe calls even more urgently for a Monroe ” Doctrine an d if it is to be dir ected impartially against all the European Powers its sanction must proceed f rom the Balkan peoples themselves In co operative movements it is the first step that , . . ’ , , . , . , . . , , , . , ’ . , , . - TR IE STE A N D ITALY 2 46 CHAP TER V TRIES TE A N D ITAL Y W E are now in a position to solve the problem raised at th e close of our chapter on Germany We had con cluded that if Germany were beaten by the Allies in th e present war she would have to relinquish her subject provin ces of a lien population French Danish and Polish and we had argued that it would be in the best interests both of Germany herself and of her present opponents if thi s loss were compensated by the gain of ” German Austria We admitted however that this solution of the German question convenient though it might be to us all depended upon the wishes neither of Germany nor of Europe but solely upon the initiative of the Austrians themselves and we saw that we could only conjecture the Austr ian point of View by making clear to ourselves th e internal situation of the D u al Monarchy Our survey showed that th e Austrian Germans would never amalgamate with the German national state unless th e Hapsburg Empire had previously been laid in ruins but that in that event no other alternative would be left them since they were incapable of standi ng alone We then proceeded to discuss the Hapsburg Empire s strength and weakn es s We found that the Southern Slav question was the determining factor in its fate i f the Southern Slavs won their national unity outside and in despite of the Dual Monarchy the Monarchy would inevitably be shattered in the process but th e v e ry victo ry of the Alli es which would make the in . , , , , . , , , , , . , , . ’ . , , , , TRIESTE A N D ITALY 2 47 corporation of the German Austrians in the German Empire desirable from the general point of view would incidentally dissolve the Dual Monarchy by solving the Southern Slav question on just these lines and would thereby indirectly cause the special interest of German Austria itself to coincide with the universal interest of Europe If then our forecast comes true and the present Austro Hungarian organism is superseded in South Eastern Europe by a Balkan Zollverein or Entente built up in harmony with Nationality instead of in defiance of it we may fairly confidently assume that the New Germany which will simultaneously come into being will include within its frontiers the Germans of Austria We have now to defin e what territories and p o pu la tions this New Austrian member of the New Germany will include Large portions of the present Hapsburg dominions have already been eliminated from consideration We have prophesied that all Galicia beyond the Carpathians will gravitate under some status or other to the Russian Empire and all Trans ” leith an ia both the territories of the Crown of St Stephen and the outlying Austrian province O f Dalmatia enter the vortex of the Balkans There remains only the section of the Austrian Crown Lands situated to the West of Hungary s Western frontier Will the whole of this region rally to Germany en b loc It is hardly conceivable that it should do so for there are several most important non German elements still entangled in it T he German population in Austria like the Magyar population East of it in Hungary ceases on the North bank of the Drave and Slavonic speech reigns South of the river as far as t h e , , . , , , - , , . . . , , , . , , . - ’ . , - . , , , TRIES T E AND ITALY 2 48 sea ; b u t the situation is not so simple here as in Croatia The Croats we saw have been atrociously t reated by the Magyars and moreover they are o nl y one fragment of a larger homogeneous population the Southern Slavs with whose other sections they can federate as soon as they have thrown off the Magyar yoke The Austrian Slovenes are an isolated little branch of the Slavonic family speaking a dialect dis tin ctly di f ferent from Southern Slav ? They have been well treated by their German masters ; and what is more importan t still they have no independent tradi tion or civilisation of their own Laibach the chief 1 town of Kr ain has a th oroughly German character and Gottschee in the extreme South of the country is a genuine enclave of German population If Krain were a unit by itself it would probably vote for continued union with the Germans across the Drave with whom p o litics have knit the distr ict for five centuries But unfortunately Krain is inseparably linked by geography with the province of the Kiisten land and the Slovene population neglecting the artificial boundary between the two administr ative districts spreads evenly to the sea This coast how ever h as had a very different history from its hinter land Here too the Slovene has adopted civilis ation second hand ; but it has come to him from the opposite quarter and the ports have taken a completely Italian colour Trieste in deed was an early acquisition of the 1 Hapsburgs but the Western half of Istria belonged to Venice till the e xtinction of her independence in 1 797 and did not pass defini tively to Austria till 1 8 1 4 More They n u m b ered at th e censu s o f 1 900 " S ee M ap Th e S lavo nic f or M arch I talianised as C arnio la , , . , , , , , . , , , . , , , , , . , , . , , . , , , . , , - , , . , , , . 1 . . , . 1 It h as b elo n ged to th em sin ce 1 3 82 A D . . TRIESTE A N D ITALY 2 50 becoming a world po rt Trieste has vastly increased her size like other European cities by drawin g in to herself th e rural population from a wide zone of attraction Modern urban concentration takes no account of medi e val race divisions an d the nucleus of Italian Triestini has been alloyed with a mass O f Slovene immigrants who have come to stay Encouraged by the Austrian government the new Slovene element has been struggling for some years with the Italian to s hare th e control of the municipal ity and seems likely to make good its claim at any rate Trieste is no longer a purely Italian ci ty? This brings us to th e negative conclusion that th e ” Slovene Unit must not be incorporated politically eith er in Italy or in the new Germ any Laibach and Go ttschee would veto Italian annexation Parenzo and Abbazia Germ n the Slovenes W h o are making th em a selves a power in Trieste would veto both It remains th at it shoul d eith er enter th e South ern Slav United Sta tes or become an in dependent political un it guaranteed by Europe The latter alternative is undesirable Tin y states in occupation of importan t and in tensely coveted economic assets are not likely to possess th e resources for ad ministering th ese assets o n the in creasin gly large scale to which modern life is tending or for defending them against the aggression of bigger organisms that think they could use th e opportunity be tter But it would be still worse to force a political destiny upon a population of this size against its will It is probable however th at - , , , . - , . , . , , . . . - , . . 1 Th e to ta l p o p latio n o f Trieste is I talian s S l o v en es G erm ans u , , l d bo u t in c u in g a TRIESTE AND ITALY 2 51 the general sense of the various elements as expressed in the plebiscite will reveal itself in favour of federating the unit with the Southern Slavs as a third member of their Union Guaran teed independence would hardly relieve the Itali an and German minorities from the alternative fear of being engulfed respectively in th e German and Italian national state and such a po ssi b ility would be far more repugnant to them than the prospect of loose co O peration more or less on their own terms with a Slavonic nationality The Slovene majority has recently been roused to active conscious ness by that wave of national enthusiasm which the Serbian victories over Turkey and Bulgaria sent v ib rat in g through the Southern Slavs While a few years ago it would have followed in the Italians or the Germ ans wake it Will now take an initiative of its o wn Nevertheless wh ere wishes are divergent the negative proposition often wins and if the plebiscite decides for separatism there is no more to be said about the political question The economic issue is quite independent of the political and far more clear We saw th at the Dual Monarchy in its present shape as a political structure was a negation of natural grouping imposed upon more than half its total population by force ; and that to safeguard the peace of Europe we must allow the im prisoned elements to burst their artificial bands asunder and fundamentally reconstitute themselves on the national basis But we noted first of all tha t it had a cogent ra ison d etre as an economic organisation The raw production of th e South East th e manufactu re of the North-West an d th e sea traffi c up th e Adriatic coast are complementary to each other ; an d our political reorganisation so far from dislocatin g this , , . - , , . . ’ ’ , . , , , , . . , , , . ’ . - , , , , TRIESTE A N D ITALY 2 52 economi c relation wi ll actually emphasise it on a grander s cale A u stria Hungary as a political group will perhaps have disappeared ; but t h e e conomic inter play between its se ctions will thereby extend itself to the whole Balkan Zollverein on the one hand and to the Whole rehabilitated German Empire on the other and the port of Trieste will still remain the node of this larger rhyth m Trieste has a great future before her and i t is very i mportant for the prosperi ty of Europe to keep u h broken all her economic lin ks Whatever its politi cal disposition th e state of Slovenia must remain an open market where the n ew Germany and the Balkan Zollverein can meet that is it must have free trade with both at once But there is no econo m ic connection between Trieste and Italy Italian manufactures are developin g along th e Northern rim of the Po basin where th ey can avail themselves of Alpine water power ; but the port of Lombardy is Genoa on the Riviera coast Italian ind u stry faces South West and belongs to an econo mi c sphere in which the centre of gravity verges towards the Mediterranean and not towards the Adriati c This is perhaps the strongest reason of all for not put ting Trieste into Italy s hands Even if th e exclusion of the Slovene territory from the Italian tari f f wall were guaranteed as a con d ition of its incorporation within her political frontier she could hardly fail to use her political control to deflect Triestine trade in her o wn in terest To abandon her claim to Trieste will be a grievous disappointment to her ; but she will receive compensation in other directions (i ) Though S h e must throw no covetous glance upon Canton Ticino which is Swiss in soul yet further East , - . , , . , . , , , . . . - , , . ’ . - , . . . , , TR IES T E AND ITALY 2 54 l eave the Eastern coast of this sea in less formida ble hands At least two of the Austrian naval bases Sebe n ico and Cattaro will fall to the inheritance of the Southern Slav Union which will have neither the interest nor the resources to initiate a policy of naval adventure The headquarters of the Austrian navy are at the fortress of Pola the key of the whole Northern Adriatic which juts out into the sea on the tip of Istria and menaces a large stretch of Italian coast includin g Venice on the one hand and Ancona on the other Pola is destined to form part of the Slovene unit and if the latter inclines to a gu aranteed autonomy the natural corolla ry to the gran t of such a status would be the razing of all f o rtifica tions within the guaranteed area But even should Slovenia elect to throw in her lot with th e Southern Slavs Italy would still be quite j ustified in insisting upon the dismantling of P0 12 as the condition of her consen t to the loss of Trieste while the other parties to the conference could not deny her such a lo gical compensation While Pola controls the bottom of the Adriatic bottle 1 its neck is potentially dominated by the bay of Avlona in Albania whose future we have already sketched as a part of transit and a railway terminus Under the Turkish regime its strategical possibilities were never exploited but in the hands of an e ffi cient naval power it could be converted into a posi tion strong enough to seal up the Adriatic and it is obvious that it would t hreaten Italy s vital interests if such a strategical asset passed into the possession of any other nation than herself The fall of Yannina in the Spring of 1 9 1 3 during the S ee M ap IV . , , , . , , , . , , . , , . , , . , , ’ . , 1 . TRIESTE A N D ITALY 255 o r e of the Balkan War brought Greek ar mies into the neighbourhood The Greek government politicly refrained from proceeding to the occupation of Avlona itself but Italy s susceptibility with reg ard to the fate of the town was so extreme that, as we h ave seen she created an international complication by insisting upon the inclusion of Epirus a district of Greek nationality in the new principality of Albania in order to interpose a broad zone of territory between Avlona and the new Greek frontier Events have already shown that the artificial severance of Epirus from Greece cannot b e maintained against the will of both but since Avlona lies beyond the Epiro t border and her Moslem Albanian population will under no circumstances incorporate itself in the Greek national state there is no reason why any step the Epiro ts may take with regard to their own destiny should involve the permanent presence of Italy 1 at Avlona a state of things that would virtually reduce Albania to an Italian province and would hopelessly compro m is e the Monroe doctrine which we f o rm u lated for the whole Balkan region as one of the necessary s afeguards of European peace Italy s interests can be completely satisfied by another alternative the perpetual neutralisation of Avlona under a guarantee similar to that we h ave proposed in the case of Pola cont ainin g the following provisions (a) Avlona shall always remain part of Albania (b ) It shall never be fortified either by Alb ania herself or by any larger political group with a unified military organisation of which Albania may at any time hereafter become a member c u s , . ’ , , , , , . , , , , ’ . , , , , . , , . v b I ly v ly p d Avlo na itself an d l d th at co m m an ds In No em er 1 9 1 4 ta irtu al o ccu ie o rm a ann o un ce h er o ccu p atio n o f S asen o , th e is an th e en trance to th e B ay 1 f lly d . , TRIES TE AND ITALY 2 56 Th e g eneral eff ect t h en of th ese various proposals will be to leave Italy th e control of the Adriatic by th e disarmament of its whole Eastern coast Sympathisers wit h Italy will probably declare that this is after all a negative gain and hint th at a great power like Italy cannot in th e t e-settlement of Europe be treated in so cavalier a fashion To this we would reply that we h ave taken our lead from Italy s own policy Her decisive adoption of neutrality at the begi nning of the present war proved that she herse lf realised what was already patent from the facts that s h e had no vital interests at stake on th e European continent If the ultimate reunion of Trieste had been to h er not merely a ch erished object of national sentiment but a necessity of life she could not have abstained from intervention now In reality if she were to yield to sentiment and ins ist on the assig nment to her of Trieste by the conference that will meet after the war she would deliberately be involving herself in intimate relations with Centr al and South Eastern Europe : every p hase in the policy of the great German and Balkan groups would th enceforth seriously a ff ect her and she might finally bring down upon her h ead the combined for ce of th e two groups in a concerted e ff ort to oust h er ag ain from th e poss ession of a port which thou gh of no econo mi c interest to herself would be the centre in whic h their o wn respective interests met and coincided The relief from naval competition in the Adriati c would on the contrary be a very positive advantage to her Instead of the pro m issory notes of continental ambitions it would yield her the immediate gain of m i llions of lire struck o ff from her annual bud g et for naval construction and enable h er at once to reduce h er naval estimates and yet spar e greater force th an , , . , . ’ . , . , , , . , - , , , . , , . , , 2 58 TRIESTE A N D ITALY ory on the one h and nor th rough Italian on th e other an d th ere are two e xistin g lines of railway along wh ich such communication can be e ffected S u d b ah n from Vie n na that skirts the (i ) The Eastern flank of the Alps passes trough the heart of Krain at Laibach and proceeds thence to Trieste whi ch it th us links to an industrial hinterland towards th e North East in Bohe m ia and Moravia (ii ) Th e Tauern Railway only opened in 1 909 which has yielded T rieste a new hinterland in Southern Germany by giving her a direct Northward conne ction through the Alps themselves This line in its Southern section s kirts the present Itali an frontier keeping just outside Italian territory Starting from Trieste it runs to G Orz on the East b ank of the Isonzo crosses the river follows up its West bank to the junction of the Idria stream and then penetrates by a tunnel into the upper valley of the Save crosses this river too and next pierces the Karawa n ken mountains by another tunnel to emerge on the Drave at Villach Hence the Taue rn tunnel the biggest engineering feat on the line carries it through the main chain of the Alps into the Danube lowlands whi ch it enters at Salzburg It is clear that this railway sets a limit to the advance of Italy s Eastern frontier against Slovenia All that we can give Italy here is a tiny strip of territory on the West bank of the Isonzo below G Orz Where the population is Italian in nation ality and which possesses a sentimental importance as contain ing the little towns of Aquileia and Grado with their beautiful cathedrals and their splendid ecclesiastical memories so closely bound up with Italian history The North-Western extension of Slovenia in turn is limited by the trunk line from Vienna to Italy which t , . , , , , - . . , , . , , , . , , , , , , , . , , . , ’ . , , , . , TRIESTE AND ITALY 2 59 passes by Leoben up the valley of the Mur crosses into the Drave valley at Villach and proceeds thence into the Tagliamento basin at Tarvis It is equally clear that this line must run entirely through Austrian and Italian territory and pass outside Slovenia altogether This further suggests the limits of Slovenia on the North The Slovene population overflows the water shed between Save and Drave and occupies the whole Southern bank of the latter river along its upper course even passing beyond it in places ; but the Northern bank is predo m inantly German the towns such as Klagenfurt and M arburg being completely German in character and the whole valley forms an indivisible geographical unity which is linked by its railway con the German mass towards the North n ectio n s with rather th an with the Slovene mass towards the South Slovenia must therefore abandon her frontiersmen in the Drave valley to Austria and accep t the Southern watershed of that river as her Northern limit We are now in a position to designate the whole frontier between Slovenia and Austria It should start from the present Italian frontier at Mount Kanin (thus leaving the railway junction of Tarvis within Austrian territory as before ) and follow the South ern boundary of Karin th ia along the Karawanken mountains till it reaches the point where the Karin th ian boundary turns North Here it should part from the latter and con tin u e the Easterly direction of the Karawanken range cutting through Styria till it reaches the Bacher moun tains on a line that leaves Windischgratz and St Leonh ard to Austria Thence it should turn South East run along the watershed between the Sann and Dran n systems over the Cilli Marburg railway tunnel to the Wo tsch e mountains and then follow their summit till it hits the frontier of Croatia , , . . , . , , , , , , , . , . . , . , , . . , - , . 2 60 TRIES T E AND I TALY This is a roug h attempt to sift Slovene from Ger m an along a line correspondin g wi th geograph ical stru e ture and it will succeed appro ximately in s hakin g German Austria free from her Slavonic accretions on the Southern side But the Austria that is left though now a compact geographical unit has a last an d most bitter national problem buried in her h eart s h e h as still to settle her relations with the Tch ech s f , , . , . to Mu n i ch -tc Ml la 0 B o lo g n a n P R O P O S E D FR O N T I E R S P R I N C I P A L R A I L W AY S I TA L I AN E I S TI N G FR O N I E R S TO B E A A DO E T X S B A L TI N S THE TRENI TN O . N N D TCHECH AND GERMAN 2 62 Western Ch ristendom In th e fourteenth century its ruler Charles of Luxembourg attained the (by t his time shadowy) dign ity of Holy Roman Emperor and his Slavoni c capital Prag became for a generation the politi cal focus of Central Europe The cosmopolitan un iversity of Prag founded in 1 3 48 and organised in four nations which was Charl es most endurin g legacy to th e country linked it still closer to the great world and wandering stu dents from Englan d sowed seeds of Wycl if s ideas from which spran g two leaders of European impo rtan ce Jo hn Huss and Jerome of Prag th e fore runne rs of the Reforma tion They were both burnt at the Council of Co n stan z in 1 4 1 5 but their followers took up arms for the rights of th e Laity again st th e Clergy an d repelled th e crusades of all Catholic Europe In this democratic uprisin g half a universal religiou s movement half a lo cal revolt of th e peas an t again st h is lord th e Tch ech nation found itself and defied th e world But the glory of th e Hussites was brief Th ey were ruined not by th e power of the Roman Ch urch but by th e bittern ess of their own inte rnal factions In 1 43 6 th e moderate Utraquists crushed the fanatical ” Taborites who were the really vital element in th e movement and pro ceeded to make a concordat with Rome in which th ey abandoned their actually achieved religious independence in return for a formal acknow ledgment of th e Laity s right to communica te in both kinds th e empty claim ensh rined in th e party s title The star of Huss had set before Luth er s sun rose in th e seventeenth century while the Dutch were assert ing their national independence against th e Hapsburg dyn asty th e Tch ech s fell under its autocratic rule and have never e xtrica ted th emselves sin ce ; but tradition . , , , . , ’ , , , ’ , - , . , , . , , , . . , , . , , , ’ ’ . , ’ , , , TCHECH AND GERMAN 2 63 lived on and fed the flame of na tionalism which th e nineteenth century kindled in the Tch ech s as in all oth er European populations to a white heat No settlement of Austria is worth considering th at does not satisfy the Tch ech s aspirations but their claims are likely to be extravagant At first th ey will probably demand the erection of the two provinces Bo h emia an d Moravia where th eyf o rm the preponderant element of th e rural population and the substratum of th e urban masses into a completely independent It would be a close parallel to this claim n ational state if th e Iris h Nationalists proposed the complete separa tion of th e whole island from th e Bri tis h Empire and th e absolute supremacy in the new state of the Catholic popula tion ; except th at to th e Tch ech s programme th e objections are graver still (i ) In whole districts along th e borde rs th ere is a solid German population and a German element h as estab lish ed itself permanently in most of the towns especially in th e more accessible province of Moravia ? In th e streets of Prag riots between Tch ech and German mobs often lead to bloodshed ; and the present war in which th e Austrian government has forced th e Tch ech con s cripts to figh t against their Slavonic brethren the Russians and s hot t h em down when th ey h esitated to obey will h ave immeasurably embittered the race h atred This German minority cannot be abandoned to Tch ech nationalism enjoying power for th e first time an d schooled as a victim in Austrian meth ods of using it , , . , ’ , . , , , , . ’ . . , , , , , , , . , , , , . Tchech s . (7 1 w To tal po p o f bo th . Germans . TCHECH AND GERMAN 2 64 (ii ) Bo h emia and Moravia are great m anufacturing an d min ing districts depending for their prosperity on good comm unication with markets ? If they separate thems elves politi cally from th e New German y they put it in h er power to build a tariff wall against them which will cut th em O ff from the outer world The in terior of th e Bo h emian bastion is drained by th e upper system of th e Elbe and its trade is tending more and more to flow down with th e rive r to Ham burg through th e gorge where it breaks th e Erz-gebirge while the arteries of Moravia focus at Vienn a wh ere the Austrian trunk line starts for Trieste In both directions exit and entrance can only be made th rough German territo ry (iii ) Th e Tch ech s possess a th ird door to th e East of wh ich Germany does not own the thres hold th e Moravian gap th at leads to Poland But none of their trade passes in th at direction to th e vast Russ ian markets that lie beyond because these are already monopolised by th e important Polis h manufacturing distri cts that inte rvene and th e Polish Black Country and the Russian corn -lands form a closed economi c system of their own On t h e old politi cal s cale then Geograp hy decreed Th ese two p ro vin ces are in fact th e cen tr e o f gravity o f A ustrian in dustry f ar o u tdis ta n cin g b o th L o wer Au stria an d S tyria in th eir m in in g activity an d their textile m an u factu res W hil e th e p ro vin ces S o u th West o f Vien na th e stro n gho lds o f p u re Germa n natio nality lie astride th e Eastern sectio n o f th e Al ps an d are han dicapped A co m parative table o f eco n o m ica ll y by th eir g eo grap hical ch aracter po p u latio ns (taken fro m th e census o f 1 900 ) wil l m ak e this clear . , , . , , . . , . , . , , . , , 1 , , - , , , . German o -Tchech P ro vin ces B o h em ia Mo ra ia S i esia . l v Lo w P u re G erman Pro vin ces er u stria A (in clu din g th e I talians o f th e Tren tino ) T yro l . TCHE CH AND GERMAN 266 Guarantees to a weaker partn er th at outsiders Will uphold his in terests are a poor alternative to a capacity for upholdin g th em himself and th ey gall th e stronger partn er whose free action they limit and whose honesty they put in doubt They are an occasion for bickerings an d we h ad better do without them i f we can A guaran tee can perhaps be avoided in t his case by letting th e whole of Austria with in the limits to which we have reduced her enter the German Empire as a sin gle 1 unit on condition that s h e gran ts Home Rule within this district to th e whole Tch ech nationality The 1 Tch ech s possessin g more th an a third of the total population and equipped with national se lf government would easily hold their own within the Austrian state an d the whole Austrian unit representing propo rtion ately th e interests of all its components would hold its own in turn within the German Empire B y such an arrangement th e Tch ech nationality would assert itself through co operation wi th the German neighbour an d not by making war on him and two further advantages will appear when the formula is worked out in practi ce (i ) The existing political machinery will su ff er th e In th e Crown lands mi nimum amount of disturbance Parliament which at present sits at Vienna representa tiv es elected by manhood su f frage from populations have made S peakin g half a dozen diff erent languages ” No rth Germ an y f o r co m p actn ess sak e might cede To w hich th e fragm en t o f S il es ia w hi ch o ur p ro pos ed P o lis h fro n tier w o u ld leave h er beyo n d th e Rig ht b an k o f th e H tzen p lé tz stream Recko nin g by p ro vin ces o n th e b asis o f th"e las t censu s ( 1 900) th e Redu ced Austria will b e abo u t sixteen to ta l po pu lati o n o f o u r Tch ech s an d m illio ns ; w hi l e in th e sam e y ear th ere w ere Germ ans in th e w ho l e Au stri an Cro wn lan ds all o f who m wil l rem ain acco rdin g to th e p resen t sch em e Wi th in th e Austrian u n it tho u gh p ractica lly all po p u la tio ns o f o th er na tio na lity w ill h av e been d etach ed fro m it , , . , . , , , . , - , , , , . - , , . . - . , , ’ 1 , , , o . 1 - , , , , . TCHECH A N D GERMAN 26 7 the effort to do legislative work togeth er and in spite of scenes that th e tension of the racial atmosphere almost excu ses h ave begun to acquire the constitutional habit It would be a pity if Germans and Tch ech s (the other nationalities will have simplified the situation by dropping out ) should deprive themselves of this field for collaboration and mutual understanding ? (ii ) The pattern for Tch ech Home Rule already e xists in the Constitution of the Austrian Crown lands under which the several provinces besides being represented in the Vienna parliament enjoy a modicum of local self government under diets of their own ? This system and the present British government s bill for Home Rule in Catholic Ireland would be good precedents for the scope of the new Tch ech parliament to be established at Prag As in Ireland the chief di ffi culty will lie in settling not the powers to be delegated but the geographical limits with in which t h ey are to be operative and this problem b rings out the most decisive advantage of the scheme for Home Th e fo llo win g table sho ws th e resp ective stren g ths o f th e dif feren t na tio na lities within th e A u strian C ro wn l an ds acco rdin g to th e census o f 1 900 an d th e n u m b er o f seats assign ed resp ectively to each natio n ality in th e p ar liam en t at Vien n a b y th e electo ral law w hich in tro d u ced Man ho o d S u ffrag e in 1 90 6 , , . . - , , , - ’ , , . , , , 1 - , , . Rep resen ta tio n 233 = I 1 08 = r . = 34= r 37 To tal Th e p re resen tatio n 516 of certain natio na ities l “ 1: I 3 5 1 2459 ll very f ar is thus sti fro m b eing pro po rtio n al to th eir real n u m b ers Galicia h as secu red m o re co m p lete Ho m e Ru le than an y o ther pro v in ce . 1 . TCHECH A N D GE RMAN 2 68 Rule wit hin Austria as ag ainst separate membershi p in t h e German Empire In the latter case just as much as if she became a completely independent state Bohem ia Moravia would have to be organised as a compact geographi cal u n it so t h at th e German minority in the country would in both cases be forced to take its government from Prag and would need an external guarantee again st the Tch ech s of just the same kind as the Tch ech s them selves would be requiring agains t the whole German nation B ut in th e event of Home Rule wit hin a u n ited Austria the total population Tch ech and German alike would be represented in the Vienna parliament already the plebiscite to ascertain what sections wished to avail themselves in addition of the pro ffered d ev o lu tion could be taken parish by parish ; and the area the Tch ech Nationalist administration should control from Prag could be determined to a nicety by its result ? We can in fact state the general prin ciple that th e less absolute the sovereignty that is the power of uncontrolled irrespons ible action deman ded by any . - , , , . , , , , , , , , , , , , in g o u t th e m ap o f th e Tch ech Ho m e R u l e Th e m aterials f o r d raw ar ea are already to han d , in th e el ecto ral d istricts co ns titu ted in 1 90 6 1 A C H R l l d p ly w ld S o m e i stricts ar e u re Tch ech f o r th e u strian en tra Par liam en t certainl in po pu latio n an d retu rn o nl Tch ech e u ties : th ese o u u e O th ers co n tain a m ix e o u atio n o f Tch ech s ch o o se om e in two co ns titu en cies o f i en tica ocal an d erm ans, an d are o rgan ise ro i e ith its o wn register o f exten t b u t i f eren t natio na i t , each ar iam en t : th e o ters an d retu rn in g its o wn n ati o n a can i ate to b e eci e hi ch e er na ti o na i t was in th e ou l ate o f th ese m a o rity Th e Tch ech cons titu en c , i f its register co n tain e m o re o ters f o r th e sam e are a, ou o u t o te th e erm an co ns titu en c th an th e u esti o n , hi e th e erm an e o u tio n f o r th e area in atter in a o u r o f ou retain th e area f o r cen tra isatio n o site case co ns titu en c in th e o hi ch e With in th e b u t o f co u rse e er racia co nstitu en c , tho se h i ch r em ain e o u tsi e it a i e, ou u e area an d th o se om e ar iam en t at re resen ta ti es to th e g en era ienn a co n tin u e to sen o n th e sam e exce en t s stem as b e o re G v f l H j d f . y . l y dp d d p p l d y ll p vd dw l dd p l w d d d d by w v l y y d v G y w ld v fv dv l q w l G y pp w ld l v y l y w f ll R l w d d l k w ld d p v lp l V ll y f . . TCHECH AND GERMAN 2 70 tion of Germany wit hin its present limits h as risen in t h e interval since 1 90 5 to an increase of per cent : if we add this percentage to our total for 1 the United Germany we shall find that t h e p o pu la tion of the new German Empire within the proposed frontiers would amount at the present moment to no less than souls distr ib uted into t h e following groups , , . , , ( ) No rth Germ an y ( Of a G (13 ) S ou th erman ( 7 ) ustria A w ho m wou ld fo rm erly have b elo n ged to th e presen t kin gdo m o f Pru ssia ) 1 . y 1 ( In clu d in g abo u t m ans an d G er Tch ech s ) . 76.798.ooo If at the Conference which will meet at the end of this war to attempt like the Vienna Congress a century ago the lasting settlement of Europe we could succeed in reconstit u ting the German Empire on some such lines , , , , Th e rate o f in crease am o n g th e add ed Austrian po pu latio n is certain l y lo w er than th e av erag e w ithin th e p resen t lim its o f Germ an y ; b u t o n th e o th er h an d th e G erm an censu s was o n ly taken in 1 90 5, w hi l e 1 th e censu s o n years earlier 1 p op . which o u r figu res f o r Au stria are b ased was taken five " . f Prussi a o S chleswigers and Poles in 1 90 5 to tal of less in 1 90 5 x 10 1 1 5 3 0 B avaria Wu rtem b erg Bad en Hessen (the S o uth ern blo ck o n ly) . O th er territo rie ach ed s d et eith er side o f Fran kfu rt . fro mPrussia On To tal ( by census o f 1 90 5) TCHECH A N D GERMA N 2 7t these we should h ave accomplished most of th e objects with which we started this discussion an d avoided most of the dangers wh ich we saw ah ead of us We should have relaid the foundations of Nationality Schleswig and Poland where in Alsace Lorraine Pru ssian policy h as deliberately broken th em up and we should have restored the superstructure of E u ropean peace endangered thereby for many years and now finally shattered yet by honourably applying the p rinciple of Nationality to Germany s advantage as well as to her detriment we should have left her with a considerably larger territory and population th an she possessed before this war This just aggrandisement would primarily benefit Germany herse lf but ulti mately it would further th e best interests of all Europe because it would be more likely than any oth er measure to produce th at change in German public opinion which is the only possible keystone of peace in the future If Prussian militarism be refuted by the issue of this war the German nation will assuredly be alienated from the P russian system for ever unless either or both of two consequences follow : eith er the humiliation of the national h onour or such a rearrangement of frontiers as would leave Germany at the mercy of her neighbours , and reduce her to a state of permanent fear Were the Conference to create such a situation as this the German nation would be thrown into the arms of Prussian ism and would serve its unsympath etic ideals with greater enthusiasm th an it has ever yet lavis h ed upon them But if the settlement takes the line of our proposals both th ese consequences will be avoided Th e German Empire will emerge more majestic and less vulnerable than before The element that is not Pru ssian but is Germany s true soul will regain free as , , . - , , , ’ , . , , . , , , . , , . , . . ’ , , TCHEC H AND GERMA N 2 72 ’ play take the lead in th e nation s life which it held till B ismarck wrested it away and swamp P russianism n ot merely by t h e greater vitality of its ideas but even by the weight of superior numbers We can readily discern the policy which the New Germ any will follow Her first task will be the re building o f that magnificent commerce and industry which it took forty three ye ars to conjure up and one season s campaign to spirit away again She will have a bitter moment when she gazes at its ruins but her emotion will be regret and not despair Our settlement O f fers her once more the promise of a great economic future Hamburg Danzig and Trieste will be secured to her as open doors for h er commerce and mutu al interests will bring her to an under standing with th e Bal kan Zollverein more stable an d of wid er efl ect t han th e present precarious customs union be tween t h e two halves of the Dual Monarchy This labou r of good hope will occupy the New Germany s bes t energies for many years to come , , , . . - , ’ . , . . , , ' , - . ’ . PA N S L A V IS M 2 74 Spain Portug al ) have e xpanded over th e les s civilised parts of the Earth and have divided between them both the regions producing the b est tropical raw materials and th e temperate regio n s o u tside Europe best sui ted to European colonisation (b) Two of th em France and England , have become Great Powers by leading th e way in th e Industrial Revolution which has tr ansformed the environment of h uman civi lisation ; and they are now with all th eir energies an d wi th increasing success adapting themselves to th ese new conditions (V In Central Europe on th e oth er h and owin g to a less favourable start in civilisation and to subsequent misfortunes Nationali ty did not assert itself till 1 866 1 870 and th en only by a compro m ise with Stron g Govern ment typified in the policy of Bismarck This h as caused several serious flaws in development here as contrasted with th e West (a) Only two national ities the German and th e Magyar have here attained self government and they have been using it ever since (following Strong Gove rnment tradition ) to maim and stu nt th e develop ment of weaker nationalities behindhand in th e race : Frenchmen of Lorrain e and Alsatians Dan es of Sch leswi g Poles Tch ech s Italian Trentini and South ern Slavs (b ) Th ey have also entered with vigour th e post nationalist phase of expan sion an d Industrialism but here th ey have been handicapped by comin g late in the race themselves as compared with the Western powers ” who h ave already inhe rited the Earth she has not (c) Germany is bitterly conscious that ” foun d for herself a place in the S u n but in order to win it s h e has not concentr ated all her e fforts upon , , , . , . , , , , . , - , , , , , , , , . , , , . , PA N S L A V IS M 2 75 conomi c and so cial construction though this is th e normal activity of the present phase of European civilisation During the last for ty th ree years s h e h as displayed amazing ability in this direction and already won for h erself a very large nich e at the expense of her rivals in the field and to their advantage as well for the whole world in the industrial phase profits by the success of any one member of it Nevertheless s he h as chosen to foster h er Militarism the obsolete weapon of Strong Go vern ment which Bismar ck parti ally adapted to th e solution of the n ational problem , but which is entirely un adaptable to the conquest of in dustrial supremacy (VI ) The pre sent war is Germany s attempt to h ack h er way through th e Western nations to the best place in the Sun by military force Th e best com mentary on her action are the results s h e hopes to ac hieve by it (a ) She hopes to an nex Belgium and possibly to force Holland in to a disadvantageous Zollverein in order that s h e may have more convenient ports for her in dustrial districts in Westp h alia and th e Rhineland and so to bre ak th e power of France that she may cease to be an independent factor in European politics If s h e succeeds in this she will have reduced th e West to a c haos of robbery under arms such as it has not kn own since th e Hundred Years War an d the career of Charles th e Bold and have swept away th e work of four centuries not merely the national self gove m ment inaugurated by the English and French rev o lu tions but even the prelimin ary national consolid ation accomplished by Louis X I an d Henry VI I (b) She threatens to seize the transmarine possessions of all the Western nations alike great powers an d small e , - . , , , , . , , . ’ . . , . , , . , ’ , - , , . . , , PA N S LA VIS M 2 76 b elligeran ts an d neutrals Th e attitude of Portugal and Spain s hows what they fear This would destroy the whole vigorous colonial development of the nin e teen th century which only began after the result of th e Napoleonic wars had defin itively settled th e own ership of th ese territo ries ( VI I ) We may fairly conclude th at in this piratical attack Ge rmany stands for reaction to a crude ideal that European Civilisation has cons ciously transcended while th e Western powers that are defending th emselves again st her represent th e new activities by which European Civilisation is opening a better chapter In this struggle therefore it i s the World s vital interest that Germ any should fail . . , . . , . ’ , , . We have reached th ese propositions throug h a survey of the facts starting for fairness sake with th e fact that is at once the most importan t of all and th e most d ifli cult for us to appre ciate justly : Germany s attitude towar ds her o wn ambitions But we found that tout comprendre c est tout pardonner peut etre mais cc n est point tout permettre and we made up our minds th at we must refute German force by force in order that we may brin g it into our power to reorganise th e politi cal structure of Centr al Europe on th e basis of th e West instead of s u ffering the West to succumb to the level of th e centre We have therefore approached the task of reconstruction on a national basis and painfully s triven to right th e injustices the German system has perpetuated from Alsace Lorraine to the Western frontier of Polan d and from Schleswig to Macedonia But we have also recognised that this recasting of Europe based though it be on the living will of po pu la tions has no virtue in itself and that it is merely the ’ , ’ . ’ - , , ’ , , . , - . , , , PA N S L A V IS M 2 78 be realised at the expense of the Western nations alth ough th at is th e real issue at stake The conscious idea that spurs them is substan tially identical with th e conviction that governs our own minds They feel themselves to be the champions of European civilisation ” whose cause Great Britain has basely betrayed against the man y headed hydra of Pan slav ism whom ” envy has moved Great Britain to aid For th em Russia is th e prin cip al and we are merely her seconds German defeat spells the abasement of civilised Europe beneath th e barbarous Russian idea The whole poli cy of Prussianism which we have weighed and found wan ting transform s itself to German eyes under th is ligh t ? If Germany is attacking th e Western nations it is be cause they have sold t h eir bi rth righ t and th e champion of civilisation must exact from th em th e power and wealth th ey have prostituted to make it bear fruit again in civilisation s cause If Magyard o m perse cutes the Slovaks and the Min istry of Foreign Affairs at Vienna ruthlessly represses Southern Slav nationality it is be cause these are new heads of th e hydra reared suddenly from an unexpe cted quarter and must be crushed before th e vaster fangs of Russia have time to fasten upon th e German world from the oth er flank If German policy maintain s th e scandalo u s misgove rnment of th e Turkish Empire over large alien populations it is not simply in order to coax a market for German enterprise but to close th e Russian monster s South ern sally port We can u nderstan d Germany s fram e of mind most eas ily from th is last instance f o r if we h ad not kept the same d isgracefu l , . . , , - , . . , , , , ’ . , , , ‘ . , , ’ - . ’ , This, o f co u rse, exp lains why th e o fi cial j ustifi catio n o f th eir action pu blish ed by th e Germ an go v ern m en t after th e c"atastro phe h ad happen ed b ea rs th e titl e Ho w Russia m ad e th e War 1 , . PA N S LA V IS M 2 79 guard over Turkey all th rough the nineteenth century German y wo u ld n o t h ave been able to relieve us of it in th e twentieth The arguments with which we defended our conduct th en read like first drafts of the German arguments now Russia s expansion threatens our position in India where our rule stands for civilisation and progress and wh ere Russian conquest would brin g darkness and reaction The most vulnerable point in our position is our line of communications through the Mediterranean which is at present screened from Russia by Turkey It will be laid bare to her if Turkey collapses We must th erefore bolster up the integrity of Turkey and if th e Berlin Treaty brings a generation more of m isery to the Balkans only to be terminated by a bloody war that does not weigh in the bal ance against the harvest of civilisation that the respite perhaps ” permanent will have enabled India to reap We pass our verdict on this argument in the shame with which we recall it The lacquer of idealism deposited upon it by a school of Victorian statesmen with such good faith has worn away and we can see the base metal of unenlightened self seeking beneath Our own error in the past wil l help us both to excuse and to correct th e strongest and most conscious element in German y s feeling at the present We must come to grips with Pan slav ism Germany s fear of it is a psychological fact In her belief S h e has been driven by deadly peril to put her whole fortun e to the touch In the light of our own attitude towards Russia which we began to aban don less than a dozen years ago this creates a presumption th at some real fulcrum e xists to sustain such an immense spi ritu al leverage and if Germany s presentment of th e Russian , . ’ , . , . . ’ , , , , . , , . , , - . ’ . ’ . . . , , ’ , PA N S LA V IS M 2 80 ational ch aracter is tru e all o u r labours will h ave been dis of no avail En glan d an d Fran ce may be in terested and German y may come to be li eve it ; but it is no use bringin g Nationality into its own in Central Europe and preserving it in the West if West and Centre alike are thereby de livered over to be th e prey of Russian m ilitaristic ambitions as bad as or worse th an th ose we are now combattin g in German y If th e A llies win this war Russia will probably ha ve a more decisive voice th an an y of us in th e European settlement that must follow It is our imperative task th erefore to analyse th ose forces immanent in th e Russian Empire which may so greatly modify the realisation of our o wn in tentions and t h e remain der of this book will be devoted to diff erent aspe cts of the same question In Eastern as in Central Europe we will approach our problem from the stand point of Nationality n , . , , , , , . , . , , , , . . , 2 82 THE RUSS IAN EMPIRE persistentl y end eavouring to blot out from the ro ll of nations th e noblest member of the Slavonic brotherho od It is irrelevan t that we Germans have aided and abetted her Polis h poli cy We are not now concerned to d is prove our o wn guilt but only to demonstrate th at Russia s is at least as great as ours The history of Russia s past relations with Poland does not augur well f o the sin ce rity of h er new homage to the National Idea Woe to any nationality in Europe which refuses to subordinate its destiny to th e destiny of Russia if ” Russ ia emerges omnipotent from this war This formidable reto rt o ff ers us a definite field for our d isputa tion In our second ch apter we saw that Germany s action during th e pres ent war is transform in g the feelin g between Russian and Pole with almost miraculous completeness so th at when the re-settle ment of Europe is ma de th e Polis h nation will almost certain ly be prepared to accept its restoration as a gift from the Tsar and try to realis e its aspirations as an autonomous member of the Russian Empire B ut such a compact demands good faith from both parties and the autonomy of Poland will indeed put Russia s to th e test It may be a piece of Utopianism and the Gr and Duke s manifesto S imply th e vow extorted from the sinner by the menace of God s thunderbolt : in that case the suppression of Poland on the morrow of t h e settlement might well herald the successive ruin of th e o ther E uropean nations : or Russia may really abide by her word and respe ct Poland s new found liberty The latter event would serve as an imm ed iate guarantee of Russia s good intentions towards the nationalities less closely in volved with her an d situated altogether outside h er politi cal and economic frontiers . . , ’ . ’ i . , . . ’ , , , , . , ’ , . ’ ’ ’ , . ’ - 2 83 THE RISORGIMENTO OF POLAND but it would also have a momentous eff ect upon th e internal structure of the Russian Empire itself The leaven of Liberalism would not confin e itself to Polan d It would steadily penetrate the whole lump and produce a Russia that might lead the van of European civilisation in stead of straggling in its rear We must discover then whether Polish and Russian Nationalism are indeed capable of reconciliation We will begin by attempting to acquaint ourselves with th e Polis h point of View The history of Polish Nationality really begins with 1 the partition of the old Polish Empire during the last generation of the eighteenth century by the three vulture powers Russia Prussia and Austria which had established themselves on its flan ks Their work was not so gross a crime as it is often pain ted Vultures devour carrion never living crea tures ; and the disappearance of the Polish state was th e old story a long accepted commonplace furthe r West of e fficient strong government imposing law and order by force upon a society in chaos The Empire yoked together diverse nationalities and national fragments Its nucleus was the union of two Catho lic populations the Poles on the Vistula an d th e Lith uanians North East of th em between the Niemen and th e D am They were linked first in 1 3 86 by th e acceptance of a common dynas ty and were su b se quently fused into a single constitutional kingdom by the Act of Lublin in 1 56 9 From that date the strong monarchy gradually degenerated into an inept oligarchic republic The Polo Lithuanian noble caste was paralysed by family feuds and more inclined wh en its . . , . , , , . . , , , . , . - , , . . , - , . , . - . , , 1 In th ree stages 1 772 , 1 793 , 1 795 . THE RU S S IA N E MP I RE 2 84 members met in diet mounted and armed to relieve its feelings in bloods h ed than to carry on the b u siness of government If th e Polish nobi lity h ad reduced merely th eir own country to anarchy it would have been bad enough ; but they were visiting th eir in competence upon large alien pop u lations as well and th e eighteen th century Partitions while they opened th e Polish national question closed once and for all several oth ers of long stan ding (i ) In the fourteenth century after the Mongol invasion had shattered Russia into fragments Poland and Lith uania incorporated by conquest vast districts stretching South Eastward in to the Cossack steppes towards th e B lack Sea The population of all this re gion was Russian by language creed and tradition It included th e White Russians who lay North of th e Pripet marshes and were hardly distinguishable from the Muscovites in dialect and the Ruthenes or Little Russians extending South and South East of th em from the Carpath ian mountains to Kieff half way down the course of th e D n iepr The eighteenth century parti tions reunited these peoples with the national Russian state except for a Westerly fragment of the Ruth enes in Galicia which fell to Austria in 1 772 We shall find later on th at the relation between the Russian Empire and these branches of the Russian race still requires adjustment but th eir transfer from Pol an d to the Muscovite state at least advanced the problem many stages nearer solution (ii ) Besides th ese Russian speaking regions which became a more or less integral part O f the Russian national organism the Russian Empire had in cor po r ated by 1 795 th e whole Lith uanian nation No , . , - , , , . , . , - . , . , , , - , - - . , , . , . - , . , . THE RUSS IAN E M P IRE 286 to Austria Th e Poles dran k th e cu p of national h u m iliation to the dregs The n ationalist movement to which th e Partition gave birth had hardly time to gather force before the deliverer cam e from France Napoleon overthrew Austria an d 1 P russia in succession and imposed on them in th e territorial re settlement that followed the cession of all their Polish acquisitions except the first of 1 772 He reconstituted th e territory disgorged into the Grand ” Duchy of Warsaw The reversal of fortune was complete Not only was th e whole Polish population with insignificant exceptions rescued from the foreign yoke but for the first time it experienced the benefits of self government To Hein e the lonely Jew spurned by 2 Germany with a stil l un softened medi e val heart th e French armies came as th e bringers of good tidin gs to th e individual soul In Polan d whic h had seen native aristo cratic anarchy succeeded by alien bureaucratic repression the principles of the French Revolution became the gospel of a whole nation The advanced political system of Western Europe suddenly intro d u ced and applied for seven years with the in tense energy of th e Napoleonic spirit left a tradition in th e nation which never died out and which differentiated th em from th eir neighbours on all sides on whom th e French had impressed other memories With Napoleon s fall the flood of misfortun e did not return upon the Poles at once We have seen how the Congress of Vienna shore away th e province of Pos en to give victorious Prussia a strategic frontier an d met Russia s claims by erecting the remainder of th e Duchy constitutional kingdom of Polan d under the into a Austria did n o t fo rfei t h er A t Auster litz in 1 80 5 an d J en a in 1 80 6 share o f th e spo ils till after th e seco n d war o f 1 809 . . . , , - , . . , . , , - , . , , . , . , , , , . ’ . , , ’ 1 . . THE RISORGIMENTO O F RO L A N D 2 87 Russian Imperial crown with the exception of Cracow which was cut off and permitted to be a free city on its o wn account to satisfy the strategic susceptibilities of Austria For fif teen years the diminished nati on retained its liberal constitution and even its French organised native army but its position between the three vulture powers risen again from the dust with beaks and talons sharper than ever was too preca rious to survive the first spasms of that birth of nationalism in Central Europe which th e shock of the Napoleonic wars inevitably precipitated The July Revolution of 1 83 0 in France stirred Poland to an ill considered re volt in the following year which gave Absolutism its opportunity The constitution was abolished , and the country organ ised in Russian military governorships while in 1 846 the Austrians marched into Cracow The desperate revolution th at broke out again in 1 86 3 was suppressed by the cool co operation of the th ree interested powers It had come too late The crisis of Italy s risorgimento was already overpassed ; in Prussia Bismarckianism was on the poin t of triumph With the strangling of th is last convulsion the life of th e Polish nation seemed to be extinguished for ever But th e nineteenth century saw a more important event th an the ups and downs of national aspirations— the spread over Europe of that Industrial Revolution whi ch takes no account of the political ordinances of men Polan d s rich mineral deposits turn ed h er into a strong hold o f the new economi c regime and during the blackest year s of politi cal persecution her population has grown steadily in numbers and wealth There are now at least eighteen million Poles in the world within the shelter of t h e Imperial tari f f wall the manufactures of the Russian districts have a preference in the vast rural , , , . , , , , . - , . , . - . . ’ . , . . ’ , . - , K 2 88 THE RUSS IAN EMPIRE market that stretches East of them in to As ia ; whi le Polish unskilled labour has supplanted the native German in Westp halia permeated to Odessa on the Black Sea and foun d its way in increasing volume to the United Sta tes Thus the majori ty of the Polish nation under Russian rule has actu ally benefited economi cally by its subjection and economics have gone far towards settling the politi cal destinies of the whole reunited Poland for whose creation we now hope Even her eighteen 1 mi llions cannot stand by th ems elves with no coast line and no physi cal frontiers ? She must go into partnership with one of her larger neighbours T he Carp athian barrier shuts her out from the Balkan Zollverein The course of the Vi stula and the free navigation down it to Danzig that we have stipulated for her point to union wi th German y but the bulk of Poland 5 exports do not flow down th is natural route to th e Balti c Her real commercial links are with the great Russian continent If Ga li cia becomes Russian soil up to the Carpathi ans the trunk railway conn ectin g Warsaw with the Black Sea will pass throu gh L em b u rg to Odessa with out encounterin g either politi cal fron tier or customs barrier and Poland will turn her face South Eastwards once more but this time in co -operation with Ru ssia and not in rivalry with her as during the Middle Ages Mutual economic interests then favour the idea of Accordin g to th e last censu ses o f th e resp ective Em pires th ere are in P o l es in Ru ssia in Au stria an d o v er P ru ssia T his gi ves a to ta l o f b u t th ere h as b een n o an d in 1 90 7 th e R u ssian P o l es w er e cen su s in Ru S S ia sin ce 1 89 7 un o ffi ciall y estim a ted at Excep t f o r a sho rt secti on o f th e Carp ath ans th e b ou n daries o f th e P o lish nati o n are d em arca ti o ns o f th e B al ti c pl a n as arb itrari ly drawn as th e ou tl n es o f th e p rairie sta tes in th e U S A , , . , , . , . . , ’ . . , ’ , , , . , , 1 , ‘ , , . , 1 i , i i . . . THE RUSS IAN EMP IRE 2 90 harmony between Man and h is ch anged economic environment and thi s e f fort cannot be guided to success by an alien strong government imposed from without but only by a national democracy of the Worke rs evolved from within If then the new Poland is to be a h ealthy organism she will require the maximum measure of Home Rule an d th e minimum of external control consistent with membership of a wider political group The lo cal autonomy of Galicia the most li berally treated province of Austria will fix a level which th e Russian govern ment s concessions will have to surpass We have seen th at if Russia is in a position at th e end of the war to reunite th e Po lis h nation th e Galician fragment will be irres istibly attracted by th e possibility ; but it will also be full of appre h ension at exchan gin g the certainty of Austrian toleration for a dubious reception into the b osom O f Russia and probably it will refuse to commit its elf without a guarantee from all the parties to th e European settlement that the autonomy of th e whole nation with in the new state S hall be at least as far reach ing as that w hi ch this favoured section already enjoys The Russian Government would certain ly chafe at such a proposal and deny the right of other nations to intervene in Russia s internal politics If the pro posal concerned merely the Poles already in cluded within th e Russian Empire this protest would have weigh t ; but it would actually arise as the corollary to a large extension of the Russian frontier made possible by the joint action of th e Allied Powers and Russia must admit the authori ty of France and Great Britain to assert th eir point of view in the settlement of questions raised by th e war in th e East unless she is willing to resign all s h are herself in th e settlement of the West , , . , , , . - , , ’ . , , . , ’ . , , , , . THE RISORGIMENTO OF POLAND 2 91 With out derogating from th e dignity of Russia the Western Powers might well define a certain measure of Home Rule as the indispensable condition for the re union of the Austrian and Prussian fragments to the main body of Poland within the common frontier of the Russian Empire They could not of course bring more th an moral pressure to bear upon R u ssia eith er to admit or to endorse the guarantee ; but if Russia withheld h er pledge the Galician plebiscite would give her a rude shock by declaring itself for federation with the Balkan Zollverein or with the New German y and deprived of the support of her friends s h e would find herself compelled to yield subsequently with a bad grace what she might have granted beforehand as a bounty The federal relation then be tween Poland and Russia s hould be as secure as material in terests an d treaty-stipulations can make it ; but we have still to define th e geographical limits of th e future autonomous state against the main body of th e Russian Empire It goes without saying that the Poles must abandon the memory of their past dominion The New Poland must include no districts but those of Polish nationali ty and since the line to be drawn will simply be an administrative boundary not a tari f f wall or a strategic frontier it can follow with some accuracy the co n vo lu tions of the linguistic border Determined on this principle it will exclude from Poland not merely a strip of the present Vistula governments of Russia but also the major part of Galicia inh abited by a Littl e Russian population At th e moment when th ey are regain ing th eir own liberty th e Poles cannot gru dge neighbour nationalities th e same boon The course of the new boundary should be more or less as follows , - , , . , , , , . , , . . , , , . , - , . , . THE RUSS IAN EMP IRE 2 92 Starti g from the South Eas t corner of the East Prussian frontier just West of th e point Where th e Lyck B ialysto ck Railway crosses it it S hould run South East to the North bank of th e River Narew hi ttin g it near the j un ction of the Augustowo Canal that lin ks th e Vistula and Niemen s ystems Hence it should follow the river s course upwards to a point due South of Bialystock Here it should leave the river and take a S S W direction excluding Bielsk towards th e East till it reaches the Bug Crossing the latter river about fifty miles below Brest it should contin ue in the same direction till it hits the Wieprz and S hould then follow up t h e course of this stream in turn towards the as far as its most Easterly bend thus in cluding Lublin but excludin g Cholm After leavin g the Wieprz th e line sho u ld run due South excluding Zamosz till it hi ts the present Austro Russian frontier when ce it should bend So uth Wes t till it meets the River San at its great angle from East to North West between Yaroslav and Przemysl Thence it should follow the course of the San upwar ds thus assigning Yaroslav to Polan d but excludin g Przemysl which lies on the river s Right bank till it reaches the other great bend from North to East between Przemysl an d S anok At this point it should leave th e San exclud ing Sanok run due South West till it strikes the Hungarian frontier along th e summit of th e Carpathians and proceed to follow the mountains Westward till it reach es th e point on the summit of the range just East of the Ratibor Si llein Railway which we took as the starting place for our western frontier ? S ee M ap II Th e bo u n dary w hich we h av e j u st sk etch ed b etw een Au to n o m o us P o lan d an d th e m ain b od y o f th e Ru ssian E m p ire pr actically co in cid es with th e E astern bor d er o f th e terr to ry con tin u o usly in h ab ited by Po l es 1 n - , - , , , . ’ . . . , . , . , , , . , , , - , - , - , . , , , ’ , . , , - , , , - , 1 . 1 i THE RUS S IAN EMP IRE 2 94 nderstanding to g rasp a liberal policy If she were merely uns crupul ous she wo u ld begin to act righ teously as soon as it paid h er to do so but s h e is stupid as well and from the combination of these two vices no good can sprin g This criti cism compels us to abandon th e field of Russia s objective interests and to reopen our dis cussion on th e more fu ndamenta l pl ane of her subjective character ; for u nless we can vindicate that the N ew Poland we have so elaborately built up will p rove a house of cards an d may carry the oth er nations of Europe with it when it co llapses in ru in u . , , . ’ , , , B Th e N a tiona l Ev olu tion of Russia . Germany s reproach to England for havin g join ed forces with Russ ia against her is couched in terms like th ese You have de cided to fight us because you hate and fear our Militarism You believe we aspire to World Empire and mean to take your inheritan ce from you by force and naturally you imagine as every nation must that your o wn downfall would be a setback to civi lisation We will not be at the pains to argue with you but we point out that if you succeed in crushin g us with Russia s aid you are laying up a worse fate both for yourselves and for th e world Russia on th e most favourable interpretation is only made of the same stu fi as ourselves but in an inferior quality and of a coarser grain Her ambitions an d her meth ods of forwarding them reflect our o wn and our strength is th e only bar to their realisation The Cossack will ride over our corpses to the conquest of th e world and when you see him enter Copenhagen and Stamboul an d ’ , . , , . , , ’ , , . , , . , . , THE NATIONAL EVOLUTION O F RUSS IA 2 95 Koweit you will regret the anni hilation of German " culture We could dismiss German y s Pan slav bo gy with a smile if it had not found a response in t his coun try but After Germany Russia is a p h rase th at already comes too glibly upon people s lips Is the supreme objective of Peace for which we are sacrificing every thing now illu so ry s And does the lifting of one war cloud merely draw a heavier one above th e horizon f If the soul of Russia is like the soul of modern Germany with th e evil heightened and the good expunged there see m s no issue for th e World Germany has challenged the comparison and we will take her at her word and test it If we compare the governments of th e two empires th e German contenti on is clearly righ t Th e purposes and methods of the Russian and German bureaucracies are roughly th e same but whereas th e German govern ment is e fficient and on the whole has public opinion beh in d it the Russian is out of touch with th e nation obs curan tist an d ineffective Judging th en by the functioning of th e administrative machine Germany is far superior to Russia and it may be argued th at admin istrative e fficiency is an adequate criterion of com parativ e civilisation because it presupposes that faculty of orderliness an d looking ahead which we emp hasised at th e beginning as civilisation s essence This argument would be valid if th e govern m ent but even in th e an d th e governed could be equated democratically-o rganised states of Western Europe th e two factors do not coincide and in the Cen tre an d East th ey do not approximate to one anoth er O n th e one side stands the German Government e xploitin g all the national accuracy an d forethought born of civilisa , . ’ , , , ’ . , ‘ , , , . , . , . , , , , , . , , , , - , ' . , . , TH E RUS S IAN EMP IRE 2 96 tion to brin g about its o wn specialis ed and as we j u dge it uncivilised end of world conquest just as a t rust exploits se curity of property an d rapidity of co m m u n ica tions to gnaw the weal th of th e community in w hich it shelters On th e other side the great German nation renoun cing its ideals and surrendering that very essence of ci v ilisation the power of free choice and of looking ahead with one s own eyes h as indentured itself to the service of th e Government s bad cause The success of the German Government in its present po licy has b een an indictm ent of the German Nation in the present phase of its character You need employ no violen ce against a willing accomplice nor conduct an obscurantis t campaign again st a demoralised in telligenz ia which has the lie already in its so ul We have seen that Germany s h istory h as reversed the normal order of European evolution Prussian ism is in th e as cend ant : it is th e dominant in spirin g force of th e nation s growth an d any success Ge rm any may achi eve under its banner will impress the iron mould more deeply upon her soul The Prussian milita ristic bureaucracy is a livin g power Russia on the oth er hand has reproduced so far precisely th e phases of Western Europe though like Serbia and her other Balkan proteg ees she has suffered from a very late start Her histo ry began little more than two hundred years ago In the seventeenth century she was a stagn an t mass still dazed by the shock of Mongol conquest that had struck her down four centuries earlier half orientalised by the Mongol s u zerainty that had followed th e impact and cut o ff from the outer World by th e lack of a seaboard She stood to Europe as Macedonia stood to Hellas at th e beginning of the fourth century B C and she found her Philip in Peter the Great , , - , , , . , ’ , ’ . . , . ’ . , ’ , . . , , , , , . . , , , . . . , . TH E RUSS IAN EM P IRE 2 98 bureaucracy to bankruptcy It has no longer risen to th e problems of internal growth and it has suff ered grave military dis credit abroad The Crime an cam ” W ar of th e Span ish Succession th e p aign was its un expectedly disastrous struggle with Japan its Seven Years War Its prestige has suf fered blows from w hich it can never recover but th e outworn c h rysalis has held to geth er long enough to do its work Durin g th is same nineteenth century the Russian nation an inarticu late Tityo s lying prone across h alf a contin ent has awakened to th e clearest consciousness and e xpressed itself in a literature as distinctive and as momentous for the spiritual history of th e World as th e literature of eighteenth century France Nor is this a h ouse built on the sands The Russian in telligenz ia draws its living water from a deep well sp rin g of national life W hen you read a Russian novel you pass out of the cosmopo litan environment of Industrial Europe into Holy Russia an environment of river and forest and snow and sun an d a tradition of religion and of so cial c u stoms utterly unfamiliar to you before but you habituate yourse lf to it with un looked for ease because th e sense of life that pulses th rough it is as convincing as th e sound of th e sea when it falls after months of absence upon your ears The Russian nation h as found its soul : the ne xt p h ase will inevitably follow and effete strong government give place to th e captain cy of th e n ation over its own destiny The present war is a very important moment in this transformation It too finds a parallel in the history of France namely the successful interv ention in the cause of A merican Independence that gave liberalism entrance into the fortr ess of o fficial policy The . , . , ’ . , . , , , - . . . , , , , , , , , . , . . , , , , , . THE NATIONAL EVOLUTION OF RUSS IA 2 99 Russian Government cannot unfurl its banner in a similar cause with out considerably changing the legend embroidered upon it before it is laid away again A change of outlook will mean a ch ange of personnel : Russia may fin d a Turgot and a Necker wh o profitin g by the experience of their French forerunners will solve the problems of which they despaired and there may even now be fighting in her army s ranks a stron ger and more purposeful Lafayette The friction and misunderstanding then that at present e xists between the Government and the People of Russia is not as German opinion suggests a S ign of dissolution but a symptom of growth If the nation here assented to the bureaucracy s standpoint that would indeed be a proof of national depravity But the Russian bureaucracy belongs to the past Liberalism is in the ascendant and will prevail We have now compared Germany and Russia by bringing out th e respective tendencies that are asserting themselves in each and this is t h e only true principle of estimating national values The symbolism of political cartoons in whic h the figure of John Bull a squire in Regency costume sta nds for the British Nation and Uncle Jonathan a business man with the beard and coat of the sixties for the United States is actively misleading It takes a vivid impression of a nation at some critical moment in its history when the attention of the World is centred upon it and perpetuates it with th e implication that that is the nation s eternal essence The device produces the same co m ic eff e ct as the snap shot o f a race h orse galloping but the humour con sists just in t h e static presentment of a kinetic reality and thus depends upon a distortion of historical truth National character is not static because a nation , . , , ’ . , , , , . ' , . , . . , , , , , ' , , . , , ’ . - , , . , T HE RUS SIAN EMPIRE 3 00 is alive The essence of it is not t h e ph ase it happens to occupy at the moment but th e wh ole movement of its growth and we can forecast a mov ement s tendency with mos t probabili ty though of course any calcula tion of the future is ex hypo thesi conjectural by a survey of such p h ases of it as have already been ac tualised Met in this way Germany s challenge turns to her own despite Our conclusion makes us more eager than ever for Germany s d isco m fitu re in th is war and more zealous in our all iance with Russia for we feel that the triumph of Russia as well as the triumph of Great Britain and France will be in harmony wit h t h e true advancement of European civilisation . , ' , , , , , . ’ , . ’ , , , . C Devo lu tion . W e have compared th e past history of Russia with that of other European nations and analogy has inclined us to augur for her a liberal future Yet we shall not satisfy our German critic till we have o fl ered him some concrete programme of the lines on which t h is prospective liberalism can should and will be realised The c hief obstacle to the progress of self government in Russia h as been the shortness of her history The second an d hardly less formidable factor is the im Before the invention m en sity of her territorial extent of modern communications a vigorous absolutism seemed th e only force capable of holding together such a widespread mass of humani ty But now the mechanism of telegraph and railway can take the place of strong government s centripetal action and local individuality receive free play in th e political sph ere , . ' , , . - . , , . , . - ' , TH E RUS S IAN EMP IRE 30 2 d efence and might satisfactorily leave the whole internal admin istration of Lithuania to Home Ru le (b ) The Letts inhabiting Courland and Livland on either bank of the Dii na lie next to the Lithuanians in the Northward direction They speak a variety of the same language but their history has been different They were converted to Christianity by the sword of the Teutonic K nights and at the Reformation submissively followed their masters into the Protestant camp li ke th e Masurians in Prussia After the dissolution of the Order this territory was partitioned between Sweden and Poland and when it became one agai n under Russian govern ment the Germ an landed aristocracy descended from the secul arised kni ghts played for a time a pro m inent part in the history of the Empire owin g to their s u perior education and acquaintance with Euro pean life n The Northern part of Livland from a li e drawn c () East an d West between the Lake of Pskov and the Gulf of Riga together with Esth lan d the sister province along the Southern coast of the Gulf of Finland h as shared the po litical and religious history of the Lettish districts but th e population here speaks a language of entirely d ifferent origin a dialect of the great Ugro Finn ish group The bond of common Protestantism and German culture may override these diff erences of native speech and incline the people of Courland Livland an d Esth lan d to consolidate all three provinces into a single self govern ing area or in asmuch as public education in the nation al language is one of the chief objects of devolution the Lettish speakin g and Esthonian speak ing sections may elect to organ ise themselves apart , . , , . , . , . , , , , , , , . , , , , - , . , , - , - - , . THE RUS S IAN EMP IRE 304 and th e nati ons themselves have come to man the opposing camps with their former despots at their head as their chosen leaders while th e issue now at stake is whether the strong nation shall use the freedom that it has won for th e oppression of its neighbour or whether all nations great and small shall live orderly side by side as members of a wider commonwealth This issue is being fou ght out in the present war an d Russia has joined battle on the side of national liberty If her eff orts in co operation with th ose of the Western powers de cide the struggle in favour of our common cause and we achi eve the much -d esired re settlement of Central Europe on the national bas is at the expense of German and Magyar chauvinism Russia will have neither the will nor the power to tarry longer from settin g her own house in order She has sin n ed against th e National Idea in th e past no less th an her present antagonists an d if all the nationalities in her Empire have rallied round her government at th e present crisis it is because th ey are willing to forget the past in th e hope of a happier future Russia cann ot now aff ord to disappoint this hope even if she is tempted to do so The spark of Nationalism has continued to smoulder in the hearts of th ese border nations during the century that th ey have been groun d between th e hammer an d anvil of rival im perialisrn s and each oppressor has fostered it in tu rn to point a thrust in the long bout of fence against h is accomplices But now Russia by putting forth all her strength to remove th e pressure " from the one side with blood and iron has pledged herself to re lieve it by her own free grace on th e other Th e raising up of th ese prostrate nations in th e blackest hour of their despair will transform th em from a fringe of disaff e ction into a girdle of loyalty and will be the , , , , , . , . , - , - , , , . , , . , . , , , . , . , DEV O LUTION 30 5 best guarantee that Russia will not have spent her strength in vain but if th e settlement at th e close of this war fails to alleviate th eir condition by Russia s good will the liberal spirit of Europe which will h ave triumph ed in the victory of the Al lies will inevitably accomp lish their redemption in spite of Russia and perhaps to her undoing Russia has put her hand to the plough and cannot turn back (ii ) The same considerations should induce Russia not merely to grant Home Rule to a ring of nationalities within her frontier but actually to abandon all hold upon a population Whose national centre of gravity lies defin itely on the further side of it In th e present campaign the Russian arm ies have occupied the Austri an Crown land of Bukovina pin ioned between the Car p ath ian s an d th e North East angle of Roumania ; but with th e dissolution of the Dual Monarchy the province should pass not to Russia but to th e neighbouring Rouman ian state to which its inhabitants belong by nationality Roumania is at present considerably the most pros 1 pero n s and well popula ted of the Balkan States and would take the next place in importance to Hungary in our proposed Balkan League ; but she is in th e unfortunate position of possessing a large irredenta both in Hungarian and in Russian territory which h as so far alienated her sympath ies both from the Dual Monarch y and from th e Russian Empire an d prevented h er arrivin g at an endurin g understanding with either Should th e European settlement however secure a satisfactory m odus v ivendi for th e non Magyar n atio n ali ties o f Hun gary in cluding h er Rouman citizens an d so enable Hu ngary and Roumania to co operate in the Po p u latio n ab o u t in 1 91 0 , ' , - , , , . , . . , . - , - , , , . - , , , . , , - , , - 1 . THE RUSS IAN EMPIRE 30 6 new Zollverein th e qu arrel between th ese two states would be at an end an d Roum an ia s resen tment wo u ld concentrate itself upon Russia much more to Russia s detriment th an before because Roumania would h ave th e whole Balkan group behind her It would th erefore be worth Russia s while to satisfy if possible Rou mania s just claim s by concedin g to her not merely territories conquered in this war but a province long in corporated in her Empire 1 Roumania covets Bessarabia the d istrict between th e Pruth and the Dn iestr This coun try is val u able to Russia sim ply for its coast lin e which gives her access to th e North ern arm of th e Danube delta The in terior is unimportant to her for though her chief Black Sea port Odessa lies only a few miles up th e 3 th e railways lin king coast East of th e Dn iestr liman it to its hin terlan d even to th e new Russian territory in Galicia all pass outside Bessarabia beyond the D niestr 5 Left bank The interior however is the part of th e province where the Rouman element is strong while th e steppe towards the co ast is inhabited by th e relics of Tatar nomads by German colonists planted there to teach them agriculture and by a large Slavonic element Russian colonists and Bulgarian refugees who have drifted in during the course of the century This gives us a reason able basis for division The new frontier between Russia and Roumania should start , ’ , ’ , , . ’ , , ’ , . , . - , . , , , , , ’ , , , , . , , , , , . . Ced ed by Tu rkey to Ru ssia in 1 8 1 2 Th e p o pu lat o n egistered in f 1 8 97 was in cl d i n g th e R u ssian censu Ro u m ans B u l gar Germ a ns lem e t t b e thre qu art b t R o u m an a th o it es r cko n th e R m a S ee M ap V o f th e p p l ati o n Estu y 1 i . s o r u s r u u o u ar . . i e ou . n e n o e ers 3 08 THE RUS S IAN EMPIRE Zollverein th e free use of a railway to a port on th e In n coast wh ere s h e could lade an d u nl oad her goo ds on the open sea , . We h ave now dealt with th e whole frin ge of alien nationalities within th e Western frontier of th e Russian Empire A fringe is all th at they are their territories are insignificant slices carved from the Empire s enor mous bulk and their populations weigh light in the balance against the Russian speakin g masses that lie away to their East The Russians have far less excuse than th e Magyars for t h e oppression by force or fraud of their fellow nationalities because the most quixotic generosity could not endanger the Russian element s 1 preponderance The mere weight of the Russian popula tion is su ffi cient to assure for ever t h e Russian ch aracter of the Empire and the balance of numbers is continually s hifting further in its favour year by year as colonial are as fill up in th e Great North East The only really di fficult problem of devolution within the Emp ire concerns the relations between the diff erent branches of the Russian Nation itself The Russian race falls into two great divisions distinguished by considerable di ff erence of dialect Th e fo ll o win g tabl e sh o win g th e co m p arativ e stren gths o f th e m ost im p o rtan t natio n alities within th e Russian E m p ire was co m p i l ed fro m esti m ates m ad e in 1 906 To tal N or th R ussians G reat Russians To ta l Russians White Ru ssians L i ttl e Ru ssians Po les L ithu an ian s L etts . ’ , - . - , ’ . , , - . . , 1 , , " Fin n s Tatars B as h kirs K irghi z l p op u lat n o f th E m p ir e was est m ated at year Th e to ta in th e sam e io . e i DEVOLUTION 3 09 (i ) The whole No rth of the country is occupied by the Great Russian group which is composed of three sub sections (a ) The Northern corresponding to the area of the former republic of Novgorod where the Great Russian dialect is spoken in its most extreme form (b ) The Wes tern coinciding with the region once subject to Lithuania where the so called Wh ite Russian variety of the dialect is current (0) The Eastern round the original core of the Muscovite principality where the dialect S hows d iv erg en ces from the pure No rthern type S imilar to those that prevail in White Russia These three modifications of th e Great Russian speec h have remained mere parochial peculiarities and have not aroused any separatist feelings between the p o p u la tions that respectively S peak them The third or ” Moscow type has established itself as the or g an of o fficial administration and of educated intercourse because the principality of Moscow was the nucleus out of which the New Russia grew up as the Mongol storm subsided The sudden birth of a wonderful literature in the nineteenth century and the gradual spread of primary education since the beginning of the twentieth have secured it for ever from challenge by the other local patois Great Russian then is a single language (ii ) and all the populations th at speak it form a single national unit ; but when we come to the second or Little Russian division of the race we find ourselves in face of a real cleavage The extension of the Great Russians coin cides on th e whole with the forest Z one of the country Th e Little Russians lie South of them deployed in a long line on the borderland between forest . , - , , . , - , . , , . , . , , , . , , . , . , , , . - . , THE RUSS IAN EMP IRE 3 10 and steppe which e xtends from the headwaters of th e Vistula and Dn iestr systems in th e Carpathian s towards the till it strikes the upper course of the Don near Vo ro n esh Th is wide flung ribbon of population has a strong national feeling of its own The Great Russian can claim that it was he who freed the race from the Moslem yoke and th at the li v in g Russia of th e present with its glories of arms and of letters is solely his creation ; but the Little Russian looks back to the day before th e Mongol appeared in the land when the D n iep r not the Volga was the holy river of Russia and Kie ff h alf way down its course her h oly city the meeting place of “ the strong government and the world-religion th at came up to her from opposite quarters out of the B altic and th e Black Sea He regards himself as the true heir to thi s primitive tradition an d his loyal ty to it is all th e keener because so many centuries lie between the Golden Age and his present obscuri ty Little Russia unlike Muscovy never recovered from th e Mongol catastrophe She escaped from alle giance to the Moslem only by sub m ission to th e Lithu anian and P olish Catholic and even wh en t h e Polish Empire was broken up she did not win h er unity from th e but was di vided with the rest of the re settlement spoils between the govern ments of Moscow and Vienna Yet the problem of Little Russian nationalism might still have been solved The Ruthenes of Galicia were only a small fraction of the race the major part of it including the national centre Kie f f and the whole of the D n iep r basin was once more gathered into the fold of a national Russian state and if Moscow could have been liberal enough to accept Kie f f as her peer the Little Russians would soon have forgotten th eir , . - . , , , , , , , , - , , , . , . , , . , - , . . , , , , , THE RUSS IAN E M P IRE 312 the Ruth ene peasant proprietors constitute the bulk of 1 the population in Eastern Gali cia the big es tates are still nearly everywhere in the hands of a Polish upper class a relic of the Polis h domination before the Partition of 1 772 and in the eighties of the last century the Austrian government abandoned the Ruthene majority to the mercy of the Polish minority when it was bidding for the suppor t of the Polish vote in the parliament at Vienna Th e Poles had th e game in th eir hands because both wealth and education were at that time their monopoly and they took steps to confirm their racial p red o m in ance They compelled the Austrian government to recognise Polish as the o fficial language of th e whole province and it has taken the Ruthenes a generation to secure a modicum of instruction in their own langu age 2 at Lemberg University Resentment at their betrayal to the Poles raised a movement among them in favour of Russia and a M o skalo p hil party grew up whose programme was that reunion with the national Russian state which is now being realised but the M o skalo p hils have always been in a minority and no indi ctment against Russian poli cy in the Ukraine could be more damning than the almost universal rejection of Russian overtures by the Ruthenes of E astern Gali cia ” In modern Austria o fficial language has not the same sinister connotation as in the neighbour states of , , ’ , , . , , . , . , , , . Th e Ru th en e terri to ry am o u n ts to a bo u t two -thirds o f th e w ho l e area o f Ga licia, ev en if w e m ak e a li b eral al l o wan ce f o r th e P o lish en cl av es em bedd ed in it o n th e o th er h an d, th e R u th en e el em en t is in 1 900, as o nl y a m in o rity o f th e to tal p o p u l atio n o f G ali cia a g ain s t P o les) , b ecau s e th e Ru th en e co u n try is m o re m o u n ai o us an d l ess d ev elo p ed th an th e Western districts occu p i ed by th e 1 ip j 0 es ' Ihe w (5w 2 L ‘ . . G erm an fo rm o f R ssian Lvo v L ttl e Russian L wiw Po lish u , i , DEVOLUT I O N 313 Russia Prussia and Hungary Like German i n th e remaining Austrian provinces Polis h is o fficial in Galicia in the sense that it is the vehicle of internal service in the ad m inistration of the country In the ” external se rvice however that is in all relations between the provincial government and the individuals subject to its jurisdiction Austrian public law prescribes in Galicia as elsewhere the employment of the private party s native speech if it is recognised as customary L an d esiib lich in the district A Ruthene thus enjoys the right to conduct all his business with the Polish administration in his own Ruthene tongue If h e is a pe asant he can bring an action in Ruthene before th e public courts if he is a deputy he can debate in Rut h ene in the provincial diet If he can secure a majority in his village or municipality he may make Ruthene the medium of his local self government If he travels on the Galician railways he finds every o ff i cial notice down to the inscription on his ticket printed in Ruth ene as well as in German and Polish In every one of these points his status presents a remarkable contrast to the position of his brethren beyond the Russian and Hungarian frontiers Even in th e spher e of higher education where the Polish regime has laid itself open to most criticism the number of Ruthene secondary schools in Galicia has at least risen though slowly since 1 86 7 while in Hungary the non-Ma gyar secondary schools have steadily shrunk in numbers during th e same period On the whole we may say that th e Ruthene majority in the Eastern part of Galicia is treated as equitably as is consistent with the racial supremacy of the Polish minority in the region and that here as elsewhere Austria has been Europe s pioneer in the settlement of the problem of nationality . , , . , , , , ’ , . , . . , , , . . . , , , , , . , , ’ , , . THE RUSS IAN EMP IRE 3 14 In Galicia th en the Little Russian l anguage is deprecated but in no sense banned A society has flourished for many years at Lemberg which fosters the living literature collects and edits the peas ant poetry of th e past and studies the philological characteristics of th e dialect with a freedom unheard of East of the frontier The Tsar s government has held the mistaken poin t of view that the encouragement of traditional culture inevitably gives rise to new fangled political aspirations and h as thereby provoked this literary group at Lemberg to become in fact the mouthpiece of a Little Russian nationalist par ty whi ch h as th e allegiance of a majority among the Austrian Ruthenes This party dreams of a national state in whic h all fractions of the Little Russian race shall be united and its feelin g against Petersburg is so bitter th at in spite of the en ten te at its e xpense between Vienna and the P oles it is ready to march under Austria s banner and all ows its canvassing in the Ukr aine to assume th e form of 1 Austrian propaganda This bizarre situation has s u ddenly been terminated by the present war In th e event of the Allies success we have seen that Gali cia will pass to th e Russian Empire The whole of the Little Russian race will finally be united within Russia s frontier but the annexation of the Galician Ruthenes will create the same situation for her as that of the Galician Poles , , . - , , , ’ . - , , . , , , ’ , . ’ . , . ’ , . l y ly R C lG v V v Gl p l y by k l yly l w d lb l b d df b v d v l R d bl ly pl k p b bl V y p d l b l p yb l R l G y b R q by xpl p bl k o ern It is tru e th at to W in th e o a t o f th e u th en es th e en tra a icia n o ic , m en t at i enn a h as h ad to re erse in so m e m easu re its ere o u t an d th at it h as th ere sh a en th e o a t o f th e P o es, w h o ro m a o e a an ce in G ali cia rag e to fin d th e racia ein g re ress e To ri e P o e an d u th en e in o u e h arn ess is r eal a ho e ess tas , it at th e in stan ce o f an d it is i enn a o nl attem te ro a e that B er in S in ce h er u ng i n g o li c egan to reco n ci e u ssian an d Po e, e o it erm an h as so u gh t to em arrass u ssia i n an o th er u arter in g th e ro em o f th e U r ain e 1 . . . TH E RUSS IAN EMPIRE 3 16 From the outset this new popu lation has been very h eterogeneous The Germanophil governm ent of Catherine I I copied the Hapsburg experiment of sowing civi lisation by s ca t terin g plan tations of German settlers " and in New Russia as in Hun gary th e balance was largely made up of refugees from the various Christian populations subject to Turkish oppression The colonisation of th e d istrict received an immense impetus from the eman cipation of the serfs in 1 86 1 since wh en the peasants in every province of Russia have been leavin g their an cestral villages and driftin g into all the undeveloped areas to take up freehold allotmen ts th ere but inasmuch as the Great Russian population of the Empire is vastly stronger than the Little Russian in numbers the Great Russian immigrants in to the steppes outweigh the Little Russian in the like proportion When N ew Russia has been completely filled up the Little Russian element will not be found to predominate and so when th e various elements subsequently fuse themselves into one type the New Russian blend will not assume a spe cifically Littl e Russian colour What is true of the Black Sea steppes is still truer of the coast upon which they open Odessa the new port foun ded in 1 792 is an ind ispensable factor in the econo m i c system of th e Black Earth zone for the whole grain expor t passes through its harbour but it has no special links of tradition or dialect with the Little Russian nationality an d is essentia ll y a common outlet and meetin g place of all races in th e Empire in cluding the Poles while the isolated Crimean peninsula which adjoins it on the East has remained th e stronghold of a civilised agri cultural and vine growin g Tatar pop u lation New Russia then has no social bonds of cohesion with Little Russia and could never be abso rbed into it but . . , , , . , , , . , , , , . . , , , , - , , - , , , . DEVOLU T ION 3 17 a self-governing Little Russian unit which did not extend to the coast would geographically and economically be almost unthinkable It would possess none of the pre requisites for self su fficien cy (ii ) Yet even if Little Russia were able by assimilat i n g the coast or otherwise to conso lidate herself a more serious d ifli cu lty would still remain she would be too unwieldy a block for the architecture of the Russian Empire There are two possible plans on which a federal group can be built up (a ) Where the whole population to be federated is homogeneous in nationality and the only problem is caused by its bulk it is best organised in a large number of self governing units which being ex hyp o thesi identical in quality will probably work together in harmony if only their parity in size and importance is secured as well This structure has approved itself in the history of the and will probably be adopted as the basis of the New China (6) American history however has also shown that this system of equal units is extremely dangerous where the total population is divided by diff erences of nationality In fact so soon as the least divergence of national self consciousness creeps in it will transform the divisions between units whi ch formerly had merely administra tive significance into spiritual lines of cleavage and since the units are equal and share no particular centre of gravity there will be no constructive force to counter act t h is centrifugal tendency A gradual divergence of this kind within such a structure cost the United States a civil war before they could remedy it in a case where the national di fferences are violent and traditional and where the architect has still a clean slate to adopt this principle would be deliberate folly . - . . , , , . . , , - , , , , . . , , . , , , , , , . , , . THE RUSS IAN EMP IRE 318 When common interest or necessity induces several diff erent nationalities to attempt combination in a single 1 organi c politi cal group success can only come through inequality by subjecting a number of lesser satellites to the attr action of a central planet and the inequality must be signal If the satellites approach the planet too nearly in mass or the planet shrinks into too even a ratio with the satellites they will all when a certain poin t is reach ed fly o ff at a tangent an d probably collide fatally with one another before they severall y disappear in space The unity of the Russian Empire is to the interest of nearly all th e nationalities that are members of it but 2 th at unity can only be maintained by grouping th e rest round a Russian national state of imm ense preponder ance We have said that the Russian nation need have no fear of being swamped by its fellow nationalities but that remains true only so long as the nation itself remains united The littl e Russian element for m s 3 nearly a third of the whole race an d if it were to break o ff from the main body and attempt to follow an orbit of its own it would fatally d islocate the balance of the whole Imperial system It would approximate su fficiently in mass to the Great Russi an remnant to struggle with it for predominance and t his fratricidal strife would wear down the stren gth of the two fragments and prevent them from concentrating their energy to keep A s co n trasted W th a l oose p assiv e co n cert li ke th e p ro p osed B alkan Z o llv erein Wi th ou t p rej u dice o f co u rse to th eir o wn l ocal self go v ern m en t Gr eat Ru ssian L i ttl e Ru ssian s 8 In th e Ukrain e —2 % ) 9 s In G al ic1a , , , . , , , , , . . - , . , , . , , 1 i , . 2 - , , 3 To tal o f R ussian N atio n . TH E RUSS IA N E MP IRE 3 20 Siberian Railway which still await e ff e ctive colonisation an d by the mi litary districts of the Caucasus and the Asiati c steppes whose primary need at pr esent is the unbroken maintenance of strong government and which will not become able to govern themselves till many years have habituated them to a civilisation established from without The region ripe for immediate self government is nevertheless immense and the po pu la tion contain ed within the limits indi cated whi ch will be represented in the parliament of the national Russian unit falls little S hort of a hundred millions There ar e however several factors eminently favourable to the successful organisation of this huge mass of human bein gs (i ) The geographical unwieldin ess of the country is counterbalanced by the extraordinary facility of com The great navigable rivers have always m u n icatio n af forded magnificent natural highways the Volga steamer was as important a factor in nineteenth century Russia as the Mississippi steamer was in the contem and the network of p o rary development of the railways which as in A merica has first supplemented and now begun to supplant the river steamer s use especially in th e new cornl ands of the South can extend itself over the length and breadth of the land with out encountering any barrier of mountains (ii ) The Great Russian race has taken full advantage of the geographical elasticity of its habitat and expand in g from its original centre of dispersion in the North Western forests has kept pace with the poli tical exten sion of the Muscovite state s frontiers In its conta ct with the alien races that it has thereby encountered it has d isplayed a vitality and assimilative power com parable to th at of the Anglo -Saxon race in America , , , , . , , , . , , . . . - , , , ’ - , , , . . , , , ’ . , . DEVOLU T ION 32 1 Th e little patches of Ugro Finnis h population th at still survive in the heart of Great Russia — Karelians between Novgorod an d Tver among the Valdai hills Chere misses and Mordvins between Nij n i Novgorod and Kazan on the Middle Volga — testify to the vanis h ed majorities of these tribes which have adopted the speech and nationality of their Russian conquerors as far as the White Sea The same process is being con tin u ed to day at the expense of the more widely spread — Finnis h groups of the North East Votyaks and — r e n s and Voguls and Ostyaks protected though Sy y 1 they are by the rampart of the Northern Urals Th e nomadic Turkis h speaking comm u ni ties 2 Bas h kirs and Chuvashes that adjo in the Volga Finns on the South East wandering with th eir flocks among th e Southern Urals and along th e border of the steppes are suffering th e fate of those pathetic little Red Indian reservations in Canada and the round wh ich the tide of European immigration surged high er all th roug h th e nin eteenth century till some inconsequent act of lawlessness broke the moral obligation that h ad so far preserved their bounds and abandoned them to submerg ence beneath the flood But th e mere engulfing of in ferior races is not th e greatest triumph of th e - , , , , . - - , , . - , , - , - , , , , . Th e rem n an ts o f Fin n ish p o p u latio n still awaitin g abso rp tio n by th e Ru ssian race, in clu din g th e Ural gro u ps, b u t exclu din g, o f co u rse, th e Fin ns o f th e Gran d D u chy wh o h ave a civi lisatio n an d a natio n al co nscio u sn ess su p erio r, o n th e w ho l e, to th e Ru ssian , m ake u p a to tal o f (id en tical , cu rio u sly en o u gh, with th e to tal o f civil ised F irm s in F in l an d) Th ere are fu rth erm o re civil ised Firm s in Ru ssian territo ry adj o inin g th e Gran d D u chy wh o are u nlikely to b e assim il ated 1 . . 1 B ashkirs Chu vashes TH E RUSS IAN EMPIRE 32 2 Russian nation it h as known how to recon cile a rival civilisation Ch ristian and Moslem h ave met as enemies on many fields and th e result of th e stru ggle has often brought th em into the relation of conquerors and conquered Yet which ever party has triump h ed a great gulf has generally remained fixed between th e two and e n forced politi cal union instead of passin g over as in so many oth er cases in to org an ic political unity has only accentu ated th eir mutual an tipath y Russia alone h as managed to solve th e problem The Tatars of the 1 Volga Khanates conquered by her in the sixteenth century were communities of peasants and merc hants with a tradition of culture derived from Persia an d Baghdad as strongly characterised as tha t which Russia herself had drawn from Constantinople and the West ; yet now th e Tatars while remaining true to their religion have become Russian in soul and have found both the opportunity and the inclin ation to play a full part in th e social and political life of the Russian nation This is a victory not of race but of civilisation or rath er what is better still it is the blending of two civilisations into a new harmony It is clear th en that the Great Russian element has the power to weld th e whole hundred millions into a consolidated nation and in the process not only Fin ns Bashkirs and Tatars but the more compact Little Russian masses as well will ultimately lose their pecu liar individuality It would be idle for the Little Russians to complain at th e prospect If their lan guage is h enceforth given as good an opportunity for self assertion as th e Moscow dialect and still yields ground before the latter the cause will no longer be human Kazan an d Astrak han . , . , , , , , , . . - , , , , , , , . , , , . , , , , , , . . , , 1 . T HE RUSS IAN EM P IRE 3 24 awoke in th em an unexpected energy D u rin g the chaos in to which th e Empire fell for th ree years th ey took th e initiative Repeated congresses of delegates from the lo cal dumas and Ze m s tvos evolved in con ference with th e autocracy the constitution of October 1 90 5 and th e elective mac h inery of the first national dumas was modelled on th e local plan Th e provincial district and mun icipal co u nci ls have not let th eir recovered power slip again from their han ds and a p h ase of really constructive activity undoubtedly lies before th em T his th en is th e Russia of the future whi ch we can discern th rough th e chrysalis of eigh teenth century auto cracy from which th e Russia of th e present h as been so painft e xtricatin g herself It is not a mere dream of th e imagin ation The regime in possession fas cinates our attention just as th e royal murders in Serbia o ccu pied the wh ole vision of the Magyar professor The repressive unscrupulous police government keeps us unpleasantly aware of its e xistence by th e startling ech oes of its misdeeds that filter t h rough into our press and the hysterical often criminal intrigues of the revolutionists who claim to represent the in telligenz ia reveal a dearth of constructive ideas that almost justifies the government s attitude Yet beneath this sordid surface a less melodramatic political activity has been at work for a generation without attracting th e world s notice The exploitation of the Black Earth zone the conciliation of the Moslems and the evolution of the zemstvos are signs of the times . , . , , , . , , , . , , , , . . , . - , , , , , , ’ . ’ . , , . E X PANS I O N D 325 Exp ansion . We have not however completely an swered th e ” Germans case Granted they will say that Russia has this liberal future before her th at national self government will be attain ed by th e different races within the Empire alien and Russian alike and that th e old ideal of Repression at home and aggression abroad will be sloughed off togeth er with her obsolete eighteenth century strong government if we grant you all this you must allow us to turn again st you your own weapon o f historical an alogy You have illustrated th e tendency of Russia s gro wth by a comparison with eighteenth century Fran ce But France after she had achieved national self government in the Revolution proceeded to rob territory from oth er nations like th e most vulgar minded despotic conqueror Perhaps you may ascribe this conduct not to France h erself but to the personal ambition of Napoleon ; or you may say that though the French nation a century ago did adop t unmodified the Bourbons dynastic point of view the Industrial Revolution has intervened meanwhile and entirely changed the attitude of self govern ing nations — towards their foreign policy th at they do not now wage war for territorial acquisition but for economic ad v an tage aimin g to add market to market not province to province If you take up th is position we can answer you out of your o wn mouth Let us return to your comparison of Germany and Russia You have proved that the present analogies between them are deceptive : strong government in Russia did its work under Peter the Great and is now a functionless survi val while Bismarck had to reh ab itu ate , , ’ , , . , - , , ’ , - - , . ’ - . , - , - . , , ’ , - , , , . . . , , THE RUSS IAN EMP IRE 32 6 cultured peaceable people to blood and iron and put str ong govern ment in the foreground again becaus e in Germany its primary task of consolidation had never previously been achieved But our new mi litarism did not die with the accomplishment of the task for whi ch it had been called in to being : rightly or wrongly we Germans have cherished it (as you have pointed out ) precisely as a weapon in the modern economic battle to snatch the industrial markets of the World from the If you beat n ations established in possession of them us in this war we shall have failed but when we fall the Russian nation steps into our shoes Like ourselves th ey will covet and justly covet a place in the Sun and do you i m agine that however li beral their ideals may be economic pressure will not in the end force them to S take their all on the same desperate thr ow for World Empire that we are makin g at this moment ? Think also of the analogies of the Future : economic environment is a stronger force than national dis ” position This is the German advocate s l ast and most dan gerous counter attack but we can meet it with a crushing reply for it rests on an entire misconception of the Russian Empire s economi c character Germany by the density of her population th e nature of her physical resources and her geographical position and extent inevitably came into line with the Western nations of Europe an d was forced into industrial competition with them under exasperatingly disadvantageous con The economic structure of the Russian ditio ns Empire belongs to a diff erent type altogether Beyond the densely populated highly-organised little states of Europe which at present focus in thems elves th e civilisation of the world by drawing all its raw a , , . , , . , , , . ’ , , , , , . ’ - , ’ . , , , , , . . - , , 328 T H E RUSS IA N E MP IRE marks an epoch in the expan sion of the Russian nation as important as that marked by the first trans con tin en tal railways of North Ameri ca for the e xp ans ion of the Angl o - Saxon race During the seventeenth century wh en the French e xplorers were penetrating up th e St Lawrence into th e Great Lakes and discovering portages to th e Ohio an d Mississippi that brought t h eir canoes on to the river system of t h e Me xican gulf Cossack adventurers h ad alr eady crossed the Urals and worked th eir way along th e equall y magnificent water routes of Northern Asia up the Obi an d Angara rivers across Lake Baikal and then down th e Amur to th e shores of th e Pacific Like Great B ritain h owever in Australia the Russian Government at first found no better use for this vacan t land th at h ad fallen so casually into the ir han ds than to 1 rele g ate th eir convicts to th e Siberian mines and Siberia has become the b y word for a desolate place of torment like th e frozen Zone in Dante s Hell But in the nin e teen th century the e xpandin g peasantry of Gr eat Russia began to cross th e m iddle Volga and a current of E astward migration set in among them as stron g as t hat which carried the American squatters across the A llegh an ies into th e pr airies of the West Any one wh o h as read To lstoy s tale of the l and hungry peas ant who abandoned one plot after another for still larger allot ments furth er East till at last he struck a bargain with th e wandering B ashkirs and fell a victim to h is own gr eed will recognise the analo gy at once and mentally translate the scene into incidents of the forties wh en Mormon settlers bought up the huntin g-groun ds of Red Indi an chiefs - . , . , , - , , , . , , , , , , - , ’ . , . ’ - , , , , ’ , . Th e on l y wea lth o f th e cou n try th ey th o u gh t o f explo itin g , beside th e f u r o f its fo rest creatu res 1 . E XPANS ION 329 Here as in America colonisation h as followed th e railway and now the peasant is establishing himself on either side of the new line right across Siberia The experience of Canada has shown what human occupation can achieve in the teeth of adverse conditions how it can even modify the rigour of climate and temperature by introducing agri culture and breaking up the surface of the soil Siberia will be the Canada of the twentieth century A l ready the well watered grazing grounds of the steppe which the railway traverses between the Urals and the Yenisei are exporting dairy produce to Western Europe and the plateaux of Irkutsk and Trans b aikalia will yield greater we alth still when their timber and m ines are exploited to their full capacity The human wealth of the new territories is even more promising th an their material prospects The criminal convict has not proved a bad foundation for the new Anglo Saxon nation of the Australian common wealth but a considerable proportion of the Siberian convicts have been political o ff enders that is t h e most independent energetic and intellectual members of the Russian urban class Governmental selection has en dowed Siberia with Russia s fittest and the descendants of these exiles granted their freedom on condition that they settled in the country for ever have mingled with th e stock of the Cossack trappers an d already produced a racial variety ch aracterised by the same enterprisin g qualities as distinguis h the Westerner in th e United States Th e territories strung along th e railway th en h ave as great a future before th em as the Western provin ces of th e Canadian Dominion As they fill with a vigorous population of Russian speech th ey will gradually claim Home Rule an d take their place by the side of Holy , , , . , , . - . , , , . . - , , , . ’ , , , . , . , , , TH E RUSS I AN EM PIRE 330 Russia herself an d th e lesser nationaliti es of th e Western border as independent members of th e decentralised Empire Just as in C anada moreover settlement and exploitation will push further North from th eir base line along the railway th an is at present conceived possible moving down the course of th e great rivers til l they reach an imp assable limit in th e frozen tundras That however will not be th e end of Siberia s e xpansion : she h as already stretch ed out her hands toward the South The settlement after the Japanese War left under Russian control the North ern section of Manchuria through which her railway takes a direct line from Lake B aikal to Vladiv o sto ck while the recent rev o lu tion in Chin a gave the pastoral tribes of Outer Mongolia an opportunity to thr ow o ff Chinese suzerainty and place themselves under Russian protection It would be a gain to civi lisation if these territories were per m an en tly and in formal terms annexed to the Russian Empire Chin a s sole title to them is their conquest by th e Manchu dynasty two an d a half centuries ago She h as done nothing to improve their condition all th e time they have been in her power and now th at she has undertaken that t ask of internal reconstruction which will demand a century of devoted concentration if it is to be carried through they can be noth ing but a drag upon her ill -spared stren gth In takin g them over once for all Russia would have th e precedent of the United States which compelled Mexico to cede h er neglected North ern territories in 1 847 They were much criticised at the time for their conduct but have been completely justified by its results Outer Mongolia is sundered from China by th e broad zone of th e Gobi desert while its frontier again st the , . , , - , ’ . , , . , . ’ . . , , . , , . , . , THE RUSS IAN EMP IRE 332 need th e bloody vengeance of th e Chinese armies to crus h th e people s soul ; it was bein g crushed alr e ady by the losin g figh t again st th e physical environment Th e Tarim basin is undergoing a long drawn -out process of desiccation Every year th e streams that flow inwards from the snow covered mountain s pene trate less deep in to th e basin s centr e and are stifled by the desert after a shorter course while the sand blown forward by th e constan t North East wind in great wave ridges many miles long engulf s every year a fresh vill age and buries another patch of cultivation The battle ag ain st the desert is beyond the native s strength but both he and his country are worth saving and a vigorous European government with the material apparatus of modern civilisation at its command could stem th e s and waves by emban kments and plan tations eke out the snow water s gift by subterranean irrigation and in some measure restore the Basin to the prosperity of two thousand years ago when the cultures of Greece India and China found in it their blending ground Only Russia can accomplish Turkestan s salvation and Great Britain would willingly allow her a free hand th ere if she undertook in return to make Kuen Lung the limit of h er Southward advance and to leave Tibet that lies beyond it under the undisputed influence of th e Indi an Empire Here is Russia s field of expansion for the twentieth century She has to fill these immense empty terri tories with th e white population their temperate climate invites and th e ach ievement of the task will be a race a g ain st time The population of the Empire may now total 1 50 millions but it is S till the most thinly inhabited of th e European states while South of the Gobi desert lies China with perhaps three times as man y millions ’ . - . - ’ , , - , , . ’ , , , , , ’ - , , , - . ’ , - , , , , . ’ . , . - , , , E XP A N S I O N 3 33 ’ wd ed on to a space less th an a qu a rter of Ru ssia s extent The first ripples of Chinese migration are already striking upon the East Indies Australia and the Pacific sea board of North America and the brutality with which these states are repelling this peaceful casual invasion shows how terribly th ey dread the pressure to come Forcible exclusion will succeed for the present because Ch ina sti ll lies in the grip of a thousand years political paralysis ; but th e power of movement is already returning to her limbs The fundamental factor of world politics during the next century will be the competition between China and the new common wealth s C hina will strive to reorganise her n ational life an d to bring all her immeasurable latent strength to bear on the eff ort to win her place in the Sun (a more titanic struggle this t h an Germany s present endeavour) : t h e others will make haste to swell the ranks of their white population till t h ey can muster enough defenders to man th e wide boundaries of the inheritance they have marked out for t h emselves and become strong enough either to fling back China s onset or to deter her from making it at all All the th reatened nations— Canada th e U S A th e South American repub lics New Zealand and Australia— will draw together into a league to preserve th e Pacific from Chines e domination Japan will probably join their ranks for she is the Great Britain of the China Seas and just like ourselves would be menaced most seriously by the emergence of a World power on the continent opposite h er island country Russia wh o has not even a strip of sea to protect her but is China s im mediate continental neighbour along a vast land frontier will actu ally be th e ch ief promoter of this cro . , - , , , . ’ . - . , ’ , ’ . . , . , , . , , , , - , . ’ , , THE RUSS IAN E M P IRE 3 34 defensive en ten te for she will be exposed to the first brunt of the Chinese attack Under th ese cir cumstances it is quite inconceivable that the German forecast should come true The great Russian army of 1 9 1 4 when it has fulfill ed its task of crushing mi litarism in Central Europe will have no more temptation to proceed to t h e warlike conquest of the world th an th e American armies had after they had vindicated the Union in the S ixties Like them it will disband to answer the call of econo m ic conquest from the steppes and forests of th e great North East Nor will the Russian peasants in the generation to come flock into urban centres and exchange agriculture for industry as the German peasants have been doing sin ce 1 871 Russia will send every surplus child bred in her home villages to build up the new Russian villages in Siberia : she cannot spare a man for the towns Yet if Russia does not contemplate an industrial career th en however triumphant be her issue from th is war she cannot possibly become a menace to the Industrial Grant that her strength increases n atio n s of Europe till s h e has it in her power to overcome their u n ited forces she will still have no motive for doing so The only spoils of victory would be the great tropical de pendencies these nations maintain primarily as sources of raw material and to a lesser degree as markets for their own production : to a nation with out manufactu res there would be no value whatsoever in their possession These considerations finally dispose of that bug bear which h aunted British foreign policy during the nine teen th century th e da nger to India of Russia s East ward advance The Indian Empire is the vastest the most populous and the most difficult to govern of all tropical dominions held by European powers : it is , . . , , , ’ . , - . , , , . . , , , . , . , . - ’ , , . , TH E RUSS IAN E MP I RE 3 36 it is she th at will be th e danger to oth ers Th e problem of Indian emigration is as serious as th at of Chinese and the Kh yber P ass instead of being traversed b y Russian armies march ing South will become the high road of Indian coolies migrating Northwards to labou r on the irrigation of the Oxus and Jaxartes b asins and settle upon the lands their industry will h ave reclai med from the desert Russia then has no booty to gain from the other ” nations of Europe But if this is so the German will ask why has she thrown herself into the present struggle with the German Empire and the D u al ? Mon archy Wh y does she regard it as she evidently does as a supreme cri si s i n her history an issue of life or death f What is the meaning of her passionate inter f The answer to these v en tio n on Serbia s behalf question s demands a separate chapter . . , , , , . , , . , , , , , ’ . RUS S IA S NEEDS ’ 3 37 CHAPTER I X RU SS IA S N EEDS ’ WE have seen that the Russian Empire will never become an i nd u strial an d commercial power ; but like every oth er unit in the new international World s h e has need of a free outlet to the high seas through which she may transmit to foreign markets the raw produce of h er vast continental hinterl and and supply herself with the manufactured goods of industri al countries in return Such outlets she has never yet obtained Till the eigh teenth century her only port was Archangel on the White Sea and this perhaps su fficed her during the era of stagnant isolation at any rate the English Merchant Adventurers found it worth their while to trade there though it is ice bound two thirds of the 1 year In the year 1 700 the Baltic was a Swedish lake and the Black Sea a Turkish one Peter and Catherine broke the maritime monopoly of t h ese two powers and gave Russia a sea board on both waters Odessa an d Riga have grown in a century and a half to be m agn ifi cent ports and would suffice in themselves for the needs of a Russia much more high ly developed than the present B ut they are no more in direct communication with the Oceanic highways of international commerce than are the ports of Milwaukee and Chicago on the Great Lakes By an unlucky fatality both the natural coastlines of Russia only introduce h er to land locked seas and t h e narrow passage that connects each of t hem with the great ocean spaces beyond has in eith er case Fro m abo u t Octo ber to May , , . . , - - , , , . . , - . , . , . - , - 1 . 338 RUS SIA S NEEDS ’ remained till this day outside th e frontiers of the Russian Empire and must contin ue so to remain for cogent re asons (i ) The populati on of the shores in question between which these narrow seas flow namely of the Danish peninsula and islands on the one hand and of the Bosphoru s and Dardanelles on the other is alien to Russia in nationality and would in neither case wish to become part of the Russian Empire (ii ) Even if these populations did consent through hope of economic advan tag e promise of politi cal privil ege or the like to th row in their lot with Russia the S ituation th us created would be still more u nfair and disadvantageous to the smaller sta tes th at s hare with Ru ssia these inland waters than it is to Russia as it stands at present It would pl ace their commerce completely at Russia s mercy whereas at pr esent Russia is already formidable enough in strength and S ize to m ake the powers in control of the straits respect her own comm erce under ordinary circu mstances Th e solution indicated by these considerations is that th e co m man d of the entrances to both these seas should be held in trust with out prejudice to the national self government of th e populations th rough whi ch th ey flow for all parties wi thout distin ction that are interested in their use— primarily for all states possessing ports on the inland se as in ques tion and secondarily for all politi cal an d economic groups the World over that trade upon the sea since commerce is an international concern and will become so more and more as our civilisation develops We S hall be able to dis cuss more effectively how this can be done if we deal with th e two regions separately and in detail , . . , , , , , . . , , , , , , . ’ , . , , , , , , . , . RUSS IA S NEEDS ' 340 of th e Gulf Stream Its impetus carries it past th e Britis h Isles up the West co ast of Norway keep in g the climate temperate and the sea perennially free from drift ice at least a dozen degrees further North 1 ward than along any oth er meridian Unfortunately for Russia Norwegian colonists followin g the warm cu rrent and availing the m s elves of the easy coast wise navigation from fjord to fjord had already occupied th e whole of this open littoral before the backwoodsmen of Novgorod had made their laborious way overland to their illusory sea board at Archangel The whole coast-strip as far as the North Cape and round its corner to the Varanger Fjord has become and remained Norw egian in nation ality and is n o w an inalienable portion of Norway s territory Between this important region and the Ru ssim frontier a broad barrier was interposed by Fin land so long as s h e remained a Swedish provin ce but the settlement of 1 8 1 4 endorsed an accomplished fact by brin gin g Finland within th e Russian Empire as a self governing national state under th e Imperial crown with much th e same status as th e constitutional kingdom of Po land During the whole century that has elapsed there has been a S ilent contest on Russia s part to press her way over Finland s carcase to a Norwegian port on the open Atlanti c and on the part of th e Scandin avian powers backed by Great Britain to maintain th e existin g arrangement of constitutions and frontiers To fortify the Scandinavian penin sul a against Russian encroachment th e Vienn a Congress linked its two dis . , . , , - , - . ’ , . , , , , . ’ ’ , , , . , f d Al ld d w cu rren t settin g o n th e O n th e u rth er si e o f th e t an tic a co o f th e ri t ice so f ar S o u th th at coast carries th e an gu ar reenl an in g o n th e rou tes et een E u ro e an d N ew it en an g ers sh i p ing Y or 1 G d k . d p ply v d d f b w p IN TH E B A LT IC 34 1 rd an t nationalities togeth er by a p ersonal un ion This e xperiment h ad a more successful history th an th e United Kingdom of the Netherlands which th e sam e Congress welded togeth er as a bulwark again st France 1 but it collapsed finally none the less nine years ago while on th e other side Russia has been levellin g her path by a systematic attempt to cru s h Finnish nation ality out of e xistence In their politics and social life th e Finns are one of the most highly civilised nations of Europe Th e 2 smallness of their population and th e unindustrialised character of their economics have simplified the problems set them to solve but within their modest dimensions th ey h ave solved them to pe rfection The tradition of their culture and their Lutheran re ligion both come from Sweden and the town speople on th e coast are stil l largely Swedish in race and language ; but sin ce th e political connection with Sweden has been broken the native Finnish speech which belongs to a non In do European family th ough enriched with man y primitive Teutonic loan words h as raised its h ead and proved itself to possess enoug h vitality to become th e vehicle of national development With Russia Finland has no inward bonds of union whatsoever neit her of religion nor of language nor of tradition nor even of geograp h y for S h e lies away in a corner and h er sea board besides fronting merely upon th e Baltic is much less accessible from th e Russi an hin terland th an are th e outl ets upon the Baltic White Sea and B lack Sea which R u ssia possesses elsewh ere co . , , , , . - . , . , , , , , - - , , . , , - , , , , . 1 1 In 1 905 . Th e census taken in 1 90 1 sh o wed a to tal o f Fin n s S wedes h o t ers. in c u in g l d ’ RUSS IA S NEEDS 3 42 Fin l and has simply been the victim of Russia s ambi tion for an open port on the Norwegian coast beca u se the eventual railway to that port must run t h rough h er territory It is a precise repetition of th e relations betw een th e Magyars and Croatia A small nationality has been inalienably endowed by Geograph y with th e fatal function of standing between a powerful nation and a sea board to which she ardently desires access th e stronger power has been so stupid and barbarous as to imagin e no better mean s of satisfying her wan ts than th e destruction of the li ttle nation th at stands in th e way of th eir realisation ; and the latter figh tin g desperately for life is looking round for some strong helper wh o will bring the oppressor to his knees set her free from all connection with him and shatter for ever his projects for which s h e has su ff ered so terribly There would be poetical justice in such a co n su m m a tion for it would be the natural outcome of the bull yin g power s behaviour but it would not solve the problem at issue but only bring forth evil from evil reversing instead of eliminating the injustice and sowing the seeds of future war We have seen that if we win this war an d the Dual Monarchy collapses Croatia will probably achi eve complete po litical freedom from Magyar tyranny but that she must not in such an event be allowed to use her advantage merely to take the o ff ensive in th e racial feud S h e must give Hungary facilities for realising all her legitimate political desires by entering into econo m ic But the same issue of the war co -operation with her for which we h ope will not eff e ct the forcib le libera tion of Finland and this imposes all th e more urgently upon us th e duty of securing t hat wh en t h e settlement ’ , . . - , , , , , . , ’ , , . , , , , , . , , , , R U SS IA S N EEDS ’ 344 Hammerfest or both according to th e lie of th e lan d without interposing a customs -barrier at any point along this route between th e Russ ian frontier and the open sea The Russophobe party in Sweden m ight still be inclin ed to take the View that Swedish national honour could only be satisfied by ob tainin g a Europe an guarantee of autonomy for Finland with in the Russian Empire in addition to that of integrity and in d ep en d ence for Sweden herself The national self govern ” ment of Finland they will say is secured to her under the terms by which she was incorporated in the Emp ire in 1 8 1 4 yet it is gradually being nullified by the machi avellian policy of the Imperial Government to the same dead level of absolutism to whi ch co n stitu tio n al Poland was reduced at a stroke in February 1 83 2 Finnish liberty can only be res cued by intervention from outside The facts in question are unfortunately true but the foundation upon them of such a proposal would be open to very grave obje ctions In th e first place it would certainly be Utopian to expect that a victorious Russia would submit to the imposition of a guarantee which would reflect upon her conduct in the past and thus imply her h umi liation in the present The case of Fin lan d is radically dif ferent from that of Norway and Sweden The two latter countries are entirely external to th e Russian Empire and the guarantee we are demanding for them in no way a ff ects Russia s internal structure It might be argued that it is levelled specifically at Russia in fact if not in name and would seriously limit her freedom in these two countries regard 1 , , . , - . , , , , , . . , . . . , ’ . , ’ 1 Th e last section of this railway will in an y case b e a diffi cu lt en gin eer ing p ro blem : see m ap o f Eu rop ean N atio nalities (VI L) . IN THE BA L T IC but the formulation in general instead of individual terms is of great importance for the psychology of national pride and after all this potential check upon Russia s free action against Norway and Sweden is only to be imposed in return for a substantial concession on their part to Russia s vital economic interests of facilities which by their very nature would give Russia in addition to her fair economic gain a wholly u n warrantable political leverage in this quarter unless such a result were deliberately guarded against by a provision of the kind proposed Guarantees will never be stable so long as they are one sided for their ultimate sanction is not the will of the guarantors but the mutual advantage of the parties a ff ected This explains how our previous require ment of a guarantee for the New Poland is consistent with our present standpoint towards the Finnish question Both Pol and and Finland are to be members of the Russian Empire ; but if the European Concert guaranteed the constitutional autonomy within this larger group of the united Poland it would only be imposing an obligation upon Russia in return for the simultaneous ext ension of her imperial boundaries by the reunion in the new constitutional state of the Poles at present subject to Prussia and Austria Indeed these fragments of the Polish nation would be so unwilling to enter the Russian Empire without a European guarantee to reassure th em that it would actually be in Russia s interest to suggest such a guarantee herself even if no oth er party took the initiative in order to make sure of rallying to h er flag th e whole Polish nation In th at case she would be conceding autonomy to h alf a nationality already subject to her in order to obtain the willing co operation of the whole Finland h owever has , ’ ’ , , , . - , , . . , , . ’ , , . , - . , , ’ 3 46 RUS S IA S NEED S no irredenta beyond th e Russian frontier wh ich could be made the basis of a bargain for the improved status within that frontier of the whole nationality and there fore a guarantee extorted from Russia in Finland s favour would not be set o ff by any correspondin g g ain on Russia s part Th e element of reciprocity would be lacking and the swallowing of such an unsweetened pill would implant a d angerous resentment in the heart of the Russian nation Yet even supposing th at Russia would not only submit in this question to the dictation of Europe but would also recover from the resentment it at fir st aroused we learnt from our d is cussion of the Hungari an and Tch ech problems that the intrusion of an inter national scaffoldin g in the structure of an in dependent political unit so far from being a salutary prin ciple is a dangerous e xtemporisation It is only to be employed as a p is a ller when some particular national house is too seriously divided against itself to stand on its own foundations and cannot be allowed to collapse with out involvin g the whole European block in its ruin The assumption underlying the federation of a number of di ff erent nations wit hin a sin gle politi cal group like the Russian Empire is that while th ey are severally involved with one another too closely to disengage for the ms elves a completely independent po litical e xistence they possess a co m mon interest and a common unity which sharply sunder their develop ment as a group from that of all other groups or units outside their comm on frontier If Russia and Finland cannot adjust their diff erences entirely between them selves without th eintervention of an e xternal guarantee the Empire in which they are nominally federated becomes an unreality for the guarantee will prise its , ’ ’ . , . , , , . . , , . , , ’ 348 RUSS IA S NEE DS Your proposed railway to the Atlantic a critic would object will only provide a clumsy and cir cu ito u s chan nel of communication between Russia an d the outer World Russia will always find the most direct an d by far the cheapest passage for the flow of trade be tween her o wn frontiers an d the commercial highways of the Atlantic not by railway transit overlan d to a foreign port on the open Ocean but by shipment from the ports on h er Balti c coast down th e water passage th at communicates with th e North Sea through the Baltic s narrow mouths These entran ces of the Bal tic th e natural outlet for the vast hinterland of Russia are at present at the mercy of th e German navy I can answer o ff hand the first of the two ques tions whi ch gave rise to this chapter Russia h as entered upon this struggle against Germany with all her national might to realise an objec t vi tal to her national existence the liberation of the Baltic Sea from German control Her relations with Scandinavia and Finland will cer tain ly require settlement and you are right to devote attention to th em neverth eless they are of altoge ther secondary im portan ce If our hopes are fulfil led an d the Allies win this war Russia s most just an d most urgent mandate to th e Peace Conference will be the removal from th e strategical points of vantage in th e Baltic of this German pirate wh o menaces the peaceful commerce of all other nations with ports upon the Baltic coastline The satisfaction of Russia s demand is the problem before you and till you have solved it you will not have quench ed the well spring of dissension between th e German and Russian nations Again and again it will spring up into war while even your Atlantic railway will turn from an alleviation into a new danger Russia , , . , , , , ’ . , , . - , . , , , . ’ , , . ’ , , - . , . , I N THE B A LT IC 349 if sh e is compelled once and for all to resign to Germany the naval command of the Baltic will not submit to the lack of any naval sally port whatsoever upon th e Western seas but will attempt to repeat on her railway to th e Norwegian coast the policy S h e devised at the begi nni ng of the century in Man churia S he will seek to turn her free port into a fortified naval base an d the dan ger of Tromso or Hammerfest developing into an Atlan tic Port Arth ur may fin ally wreck the good under standing between Russia and Great Britain and involve the latter power in a war for the stronghold s destruction as costly as th e sieges of Sebastopol and of Port Arthur itself Such may be the consequences of indecision now In the question of the Baltic the future peace of all ” the European powers is at stake We cannot neglect our critic s warning for the con siderations by which he supports it are unanswerable but we shall be in a better position to give him satisfaction if we can persuade him first to set forth on h is own account what he considers the indispensable minimum of conditions necessary to ensure the liberation of the Baltic in the sense Russia intends We will remind him however before we let him speak that such terms inevitably involve a serious alteration of th e sta tus quo to Germany s detriment and that it is therefore doubly importan t in this instance sympath etically to bear in mind h er nation al point of view and scrupulously to avoid all wan ton o ffence to h er honour and interest He will probably accept our proposal with assurance and launch out in to h is disquisition with studied moderatio n In the first place he will begin the in d ep en d ence and neutrality of Denmark must be guaranteed by Europe and the guarantors must further subsidise , - , . , , ’ . . . ’ , , . , , , ’ , , . , . , , , ’ RUS S IA S NEEDS 3 50 h er to a su fi cien t e xtent to enable h er to carry out h er in ternational duties e f fectively Her task is to 1 fortify th e three ch ann els between th e Danish islands an d th e peninsulas of Jutlan d and Sweden that connect th e waters of the Baltic with the North Sea an d also the approach es to th ese chan n els at either end with such formidable batteries on land and torpedo flo tillas on sea that she will be able to move on any fleet that attempts to blockade th em or seal them up with mines Denmark would have every reason for fulfil ling th is task h onourably and impartially The national inde p en d en ce guaranteed her in consideration of it is th e only remaining object of her foreign poli cy wh en once s h e has recovered her national unity by th e restoration of Schl eswig ; and the only event that could endanger that guar an tee would be another attempt by a S ingle power to impose its dominion on the rest of Europe by war If any power planned such a stroke Denmark would be the last state to enter in to collusion with th e crim inal and th e kn owledge of her incorruptibility would go far to discourage the design “ But Denmark cannot perform this function suc cessf u lly so long as the Kiel Canal is at the disposal of th e German navy and th erefore some permanent arrangement must be made th at will put it in Denmark s power in the event of war at once to h inder German ” warships from passing throug h it He will admit the fact which we have already estab lish ed th at the whole province of Holstein throug h whic h the Canal ru ns is German in nationality and can not be cut away from the United Germ an sta te and he will therefore hesitate to propose the S implest solution w hich would be to bring the territory on either Great B el t L ttl e B elt an d S o u n d . , , , , . . , , . , . , ’ , , . , , , , , , 1 , i , . ’ RUSS IA S NEED S 3 52 Nations like indiv iduals enter into competition with one another very un equally equipped in respect bo th of natural and of acquired advanta ges : like in div iduals they must accept the conditions as th ey find them n either makin g th eir own lack a justification for robbing by force their neighbour s su p erflu ity nor usin g th eir own strength to tyrannise over their neigh bour s weakness So far as the Kiel Canal gives Germany an economic pull in th e commercial competi tion of the Bal tic she has a right to make use of it Russia if we win the war must not be allowed to take this advan tage from her but so far as it puts it in h er power by naval force to paralyse whenever she likes th e entire commerce of other nations whose only outlet is th rough the Baltic and the commerce of th e whole World in so far as it wishes to do business with the nations in question it is a stumbling block to Justice and a menace to Peace We must devise a scheme then by which (a) the province of Holstein shall remain within the German frontier and (b) the economic control an d profits of the Canal shal l be left in Germany s hands but (c) t h e ” strategic control shall be taken from her Having thus explained h is standpoint he will pro ceed to formulate his proposals We can destroy G er many s naval command of the Can al completely by puttin g an y single vital poin t along its course into the possession of some alien military power We mus t choose a poin t wh ich while of decisive importance for the Canal affects as little as may be Germany s interests in other quarters This rules out the Western terminus for th e power which commands that c annot help commandin g likewise Germany s chief artery of O cean traff i c th e estuary of the Elbe We are accord , , , , , ’ , ’ . , , , , - , . , , , ’ , . , . ’ . , ’ , . , ’ , . IN THE BALT IC 3 53 in gly left with Kiel , and th e rig h t power to hold Kiel in trust for Europe is clearly th e policeman Denmark Denmark must maintain at Europe s expense a ring of th e heaviest fortifications covering Kiel itself and th e last section of th e Canal where it enters Kiel Haven enablin g her at an y moment to blo ck the Canal against armed German attack and if the attack presses her too hard before help arrives to blow up if necessary canal mouth and fortifications together and to mine all the sea approaches th us putting the Canal out of gear for This fortified area in Dan is h an indefinite period hands must be secured by a margin broader than the range of the most powerful S iege artille ry which shall be under the milita ry authority of the Danish and not of the German general staff 1 The boundary of th is zone s hould start from the Dano German frontier you h ave already delimited between Eckern f Ord e Bay and the Eider at a point just West of th e Schleswig Rendsburg railway and should proceed Southwards parallel to the railway crossing the Canal at a point just West of Rendsburg Thence it S h ould run Sout h East to the Brah m See , then East to t h e B o thkam p er See then North East t h rough the Post and S elen ter Seen in a direct line to the Baltic leaving th e town of Preetz outside The administration of the Canal itself its upkeep and its traff i c both outside the zone and within it must in any case remain in th e hands of the German government and if possible the population of the Zone should be included no less th an the rest of Holstein within the politica l organ isation of th e German Empire for all purposes of civil self government in spite of th e exceptional statu s of th e territory in the military sph ere S ee m ap facin g p 48 . ’ , , , , , , , , . , , , . , , - , , . - - , - , . , , , , , , , . 1 . . ’ RUSS IA S NEEDS 3 54 But if such absolute separation between th e military and the civil control of a district is in practice impossible and military exigencies require that both administrations S hould be united in the hands of the same government then th ere is no choice but to detach this strip of Holstein altogether from the body of Germany and allow a plebis cite of the population to decide between direct incorporation in Denmark or Home Rule under the Danish government always leaving in the h ands of the German nation full property rights over ” th e Can al th roughout its whole leng th With th ese suggestions our critic will conclude and it will be our turn once more to pass judgment We may firs t commend his fairn ess and moderation and admit our conviction that he has herein stated the strict minimum of precautions necessary to ensure all the entrances to the Baltic Sea against any forcible attempt on Germany s part to seize the strategical command of them As far as the freedom of th e Baltic is concerned it will under such an arran gement make no d ifference whether Germany reverses her aggressive po licy or continues in her present courses But the B altic ques tion is only one factor however importan t in the problem of European peace For that problem s general solution the future mood of Germany is of more direct and vi tal import ance still and no Balti c settle ment however perfect in itself is worth the cost of driving Germany into exasperation in the hour of her spiritual crisis when other influences have so fair a prospect of in clin ing her in to the paths of peace The Kiel Canal is really a military weapon like a conscript army or a 42 centimetre gun It is a part of Germany s national ar m ament and while we hope that one of the results of the settlement will be a s caling , , , ' , , - . , . , ’ , . . , , ’ . , , , , . , - . ’ , 6 35 RUS SIA S NEED S ’ T his would be to infli ct an injustice on one nation to the special advantage of another It would be parallel to the Dual Monarchy s treatment of the Southern Slavs to Russia s recent behaviour towards Finland and to all the other smouldering grievances of nations whi ch have combined to ignite the present war Just as those had caused war in the past so even were they all eli m inated in the settlement this alone would be a new and most e ffi cacious stimulus to war in the future The spectacle of Kiel under the military control of Denmark would be a perpetual incitement to German y to take up arms The more intricate fortifications Denmark threw up and the heavier guns she placed in position be h in d th em the more grimly Germany would toil to constru ct artillery heavier still and to open lines of attack that would more than counter the Dan ish lines of defence and the more bitterly she would hate the Concert of Europe that provided the Dan ish staff with the material means for carrying out its commission and th at brought pressure to bear upon the Danish government whenever the latter in dicated its wis h to resign an in ternational office which involved it in u n requited responsibility and danger We should wi tness a competition of armaments and an aggravation of national anta go n ism more naked and dire ct th an an y we have experienced yet the crisis would be pre cipita ted by th e harsh treatment of the German population at Kiel provoked by their natural recalcitrance towards Danish administration and their eager co llusion with the German S py bureau or else by the imminent completion of a Russian programme for building up behind th e Danish bulwark a Baltic fleet more than strong enoug h to cope with the German naval force in th ese in land waters now isolated strategically from its . ’ ’ , , , . , , , . . , , , , , . , - , , , IN T HE BALT IC 3 57 sister squadron in th e North Sea Eith er or both of these causes would drive Germany to throw down the gauntlet once more to th e rest of Europe not th is time in hope but in despair The remedy then for the German command of th e Baltic entrances would almost certainly be worse than the malady itse lf and we find ourselves placed in a dilemma : if we leave the Kiel Can al in the hands of th e German navy we cheat Russia of one of the chief objects for which s h e fought this war and fail to remove a stumblin g block to her peaceful progress in the future if we take the Canal out of Germany s strategic control we can not avoid measures that must exasperate her and create a n ew obstacle to her spiritual conversion W e have it seems to choose the lesser of two evils In this choice of dubious alternatives we have one clear beacon Mechanical manipulations of geographical frontiers and political statuses possess we agree but a secondary virtue the sure foundation of Peace lies in the direct production of a healthy S tate of consciousness in all the nations of Europe If we adopt the former alternative and do not alter the present status of the Canal we aff ord the German nation the most favourable conditions for throwing off the disease which now vitiates its spirit but a reformed Germany would no longer desire to use for aggressive purposes the weapon left in her hands and so this psychological change when once it came about would automatically remove the grounds of dissatisfaction on Russia s part which the policy entails To remove them immediately we must adopt the other alternative and turn Germany out of Kiel yet we can only do so at the price of aggrav at ing instead of alleviating her diseased nationalism while Russia s satisfaction instead of providing a natural cure . , . , , , , - ’ , , . , . , . , , . , , , , , ’ . , , , ’ , 3 58 ’ RUSS IA S NEEDS ’ for Germany s sickness would obvi ously promote it S till further in exact proportion to its own intensity We conclude accordingly that we shall best serve th e cause of ultimate peace if w e oppose ourselves to such a drasti c blow at Germany s national strength and pride as th e mi litary con fiscation of Ki el Our judgment is tenta tive but at least it seems to have logic on its S ide for it is surely inconsistent to say to Germany in th e s ame breath Europe expects of you that you will ch an ge your heart because th at is her only hope of ” securing Peace for the future and Europe regre ts that she is obliged to take measures for th e security of her P eace in case you S hould not change your heart ” after all If we approach Germany in this insincere spirit our overtures are sure to prove futile Russia then must be persuaded to forego her demands in part The guaranteeing of Denmark and her armament at international expense are both excel lent proposals She is one o i those small nations that contribute much to European civili sation and her conservation Wi ll be a benefit to all Europe as well as a partial solution of th e Baltic question But the transfer to Denmark of Kiel th ough necessary for the im mediate solution o f that question in its entirety must be rejected because it would impose upon Germany a humiliation much less j ustifiable and much more acute th an th at which we are proposing to spare Russia in th e case of Finland , , . , , ’ . , , , , , . . , , . . , . , , , . B Th e L ib era tion of th e B la ck S ea . We have answered one of the questions Wi th which we started this chapter : Russia is fighting Germany now for the liberation of th e Baltic from German naval 3 60 ’ RUSS IA S NEED S itself singularly obtuse to the psychology of nations It h as disastrously neglected t h e factor of Russia s disinterested national enthusias m in its esti mate of military forces H u man motives are always complex and Germany was led into this miscalculation by con cen tratin g her attention on a real though subordin ate aspe ct of Russia s intervention in the Balkans The concerted action in those quarters of Austrian and Turkish rule does not merely challenge Russia s knight errantry by blighting the growth of the small Balkan nationalities it dire ctly injures her economic interests by blocking the e xit from the Black Sea while every step the Balkan nations gain with Russia s assistance is a further step forward for Russia herse lf on the road to the open Mediterranean The Germans argue that Russia is preparing patriarchal despotism under the cloak of fraternal and that if they are beaten in t h is war co operation the only result for the Balkans will be to substitute Russian for Austrian domination ” We will not deny they say that Austria in declaring war intended to seize the railway to Salonika and annex the whole territory through whi ch it runs as far as the lEgean but if Russia wins S h e will annex the whole Eastern coas t of the Black Sea and both shores of the Bosphorus and Dardanelles While she Will incorporate Roumani a and Bulgaria in her empire in order to lead through them a railway of her own to ” the Sea of Marmora or th e E gean The persistent aloofness of both Roumania and Bulgaria towards Russia s advances ever since the Treaty of Berlin and the reserved attitude they have taken up in the present crisis prove that the German argu ment is not altogether groundless . ’ . , , , ’ . ’ , ’ . - , , . , , , , , . , , , , . ’ , , , . 3 61 IN T HE B LA CK S EA If the prophecy really came true it would be a grave misfortune both to Germany and the Balkan states themselves and a violation of national rights and wishes fatal to the endurance of Peace but we have already sketched a series of arrangements calculated to make Russian and German hegemony in the Balkans alike impossible (i ) The grouping of the six Balkan states into a Z ollverein which may develop into a defensive alliance (ii ) The maintenance of this zollverein s economic links with Germany th rough Trieste and the creation of new links with Russia through Odessa (iii ) The complete settlement of racial disputes between the Balkan League and the Russian Empire by th e cession of North Western Bessarabia to Roumania None of these arrangements will stand in the way of Russia s real objective towards which hegemony over — th e Balkans would be merely a means the Liberation of th e Black Sea T he entrance to the Black Sea h as been the str ongest naval position in the world through all history but never more so than at this day when waterways can be blocked by mines capable of destroyin g instantaneously the most ma gnifi cent battles hip The first section of the passage is the Bosphorus a winding strait eighteen miles long and varying from 700 to 3 500 yards in width wi th a strong outward current flowing through it and steep bluff s overhanging it on either side At the furt h er end of its European shore the hills sink and a splendid harbour ” th e Golden Horn ru ns inland protected from the more open waters of the Sea of Marmora by the peni n sula on which Constantinople stands The passage , , , . . . ’ . , . . , - . ’ , , . , , . , , , , . , , , , . 3 62 ’ RUSS IA S NEED S of about 1 50 miles down the Sea of Marmora from the Golden Horn to the beginning of the Dardanelles forms th e second section ; the D ardanelles themselves are the last These straits are forty miles long : their 1 average breadth is considerably greater than that of the Bosphoru s but at the decisive strategical point between Kilid Bah r and Kaleh i Sultaniyeh they narrow to 1 400 yards and inside this line their ampler win dings provide good anchorage for large wars hips at Nagara and at Gallipoli When you have put th e Dardanelles behind you you have still to clear th e channel between Im bros and Tenedos islands before you really reach the open waters of the [Egean The free use of thi s extremely di fficult waterway is of vital importance to all states possessing ports on th e Black Sea principally of course to Russia who depends entirely on this route for the export of her Wh eat and h er petr oleum but likewise to Roumania and Bulgaria in their degree And yet control of the whole passage remains in the hands of Turkey th e least civi lised of all the Black Sea states and the only one of them who has no commerce of her own to give her a legitimate interest in the waterway s economi c utilisa tion Moreover she takes unscrupulous advantage of its incomparable strategic qualities to push a policy of adventure even more dangerous to the Peace of Europe than the national chauvinism of Germans and Magyars T urkish chauvinism has no ideas behind it or objectives in front of it and is conducted with a travesty of opportunism by ignorant and ill educated men The Turks have held th is waterway for five hundred years They seized it first by the right of s trong Thr ee to f u r m l es , , . , - - , . , , . , , , , , . , ’ . , . , - . . 1 o i . 3 64 RUS SIA S NEED S ’ not demand more than is just boilers only explode if you refuse to open th e safety valve In the Black Sea then as in the Balti c we ha ve to devise some organ for holding th e entrance in trust for th e states that have po rts on the Black Sea coast an d for th e commerce of th e whole World In one way th e question is simpler here : there is no back doo r like the Kiel Canal be tween Black Sea an d [Egean and we ha ve only the single passage to consider Turkey h as sunk no capital in improvin g th at and we need have no compunction in throwing her out neck and crop with out compensation In anoth er way it is more difficult Turkey does not merely control th e B lack Sea as Germany controls the Baltic : she is in act u al possession of the strategical points and there is h ere no respectable impartial policeman like Denmark waiting on th e spot and ready to take up his duties as soon as he is commissioned Turkey cannot without a European catastrop he be entrusted an y longer with the poin ts in question but when we eject her we shal l have to organ ise a brand n ew administration in her stead let us begin by de fin ing exactly the territories to be forfeited (i ) To control the Bosphorus the New Administration must take over both its S hores and also th e S hores of th e Sea of Marmora and the Black Sea for a certa in distance along both th e European and th e Asiatic S ide of eith er entran ce to th e Straits The European territory s hould in clude th e whole district of Constantinople as far as its boun dary again st th e vilayet of Adrianople th at is up to a line leaving th e Marmora coast midway between Eregli an d Silivri crossing th e Adri anople Constantin ople railway half way between Chorlu an d Chataldja and proceeding North to the Black Sea coast between - . , , , , . - , , , . , , , . . , , , , . , , , - . . , , . , , , - , - , IN TH E BLACK S EA 365 and O rm an lu Th e frontier of the Asiatic territory should start from D ered j e on the North ern S hore of the Gulf of Ismid and run N N E till it hits the Black Sea coast at Kilia (ii ) In th e Sea of Marmora all the islands and with them th e peninsula of Artaki (Kapu Dagh) should pass to th e New Administration (iii ) At the Dardanelles it should be given authority on th e Asiatic side over the whole district of Bigha West of a line S tarting from the Gulf of (the Troad Edremid at a point on its North shore on the same meridian as Aivali an d passing first over the summit of Mount Ida and th en in a general North Easterly direc tion to the Marmora coast East of Demotika On the European side it should be assigned not only the Gallipoli Peninsula Thraci an Ch erso n n esu s but su fficient hinterland to cover the peninsula s neck where it is lowest narrowest and strategically most vulnerable The line h ere should leave the lEgean at Iv rid j e burun on the North s h ore of th e Gulf of Xeros run North East along the summit of the Kuru Dagh cross the Sayan Dere just below Em erli and thence proceed due East over the summit of Mount Pyrgos to Ganos on the Marmora coast (iv ) In the [Egean the Administration S hould receive the islan ds of Imbros and Tenedos whi ch were left in Turkey s possession by th e Peace of London because they play an essential part in th e comman d of the Dardanelles Th e population of these districts is very diverse in nationality Th e peasants of th e Troad the largest continuous mass of land within the Territory form a solid Turkish block only broken by a few Greek enclaves along the s h ore of the Dardanelles and of the Istran d j a . , . , . . . . , . . , - . , ’ , , , . , - , , , , . . , ’ , . , . , , ’ 3 66 RUSS IA S NEED S Edremid Gulf The isl ands on the other h and are purely Greek but their area is small Constantinople which together with its suburbs accounts for t h e great majority of the Territory s inhabitants is the most cosmopolitan City in the World When the Turks conquered her in th e fifteenth century she was the focus of Greek nationality and civilisation and the modern kingdom of Hellas which regards itself as the Romaic Empire s heir openly aspires to raise its standard over the capital of the last Constantine But for four and a half centuries Con harboured the government of the stan tin o p le h as greatest political power in Islam and the honour of its long protracted presence has altered both her orienta tion and her character She has drawn within her radius lands further East than the rule of her Romaic emperors ever extended her population has been enriched by all the races of the Ottoman Empire and Commerce has combined with Government to swell her numbers but in thi s steady growth the Greek element handicapped by the Porte s disfavour has not taken its proportionate share At present it stands at no more than perhaps per cent of the total p o p u la 1 tion so that it is hardly superior numerically while decidedly inferior in wealth to the flourishing Armenian colony It is true that the present Turkish majority is largely . , , . , , , , ’ , . , , , ’ , . , - . , , , ’ , . . , , , . 1 Th e p resen t p o p latio n o f Co nstan tin o ple is e tim ated as fo llo ws Mo l m G eks Arm ians Fo e g s bj e ts J w u s e s s re en r i e n s O th ers u c 368 RUS S IA S NEEDS ' but its military importance for th e rest of Europe that has led us to mark it off for special treatment Here our difficulties begin and we will consider the possible solutions of them in turn (i ) We might simply demolish all existin g f o rtifica tions and organ ise no military force in the Territory at all But to leave the Straits defenceless would be a mere invitation to all powers interested and well ar med to s cramble for their occupation we could not o ffer a more potent apple of discord The freedom of vitally important international communications can only be secu red by a mi litary sanction so form i dable that no in d ividual nation will have the means to challenge it and it is Utopian to expect th at th e several nations of Europe will consent to that simultaneous reduction of armaments which is th e goal of our h opes They will not do this till t h e balan ce of armaments h as already s hifted from national to inter national control and the military force of the individual states has ceased to be (what it unde n iably has been until now) the decisive factor in the political destin y of the World Artificial compacts cannot in the ms elves limit the contracting parties freedom of action In the last resort they will always break the agreement if they can and try to get their own way by summoning up all the resources they actually command Wh en Sparta and Argos proposed to settle their di fferences by a tournay between three hundred chosen champions from either city the Argive champions won ; but the result was reversed when th e Whole Spartan army rushed in to the rescu e of their comrades and took the more honour able Argive army o ff its guard Fair play could only have been secured if the lists had been commanded by . , . . , . . , . . , , ’ . , . , , . IN THE BLACK S EA 3 69 a dozen twentieth century troops with a mach ine gun Contracts are only effective if there is a power in the backg round that makes it worth neither p arty s while to break their plighted word The necessary preliminary th en to the reduction of national armaments in Europe is the establishment of oth er armaments controlled by some agency acting from an impartial international point of view at the — strategical keys of Europe points which have such military stren gth innate in their geographical disposi tion that a comp aratively small force stationed there to bind or to loose than can act more decisively the largest forces of which the separate European nations or groups of nations dispose We have proposed to install such a force at the mouth of the Baltic by guaran teeing Denmark and putting her in possession of the necessary mi litary positions and we have a similar duty to discharge at t h e Black Sea Straits (ii ) Our problem then unfolds itself as th e co ordin ation o f a strong international military organisation with th e local Greek civil government of the Straits Territory Obviously the most desirable solution would be th at the Autonomous State should be subsidised like Denmark to organise and maintain the military defence of its own territory It is a restricted and unsatisfactory form of self government that does not extend to the m ilitary sphere and the friction between the native civil adm inistration and th e alien military aut horities which we anticipated in the Kiel enclave would be more serious here in proportion to the wider territory and larger population aff ected But u n f o r tu n ately wh ile the interests of Denmark and Europe coincide those of Europe and the proposed Autonomous Gr eek State do not National self consciousness - . ’ . , , , , , , , , . , . , . , . , , . - , , , . , , . ’ RUS S IA S NEED S 3 70 makes Denmark wish for independence and the guarantee the territorial gains and th e armament subsidy give her the best means of securing it but the same inspiration of national feeling will make the Greeks of the Straits Territory naturally and j ustly desirous of union with and absorption in the Kingdom of Hellas Th is is another instance where a minority must su ff er If the Autonomous State had it in its power to vote by plebis cite for union with the Kingdom a majority would inevitably be secured for that motion and either Russia or Turkey or both would make the act a casus b elli against Greece or even against the whole B alkan League because it would falsify the expecta tions under which they had originally consented to the liberation and internationalisation of the Straits Even if war were averted for the moment it would break out in the end The acquisition by the Balkan League of this new asset would encourage it to start a policy of adventure (the politi cal sense of th e Balkan people is still in its infancy) or worse still the enlarged Gr eece would break off from the Zollverein and begin a still more extravagant career on its own account The Greek population of the Straits Territory must accord in gly suffer and while enjoying local autonomy must forego the consummation of its national ideal Yet we cannot expect the Greek temperament to su f fer gladly We have the experience of Krete to warn us where Unionist activity made itself a nuisance to Europe for a dozen years till union was achieved and the fact that separation was a wantonly inflicted evil in that case and is a necessary evil in this only makes it more imperative that in this c ase the arrangement should be unswervin gly maintain ed The fortification of the Straits is essential , , , , , . . , , , . , . , , , . , , , . . , , , , . ’ RUSS IA S NEED S 3 72 to th e policy of the several national governments , to whom these contingents belong A fortress dem ands th e entire loyalty of its garrison th e kindling in th em of a common spirit as strong as that of a warship s crew It is essential to its efi cien cy that it S hould work smoothly under centralised direction and th at knowledge of its organisation and functionin g should be the directorate s monopoly Yet th is loyalty which shows its colour most crudely in the m ilitary sphere but is likewise the background of all social life is in modern Europe monopolised by the national state and men cannot serve two spiritual masters The supreme commandant supposing that th e diplomati c custom were followed as usual and the appoin tment devolved automati cally upon the cloyen of the contingent comm anders would feel that he held the post in trust for his government ( a point of view the oth er govern ments would not endorse ) Each member of h is com p o site general stafl instead of s h aring a professional enth usiasm for their common duty would feel hi mself to be an a ttaché retained on the spot by his parti cular government to report upon the secrets of his colleagues Th e contingents the ms elves would feel little respect for th eir superiors and would regard the various position s with whi ch they were entrusted as precious additions to the sacred soil of their respective fatherlands (iv ) A co m mandant sta f f and personnel that had no prior all egiance would be relieved from this fals e position and it might seem possible by recruiting citizens of all European states individuall y and o ff ering them a life long car eer to build up a service with a tradition and a professional pride of its own Experience however is discouraging Since n ational loyalty still holds th e field some form of national service will attra ct . , ’ . , ’ . , , , . , , , . ' , , . , . , . , , , , - , . . , , , IN THE BLACK SEA 373 the nation s best men and th ose that choose to bestow their ener gies elsewhere will probably have a discredit able reason for so doing Soon after the beginning of British control in Egypt the Egyptian government attempted with our sanction to raise a cosmopolitan force but dropped the idea after a short trial The French Foreign Legion in North Africa has a per Papal Z ouaves sisten tly evil reputation and even th e in the middle of last century were notorious for th eir bad behaviour though they were inspired not merely by mercenary motives but by a spiritual cause whi ch had once no rival in Europe and was then only in process of being supplanted by Nationality To find an auspicious precedent we must go back to the time when Christendom was struggling on the defensive against the advance of Islam In the thirteenth century each nationality guarded its section 1 of curtain and tower along the walls of Acre and more than two centuries later national diversity was still as King Stephen had conceived it a stren gth and not a weakness a spur to emulation and not a paralysing blight among the cosmopolitan Knights of St John 2 in their last heroic defence of Rhodes Yet at that very time the Most Christian King of France was o ff er ing his harbour of Toulon to the Turkish fleet because the Ottoman power was the greatest thorn in the side of his nation s Hapsburg enemy The National Idea was replacing (e cumenical an archy by parochial peace and unity and it was a symbolic incident wh en in 1 798 the armada of th e French Republic One and Indivisible on its way to the conquest and conciliation of an enfeebled E gypt e xtinguished the rule of the Hospitallers Order in its fin al refuge the island of Malta Fall o f Acre 1 2 91 A D Fall o f Rho des 1 52 2 A D ’ , . , , , . , , , , , . . , , , , , . . , ’ . - , , , , , ’ , 1 . 1 , . . , . . ’ RUSS IA S NEED S 3 74 We h ope for the birth of a loyalty and an ideal that shall overshadow Nationality in its prime even more completely than th e Church overshadowed it in its infancy but such a spirit is not abroad among us yet and it is useless to build up concrete cosmopolitan organisations before its co m ing for they wi ll have no virtue in them until they have received its baptism (v ) For the guardianship of the Black Sea Strai ts then we must fall back upon the services of so me single existing national state Though there is none in this case that h as a S pecial interest of its o wn identi cal with the general interest o f Europe as Denmark has in the Baltic we may at least hope to fin d one with no special interest adverse to the interest of Europe which we may induce to undertake the impartial conduct of the task for the general advantage As the question is primarily a European concern it would be re asonable to choose a European state for the commission ; and since the Great Powers are ex hyp o th esi ruled out (the whole problem arisin g from their mutual rivalry ) our choice must light upon some minor nation But here too the prece dents are disquieting The Belgian customs -service and the Swedish gendarmerie introduced into Persia to establish strong government have not been equal to their task there They have no natural connection with the country an d no power of influencing its destiny on their own initiative that power lies with Russia and India the great armed states imme di ately beyond its frontiers The Persian population realises thi s and rightly regards the Belgian and Swedish administrators as secondary agents put in by Russia and Great Britain as a S topgap to shelve the settlement of their own rival ambitions The two services therefore lack , , . . , , . , , , . , , , , . , . , , . , , , . , , . ’ 3 76 RUSS IA S NEEDS foreign policy to incur no politi cal obligations across th e Atlantic and they will be more eager th an ever to maintain thi s prin ciple now that they have seen what volcanoes underlie Europe s smiling surface Great Britain however has pursued for a century a policy of precisely similar intention keeping her eyes fixed upon her Empire and her social problems and refusing to intervene on the continent across the ch ann el and yet circumstances have been too strong for her In the present crisis we have been carried into th e storm centre of t h e struggle and America herself whi le she has avoided war has by no means es caped the effects of it The financial business of New York no less than that of London is at a standstill She must take to heart the lesson of t his catastrop h e and realise t h at for her too t h e phase of splendid isolation has come to an end The present hurri cane has bereft the ship of International Peace of h er water tight compartments : the next breach in her side will put the whole vessel in danger of foundering By taking this burden then upon their shoulders the U S A would be performing an act of international generosity wh ich would be the proudest record in th eir history but th ey would also be consulting th eir true interest whi ch is fundamentally identi cal with th e interest of united Europe Th ey would be helping to assure universal peace From the objective point of view there is no doubt th at they are admirably qualified to undertake the task They have no private interest in the Black Sea Strai ts and t h ey are one of th e strongest powers in the world their decisions would th erefore pass unchallenged by especially as the self-denying side all parties a f fected of the Monroe Do ctrine a nd t h e attitude they are main , , ’ . , , , , , . - , , , . . , , , , , . . , . . , , . , , . . , . , , IN T HE BLAC K SEA 3 77 taining in th e present war h ave won the U S A an imperishable reputation for impartiality Moreover they have intimate connections with t h e population of the Territory Since the close of last century the most enterprising and able bodied peasants all over Eastern Europe h ave been finding their way across the Atlantic undergoing the industrial metamorphosis and returning h ome with smart coats on their backs strong boots on th eir feet and hard money in their pockets to preach the good tidings of this Eldorado in the West A meri ca is an even more present reality in the minds of the vast uneducated majority in Turkey and the Balkans than are th e p o wers of Europe in the calculations of the semi educated minority that controls their politics Yet America has a strong footing among this important class as well for the only th orough secondary education up to the modern civilised standard that the inhabitants of these countries can obtain Without resorting to the foreign universities of Central and Western Europe is given by Robert College the famous American f o u n da tion on the European s h ore of the Bosphorus which opens its doors to S tudents of all religions and n atio n ali 1 ties and has been for years a beacon light amid an inco n s cionable welter of hatreds and particularisms The relations therefore between the American ad m in is tratio n and the autonomous population of the Territory would be founded upon a strong tradition of respect and good will We conclude th at America is the only power in the world capable of accomplishing this m ission and that th e omens are in favour of her accomplishing it well This fo u n datio n f o r m en is su pplem en ted by th e A m erican Co llege It was o rigin ally o p en ed f o r wo m en o n th e Asiatic sid e o f th e S traits f o r C h istian g ir ls o f all n atio n al ties within th e Tu rkish Em pire b u t Mo slem s too hav e recen tly b egu n to sen d th ei r dau gh ters there . . , . , . . - , , , , , . . , , , , , , , . , - , . , . 1 . r i , , , . 3 78 ’ RUS S IA S NEED S The true solution then of th e Black Sea problem would be for Europe to throw herself on the Uni ted Sta tes mercy an d ask them to accept her com m ission unti l she has built up among her various nationalities that common European patriotism which alone can give her the spiritual force to admi ni ster the trust herself Those acqu ainted with the Ameri can political outlook wi ll probably object that it is Utopian to propose such an issue however desir able it might be ; yet even if th e logical conclusion to which our argument has led us is no more than a red u ctio a d ab su rd u m of the prevailing national antagonisms of Europe it will at least point the moral that Europe can only be saved by her own e ff orts and that if she does not find an occasion for setting her house in order in the settlement after this war she will never be able thereafter to arrest its progressive ru in , , , ’ , , . , , , , . 3 80 THE D ISMANTL ING OF TU RK EY is a sprinkling of Tur kis h vill ages th rough out an d a considerable Bulgarian element in its mountainous North West corner Greek Irredentism has naturally and quite justly kept the whole region inscribed on its book of claims Most of t h ose clai ms are already satisfied or else in process of satisfaction but Thr ace is probably destined to remain a bad debt The decisive factor h ere is Geograp hy and it assigns the territory unmistakably to Bulgaria The natural route of egress from the Bulgarian hinterland to a door on the [Egean follows the lines of the Maritsa and its tributaries from their sources an d from over t h e watershed beyond to their triple junction at Adrianople and then proceeds due Southwards along the united stream to the ports of A in o s and D ed eagatch on the East and West flanks of its mouth Adrianople was b u ilt with the express strategical purpose of blocking thi s route It was the bulwark of the venerable Byzantine Empire against Bulgaria in h er Spring and since the Berlin T reaty it has been th e bulwark of a Turkey galvanised into life against a Bulgaria miraculously re arisen from the dead For a few months in 1 9 1 3 Bulgaria for th e first time in her history held the coveted prize in h er grip to lose it again by her own folly when the Turkis h army quietly r e occupied the fortress during the war she h ad wanto n ly provoked with her former alli es The compromise which Turkey forced upon Bulgaria in h er e xtremity confirmed the retroces sion of Adrianople and Kirk Ki lisse (its strategic complement) to the Turkish Empire and t h ough Bulgaria retained the ZEgean coast strip between the mouths of the Mesta and the Maritsa for practica l purposes her road to the sea was cut o ff again as e ffectually as ever , - , , , . , . , . , , , , . . , - . , , , , , - . , , , . 3 81 THRACE Near the Western end of that co ast there is the excel lent harbour o f Porto Lagos backed by the fertile tobacco g rowing plain of Xanthi but this district is separated from the upper valley of the Maritsa by the immense barrier of the Rhodope mountains and though from the port a narrow gauge railway might be engineered across them through G im irdj in a Kir djali and Haskev i to Philippopolis it could never any more than the Bosnian railway become a main artery of commerce The main economic route must con tin u e to skirt the course of the Maritsa and in fact a railway already runs from Sofia over the watershed to Philippopolis and thence along the Right bank of the river all the way to D ed eagatch the port westward of its mouth This railway was purposely led by the Turkish military authorities through the ring of the Adrianople forts an d th us t h ough D ed eagatch itself has passed into Bulgaria s possession together with the Right bank of the Maritsa below Adrianople its rai lway communications with the Bulgarian interior are cut It might seem possible to avoid Adrianople by constructing an all Bulgarian loop line from point to point on the Right bank of the Maritsa well inside th e Bulgarian frontier but th e low country suitable for railway engineering between the river and the Eastern b astions of Rhodope is narrow an d ith e Turkish military authorities quite justifiably insisted in including within their frontier as rectified by the compromise a wide radius of territory beyond the Adrianople forts on the Right banks of the Tu n dj a and the Maritsa on the ground th at its pos session was essential to the defence of Adrianople itself This zone stretches right up among the moun tain spurs th e loop line would have to be carried by a , - , , - , , , , . , , , . , , ’ , . - , , , , . - 3 82 THE D ISMANTL ING OF TURKEY tou r de fo rce over the shoulder of Rhodope and even then it could be cut at once in the event of war by a force astride the natural line of communications at Adrian ople itself This simply proves that Adrianople excellently fulfils its object and that so long as it remains in Turkey s hands free communi cation with the ZEgean is denied to Bulgaria We proposed to meet the problem of Hungary s railway to the Adriatic and Russia s to the Atlantic by putting the politico - mili ta ry and the eco nomic control in diff erent hands but a similar solution is in th is case impossible because the Turkish government is too uncivilised and uneducated to refrain on the least temptation from exploiting the brute force we should be leaving at its command Unless S h e can prove some strategical necessity more pressing th an Bulgaria s economi c need for an outlet on the lEgean Turkey must evacuate Adrianople altogether Ti ll now she has been able to allege the defence of the Dardanelles and Constantinople but when we have relieved her of th at duty by placing these positions in the keeping of a power and under the sanction of a concert of powers t h at neither Bulgaria nor the united Balka n League would venture to impugn the case for her presence at Adrianople falls to the ground and nothing remains but to rescue Thrace at once from that misgovern ment which Turkish chauvinism has aggravated during the past year in its impotent thirst for revenge The incorporation of Thrace in Bulgaria will not benefit the latter country only : it will vastly improve the condition of t h e whole population of Thrace Th e Greek elements will have to abandon their dream of national reunion which in the bitterness of the Second Balkan War made them prefer the return of Turkish , , , . ’ , , . ’ ’ , , . ’ . , . , , , , , . . , , , 3 83 T HRACE anarchy because it is by nature transitory to B u lgarian government th at is too e ffi cient not to strike roots But meanwhile the Turk has made th em su ff er for their fin e drawn policy of possessin g th eir souls i n p atience He h as goaded th em beyond h uman endurance and given such a foil to the Bulgar th at t h ey may actually hail him once more as a deliverer as they hailed h i m first in the Autumn of 1 9 1 2 Certainly if we can install Bulgarian government in Thrace again with the good will of the Greek population it will make the future easier for all parties concerned but after their atrocious behaviour in the Second Balkan War t his is al most more than the Bulgarians deserve We must not rely on good feeling alone to settle the Thracian question but must safeguard the Greeks in th e province by the strictest guarantees for their national individuality In fact this is the least we can do to satisfy public opinion in th e kingdom o f Hellas which h as not yet risen to the insight of the country s political good genius the premier Ven ezelo s He indeed recognises that the solution of all Balkan problems lies in compromises rationally concluded and honourably observed and was always willin g to leave under Bulgarian rule the Greek population of the Maritsa basin if Bulgaria in return agreed that the villages of her own nationality in the hinterland of Salonika should pass to Greece The result of Bul garia s uncompromising nationalism was the Second Balkan War by which Greece got more than her due and Bulgaria lost much of what she could justly claim The proposed arrangement would at last make t h e balance even and allow t h e two nations to forget t h e regrettable relations of t h e past The Turkish el ements would actually have less cause , , . - . , , . - , , , . , . , , ’ - , , . , , , . ’ , , . , . THE D ISMANTLING O F T URKEY 3 84 for dreading the change th an the Greek The Turk has found by experience that good government by the foreigner and the infidel is a happier lot than th e Dark Age of his native regime and the Bulgars have been as successful in reconciling and assimilati n g their Mosl em fellow citizens of whom there are large numbers in the North Easter n parts of the country as the Austrian s have been in Bosnia or the Russians in Turkestan When every Christian peasant in Bulgaria was call ed to the colours in the Summ er of 1 91 2 the Moslem neighbour whose se rvices the Government did not demand for the Turkish war undertook to gather in the harvest on the campaigner s fields There is little doubt that if the Moslems of Thr ace pass under Bulgarian administra tion , their loyalty to their new country will soon be equally intense The Bulgarians have no incentive to treat this minority ill : the battle of Lule Burg as settled old scores and after th e joint occupation of Salonika the Greek eclipsed th e Turk as the national rival Protests will come not from th e local Moslems but from Turkish natio n alism across th e Straits Adrianople was for a century th e capit al of th e Ottoman State and the tombs of the Sultans are t h ere : th e sop histica ted O ttoman cl aims them as national monuments and the ci ty in whi ch th ey stand as inalienable Ottoman soil No apter example could be found of the argument from h is tori cal sentiment and we have only to classify this fallacy in order to dismiss it from consideration The desire of a livin g population and not the pride of dead conquerors must settle the destiny of Adrianople and it will not settle it in favour of the T urkish Empire In Bulgaria s h an ds the tombs will be as well tended as th e Whole provin ce . - , - , . , , , ’ . . , . , , . , , . , . , , , . ’ . 3 86 THE D ISMAN T L ING OF T URKEY European group that has followed a very individual development of its own an d produced a voluminous though chiefly ecclesiasti cal literature Fin ally there is th e common tra d ition of a political independence w hich endured almost unbroken for tw elve centuries and occasionally played a decisive part in the history of the World Unhappily this tradition was e xtinguished more than eight centuries ago Since then the only ad m in is trativ e bond uniting th e Armenian people has been the organisation of their national Church an d the nation s history has resembled that of the Jews Th e Arme Th ey n ian s in Dispersion have prospered exceedingly have shown an adaptability capable of assimilating European ways of life not merely the social super ficialities achieved by the Young T urks but the solid foundations of spiritual ideas and techn i cal ski ll ; and they have found the energy to turn their acquisitions to account by rivallin g and even outstripping their European teachers in the economic exploitation of the Nearer East Their recent evolution has b ridged the gulf between Asiatic and European an d like the rise of Japan tends to prove that the contrast between Oriental and Occidental does not express under lying di fference of temperament so much as di ff erence of phase in an identi cal process of growt h Japan however in her awakening has m ainly utilised the politi cal line of advance wh ile the political con dition of the Armenian peasant who has stayed at h ome in his native mountain valleys h as steadily been going fr om bad to worse Moslem government has given the advantage to his Moslem neighbours from th e Z agro s mountains on the South East the quite bar barous nomadic Kurdish clans ; and during the last , , . , , . . ’ , . . , , . , , , . , , , - , . - , ARME N IA generation of the nineteenth century the regime of Abdul Hamid converted this inevitable tendency towards o fficial partiality into a deliberate policy of in fla m in g a racial feud and destroying the Armenian nationality in the co n flagratio n The Kurdish chiefs were decorated with Ottoman military rank and their retainers enrolled as Ottoman irregular troops Rifles were distributed to these regiments in abundance while the Armenian population was prohibited under the severest penalties from carrying arms Then the Kurds were let loose on the Armenians as the Alba n ian s were let loose on the Serbs in the valley of the White Drin Village after village of native peasants has been laid desolate th at the intrusive Kurd may pitch his tents and pasture his flocks over the abandoned fields the concerted massacres which have shocked us from time to time are merely accentuations of a steadily pushed process which is successfully annihilating the most civilised and industrious race in Western Asia and replacing it by the most i dle squalid and unruly The Armenian Dispersion lavishes its wealth in building schools supporting refugees and stemming wherever it can the tide of destruction but it is powerless against the brute force of Turkish government in posses sion The situation is even worse under the new regime than under the old for the administration cannot easily recall rifles recklessly delivered into Kurdish hands even if it has the will to do so while Young Turkis h chauvinism looks askance at the Armenians success and contemplates their disappearance with satisfaction The civilised World cannot aff ord to let these out rages continue and if th e two Central European powers that have so far secured Turkey impunity are defeated , . , . , . , . , , , , . , , , , . , , , ’ , . , 3 88 THE D ISMANTL ING OF TURKEY in the present war the whole territory where this state of things prevails must be severed from th e Turkish Empire at once The true solution of the Armeni an question is for tunately not difli cu lt to discern There is no possi b ility yet of national self-government : the Armenian peasantry constitutes o nl y one half of the population in th is re gion it is defenceless an d it is cr u shed by persecution Th e first requisite is efli cien t govern ment inexorably just and irresistibly strong which wil l carry out the serious military t ask of d is arming and pacif ying th e Kurds and proceed to establis h law and order throughout the land Under the shadow of such a government both races woul d for the first time be free to incre ase multiply and inh erit this portion of the earth accordin g to their respective talents an d capacities Strong gove rnment of just the kind required e xists al ready immediately across t h e frontier and a large sect i on of the Armenian popul ation h as long prospered under it It h as been the fashion in England to depreciate the Russian administration in ” the Caucasus It was imposed we say by re len tl ess warfare against small native mountain tribes struggl in g for their freedom and this sacrifice of blood has not been justified by its results On th e one han d order is far from being perfectl y established (we re member the racial riots between Armenians an d T atars at Baku in 1 904 and on the oth er hand the national development not o n ly of savage mountaineers but of civilised Georgian s and Armenians h as been stifled Th o u gh th ey are n o t a fair exam ple to cite sin ce th ey were d u e to th e transi to ry p has e o f an archy w hich swep t d urin g th ese years o v er th e w ho l e Ru ssian Em p ire while agai nst th em m ust b e set m an y d eca d es o f co n tin u ou sly efi cien t a dm in istratio n , . . , , . , , - , . , , , . , . , . , , . , , , 1 , , . THE D ISMAN T L ING OF TURKEY 3 90 decentr alised after enlargement at the expe n se of th e Russian frontier ; but as in Thrace the T urks th emselves h ave e ffectually shattered su ch del usions an d th ere is not an Armenian now in the Tu rkis h provinces wh o does not pray for the coming of Russia Etch m iad zin the ecclesiastical capital of the nation is already in Russian territory an d even wh il e Armenian political idealism still had a Turkish orienta tion th e actu al political centre of gravity was auto m atically s hifting across the frontier The Armenian husb andman when the b arrenness of the mountain s and the ferociousness of the Kurds drive him to seek his fortune abroad naturally gravitates to t h e most favourable market for his energies He has found it in Ru ssian Caucasia and t his is the best testimony of all to th e virtue of Russian rule Tiflis the an cient capital of th e Georgi an nation has become practically an Armenian city bo asting al most as l arge an Armeni an colony as Constantinople whil e the population of th e native Armenian districts on the Russian side of the frontier is now about a quarter as large again as the Armenian population in the Turkis h provinces East of th e Eup h rates and North of the T igris though it 1 occupies a territory of less than half this area We mu st therefore attempt to bring wit hin the Russian frontier all Turkish territory where th e funda mental population is Armenian and where this p o p u la tion s prosperity is being r u ined by th e leg alised aggression of the Kurds , , , . , , , , . , , . , , . , , , , . , , , ’ . 1 Arm enian po pu la tio n in T flis Arm e i po p lat o in C o ns tan tin o p le Arm nia po p latio n in Ru ssian p o vin ces A khaltsik N achi t h ev an S h usa Kars Al exa d o po l Eriv A r m em a po p l ti in Tu kis h territor y Wi thin lim i ts i n an e n u n S ped fied n r u n , i r u a 0 an , , c , r on 0 , 0 0 0 o o 0 ARMENIA 39 1 This territorial settlement of the national question must take due account of the geographical factor, an d it would begin by assigning Trebizond to the Russian Empire because a great caravan route starts from th at port across the mountains through Baiburt to Erzeroum in the Armenian interior The L azic population of the coast strip though it is not itself Armenian is not Turkish either but akin to the Georgians of 2 the Caucasus The frontier shoul d accordingl y start from Tireboli on the South coast of the Black Sea West of Trebizond and ru n due South excluding Karahissar to the West till it strikes the upper reach of the Kara S u Western Euphrates at a point below Erzingan Thence it should follow the course of the Euphrates Southwards as far as Telek wh ere the river hits the Taurus range running East and West and sl ashes its way through the mountain barrier in a long tortu o us gorge impassable for human traffic The Armenian race is not confined to the Eastern bank of t h e Eup h rates Wh en the Tur kish avalanche from Central Asia shattered the old kingdom of Armenia in the eleventh century A D a considerable fragment of the nation migrated across the river and beyond the open plateau of Malatia to the broken ribs of T aurus further West where the Sihun ( Sarus ) and Jih u n (Pyramus) come down Southwards between parallel mountain lines to the pl ain of Adana and th e Here they founded a kingdom of Little Armenia sea which threw in its lot with the Latin princip alities carved out by the first Crusade and took its full share in the losing battle against the returning tide of Islam 1 , . , , , . , , , . , , , , . , . . . , , - . , , . VI S ee M ap 1 eo rgian ro m D i eren ce o f re i gi o n , ho e er, re en ts L aze an d Th e L azes are Mos em sh ar in g a co m m o n n atio na co nsciou sn ess 1 ff . l l wv p v G . l f . THE D ISMANTL ING O F T URK EY 3 92 All th e Christian states alike were e xtinguis h ed in th e fourteenth century but the population did not peris h with th e kingdom and t h e Ar meni ans have h eld th eir ground to this day in th eir second h ome Th ey have moreover been reinforced by that more recent exp ansion from th e orig inal motherl and which h as not aff ected this South Eastern corner of Anatolia alone but has endowed the urban centres throughout the whole Eastern half of th e peninsula with strong Armenian colonies Yet in spite of th eir vigour and their in creasing numbers th e Armenians h ave not made Eastern Anatol ia their own Th e Turkis h substratum remains the preponderant el ement West of Euphrates as the Ar menian E ast of the river and thou gh the memory of t h e terrible Adana massa cres perpetr ated under t h e Young Turkish re gime in will cause us to take the most stringent precautions for safeguardin g the Armenian nationality in the territories l eft under Turkish government it must not blind us to the actual numeri cal proportion between th e two races in this region Ex cept where professional b rigands are subsidised for th e task like the Kurds across the river it is only very weak minorities that su ffer massacre what tempted the Turkis h masses to the crime and justified it in their o wn eyes was the sense t h at they were in an immense majority and the hope th at one determined stroke of brute violence might rid them altogether of these h ated progressive alien tares in their uniform Moslem field In execrating their action we must not forget that the facts on which they based it remain roughly true Havin g reach ed the gorge of Telek the new frontier sh ould leave the L eft bank of the Euphrates and proceed L ess than a year after th e proclam atio n o f th e Co n stitu tion , , . , , , - , . , . , , , , . , , , , , , . , , . , , 1 . THE D ISMANTL ING O F T UR K EY 394 the Mesopotamian plain and the seat of their patriarch has been estab lished since t h en at Julamerk on th e highes t reach of th e Greater Z ab Most of the refugees however have not tarried on th e Western slope of the mountains but h ave crossed th e watershed into th e U ru m ia b asin where th ey form th e exclusive pop u lation of a compact dis tri ct on the West shore of the lake Latterly th e Chaldaeans have been exposed even more cruelly than the Armenians to Kurdish barbarity an d about half their villages on Lake U ru m ia have abandoned their alle giance to the patriarch at Julamerk and accepted the O rthodox creed in order to secure t h e protection of Russia The inauguration of Russian “strong government is in fact as essential to th e survival of th e Chaldaeans as it is to that of the Armenians and th e only solution is to in clude within the Russi an frontier th e whole area inh abited by this race in addition to the Armeni an platea u Th e distribution of the Ch ald a an s however com While pletely cuts across e xisting political divisions Julamerk is in Ottoman territory the U ru m ia b asin th e nation s centre of gravity belongs to Persia an d th e Turco-P ersian frontier follows the summit of the If t h en the whole Ch ald x an nation is Zagro s range to be u nited under Ru ssia s z gis the Russian frontier will have to be advanced at th e expense of Persia as well as at the expense of Turkey Fortunately th ere is no obstacl e to this for Azer baij an th e North Westernmost province of Persia within which the Uru m ia basin lies has no national 2 connection with the state in whi ch it is at present L ike th e Arm enian Kath o li kos at Etch m iadzin h e is th e p o litical as w ell as th e r el ig io u s h ea d o f th e na ti o n D uri n g th e S xteen th an d sev en teen th cen tu ries t sev eral tim es ch an ged h an ds b etw een P ers a an d Tu rk e 1 , , . , , , , . , , , . , , . , , . , , ’ , . , , , ’ , , . , , - , , , 1 , . 1 i i i y . ARMENIA 3 95 politically incorporated While the Ch ald z an s o ccupy the Western side of the lake the valleys th at drain into it from th e East one of which contains the important town of Tabriz are inhabited by an equally compa ct popul ation of Tatars who were deposited there by the Mongol dominion of t he fourteenth century and speak a variety of the wide -spread Tur kish tong ue These h ave as little sympathy as the Ch ald x an s with their Persian masters on the South whose Iranian language they do not understand and whose Sh iah heresy they detest A ll th eir links are Northward towards the valley of the Aras whence the railway is coming to Tabriz from the present Russian railhead at Julfa and towards the broad steppes that fill the lower basin of the river as far as Baku on the Caspian coast where half their race is already living contentedly under Russian rule The whole population of the province appreciates the strong government and the economi c progress 1 which the de fa cto Russian occupation h as begun to give them and it would still further foster the advance of civilisation here if the gift were assured by the formal annexation of Azerbaijan to the Russian Empire At th e gorge between t h e Tor Abdin and Judi Dagh ran g es the new Russian frontier should leave the course of the Tigris and proceed Eastward again along the summit of the Judi Dagh cross the Greater Zab below Julamerk where it makes an abrupt bend from a South - Westerly to a South Easterly direction and continue Eastward along the Giaour Dagh till it strikes the present T urco Persian fronti er at a point on the same parallel as the South end of Lake U ru m ia After . , , , , , , . , , . , , , , . , . - , , , , , , - . 1 S in ce 1 909, wh en th e an archy o f th e P ersian Revo l u tio n led_Ru ssia d a fo rce acro ss th e f o n tier in to Azerba j an wh ere th e S tu atio n was sp ecially acu te to sen r . i , i THE D ISMAN T LING O F TURKEY 396 i cross n g th e e xistin g frontier line it s h ould run South East excludin g th e wh ole basin of th e Lesser Zab When it reach es th e thirty-sixth parallel it s h ould turn due Eastward along the latter till it h its the head-waters of the River Kisil Usun whose course it should follow down continuously to its most Northerly poin t Here where the river turns at a sh arp an gl e to the South East the frontier shoul d break away again on a North Easter ly course of its own and maintain it til l it hits the present Russo Persian frontier a few mil es before its termin u s at Astara on the Caspian S ea The rectification of frontier we have j ust sketched out to Russia s profit and to Turkey s and Persia s l o ss is unimpeachable from th e point of view of t h e t erritories and population s immediately concerned (i ) It transfers nationaliti es whi ch owing to t h eir geographi cal interlacement and to the lawlessness whi ch it stimulates are in any case incapable for th e present of governing themselves from a vicious incompetent government whose onl y policy is to foster anarchy by encouraging the inferior elements to exterminate th e higher to a civilised str ong government whi ch has already dealt successfully in the Cauc asus wit h a simil ar problem of even more serious dimensions This g overnment if we place it in control will use its ex p erien ce to secure the most enterprising receptive and indus trious races in the region from artificial repression by brute force After a few generations of good government the Arme n ian peasant will have outstri pped the Kurdish shepherd entir ely not by another abuse of official favouritism but by his in nate superior qualities Every patch of so il will have been brough t under cultivation in the valley bottoms and on th e terraced mountain-slopes , . , , , . , , , - . ’ ’ ’ , . . , , , , , . , , , . , , , . THE D ISMANTL ING O F TURKEY 3 98 construction proceeds the frontier wi ll be found to mark a boundary between independent systems th at will only be crossed at a few points by trunk lines In spite however of these undeniable merits an y proposal for such an extension of the Russian frontier will meet with a storm of protest from at least two quarters (i ) Russophobes in Great Britain will have taken alarm already at the idea of ejecting the Ottoman Government from the Black Sea Straits and this second scheme for docking Turkey on her Eastern frontier as well and installin g Russia in full possession of the Armenian plateau will put the last touch to their ” fears How they will ask can we expect Turkey to act any longer as the bulwark of our Mediterranean route to India if we wi lfully break her stren gth 5 It will be su fli cien t for the moment to take these critics entirely on their own ground and reply that from the strategi cal point of view size of territory is not the ultimate criterion of strength It is true that we shall have advanced the Russian frontier half the distance from Kars to Iskander u n but the other half still remains and Turkey rid of her ulcers by the surgeon s knife an d enabled to devote all her strength to building up her internal health wi ll erect a more formidable barrier in this comparatively narrow strip of native territory than if she pushed a precarious e xhausting domination over intractable alien populations as far as the very summit of the Caucasus (ii ) We have a much more serious opponent to con vince in Panislamism which so far as it concerns us is the public opinion of the Moslem community in India , , . , , , . . , , , , , . , , , , . , ’ , , , , , . . , , , . PANISLAMISM C . 399 Pa n isla mism The Indian Moslems have developed in latter years a strong self consciousness Unlike most Moham medan populations they are in the position of a minority The Hindu and Tamil mass threatens more and more to engulf them and in face of this danger they have put their trust in British rule They have devoted them selves loyally to the support of our strong government in India and adopted our ideal for the future of the “ Indian Empire With the increase of education among themselves and of means of communication throughout the world th eir interest has extended beyond the limits of India to international politics and has naturally concentrated on the fortunes of Islam in other parts of the world The spectacle that meets their eyes is melancholy Everywhere Islam is receding and Europe triumphant The battle for the penetration and possession of Central Africa has been fought out between them in the nine The whole continent teen th century to Islam s loss is now partitioned among European powers and even the ancient seats of Moslem civilisation along the Mediterranean coast have passed under European suzerainty from Egypt to Morocco In Central Asia during the same period Russia which once obeyed the T atar Khans on the Volga has subjected the last independent Khanates along the Oxus and bridled the freedom of the desert Turkomans As they survey the Moslem World the Ottoman Empire seems to them the only exception to the general It alone in the face of all Europe prese rves deb acle the old tradition that the Moslem is marked out by G o d - . , . , . , . , , , . . . ’ . , . , , , , , , . , . , , T HE D ISMANTLING OF TURKEY 400 to be ruler and th e Ch ris tian to be his slave and what is more importan t still to an orthodox Indian Sunni cut off from his fellow believers by a ring of h eathen Sikhs and Hindus an d of heretical Persians the Otto man state is the guardian o f the holy cities of Islam and the Ottoman sultan by legal i n heritance th e o fficial head of th e wh ole Faith Th e grandeur of T urkey gives a concrete embodiment to th e Indi an Moslems sentiment Th ey feel them selves to be a strong community th ey have deserved well of th e Britis h Empire and in return they justly claim th e rig h t to make their voice h eard in its counse ls There is no doubt th at they will exert th eir influence in favour of the Ottoman Government s poin t of view an d uncompromisingly resist any proposal to interfere with the integri ty of th e Ottoman Empire as it stands at present We cannot neglect this attitude of P anislamism in In dia We must examine the ideals that underlie it and the view of existin g facts on which it is based and if we conclude that th ese ideals wi ll not be realised by the pro gramme of supporting the present Turkish regime because th e real situation in Turkey does not correspond to th e facts presupposed we must frankly declare our belief We must try to convince Panis lam ism of its error by argument just as we have grappled before with the attitude of German y or with the Du al Monarchy s ra ison d é tre Th e real desire of Panisla mism is that th e Moslem popu lations w hich have so far preserved th e ir in de an dominion s hould not suc from C h risti d e n en c e p cu m b to the fate of th e ma jority but s h ould on th e contrary so develop their material resources by e conomic enterprise an d th eir spiritua l wealth by education as , , - , , , , , . ’ . , , . ’ , . . , , , . , , ’ ’ . , , , THE D ISMAN T L ING OF T URKEY 402 oppression of Greek and Armenian is almost out balanced by the suf fering of th e Moslem peas ant on whom falls th e burden of holding them down by force 1 Turkey h as only half th e population of th e smallest of the six European powers ; S h e is in finitely poorer than any of them in economic and so cial development incompar ably more backward ; yet no Europe an state exacts suc h a h eavy blo od tax from its citizens as Turkey whose people can least aff ord it The length of service b oth with the colours in youth and with the various classes of reserve in later lif e is in excess of most oth er 2 conscript armies and mobilisation is far more frequent On a partial scale to combat the never outwearied unrest of th e subject populations it is practically chronic and it occurs on th e grand s cale wh enever the breath of war begin s to blow in Europe even when as in the present crisis th e interests in volved do not naturally affect th e Turkis h people at all Th is happens beca u se the sub j ect populations are ever ready for the final war of liberation and because th e neighbouring states are always waiting for th e oppo rtunity to assist them Th ey know too well th e Turkis h government s in curable policy of adventure which wil l not face ac complished facts but stil l dreams of recoverin g Mitylene and Khios an d perhaps of re entering Salonika Supposing that through the triumph of th e Central European powers the Porte were to recover all th e . , , . , , . , , , , , , , . , . ’ , , , - . , , l v v b b p l y v Active service W th th c lo rs Active service in th e reser ve Lan dwehr serv ce Lan dsturm service k N o exact stati sti cs h a e e er een ta en , b u t sin ce th e territo rial osses o f 1 9 1 2 — 1 3 th e n u m ers cann o t m u ch e cee 1 Th e term s o f co m u so r ser i ce f o r th e i n a n tr are as o ll o s 1 i i e o u x f d y f 3 6 g 2 To tal servi ce (fro m 20th to 4o th year o f age) 2 0 years . w PANISLAMISM 40 3 territories it held in Europe before th e Autumn of 1 9 1 2 this success would brin g the Turkis h peasant nothin g but added misery For him it would be a S h o u lderin g of cast off burdens he would once more spend years of his life garri soning Macedonia far away from his family an d his Anatolian farm to perish at last most probably in some futile summer campaign to O ttomanise the untamable Albanians The Turkish peasan t is dumb he has no education or cohesion and therefore no pub lic opinion but if he could give expression to his will in a plebiscite he would vote for bein g left in peace and ask for some government which would not herd his folk out of th eir villages in thousands an d send them without commissariat munitions of war or medical succour to perish in the deserts of Tripoli or on the stricken field of Lule Burgas Since he is too inarti culate to express this it is surely th e mission of Panislamism which has the ear of th e civilised world and knows how to address itself to it to speak for him and save him from his own government instead of encouraging that government to exploit him to the detriment of his neighbours and the danger of the general peace The Porte claims the Indian Moslem s allegiance as the protector of th e Holy Cities But here again let him try his religious sentiment in the fire of reality an d imagine hims elf in th e place of the unhappy Turkish conscript tran sported from his temperate upland home in Anatolia to the m ilitary posts along that tropical volcanic plateau of Stony Arabia over wh ich th e Hejaz railway runs from Dam ascus to Medin a or worse still dispatched by troop ship do wn the Red Sea to th e terrible interminable Yemen campaign from whic h no soldier ever returns or let him think of th e Yemeni Arab himself Heir to an archaic civi lisation , . - , . , , , , , , , . , , , , , . ’ . , , , - , , . , T HE D IS M AN T L ING OF TURKEY 404 isolated to an un paralleled degree by th e deserts h e is not norm ally aff ected for good or evil by th e rise an d fall of world -empires ; but now h e is d esperately at bay against th e brutal meaningless aggression of Turkis h Im peri alism whi ch h as no better gift for him than for th e Armenian or the Gr eek Th e In dian Moslem is misled by his own e xpe rience In In dia Islam is a na tionality Its professo rs may h ave been Arab Persian Afghan or Mogul wh en th ey came as conquerors to the coun try yet now th ey are one blood bound togeth er by th e common menace of Hindu race -hatred Conditio n s are diff erent in th e Ottoman Empire The menace of th e Unbeliever is h ere imper f ectly re alised and national anta gonis m s fin d an arena ” with in th e Bulwark of Is lam O ur educated In dian Panislamist should talk to an educated Pan arab from Egypt if h e wishes to dis cover how Moslems of A rab speech feel towards the po liti cal ambitions of th eir Turkish co religionists The E gyp tian will agree with the Indi an emp hati call y th at th e ru le of th e European is a hu miliation for Is lam and that British administration however beneficial or 1 even nec essary it may be for th e moment mu st be no more th an a transitory p h ase in th e long his tory of Egypt an d In dia ; but he will tell him that he has exp eri en ced one thing worse th an British o ccupation and th at was the tyr anny of th e Tu rkish o fi cial class which Great Brita in ended j u st a generation ago It is ” o n ly wh en I think what we suffered from th e Turk he will conclu de that I can fin d it in my he art to ” tolerate h is B ritish successor Th e founder of Islam was an Arab He wrote h is , , , . . . , , , , . . , . , - . , , , , , , . , , . . Th o u gh excep t f o r th e wo r k o f th e irrigati o n en gin eers h e will have m u ch l ess go o d to say o f i t than th e 1n d 1 , , 406 T HE D ISMANTL ING OF TURKEY of t h e Ho h enstaufen an d squandered th e strength of th eir empire in purs uin g th e will o th e wisps of a dead world s ideas Meanwhile th e Arab revival has been paralysed by this h eroic s ham as Ita ly was paral ysed by th e vis itations of th e medi aeval Emperors and if the encouragement of Indian Panislamism breath es mis chi evous confidence into this s ham once more it will work as much woe to all Islam Arab an d Ind ian an d Tu rk alike as th e triump h of its accomplice the renovated German Imperialism will work to Europe if it wins this war Yet our Panislamist (or his Youn g Turk prote ge speakin g t hrough his mouth ) while admitting all that we h ave poin ted out will still put up a plea of higher necessity for the existence and policy of th e present Turkish regime It will be very much like the apologia ” of Prussianism its en sam me We confess he will sadly begin that Turkish Im perialism frust rates th e m a terial advancement of the Turkish peasan t an d stunts the national life of h is Arab fellow-subject ; but it is their common duty to bear these disadvantages patriotic all y for th e sake of Islam Th ey must sacrifice th em selves to suppo rt th eir government because the Ottoma n Em pire is the one sovereign independent state left in Islam an d if this empire falls th e Moslem popula tions it s afeguards will be partitioned like all their brethren amon g th e Christian powers Such an event might quite probably in crease the e conomic prosperity and so cial well bein g of the individual Moslem more rapidly for th e moment than the continuan ce of th e O ttoman administration ; but even th e Ch ristians have a proverb th at Man does not live by bread alone For a mess of po tta g e th e Moslem subjects of th e Porte would be barterin g away the birth righ t of Islam , ’ - - - ’ . , , , , , , , , . ' ' , , , . , , . , , . , , , , , . , , - , , ’ . , PANISLAMISM 40 7 making impossible the great ideal of th e future a self go v em in g Moslem nation that shall hold its head as high ” as the nations of Europe If Panislamism takes up this position we mu st undeceive it still further We do not call Young Tu rkey a sham merely because it taxes the stren g th of the Turkish peasan t in order to maltreat weak Christian nationalities in defiance of strong Christian powers and to pose grotesquely as the successor of th e Arab Caliphate in the captaincy of Islam In spending th e blood tax wrung from the peasan t upon objects entirely alien to the peasan t s in terest the government of Turkey would be practising a fraud at least no grosser than that committed by the two Central European Empires against their industrial conscripts The supreme sham is the strength and independence of th e Ottoman Empire itself Th e German government takes toll of blood and iron from th e German nation to fas hion from them a mailed fis t quivering with a vitality that gives government and nation enleagued not only security to walk their own ways unhindered but power to take the initiative in evil aggression again st their neighbours The mili tarism of the Porte which impresses the In di an Moslem ruins th e Turkish peasant with its wars an d an d rumours of wa rs has no effect wh atsoever on the des tiny of th e Turkis h Empire Her army would not h ave saved Turkey from annihilation sixty years ago if England an d France had not fough t the battle against Russia in her be half an d during the two generations that h ave passed since then Turkey threatened with destruction again an d again h as owed her preservation invariably to the mutual jealousies of th e European powers and never to th e strength of her o wn right , . , . , . - ’ , . . , , , . , , . , , , , , , 40 8 THE D ISMAN T L ING O F T URKEY arm In 1 877 th e defence of Plevna gallan t though it was did not prevent the Russians from forcing th e Chataldja lines a diplomati c warnin g from the oth er powers kept th em out of Constantinople when th e forts were down and the Treaty of Berlin rescued for Turkey half her territories in Eu rope The Indian Moslems must face the fact that th e Po rte is not th e c hampion of Islam but a parasite upon the national rivalries of Europe Turkey s fate is not in her own hands an d whatever be the issue of th e war that is now bein g waged between th e European powers it will in any case expose th e T urkish s ham by puttin g a de cisive end to Turkey s present position But th e Pan islamist who has studied th e relation s between th e Porte an d th e European n atio n s du ring the last centu ry will be j ustified in forming th e very lowest idea of European political morality The actual su rvival of the Turkish regime until the present moment is th e most crushing in dictment of it and the attitude of all th e powers to th e calamities Tur kis h chauvinism has contin ued to cause has been so uniformly selfis h and cold blooded th at even an impartial spectator might plausibly ignore Turkey s guilt and lay th e responsi In dis cussing then with an b ility at Eu rope s door Indian Moslem th e probable behaviour of these nations towar ds Turkey af ter th e present war is over we shall ca rry greater conviction if we leave an y possible factor of idealism out of th e question and assume th at all alike will follow motives of the strictest self interest What has Turkey to e xpe ct from the respective triumph of the two rival groups of powers f Ever since the rapp ro ch em en t between France and Russia nearly twenty years ago Germany h as been o ffering her friends hip to Turkey with increasing . , , , . , ’ . , , ’ . , . , - , ’ , ’ , , . , , - , . THE D ISMAN T LING OF T URKEY 41 0 ’ Great B ritain s work in Australi a or New Zealand and transform them into German lands the vitality of the new Anglo S axon nations we have founded there is al ready too strong Anatolia off ers far better prospects Its climate is equally temperate while its population is no match yet for Europeans in numbers energy civilis ation or any oth er facto rs of survival Turk and Arab would vanis h away before German immigration as the Red Indi an faded before the Anglo Saxon onrus h in N orth Ameri ca an d th e l ast hope of Is lam would be blasted by th e first realisation of the Pan germ an Idea T urkey may be linked to Germany by common antag onism towards the En ten te yet for th e Moslem nation alities th e result of Germany s vi cto ry would be ann ih ilation B ut what our Panislamist will ask if th e Alli es are vi ctorious f You have already spoken plain ly about dismantlin g th e T urkish Empire and if once you lay violent h ands on its integrity I fear you wi ll not stop ti ll you have achi eved its dismemberment You reassure your Russophobe by promising th at his de mands shall be satisfied an d reassure us by explaining that the Russophobe s s tandpoint is identical with our o wn but the flames of a war l ike th is melt down the establis hed policies of nations You hope to forge in this furnace a Concert of Europe Suppose you succeed and that England France and Russia pass beyond t h e s tage of opportunist alliance and arrive at a profound mutual understanding : the Russophobe s point of view will have become obsolete in a moment and th e union of Europe will be cemented by the partition of th e Moslem nationalities Th e opiate of compensation dulls the ache of th e most irr econ cilable ambitions France resigned her claims on Egypt when England , - . . , , , , . - , . , ’ . , , , , . , ’ , . . , , , ' , . . PANISLAMISM 41 1 secured her a free hand in Morocco and we can easily forecast how the Three Powers will carve the Arabic provinces of Asia into spheres of influence and actually bring sullen defeated Germany within the European fold (if their statesmanship rises to the occasion) by o f fering her the coveted Anatolia as a ” consolation This is a shrewd interpellation and it does even more than justice to our lack of scruple ; but it fails to envisage the fact that this war though it may have been precipitated by the conflict between incompatible applications of the same crude nationalistic idea is being fought out on the issue of incompatible ideals The cause of the Allies does not stand for the triumph of one group of aggressively ambitious nations over another nor for the coalition of both groups in a criminal conspiracy against the rest of the world : we have identified ourselves with the victory of three great principles (i ) That the general peace of the world is our sovereign interest and that no political or economic advantage of an individual kind is commensurate with it (ii ) That peace can only be secured by giving free play to every manifestation of the spirit of Nationality (iii ) That national self government so far from being inimical to foreign economic interests in the country where it obtains is able to reconcile otherwise in co m patible ambitions by giving them a neutral political medium to work in Th e statement of these principles at last brings us out of the wood The realisation of self-conscious ness and self government by the Arab and Turkish nationalities in the Nearer East is not merely the ultimate object of Panislamism or the ephemeral , ’ , , . , , , . , . , . . . - . , , . . - THE D ISMANTL ING O F T U R KE Y 41 2 programme of Eng lish Russo phobia : it is one of th e most important foundation-stones of that ideal stru ctu re of European harmony and international peace to whi ch Great Britain and her allies stand publi cly pledged and which we cannot betr ay without forfeiting the sympathy of neutrals in the present crisis and destroying all confidence in our honour for th e future The Pan islam is t may assure himself that not even the most brilliant opportunity of immediate material gain would tempt us thus to falsify our whole position while the fact that adherence to these prin ciples is the sole mean s of winning the Panislamist s trust and good will aff ords a further proof to ourselves of th e proposition from which we started that our own true interest lies in a disinterested eff ort to secure impartial justice to all our neigh bours It is our part then to proclaim our solemn intention of laying this stone true and to S ketch out a plan for fas hioning it to fit its destined place , , . . , ’ - , , . , , , . D Th e N ew A na to lia . Anato lia is physiologically a part of Europe the fourth of those mountain ribbed peninsulas that reach out from the European mass and bathe their feet in the Mediterranean sea It is an immense plateau of the same proportions and climatic character as Spain An arid central uplan d is embattled against th e coast on North an d South by p arallel S ierras cloth ed in forest and ri ch in streams which are all engulfed after a brief co u rse eith er by the sea on the outer flank or th e step pe within only towards the West does the plateau sink in long fertile river valleys to a clement S heltered coastline Th e abori gin al population of the region is a link , - , . . , , , , , , . 41 4 TH E D ISMANTL ING O F TURKEY of the ZEgean an d by th e close pro ximity of Greek islan ds Yet though th e Anatolian race has been converted to the speech of its Turkish conquerors as completely as it was converted to Hellenism before and has adopted th e Moslem creed they carried with them it has in formed its new religion an d nationality with its own pe culiar spirit The O ttoman peasan t th us pro d u ced has littl e in common with oth er popul ations that hold th e same faith and speak the same tongue— Tatars of Baku Kirghiz nomads on th e Central Asiati c steppe or Ka sh gari villagers in Ch inese Turkestan : we can discern much more clearly his affin i ty with th e Phrygian or Cappadocian familiar to the ancient Greek He h as the same stolidi ty an d lack of initiative (with th eir complementary virtues) as antipathetic th en as now to the Levantin e of the lEgean He has even the same trappings of material life from his housing system down to the conical hat an d curly toed boots that distinguish the Hittites in Egyp tian b as reliefs and beneath this e xterior crust burn the same volcani c fir es of religious frenzy whi ch gave the cult of Attis and t h e Great Mother to Hellenism and have forced upon Islam since Anatolia entered the Moslem world the reviva ” “ listic e cstasy of the S pi n nin g dervish so extra ordinarily alien to Islam s sober genius Th e Anatolian th en h as a marked national c haracter he is also ripe for national self government To us the Turkis h Empire is a symbol of po litical ineptitu de but thr ee centuries ago our ancestors looked upon th e Sublime Porte as the most efli cien t government in Europe and admired the solidi ty of its paved hi gh roads and nobly arched bridges th e magnificence of its karav an sarais mosq ues and arsenals the profe ssional . , , . , , . , . . - , - - - , , , , ’ . , , - . , , - , , , , ANATOL IA 41 5 skill of its fleets arti llery and standing army precisely as Herodotus admired the far less ably organised empire of Darius Sin ce then the Turk has been outstripped by Europe but if he has stood still he has at any rate not lost ground T o govern oneself moreover is an easier task than to govern an empire and if the Turk now confines himself to this there is no reason why he should not succeed as well as his former subjects in the Balkans Anatolia will not become any more than the Balkan s an industrial country and the Turk will always be a laborious peasant rather than a keen witted busin ess man but the po litical problems set before him will be S imple For four centuries the country h as been in profoun d peace and law and order are as firmly rooted there as in any state of Southern Europe in striking contrast to the anarchy into which race hatred has plunged Macedonia and Albania so much nearer to the centres of European civilisation Abdul Hamid fir st conceived the fiendish idea of spreadin g this infection to his Asiatic subjects yet unlike the chronic violence of the bands in Macedonia the massacres of Greeks and Armenians in the Anatolian towns h ave not become more than hideous violations of a normal harmony If o fli cial chauvinism by murder forcible con version banishment and that terrorism which leaves no real alternative to emigration were to succeed in its obje ct of eliminating these Christian populations from Anatolia altogether it would be dealing as fatal a blow to th e country s future prosperity as the Castilian government dealt to Spain when it robbed her of her Moors and Jews At t hat period the Porte showed its supe riority to contemporary Christendom not merely o , , , . , , . , , , , . , , , - , . , , , . , , . , , , , , , ’ , . 41 6 THE D ISMANTLING OF TURKEY in e fficiency but in liberality of soul by giving th e Spanish Jews harbourage in its own commercial cities to their contentment and to the advantage of th eir " adopted home Since then Ottoman o fficial circles in contradistinction to the Ottoman nation have deteriorated indeed They are venting the i r fury for their Balkan defeats not only upon the Greeks of the Thracian frontier b u t upon the entirely unimplicated Greek population of the West coast and now that they have plunged their country into the great European war they may be expected to instigate fresh massacres of their Christian subjects at any moment This governing class wi th the hopelessly debauch ed tradition which has descended from Abdul Hamid to the clique that overthrew him must be swept away before it can complete its disastrous work The Armenians and Gree ks whom it is see king to destroy are an indispensable element in the progress of the country They possess all the qualities of brain that the native Anatolian lacks and they have further improved their brains by education To begin with at any rate the n ew Anato lian national government will depend largely upon them for its p erso nnel and they will render faithful service to the alien country of their birth if she grants them the scope which their abilities dese rve They are as able minded as are the classes of corresponding educa tion in Europe they have always been employed in the subordin ate grades of the Ottoman administration and the greatness of the Empire in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries falls in large measure to their credit The Anatolian Christian is the chosen vessel for th e fulfilment of th e Panislamist s prayer the elevation of the Anatolian Turk to an equality with the nations of Europe , , . , , . , , , . , , . . , , . , , . , , . ’ , . T HE D ISMAN T L ING OF TURKEY 41 8 of th e central steppe cannot be made to yield corn again as it did in the eleventh century A D before the Turk came till the mountain torrents have been made to deliver their last drop of water to the husbandman by irrigation canals below and barrage S torage in the high valleys and ti ll reaping machinery has been imported from Lincoln or Chicago Neither grain n o réh m etal can be brought within reach of consumers till mine and field h ave been put into communication by rail with the port on th e coast These operations must be carried out before a single atom of wealth can be extracted from the resources they are intended to throw open and their installation is very costly They can therefore only b e undertaken if some surplus has been saved from wealth previously produced by another source or in another quarter Such surpluses do not easily begin to accrue but once they have started their eff ect on the production of wealth is so immense that they grow by geometrical progression The nucleus of that capital which in little more than a century has transformed the face of the world was accumulated by the middle class in the nations of Western Europe after th ey had put wars of religion and constitutional struggles behind th em and arrived at a strong national government whi ch set them free to turn The force their best energies into economi c c h annels that resides in capital t h e magic power of transforming the earth and of conjuring wealth from its bosom has placed the rest of th e world at Europe s feet ; but in Turkey as in other countries that have lagged be hind Europe in political advance such accumulation has never been made Aimless wars of adventure have continued to keep the peasant living from year to year , . . , - - , . . , . . , , . , , , . , , ’ , , . ANATOL IA 41 9 on the verge of ruin an d the Greek an d Armenian town s folk who had the intellectual and moral capaci ty for achieving as much as the European middle class have been singled out for repression by the Turkish govern ment Turkey must borrow the capital she requires not from her own citizens but from Europe ; and Europe finding that she holds a monopoly of this commodity with which Turkey cannot dispense is not disposed to offer her a market on easy conditions Th e history of exploitation in Anatolia centres round 1 the constru ction of her railways Immediately after the Crimean War an English and a French company acquired concessions for lines which started from Smyrna the natural capital of Anatolia on the middle point of th e West coast and worked Eastwards up the river valleys on to the interior plateau The French line has now been pushed up the Hermus valley through Ala Shehr (Philadelphia) to A fiu n Kara Hissar and the English line up the parallel M man d er valley to the 2 south through Aidin to Ch iv ril and Buldur Germany however since she supplanted England and France in the Porte s friendship has blocked the further advance of these two railways by securing the concession for a railway to Bagdad The German line starts from Skutari the Asiatic suburb of Constantinople in a remote corner of Anatolia and makes its way Southwards past Ismid to the plateau level at Es ki Shehr across a very difficult series of mountain ranges among which the S an gariu s winds in gorges Thereafter the way is plain to A fiu n Kara Hissar and the line proceeds South East along the inner , , , ’ . , , , , . . , , . , . , , ’ , . , , , . - , S ee M ap 1 M 4 Th e two S ee M ap -1 VI . VI lin es . h d K assaba an d reac e Aidin resp ectively in 1 866 . THE D ISMAN T L ING OF TURK EY 42 0 edge of Taurus through Koni a to B u lgh arlu a village at th e foot of th e Bulghar Dagh wh ere the Tauru s wall begins to turn North East and the railway if it is to continue its course must pierce it by a mighty tun nel As far as this tunnel the line has been in working order 1 for some years Its achievement is a triumph of that co - operation between individual capital and national diplomacy by which modern Germany has e ffected so much Besides pointin g the way to the promised land beyond the Taurus it absorbs such internal trade as already e xists in th e section of Anatolia to t h e North East except for th e little that goes in an d out by the Black Sea coast Connection with the French rail h ead at A fiu n Kara Hissar is carefully avoided so t h at all traffic which reaches that point from the East is compelled to pass the whole way along the German line to Skuta ri in stead of taking the natural route to Smyrna This masterly railway is the most potent instrument Germany has forged for diverting all new wealth tapped in Anatolia into German pockets and finally turning the count ry itself into a German peopled land Yet th is policy is not peculiar to Germany It is only a p articu larly successful instance of what all European nations attempt with more or less singleness of aim and persever ance so soon as a well placed loan brings a more back ward country into their power It is usury in the most S inister sense conducted on a national s cale Honourable investment aims at an increase of wealth , , - , , , . , . . , , - . , . , - . . , - , . . , Th e con cession f or th e extensio n to B ag dad was sign ed in J an uary Th e C onst an tin o pl e- Ism id sectio n was co m pl eted as early as 1 8 72 , 1 902 1 . ded to Kon i a after 1 888 by th e A n ato lian Railway Co m p an y This was at first a co m b in ed G rm a o B ritish co n cern ; b u t th e Germ an grou p soo n bou ght o u t th e B ritis h rights an d proc“eeded to Th ey th n o rgan ised a n ew B ag dad o b tain th e B ag da d co n cession Railway Co m pan y to which th e An ato lian Ra lway Co m pan y m ad e o v er th e ex ecu tio n o f th e co t act x an d e ten . e n - , e . i n r . T HE D ISMAN T L ING OF T URKE Y 42 2 ’ Debt Turkey s allies in the Crimean War taught h er how to borrow in the European money m arket an d a reckless period of extravagan ce followed When it ter minated towards th e end of the S eventies in th e Balkan revolt and the disastrous R u ssian War Turkey found the purse strings closed again st her and became un able either to meet her past obligations out of her revenue or to in cur others to liquidate them The result was the Decree of December 1 88 1 which con solidated th e whole outstandin g debt handed over th e problem of dealin g with it to a mixed comm i ttee con sisting of delegates from the bo nd holders of all the in terested nationalities and put at the absolute disposal of this committee in which the Ottoman Government itself had no footin g six classes of p u blic revenue for the debt s service This in ternational admin istration has wielded for a generation a power far greater than any sin gle foreign government has yet acqu ired in Turkey or could ever acquire without the virtual supersession of Turkish sovereignty ; but it has employed it entirely to th e country s benefit just because it does not represent th e sinister interest of national rivalry but th e common in terest of bond holders of all nationalities to co operate with the Turkish people in order to promote the increase of the country s resources upon which all alike have their respective claims The commissioners have in terpreted their mandate in a liberal spirit and some of th e most fruitful economic developments th at Turkey h as e xperienced in the meanwhile h ave been initiated in the spheres under their control and fin an ced by funds accumulated in their co ff ers Whatever politi cal transformations th e Ottoman Empire may undergo the financial authority of the In ternational A d m in is . , . ’ , - , . , , , - , , , ’ . , ’ , , - ’ . , , . , ANATOLIA tratio n 42 3 must remain unimp aired not only out of justi ce to the foreign bond holders but because its continued activity will be the New Anatolia s best bul wark against e xploitation by individual nations and the best guarantee for the contin uan ce of her economic progress on lines primarily advantageous to her o wn citizens But th ere are other and less legitimate for m s of foreign privilege in Turkey which might well lapse with th e dismantling of th e Empire or at an y rate be allowed to drag less heavily upon the freedom of the rejuvenated Anatolia (i ) It is not enough to give th e new Anatolian government judicial independence by abolishin g the Capitul ations unless we give it fiscal independence as well and that is at present seriously limited by a number of treaties with th e various European powers which fix a maximum a d va lo rem import duty for the Turkis h Customs It m ight be argued that if European th rift has been hit so heavily by Turkis h insolvency it is only fair that Europe should be given the chance of recouping herself by obtaining favoured treatment in Turkish trade Yet European merchants have already gained infinitely more by the customs treaties than European investors lost by the bankruptcy while the latter interest is actually prejudiced by the present arrangement for the Customs were one of the S ix revenues ceded to the Debt Ad m inistration an d their augmentation would profit the European bond holders as well as the Anatolian government Even in equity then t h e sta tus quo has little justification but legally there is no case for it at all Most of the treaties lapsed over twenty years ago and have only been maintained in operation by the cynical refusal of the , - , ’ , . , , , . . , , , . , . - , , , - , . , , . , T HE D ISMAN T L ING OF T URKEY 424 powers concerned to dis cuss their modification In fact the Powers attitude towards Turkish fin ance has rested latterly on their ability to exercise coercion The time has now come to cry quits In 1 90 7 the first step was accomplished when Turkey obtained per mission to raise the import duty to 1 1 per cent in order to pay for the special admi nistration of Macedonia demanded by the Powers themselves This is a good precedent for compensating the Anatolian government (and its European bond holders ) for th e loss of their most importan t source of Customs revenue in the Black Sea Straits by setting them at liberty to fix their tariff at whatever rate they choose within the sanctuary of their reduced frontiers The au thority of the Debt Admin istration gives se curity that the con cession would be used with prudence and even a mis taken fis cal policy would only injure Anato lia herself and could be reg arded with indi ff eren ce by Europe so long as the vitall y important waterway to the Black Sea was excluded from its sphere of operation (ii ) The foreign railway companies in framing their contracts with the Government have stipulated th at th e la tter shall guaran tee th em a certain minimum of ann ual profit calculated at so much per kilometre of permanent way in working order The Go vernment has to make good an y deficits on thi s amount Considering th e poorness of th e co un try and th e irresponsible character of the Government whi ch by its provocative foreign policy was capable of disorganising at any moment such trade as there was it was reason able th at Turkey should shoulder the econo m ic co n se 1 u of any political folly she com m i tted If e e s n c q . ’ , . . , . , . - , . , , , . . , , , . . , , . , Th e system was n o t applied to th e ear lier railway en terp rises in th e O tto m an Em p ire It was o n ly in itiated in 1 888 , when rai lway co n 1 . 42 6 THE D ISMA NT LING O F T URK EY It would be feasible to demand that the German company in return for adequate compensation else where should resign its claim to the sections of the railway South East of Konia It is clear th at th ese sections are not economically desirable in themselves The fir st runs thr ough a desolate strip between steppe and mountains the second is the costly tunnel which will eat up any profits the Adana section beyond it may bring in Their importance to Germany is political and in as king her to resign them in exchange for econo m i cally more advantageous openings in another direction the Anatolian government would be safe guarding its own interests wi thout violating the legiti mate interests o f Germany The German company would be more than compensated by receiving the monopoly of all construction in the well watered but at present entirely undeveloped Cappadocian region North East of the central steppe as far as th e new Russian frontier A branch has already thrust itself Eastw ard from Eski Shehr to Angora Hence it could be car ried across the Kizil Irmak River ( Halys) and might split thereafter into two arms One would stretch E S E through Kaisaria to Malatia on the West bank of Euphrates skirtin g the ribs of Taurus on the North the oth er would work its way North East through 1 Yozgat and Amasia to the Black Sea port of Samsun Wh at nation is to step into Germany s shoes and , , - . . , , . , . - - , . . . . . . , - . ’ , Th e startlin g advan ta ge g ain ed by Germ an y in th e An ato lian Rail way co n tract led Ru ssia to o b tain an agreem en t fro m Tu r k ey reservin g to h er o wn en terp rise th e co ns tru ctio n o f all rai l ways in An ato lia that 1 ho u ld d ebo u ch o n th e B lack S ea co ast A s yet h o wev er, sh e h as tak en n o a dv an ta g e o f this co n cessio n an d if sh e g ain ed th e p ro po sed s t an d S o u th sh e m igh t extens io n o f h er C au casian fro n tier to th e We fair ly b e asked to ab an do n eco n o m ic in terests in An ato lia o u ts ide this a l an d eco n o m ic con tro l n ewy li e, in ex chan g e f o r co m pl ete p o litic n s . , 1115 1d e It. , A NA T O L IA 42 7 secure for its own investors the right to buy out the German company s interest in the Konia— Adana section t Every consideration suggests Italy Italy has suffered even more than Germany by being handi capped in the European race Her Abyssinian adv en ture was disastrous ; her recent acquisition on the North African coast gives her a very li m ited field ; in the interest of Balkan independence and European peace we have proposed to deny her expansion across the mouth of the Adriatic into Albania and finally we have asked her to relinquish her aspirations to her ” Istrian and Triestine irredenta in deference to Germany s need for a neutral economic outlet upon the Adriatic If then the Anatolian government for reasons of its own decides to remove a certain region from the sphere of German enterprise Italy has surely the best claim to fill the vacant place and receive the commission of opening up Anatolia s resources in this particular direction Italy moreover is already in negotiation with the Ottoman government for a railway concession in the hinterland of Adalia the only port on the South coast of Anatolia to the West of the Adana district that has practicable lines of communication through the Taurus with the central plateau One branch of the new Adalia railway would run and meet the English company s railhead at Buldur : another would work across the mountains in a North Easterly direction and emerge after many detours at Konia Konia would thus become the junction of three railway systems The German lines from the North would meet at this point the two railways leading to Adana and Adalia on the South coast and it would be an obvious convenience that the latter should be under th e same management ’ . . - , , ’ . , , , , , , ’ . , , , . ’ - , . . , . 42 8 THE D ISMAN T LING OF T URKEY We have suggested the partition of Anatolian railway enterprise among companies of four different n atio n ali ties French English German and Italian co ordinat ing their spheres in such a way as to give no one of them the opportunity of becoming a political power in the land The bond holders and th e governments behind th em instead of regardin g their econo mi c presence in An atolia as the thin end of a politi cal wedge must count it all gain that they find scope for their enterprise there at all and resign themselves to see their hold diminish annually as the country is gradually raised by their agency towards the level of native wealth which will en able it in the end to dispense with their services altogether On the day when she has accumulated enough capital to buy out all the foreign companies at a generous price and enough human skill to administer their enterprises with a national p erso nnel of her own Turkey will have reached her majority and fulfilled the Panislamist s dre am by takin g her stand on an equal footing with the nations of Europe We have now only to mark out the frontiers of the rejuvenated Anatolian state before we pass on to Arabia On th e North West towards the Black Sea Straits and on the North East towards the Russian Empire they are already defined : we have still two questions to consider the sovereignty of the Islands and the frontier towards Arabia itself (i ) Th e islands off the Anatolian coast fall into three divisions (a) The group along the Northern section of the West coast which is entirely Greek in nation ality and was conquered by the Kingdom of Hellas in the late Balkan War It consists of M itylin i Khios Psara Samos and Nikaria In sp i te o f the Young Turk chauvinists , - , , , , - . , , , , . , , , ’ . , - . - , , . . . , , , . . , , , THE D ISMAN T LING OF TURKEY 43 0 B ritain in June 1 878 after the close of th e Russo T urkish war and on the eve of the Berlin Congress Th e Russian victory had al armed Great Britain for the safety of her Mediterranean route to India She th erefore arranged with the Porte that if Russia retained th e Armenian fortress of Kars in th e settlement the island of Cyprus should be placed in British hands The legal sovereignty was to remain with the Sultan and Great Britain undert ook in return to guarantee the integrity of the Sultan s continental do minions in Asia within whatever frontiers were fixed at th e impending Congress The terms of the Berlin Treaty brought these provisional stipulations into force Russia kept Kars but the British guarantee vetoed her further advance towards th e Levantine coast even should the guarantee prove abortive the occupation of Cyprus left Great Britain in strategical comm and of the situation At the rupture of peace however th e Berlin Treaty lapsed with all its corollaries and Cyprus was formally 1 annexed to the British Empire Russophobes will rejoice at th e step because it brin gs Cyprus completely under our control According to ” your own proposals they will say the resettlement after th e present war is to advance the Russian frontier right across th e Armenian plateau at least half th e d istance towards the Mediterranean S hore This makes the retention of Cyprus more important to Great Britain ” than ever it was before Yet the problems of Cyprus and Armenia are com on a par In both the national fac t or is at l l e t e p y This tran sf er o f legal so vereign ty to th e actu a l po ssesso r was p ar all el It was m erely a form al to th e A us trian ann exa ti o n o f Bo snia in 1 90 8 A stria ho wev er was at p ace with T key w hen sh e to o k th e act step an d th e efo e acted in Vi o latio n o f v alid o b ligatio ns , . . , . , ’ , . . , , . , , , . , . , , , . . . 1 . u . , , , r r e ur . ANATOLIA 43 1 variance with such strategical considerations and if in Armenia nationality is to prevail we must defer to it in Cyprus likewise The war has set us free to dispose of Cyprus as well as to retain it We s h all choose th e former alternative if we are wise T he island has benefited much by our strong govern ment (a process of disinfection which every count ry needs to go through when it passes out of Turkish rule ) but that phase is now almost past The population is Greek in language and civilisation and is becoming 1 more and more so in national aspiration It cannot be separated permanently from th e Greek national state At some moment Great Britain must gracefully retire and we should allay irritation if we were to proclaim forthwith under what circumstances we should consent to do so The natural term to fix would be th e moment when Anatolia buys out her foreign railways Wh en she has so far recruited h er native economic S trength she will aff ord such an effective strategical bulwark for th e British route to India that the Russo b h o e will S leep in peace at last p Th us all the islands o ff t h e Anatolian coast would pass eventually into th e hands of Greece and the continental state might justly complain that if Greece were allowed to fortify them and convert their harbours into naval bases at her ple asure Anatolia would virtu ally b e subjected to a continuous blockade The pass age from Smyrna itself to the open sea would be liable at an y moment to be closed by flo tillas acting from M itylin i and Khios on either flank In han ding over therefore to Greece the islands nowin Italian o ccu patio n Europe should stipulate that not only they but those acquired by Greece in 1 9 1 2 and also Cyprus whenever Th e p op u latio n was in 1 90 1 o f who m 22 % were Mo sl em , , . . , . , , , . , . . , . . , . , , . . , , , , , 1 , . THE D ISMAN T L ING O F T U R KE Y 43 2 she may acquire it shall be neutralised from the mi litary point of view Greece on her part must pro m ise Europe to leave them u n f o rtified and Europe on hers must guarantee their perpetual political union with Greece When thi s is done it will be bo th needless and useless for Anatolia to covet the possession of the islands any longer (ii ) In drawing the frontier between Anatolia and Arabia we must compromise as usual between national distribution and th e configuration of the country The 1 line should start from the Mediterran ean coast at Ras a l Hanzir the cape that conta ins the Gulf of Iskanderun on the South Eas t It should run first North East and then North along the summit of th e A m an u s range parallel to the coast of the gulf and only a few m iles distant from it thus assignin g Iskanderun itself to Anatolia When it reaches the latitude of the most Northerly poin t in the gu lf it should turn East cross the valley of the Kara S u and proceed North East again along the summit of the Kurt Dagh Thence it should follow the divide between the Pyramus and Euphrates basins in the same d irection till it reached the lati tude in which the Euphrates makes its great bend from a Westerly to a Southerly course below Sams at At thi s poin t it should turn due East and head for the Euphrates striking it just at the bend This lin e leaves a fringe of Turkish population outside but the distri cts thi s m inority inhabits are geograp hic ally dep endent o n the great Arabic city of Aleppo and cannot be sundered from it politically S ee Map VI , , . , . . , , , . , - - . , , . , , - , . , . , , . , , . 1 . THE D ISMANTLING O F T UR KEY 43 4 of th e In lan d Sea to surrender it in life giving rain wh en th ey strike Lebanon an d the Hill country of Judah on its e xtreme shore Syria s h ares the climate and vegetation of Southern Europe but the Hejaz w hich continues the line of Syri a towar ds th e South East is backed by nothin g better th an the Red Sea a sul try creek separated from the Atlanti c by the vast breadth of the Sahara Here the desert h as no redeemin g Western frin ge and th e strip of coast beneath the moun tain wall along which lie the ports of the Holy Cities of Islam is the most cruel country in the whole region In this stern theatr e has been played the world — drama of the Semiti c Race Bred in the keen air of the pitiless plateaux whi ch gives men th e fire of vitality without th e fuel to maintain it the Semitic nations in wave after wave have surged down in to the arena of Irak or beaten upwards again st th e breakwater of th e Syrian mounta ins to scatter th emselves in spray over all the Mediterranean shores The last and mightiest of these cataclys ms was Islam whose tide in the seventh century A D swept out from th e Hejaz over th e world and though it has long since receded from its furthest marks it has settled permanently over thi s origin al Semitic area and given it its final colour both in religion and nationality In S pite of a few surviving outcrops of earlier strata the present population of the region is as homogeneous as its permanent geographical structu re Arabic S peech and Moslem faith provide an adequate basis for a new national life and materials for the superstructure itself are ready to hand The civilised urban class of th e Syrian town s has sent representatives of considerable political abili ty to the Ottoman parliament and is no less capable than th e Anatolian Turk of carryin g on the functions of self government on its o wn account Its - . , , - , , . , , . , . , , , , . , . . , , , . , . , . , - . A RAB IA 43 5 constructive efforts will be immensely reinforced by the co operation of ta lented and highly educated volunteers from Arabic lands like Egypt and Algeria whose populations have enjoyed th e benefit of European ” strong government and will welcome the o ppo r tu n ity of propagating its fruits without its thorns in this new independent focus of Arabic tradition Moreover t h e New Arabia will not be the spiritual centre of the Arab race alone By taking over from the Ottoman Empire the guardianship of the Holy Cities it will inherit from it the primacy of the whole Moslem world Th e sovereign of the new state will become the o fficial h ead of Islam and Arabia would do well to elect as its first consti tutional sultan some prince of the reigning Ottoman house who would inherit by birth the personal claim to the Caliphate won by his ancestor Selim and transmit it to his heirs This junior branch of th e Ottoman line would soon eclipse its cousins who con tin u ed to rule over Anatolia and the Arab would oust the Turk again from the dominant place among Mohammedan nations Yet however much assistance th e new nation may receive from the loyal sympathy and service of all Islam th e task before it is not easy The Arabians will inh erit more evil than good from the Ottoman Empire Europe must of course free them from th e bondage of th e Capitulations and the customs treaties with the same liberality for which we h ave appealed in the case of Anatolia ; but they will have to shoulder a heavy burden in th eir proportionate S hare of th e Ottoman national debt and will pay for the follies of a ruling class for which they are even less responsible than the Anatolian peasant o wn - - , , , . . , . , , , . , . , . . , , - , , . THE D IS MAN T L I NG O F T URKEY 43 6 The revenues ceded by th e decree of 1 88 1 to th e international Admini stration of the Debt must be left as heretofore under the Ad m inistration s control in spite of the break in poli tical continuity The surv eil lance o f an expert European executive over the chief factors of native finance will indeed be as great a boon to th e New Arab i a for many years to come as it has been to th e mori bund Ottoman Empire duri ng the l ast generation The nati ve government will be able to devote itself to internal problems of nationality which are ultimately of more importance and immediately more within its scope (i ) The Chris tian m i nority falls into several groups of which th e Maronites in Lebanon are consider ably the most important Descended from the older Syriac race they have preserved their dial ect an d religion ever sin ce the Arabs brought Islam in to th e land In the eighteenth century they entered into full communion with the Roman Church and came thereby into relation with France already th e leadin g Catholic power The French influence was confirmed by th e result of the Crimean War In 1 864 not many years after peace had been made there was a rising of the Maronites in defence of their pres criptive autonomy and France insisted upon the erection of an autonomous Lebanon vilaye t which was placed under a Christian governor nominated by th e Porte but was also guaran teed by Europe The Maronites constitute about th ree 1 Thanks fif th s of the population in this favoured area to th eir native h istory and to the French missions they are at once th e most vigorous an d the most intelligen t element in Syria and however optimis tic we may be , , , ’ , , . . , . , . . , . , , . , . , , - , , . . , , Th er e are abou t o f th em in h alf a m i llio n in th e who le o f S yria 1 . th e Leban on , an d perhaps THE D ISMANTLING O F TUR KE Y 43 8 able still and th eir reduction presents th e problem of th e Caucasus or the North West Fro ntier of India on a small scale Th e task here will be ligh tened by th e fact that by far th e larger section of the Kurdis h race falls within th e sphere we have assigned to Ru ssia so th at th e section left to A rabia will already be hemmed in by th e strong Russian military frontier in th e North and East when the Arabian gendarmerie attempts to penetrate it from th e South West Even so th e opera tion may prove beyond the new state S powers in which case Europe must give Russia th e mandate of acting here on Arabia s beh alf with th e S trict under standing th at temporary military occu pation o f a distri ct gives her no permanent political claims to it (iii ) When Christian communities have been recon ciled by some measure of devolution and when Kurds an d Druses have been chastised th e new Arabian ad ministration will find itself in e ffective possession of the whole Northern portion of its territory from the Syrian co ast to the head of th e Persian Gulf This is the only part th at counts from the economic point of view but the uninviting South cannot simply be left to its own devices It is no use establishing law and order in the cultivated lands and among the mountain fastnesses in their midst if the Bedawin of th e desert are S till suffered to raid them at their pleasure an d un less the government effectively polices the pilgrim routes to the Holy Cities which lie in the very heart of the South it will forfeit altogether the esteem of the Moslem world Its duty is to achi eve th ese two objects with the least possible e xpenditure of e ff ort A pil grim railway surveyed by Moslem en gineers built by Moslem labour and fin an ced by th e o ff erings of th e Faithful was completed from Damascus as f ar , - . , , - , . ’ , ’ , . . , , , . , . , , , , . . , , , , ARAB IA 43 9 Medina in and will be carried forwar d as soon as possible to Mekka : a further line will link Mekka with th e port of Jidda on the Red Sea coast a way of approach already much more frequented than the Damascus route The railway does not merely make the journey easier for the pilgrims it greatly simplifies the government s task of securing their safe passage for it gives organised troops a strategical advantage that more than counterbalances the B ed awi s superior 2 adaptation to his native desert To keep its garrisons at Jidda Mekka and Medina in touch with their Syrian base th e government need only patrol the railway and throw strong military detachments into the nearest oasis towns like Teima and Kaibar on the railway s E astern flank Further North it should occupy th e o asis of Jof half way between Akaba and Basra wh ere the Northward trail from Nejd emerges out of th e Great N ef u d sand waste into the steppe land between Damascus and Euphrates A chain of forts h eld in Al Hasa th e province along the Arabian shore of the Persian Gulf would protect Koweit and Basra from South Western raiders Havin g thus secured the routes to the Holy Cities and th e borders of th e North ern provinces th e new sta te would be well advised to treat th e remainder of the Arabian peninsula as we h ave recommended the Alb anian government to treat its mountain clans : it s hould take the responsibi lities of sovereignty as lightly as it can N ejd th e heart of the plateau South of th e Great N ef u d is divided at present into several principalities as , . ’ , ’ . , , , ’ - , , . - , , - . , , - . , . , , b egu n in 1 90 1 Co m par e th e u se m ad e o f a lways in th e An g lo -Egyp tian reco qu est o f th e S o d an 1 It was . 1 r i u . n T HE D ISMANTLING OF T URKEY 440 Hayyil, Kasim , Er- riad—whose rulers govern th e po p u lation of the cases and exercise a s hadowy control over the Bedawin tribes whi ch would sta rve if they could not supplement the miserable produce of th eir flo cks with th e dates of the oases palm groves The country is built on so vas t a scal e and the means of life and com m u n icatio n are so s can ty that permanent occupation even by a power th at had u nli mi ted blood and treasure to waste upon an unprofitable adventure would certain l y prove an impossibility and the prophet Mohammed himself was the first and last sovereign to attempt it till the seizure of the Holy Cities by the Wahabi secta ries led Ibrahim Pasha the brilli ant son of M eh em et Ali to make a compaign of reprisal For a few years the whole of Central Ar abia was held down by 1 Egyptian garrisons but the strain was too great and upon the first weakening of M eh em et s prestige his Arabian Empire van is h ed in to thin air The new Arabian government will be promotin g its o wn interest best if it leaves B ed awi shei kh and oasis prince to keep each other in check satisfied that so long as it holds Jidda Basra and Damas cus in its own hand all Nejd is ul timately amenable to its sovereignty Except through these three gates the region can have no i ntercourse with the outer world and can neither sell its dates and camels abroad nor import arms or other goods of civi lised m a nufacture without th e government s know ledge and san ction The same policy of non in tervention should be applied to Asir the Red Sea provin ce immediately South of Hejaz The population is strongly tinged with Shiism in spite of its proximity to the hearths of Moslem . , , ’ - . , , , , , , , , . , , ’ , . - - , , , . , , ’ , . - , , . E gyp tian o ccu p atio n o f N ejd lasted al to g eth er in varyin g degr ees o f effectiven ess fro m 1 8 1 8 to 1 842 1 Th e , , . THE D ISMANTLING OF TURKEY 442 peninsula to the Persian G u lf reach ing it at latitude 2 5 near the head of the Bahrein bay between A 1 Hofuf and th e peninsula of Katar In mere e xtent of territory the state whose frontiers w e have now delim ited would contain an enormous preponderance of irrecl aimable land inhabited by yet as we prophesied in the i ntractable populations case of Armenia the continuous action of good govern ment wil l shift the true centre of gravity more and more ” decisively from the desert to the sown Arabia has a more splendid e conomic asset than any that A lbania Armenia or even th e Anato lian plateau possess The great alluvial pl ain of Irak is potentially one of the most favourable environments for human life in the world and has actually rivalled the valley of th e Nile and th e great Chinese rivers in b ringing the earliest civilisation to flower but its value to Man depends upon Man s o wn mastery of it Left to thems elves th e Tigris and Euphrates allow half th e plain to crumble into the dust of the desert and turn th e other half into malarial swamp as unfriendly to human habitation as the u n reclairn ed Egyptian delta Only civilised fore hought and organisation regulat i ng the river system t by a ne twork of canals can distribute the water in better proportion and enable Irak to realise its destin y as a cornland of marvellous capa city From the dawn of histo ry in the fourth millennium un til Babylon was crushed by the leaden yoke of B C Darius empire the irrigation of Irak was perfect and its fertili ty th e wonder of the world Again under the Abbasid caliphs wh o ruled from this centr e a realm broader than Darius and revived the glories of Babylon in their n ew city of Bagdad on the Tigris th e provin ce enjoyed a second lease of prosperity nearly , . , , . . , , , ’ , . , , . , , , . . . , ’ , . , ’ , , ARAB IA 443 five centuries long till the Mongol invasion devas tated it in th e thirteenth century A D Since then Irak has lain desolate like a symbol of Islamic civilisation itself The canal system is derelict : only a few of the main arteries are kept in working order The population has dwindled : there are more B edawin in the land than h usban dmen Nature has assumed her primitive face as it was when Oannes the Sumerian culture god first arose from th e sea ; but Nature cannot be left unc hallenged by the twentieth century with its vast material power and its still vaster in crease of po p u la tion th at threatens to outstrip that power s capacity to provide for it The Young Turk government has already negotiated a contract for irrigation work on a modest scale and the New Arabia must throw herself into th e task in the grand manner Th ere is the possibility of recovering for cultivation as many acres in Irak as British engineering has won back in th e Punjab during the two generations we have ruled th ere Th e chief need will be human labour to dig th e channels cast up the embankments and till th e new fields created by these operations and a vast reservoir of men e xists in the twenty four million Moslems of Bengal They are already hard pressed for some avenue of expansion and their religion would accommodate them without di fficulty to the country Wh en the fertility of Irak has been restored it must be put in communication by railway with Arabia s chief ports (i ) Bagdad has heretofore communicated with the Mediterranean by circuitous routes to the North-West which cling to the tiny ribbon of moisture and vegetation deposited across the Northern section of th e steppe by the Tigris and Euphrates in their descent from the , . . , . - . . , - , , , ’ . , . . , , , , - . , . , ’ . . , , THE D ISMAN T LI N G OF T UR KEY 444 Armenian moun tains towards th e Gulf The harves ts of Irak when they are reaped once more will fully repay th e construction of a railway from Bagdad to Damascus which will cross Euphrates and run due West over th e s teppe The distance is under five hundred miles less by one third than the course the German company has surveyed from Bagdad to Iskanderun and Damas cus lying on the inner rim of the Syrian retaining wall near the middle point of i ts exten t is the natural railway centre of Arabia Besides being the S tarting poin t of the pilgrim li ne to Medi na it is already con n ected by a full gauge railway Wi th Haifa the harbour under Carmel s shadow and by a narrow gauge line over Lebanon Wi th Beirut th e greates t port on th e Syrian coast (ii ) Immediately after i t has put Euphrates behind it this n ew Bagdad Damascus railway will detach a branch to the South whi ch will pass through Kerbela S kirt th e Eastern foot of the plateau parallel with Euphrates course touch the Shatt al Arab at Basra and find its terminus on the Persian Gulf at 1 Koweit (iii ) Direct connection between Bagdad and Europe 2 will be es tablished by a lin e followin g up th e Right bank of th e Tigris as far as Mosul There it will change direction from North Wes t to West and run across the head waters of th e Kh ab o u r between the S injar and Tor Abdin h i lls After passing through Harran it will strike the Euphrates cross it by a bridge at Jerab is and continue in the same westerly direction through the hilly country between Aleppo and Aintab up to the wall . , , , . - , , , , - . - , - , ’ - , , . . - , , , ’ - - , , . . . - , - , - . , , , , 1 Th is lin e Wi ll b e id en tical with th e last sectio n o f th e pro j ected Germ an rai lway to th e Gu lf Th is em b o d es an o th er p art o f th e G erm an co m pan y s idea . 2 i ’ . 446 T HE D ISMANTL ING OF TURKEY Anatolia ? Th ere are strong reasons for rejecting such a proposal In Anatolia most of the work in contemplation h as already been put in hand on the national -syndicate system and the majority of these contracts have been carried to their conclusion the still unexploited areas are appropriated by claims like the Italian wh ich cannot be dis regarded Arabia is in a diff erent position Even t h e most importan t operation th e irrigation of Irak h as not yet been taken up in earnest No railway enterprises have been pledged to foreigners except th e few stretches in Syria already constructed by a Fren ch company and th e A m an u s Mosul Bagdad con cession acquired by th e Germ an group The latter would cer tain ly be an important fact if it were a fa it a cco mp li but so far only an insign ificant section has been built Arabia an d most of the course remains unsurveyed then h as still a comparatively clean state There is always a lurking danger that commercial sp h eres m y develop a political character Th is a would be serious enough in Anatolia but in Arabia it would be absolutely fata l to a good understandin g between th e nations concerned beca use in this quarter th eir politi cal ambitions and jealousies are in finitely more in tense If th e French railways and missions succeeded in tran sforming Syria in to a dependency of France the Britis h position in Egypt would be severed from th e Persian G u lf by a strong m ilitary power which could lead a bran ch from the Hejaz railway to Aka ba and esta blish th ere not merely a port in rivalry with Suez as Arabia will doubtless do h erself but a naval base to dispute th e control of the Red Sea If on th e oth er hand Great B ritain eliminated France which s h e could . , , . . , , . , - - , . , , , . , . . , , . , , , , , , . , , ARAB IA 447 hardly do without a permanent breach in th e two nations friendship and extended her influence from Damascus to Bagdad and then to Koweit she would be cutting across the path of Germany Even if Great Britain and Germany e ffected a compromise they would both be threatened in turn by an attempt on Russia s part to penetrate to the Mediterranean from the Armenian plateau through Diarbekr J erab is and Aleppo Here are seeds of war indeed and their detection shows that we must discover some other basis than the national group for the conduct of these enterprises A precedent is given by the action of four powers in 1 9 1 0 with regard to the Sse Chuan railway concession Th e governments concerned first arranged in Ch ina among th emselves what proportion of the loan S hould be allotted to the investors of their respective nations and th en allowed the private financiers of these nations to 1 subscribe in this ratio the total capital required In the case before us the Concert of Europe should go a step furth er It s hould not only determine the s h are of th e several nations before hand but should draw up a compulsory formula for the ch arters of all th e com an The chief principle of this p ies to be constituted formula s h ould be th at each comp any must contain s h areh olders of all the nations concerned in the propor tion agreed upon If any company is floated in defiance of th ese terms its contract with the Arabian govern ment should not receive the Concert s sanction and in case of disagreement between the two contracting parties t h e Concert should withhold its own support and like wise restrain individual powers from intervention Even the contracts already concluded with national Th e fo u r p o wers were Great B ritain Fran ce G erm an y an d th e U S A th e am o u n t o f cap i tal to b e ssu ed was an d th ey ag reed to tak e equ al sh ares ’ , , . , ’ . , , . - . , . . , . . , ’ , , , . 1 , . . i . . , , T HE D IS M AN T LING OF TURKEY 448 groups like the French railway in Syria or the German concession to Mosul Bagdad and Basra should be internationalised on th e same principle The Arabian government should buy out th e present bond holders on favourable terms with capital supplied by th e new 1 international loan In compensation th e two nations which these bond holders represent should be allowed to subscribe to th e general stock of this new loan an excess upon th e shares respectively all otted to th em equal to the capital of the two national companies th us iqu id a te d The new Arabia will not la ck investors : her economic prospects are too good Yet if their enterprises are organised on some such scheme as this she will not have to make th e cruel choice between political inde d materi l well being She will see her d e n e an a n c e p national self government and her national wealth prosper togeth er and will close to the nations of Europe another arena of deadly strife , , , . - . - . . , - . - , . 1 Th e loss in cu rred by Ar ab i a in th is transfer sh o u ld b e m ade go o d by th P o wers f Eu ro p e in th e in te ests o f E ro p ea p e o r u n ea ce. P ERS IA 450 Th e Iranians have twice expressed th e racial antipathy which generations of border warfar e and th e v icissi tudes of empire and subjuga tion ha ve aroused in th e creation of a national religion While the native religious developments of th e European nations lost th eir savour and succumbed one by one to a universal religion of Semitic origin the Iran ian like th e Hindu found a prophet in his own co u ntry an d unlike th e Hindu possessed th e insig h t to pay him honour Zarath ustra probably lived under the great Darius in th e latter h alf of th e sixth century B C about two generations before the incarnation of the Buddha The reformed faith wh i ch he founded grew like the Y aweh ism o f th e Hebrew prophets to be the distinctive mark of his nation and the restored national kingdom which put an end to the interlude of Greek predomin ance in t h e t hird century A D incorporated its reli gion in a highly organised national church For four centu ries the national ch urch and state of Ir an battled with the (e cumenical religion and empire of th e Roman world without an y decisive issue Then the avalan che of Islam overwh elmed th em both and Iran 1 was utterly submerged Zoroastrianism was pros cribed an d the new born Arabic civilisation dominated the nation even more strongly th an th e Greek had done before yet Persian nationality had enough vitality to assert itself again Wh en T urk and Mongol broke their way into th e Moslem world the Arab went down before them but Iran over whose corpse they trod their road to Bagdad and Anatolia found in the general ruin an opportunity for her own revival Th e sch ism concernin g th e succession to the - , . , , , , , , . , , . . , . , , , , . . , - . . , . - , . , , , , . f f l vo taries fo u n d f g prosp ero u s Parsee ect Its aith u su r i e as th e 1 vv re u s e in . Western In d a wh ere th ey still i , P ERS IA 1 45 Caliphate which rent Islam in the second generation of its existence had been trench antly settled against th e h ouse of A li by the sword but a minority of stead fast h eretics h anded down the tradition of Ali s claims and Persia gradually became th e strongh old of th eir opinion In th e sixteenth century A D a native Persi an dynasty th e Sufi which adh ered to this sect swept away th e Turkis h princelings who had divided Iran between them since the Mongol era The plateau was united once more in a national S tate and once more again t h e renaissance of Iran expressed itself in religion Th e h eresy of its kings became the belief of th e nation and under the banner of Shiism Persia kept at bay t h e hated T urkis h powers which h emmed h er in on every side and uniformly professed t h e orthodox ” Sunni fait h Ottoman Turks on the West Uzbeg Khans upon the Oxus in the North and th e Uzbegs Mogul cousins who h ad carved themselves a migh ty empire in India upon Persia s Eastern flank The feeling h as lasted on both S ides to this day Persia is outcast from th e legitimate family of Islam and at the same time s h e h as developed th e most vigorous national consciousness in the Moslem world for the very reason that racial distinction is in this case emp h asised by religious cleavage instead of bein g overridden by th e sense of religious community Th is magnificent national history h as not failed to enshrine itself in tradition It is true th at th e Avestas th e sacred scriptures of Zoroastrian ism h ave been lost to th e Persian nation and become th e h eritage of an Indian sect Th e memory of th e Ach aemenid kings wh ose figures impressed th emselves so deeply upon t h e mind of the Greeks h as likewise peris h ed among t h eir o wn successors Th eir Empire always remained a , , , ’ , . . . , , , . , . , , , ’ , , ’ . . , , , . . , , , . , , . PERS IA 4 52 second han d imitation of th e Semitic world of Babylon 1 and stood in Iran for the hegemony of one province and that not Z ara thustra s homelan d over th e rest Yet in the eleventh century A D the great Arabic civilisa tion that had been growing up at Bagdad awakened anoth er Semitic echo on the Iranian p lateau w hich led to the bi rth of a native culture Th e new Persian literature then called into being has become th e common inheritance of the whole Moslem world It draws its inspiration not only from Phil o sophy and Love but from the national memory of the great Sassanian dynas ty whi ch fought with Rome before Islam came an d it h as created from this source a noble style of h istori cal epic and histori cal prose The ban upon Persian heresy has never been e xtended to Persian letters and they have remained the foun dation of Moslem humanism Persian na tionali ty th en is S trong in every element and reviewin g the facts we can see that this national vitality h as ultimately been due to the large size and e ffective physical frontiers of the country which have fitted it by natu re to be an independent fo cus of human life Yet S ize and impenetrabili ty ar e only relative factors and mod ern mec hani cal power has revolutio n ised the scale of th e world Persia once a centre of wealth civilisation and empire has sunk to be th e buffer s tate between mightier units and will fin d its significance for the future as th e economic high road for these units towards th eir own in evitable goals During the last fifty years Persia h as seen the robber tribes on her Northern frontier replaced by the Russian Empire a unified political organism stretching North and North East all the way to the Polar Circle A s - , , ’ . , . . , . . , , . , . , , , , , , . , . , , - , , . , , - . 1 Fars o r , P ersis . PERS IA 4 54 the plateau steppe sligh tly North of Kom Th ence it will follow the river s course up into the Z agro s till it re aches Hamadan Here it will be jo ined by a line from T abriz working through Maragha and S akkys over the e xtreme Southern watershed of the U ru m ia b asin West of th e Demirli Dagh an d directly linking H amadan with Europe through the Caucasus Th e united line which will th us concentrate trafi c for th e Indian Ocean from all quarters of the Russian Empire will negotiate the Z agro s d efiles along th e well known caravan route past th e mountain of Elwen d past th e ba ttlefield of Nehavend where the Sassanian made his last stand again st th e Moslem in vader p ast th e rock of Behistun wh ereon Dari u s ” in scrib ed th e triumphs of his strong government to the town of K irmanshah Here a bran ch will take an easy course Sout h West to Bagdad linking togeth er th e Persian and Arabian systems wh ile the trunk lin e will turn South and South East an d follow the river Kercha through the foothills beneath Z agro s outer b astions to Dizf ul in the plain of Kh uzistan Then it will bif urcate again sending one arm Southward down the Karu n river to the moderately good port of Mo h am mera on th e Shatt al Arab almost opposite Basra and another in the original South -Easterly direction beneath Z agro s and along the Burning Coast to th e magnificent harbour of Bushire on the Persian Gulf This rail way would re lieve Russia of the last S hackle upon her co m merce her door on the Pacific and the new doors we have deman ded for her on the Norwegian coast and through the Baltic an d Black Sea Straits would be supplemented by an outlet upon the Southern O cean - . ’ . , , , . , , - , , , , , . - , , - , ’ . , , - - , , , , . , , . PERS IA 455 Russia however is not th e only foreign empire th at has vital interests in Iran The region contains a great zone of mineral-o il deposits extending North and South from Baku on the Caspian as far as Khuzistan on the Persian Gulf which taken as a whole is perhaps the richest petroleum field in the world The Northern section of this zone at B aku and in Azerbaijan has long been opened up under Russian auspices but the Southern section like most natural resources within the Persian frontier has never yet been tapped When therefore th e recent adoption of petrol as fuel for warships vastly increased the total demand and made the question of its supply a pressing concern to th e governments of naval powers this virgin field in Persia acquired sudden significance Only last year a company was formed to exploit it on a very big scale and the British government bought a major interest in its share capital This company may play as important a part in Britis h foreign policy during the immediate future as the East India Company played in the eighteenth century and it gives us a stake in Persia at le ast as great as Russia s railway interests Great Britain h as already concluded a railway agreement with Russia for a line that will link India first with these oil fields and ultimately through the Russian system with Europe The road (of Indi an gauge ) will start from Karachi the port of th e Indus basin and run along the M ekran coast th rough Gwadar and Jask to Bunder Abbas th e Persian port on the Hormuz Straits Hence it will turn inlan d and mount through the tiers of the Fars moun tain s which continue the line of Zagro s along t h e border of th e Gulf When it attains the level of the plateau it will take a line due North-West between th e mountain , , . , , , , , . , , , , . , , , , . , - . , ’ - . , , , . , , - , , . , , , . , 4 56 PERS IA lakes and tangled peaks of Fars on the left and the Koh rud range ( a parall el outwork of Z agro s towards the Kev ir) on the right till it reaches Ispahan th e second city of Persia From this point it will probably take its way through th e mountains to Khunsar and thence down a river d efile to Kom which will be its junction with the Russian railway These immense enterprises will not bring advantage merely to the foreign powers which are pressin g for permission to carry them out they offer the only hope for the restoration of Persia s own economic prosperity The terrible Mongol invasions whi ch ultimately gave her th e means of recovering her national independence cost h er th e material wealth which centuries of strong Sassanian and Arab government had built up In the thirteenth century A D Khorassan her Northern most provin ce was one of the most flourishing industrial countries in th e world : the Mongols in a few cam p aign s reduced it to a desolation from which it has never recovered and the s hock of th e calami ty brought upon the whole nation a chronic economic paralysis which it will not throw off by its o wn eff orts From a purely economic poin t of View then the oil and railway concessions will be mutually advantageous to both parties in th e contract to Great Britain an d Russia on the one hand and to Persia herself on the other ; but in dis cussin g th e future of Anatolia an d A r abia we recognised the fact that when a backward nation delivers into th e hands of an advanced nation the monopoly over its exploitation the influx of th e foreign state s capital almost inevitably leads on to the establishment of its political sovereign ty over the e xploited area The Mongol invasion brought one boon only at the cost of another will the An glo , , , . , - , . ’ . , , . . . , , , . , , , , , , ’ ‘ . 458 PE RS IA of com muni cation between the Gulf and the Plateau The imm ens e straggling Southern provinces th at border on the Gulf have been cut o ff by th is zone of unrest from th e central govern ment s support an d under ambitious viceroys have taken the path towards seces sion The national parliament at Teheran torn by faction an d threatened with extin ction by reactionary rebels h as been driven to place its cause in th e h ands of hardly more estimable mi litary adventurers and to buy the good will of B aktiyari chiefs and Southern governors by never refusin g their demands This is not an encouraging record an d it looks blacker still in contrast with the British and Russian achievements A century ago the Persian Gulf was infested with Arab pirates the British Navy has swept them out of every cr eek surveyed th e coast laid down buoys at th e harbo ur entrances and in the ch annel of th e S hatt al Arab an d opened th e whole of South ern Persia to international trade Fifty years ago all North ern Persia was overrun by the Turkomans of th e steppe who made their livelihood by systematic raids plunderin g burnin g and carryin g captive without resistan ce : Russia has razed th e Turkoman strongholds and b u ilt th e Tran scaspian rail way through their steppe close along the Persian frontier thereby brin ging North ern Persia into easy communication with Europe and converting it in to the most orderly region in the country The two foreign empires have already done more for strong government in Persia without setting foot with in its borders than th e Persian nation h as accomplis h ed for itself Recently we have taken a momentous step forward The agreement concluded by Sir Edward Grey wi th the R u ssian Government in 1 90 7 assigned to each power a . , ’ , . , , , - . , . , - - , , . , , , , , , , . , , . . PERS IA 459 political sphere of in fluence inside the Persian frontier t h e interve n ing zone was left as common ground where both powers were at liberty to pursue their interests side by side Th is policy leads straight to partition ” That is after all a lesser evil its defenders will say for th e Persian nation h as tried the experiment of governin g itself and proved incapable it is therefore its own interest to submit to being governed by its big ” neighbours whose capability is proven We must answer that it is useless to cure present evil by laying up evil for the future Inasmuch as all the potential factors of nationality are conspicuously present in Persi a a very few years of strong government wheth er it be introduced from within or from without will suffice to kindle the spark and raise the flame Economic prosperity will do for Persia what it has done for Poland : it will bring the native population into better proportion with the area of the country and con front the two vulture empires with a nationalist move ment of vast dimensions ” But t he defendant will reply the ultimate interests and desires of the Persian nation are not the real issue By its present incompetence it has forfeited any claim to future consideration Political dismember ment may become very irksome to it but it will at any rate not endanger th e peace of the world on the 1 , . . , , , . , . , , , . , . , , . . , VI Th e S o u th Eastern b n dary o f th e Ru ssian P ersian S p h e S tarts fro m th e m tin g p o t f th e R s ia d Afgha fr tiers m akes a traight c s to Y ezd a t w S o th o f th an d th en t rns N o th We t S l t D esert o n th e in n r fl n k o f Fa h e d in g directly f o r K asr i S hir n o n th Tu rco P e sian fro tier T h is l eaves Isp ahan an d Khu zistan within th e n eu tral zo n e Th e No rth Western b o u n d a y o f th e British S p here ta ts fro m G az k n ear th e d K m n C ty to P erso Afgh an fro n tier an d ru ns th o u gh B irj n d B u d er Abb as o n th e H rm z strai ts S ee M ap 1 - . er - ee n on s , a - - a in u s o our e e a ou o , , n u u ts, - e i n, r r n e - s , . . r - n s e r , o u r . i an er , a an i 460 PERS IA contrary a co mmon interest in keeping Persia quiet will provide Russia and Great Britain with th e very bond that th ey have lacked heretofore and if this happens at Persia s expense Persia will only be one of your minori ties th at must in evitably suffer This really begs the question by ass u min g th at a scheme of territo ri al partition can be devised that will give equal satisfaction to the individual in terests of Russia and Great Britain That is the necess ary preliminary to their having an interest in common yet the authors of the present agreement at any rate do n o t seem to have been very sanguine as to its possibility All the points where the interests of the two empires are really vital have been left by th em within th e debatable Zone Neither the routes along which the Russian railways must pass to the head of the Gulf nor the oil fields in which th e B ritish Ad m iralty h as S ince acquired a predominant commercial interest have been appro p riated by their respective claimants It is easy to see the reason for this there is no means of disentan gling th ese in terests on the b asis of territo rial sovereignty If Russian sovereignty is to fo llow Russian railways over th e plateau to th e sea Russia will obtain a port of her own on the Indian Ocean which s h e will be able to fortify if s h e likes as a base for a new fleet and Great Britain could not possibly tolerate a naval rival in In dian waters If on the other hand British sovereignty fo llows British trade along all the coasts of th e Gulf and up into th e oil fields of K huzistan at its head Russia will fin ally be cu t off from her outlet upon the Southern Sea by th e territory of a rival power she will enjoy h er free railways to the coast and her free port in which th ey are to termin ate merely on Great Britain s sufferance an d such a position would be no , , ’ , ’ . . , , , . . , , . . , , , , , . , , , , , ’ , 46 2 P ERS IA P ersia and will grow not less but more importan t pro portionally as the whole co u ntry advances along th e path of good government and prosperity Such an authority can only be establis hed by th e san ction of all E u rope Already we have found the solution of many problems in th e intervention of a European Concert but in no case has th e need for it been so urgent as in this or the danger to which European peace is e xposed by th e lack of it more irremediable We cann ot much longer postpone the supreme problem of our whole dis cussion h o w this Concert of Europe can b e brough t in to permanent active exis tence Me an while no such Concert e xists to help us and till we have called it into being we must palliate the situation in Persia as best we can (i ) Th e private understan din g be tween Great Britain an d Russia must be superseded by a collective agreement of all th e European powers definin g the frontiers of Persia an d then guaranteeing her independence and integrity within th ese lim its (ii ) The system of administering publi c services by a nn e drawn from lesser European nationa ities must erso l l p be persevered with and if possible extended in ran ge and the states of Europe must make th emselves responsible collectively both for th e good behaviour of th ese o fficials and for th eir just treatment (iii ) The fin ancial support without which no attempt at political reform can be carried forward must come in future from all Europe and not as heretofore from the Two Powers An arrangement must be made by wh ich the European governments shall give facilities to th e Persian govern ment for borrowin g in their respective money markets such capital as it may require for public purpo ses in th e , . . , , . , . , , , . . , , . . , , , , . , . , , , , . , 46 3 PERS IA same proportion as s hall have been agreed upon for com If private investors m ercial investments in Arabia hesitate to take up any p ar ticular loan but the govern ments approve the purpose for which it is being issued the latter should either guarantee the loan to their investing publics or else subscribe the capital in the agreed proportion out of their own public funds on moderate terms It is only fair that if the nations of Europe enjoy the advantage of being the world s capitalists they s h ould accept the responsibilities of the position as well the more so as their failure to intervene may lead to a breakdown involving the world in war and themselves in ruin (iv ) The railway and oil enterprises will inevitably pass un der Russia s and Great Britain s exclusive control an d draw man y oth er subsidiary commercial concessions in their wake But it would clearly be beneficial as tend ing to counteract th e commercial predomin ance of these two powers if all economic developments independent of these were thrown open to international finance on the same principles as we proposed in the case of Arabia These suggestions do not claim to be more than S top gaps They are designed to give the Persian nation the best chan ce possible of keeping pace in its growth towards maturity with the progress of Britis h and Russian power in the country It is the vital interest not only of Persia herself but of the two neighbour empires that s h e should finally become strong enough to hold her own against them both and so to maintain the balance im partially between th em Yet the haven is still below th e horizon and while the S hip of Persia is struggling pain fully towards it her safe passage depends entirely on the self control good wil l and good understanding of Russia and Great Britain Such an understanding will best be . , , , . ’ , , . . ’ ’ , . , , , . . . , . , , - , , . 464 PERS IA brought about by a satisfactory settlement of the Persian frontiers under the san ction of Europe (i ) Great Britain at present commands th e Persian Gu lf because till now S h e has been th e only efficient power in th e neighbourhood but when the New Arabia and Persia begin to come into line with th e nations of Europe and when the Greater Russia East of the Ural finds its economic outlet through Persian ports the freedom of th e Gulf will become as urgent a necessity for the states bordering on its co ast an d for inter national commerce as the freedom of the Baltic and the Black Sea Unless Great Britain modifies her policy to meet the new situation she will become as intolerable to her neighbours in the Gulf as Germany and the Ottoman Empire have become to theirs in the Black Sea and the Baltic Our only j u stification for commandin g the Gulf is that we po lice it As soon as Arabia and Persia are capable of undertakin g th e task we must retire in th eir favour only stip u latin g that they S h all main tain a flotill a neith er less nor more than sufficient to patrol the coasts and shall not build or allow to be buil t an y base for a battle fleet upon their shores Th e evacuation of the Gulf would involve the cession of Bah r ein Island to Arabia and the abandonment of our protectorate over th e S u ltanate of Oman Oman is a straggling territory with a long coast line iso lated from the rest of th e Arabian peninsula by the great Roba al Hali desert in its hinterland It controls the entrance to the Gulf at the Straits of Hormuz and the liberation of th e Gulf would not be a reality unless this state were neutralised and guaranteed by all the powers (ii ) In fixing th e frontiers of Persia herself we should r elieve her of all territory alien in population and in cor , . . , , , . . . , , , , , . , . - , - . , . . , , 4 66 PERS IA a state which occupies a considerably less im porta nt economic an d strategi cal position than Persia an d whi ch la cks all intern al cohesion Af g hanistan is a typ ieal example of th ose mushroom Oriental empir es that spread their s hadow in a day and vanish in th e nig ht Its nucleus is the upper Kabul valley whi ch o f fers the best route across the Hin du Kus h range from th e Oxus plain of Central Asia to the Indus plain of the Pu njab The dynas ty entrenched in Kabul City comman ds the South Eastern issue of th e pass and taking advan tag e of their geographi es position th e amirs of Kabul have e xtended their suzerain ty over a territory on both sides of th e great mountain barrier sligh tly larger in its total area th an th e Austro - Hun garian Monarch y The mou ntains cover the major part of th e country and the population of four an d a half m illions spread th inl y over it beggars the Dual Monarchy itself in its motley diversi ty : Pach tu -speaking Afgh ans in th e South East scattered through the vast tangle of valleys that feeds t h e West bank of the In dus and the North bank of the Helm u n d Persians in the West in the Seistan basin and at Herat Mongol descended Hazar as in th e fastnesses of Hindu Kush itself Turkis h-spe akin g Uzbegs in the plain between the mountain bar rier and the Southern bank of O xus and Iranian Tajiks on the Pamir plateau whose snows feed the head waters of Oxus an d the Northern tributaries of the Kabul Th is last population is so isolated from the world by the great mountain bastions on whi ch i t struggles to live that i t has not even been touch ed by the advance of Islam and remains a pri mitive island of Indo -Europe an paganism in the midst of th e Moslem Ocean like th e pagan Lithuanians who resisted Christendom till the fourteent h century A D integrity of , . . , - . - " , , , - , . , , , - , , - - , , - . , , , . . 46 7 PERS IA This precarious empire founded in th e latter half of the eighteenth century in a reaction against Persian aggression would have fallen to pieces again in the ” eighteen forties h ad not th e British government in In dia interfered A generation of half measures followed which cost several disasters and brough t no tangible results while all th e while the Russ ian Empire s advance towards Afghanistan s North Western frontier con tin n ed without intermission up the Oxus and Jax artes The relation between Afghanistan and the Indi an Empire was finally settled by Lord Robert s masterly campaigns in 1 879 and 1 880 Th e Afghan government submitted its foreign policy to British control and was granted in return a subsidy (which has never been claimed ) and a territorial guarantee Accordingly when the annexation of Merv in 1 884 brought Russia into direct touch with th e Afghan marches she found not merely the Amir but the British government barring her further advance and after an interval of extreme tension between the two principals a definitive frontier between Afghanistan and the Russian Empire was laid down by an Anglo Russian boundary commission in 1 885 The conventions with Afgh an istan in 1 880 and with Russia in 1 885 are still looked upon in this country as th e main bulwark of India s defence but it is most im probable that this bulwark will contin ue to be effective We may keep the Kabul government under our thumb and even prevent foreign powers from tamperin g with its subjects but we cannot save the government from destruction at the hands of those subjects th emselves Strong governments come into existence in order to give co h esion to populations which cannot effect it for themselves and they only remain S trong so long as they , , - , . , ’ , ’ - . ’ . , . , , , , . ’ , . , , . , 4 68 PERS IA promote th e interests o f th e populations they g overn by carryin g this cohesion still further During th e last thi rty fo u r years the governm ent of Kabul has main tain ed itself by British support in th e in terests of th e Indian Empire : its slow petrifaction whi ch from th e point of view of British diploma cy h as been such a satis factory sign of th e growing stabili ty of the situation has become in its subjects eyes a patent in dication of its bankruptcy A few months ago ominous ru mours foun d th eir way in to the papers that th e Am ir s writ had ceased to run among the chief Pa ch tu tribes of the South the only popu lations in th e whole territo ry that are bound to th e governm ent by racial kinship A famil y qu arrel in the dyn asty or the emergence of a mad mu llah (th e Afghans are fanatica l Moslems) may burst the diplomatic bubble in a moment and explo d e th e carefully tended buf fer state between th e Indian and Russian Empires in a blaze of anarch y Sooner or later th e e xplosion is bound to come and if it is to disch ar ge itself harm l essly into th e air Gr eat Britain and Russia mu st arrive at a fran k understanding beforehan d as to how th ey will dispose of th e ruins It is possible that the eventual dismantling of Afgh anistan is already the subject of a secret tr eaty be tween th e two powers ; but if it is not it is an essential measure of pre caution tha t they s hall provide for it by a public trea ty as soon as possible in some su ch term s as th ese (i ) Sin ce Afghanistan is merely a geograp hical area corresponding to no national reality it is expedient that so soon as th e present government b ecomes incapable of disch arging its functions th e territory should be parti tio n ed between neig hbourin g sta tes capable of govern ing it efli cien tly (ii ) That th e partition sho u ld follow natural physical . - , , ’ . ’ , . , - . , , . , , . , , . . , PERS IA 470 m Pa ir plateau between the very h ead waters of onto the latter systems till it reach ed the present frontier of Chinese Turkestan This division would unite the Turkis h speaking ele 1 ments to th eir brethren in Russian Central Asia and assign th e Pach tu populations to India which already includes th eir kin smen in th e North West frontier province Th e Iranians of the Pamirs would be split between th e two states but they would hardly be aware of th eir misfortune for racial b onds become meanin gless in face of such mountain barriers and the stru ggle for life again st the physical environment ousts all oth er interests We cannot propose th e naval evacuation of the Gulf and the dismemberment of Afghanistan without en countering a last desperate assa u lt from the Russop hobe We have repeatedly chal lenged his general policy but here we are trampling under foot the perfected details of his strategical dispositions It is a funda mental principle o f his faith that th e Indian Empire must be sundered from foreign powers by a zone of neutral territories on l and an d of Britis h waters on sea having established such a zone he is indiff erent to what goes on beyond its limits T his passive mech anical attitude is really untenable in face of th e momentous changes that are happening both in India h erself and in the countries beyond the neutral pale B ritis h statesmanship in the nineteenth century ” regarded India as a Sleeping Beauty whom Britain had a prescriptive righ t to woo wh en sh e awoke so it hedged with thorns the garden where she lay to safeguard h er from marauders prowling in the desert without Now th e princess is awake and is claiming th e ri ght to Th ey h av e b een sev ered fro m th em m erely by th e accid en t of Afgh an co n q est in th e eighteen th cen tu ry th e , . - , , - . , , , . . , . , , . . , , , . , 1 u . PERS IA 47 1 dispose of her own hand while the marauders h ave trans formed themselves in to respectable gentlemen di ligently occupied in turnin g their desert into a garden too but grievously impeded by the Britis h thorn hedge When they politely request us to remove it we shall do well to consent for they will not make th e demand till they feel th emselves strong enough to enforce it an d in the tussle th at will follow if we refuse th e sympathies of the Indian princess will not be on our S ide Now th at she is awake she wishes to walk abroad among her neighbours she feels herself capable of reb u ffin g without our coun ten an ce any blandishments or threats they may o f fer her and she is becoming as weary as they of th e thorn hedge th at confines her to h er garden If we treat her with tact India will never wish to secede from the spiritual broth erhood of the British Empire but it is inevitable th at she S hould lead a more and more independent lif e of her own and follow th e example of the Anglo Saxon commonwealths by estab If th ese lish in g direct relations with her neighbours relations are to be good India must neither encroach provocatively beyond her proper bounds nor retire timidly behind them Her interest in the Persi an Gulf will continue to be important but cease to be paramou nt and she must be careful to yield her neighbours in that quarter th eir j u st place in the S u n in A f ghanistan on th e other hand S h e must advance beyond her zariba and boldly put herself into touch with the Russian Empire on th e other side of it Th e real fun ction of Kabul is not to divide India from Central Asia but to link her to it For Bengal and the Pun jab as for Khorassan the natural route to Europe is the Tran scaspian railway The Indian trunk road system cannot halt forever at the Kh yber Pass some day it must , , - . , , , , , . , - . , , , - . , , . , , , , . . , , , - . PERS IA 472 pus h up the valley to Kabul an d over the great passes commanded by Kabul to Kunduz and B al kh on the O xus plain and where th e high road leads the railway will ultimatel y follow The Hindu Kus h wil l one day be pierced by a tunnel more stupendous th an those whi ch already penetrate the A lps and are penetrating the Taurus and express trains will run straight through from Cal cu tta to Kr asnovodsk Th e Russop hobe will shake his head over th e omen By th ese passes he will recollect the great conquerors of India h ave march ed in from Alexander the Great to Babar the Lion Yet such precedents are no longer valid Then India was in th e position of the civilised man unarmed while h er invaders from the North West possessed arms and nothin g else so that th e spo ils of war were their only livelihood now the civilised rule of Russia in Central Asia is fast obliteratin g th e contrast between life on opposite sides of the Hin du Kush and a new Russia is growing up there which places its treasure no less than India does in the works of peace What we said of Germany at th e outset is no less true of th e Russian Empire the destiny before h er is to be come a ” community of workers and she has already put be hind ” h er th e phase of bein g a mere nation in arms Russia and India will make each other s acquain tance across th e passes of Hin du Kush and acquainta nce will ripen into friendship as each grows to maturity They will mee t on an equality and develop on parallel lines If however we must contend with th e Russop hobe on his chosen ground we can show that from th e strategical point of view it makes little diff erence wh eth er th e political frontiers of Russia and India march with one anoth er along the summit of th e Hin du Kus h or wh eth er th ey are artificially separated by a buff er terri , - , . , . . , , , . . - , , , , . , , . ’ , . . , , , , , - PERS IA 474 basin Here its progress would be impeded by the long and dif ficult barrier of the Hamun and this would be the point where it would encounter the Indian army of defence This front h as long monopolised the attention of th e Indian General Staff and in order to make th e critical area accessible to th e Indian army th ey have buil t a narrow gauge railway th e costliness of which may be estimated by the d ifficulties its engineers had to over come It S tarts from th e Indus plain in th e North of S ind climbs N N W th rough th e Bolan pas s to Quetta an d th en negotiates th e Ch o d j ak pass beyond which brings it into th e basin of th e Helm u n d River th e great feeder of th e Seis tan swamp from th e East This rail way is th e key to th e defence of India because from its termin us Indian troops can be poured into Seistan from th e East quicker than Russian troops starting from th e Tran scaspian railway can reach it from th e North W est Seistan is and will remain th e m ilitary door between Russia and In dia though little commercial traffic is ever likely to pass through it an d conversely th e passes of Kabul though they will probably become the most direct economic thoroughf are between In dia and Europe will never lend themselves to th e passage of armies Our proposed partition of Afghanistan th erefore does not a ff ect the strategic defence of India in th e slightest degree except that it brings the whole of Seistan up to the Hamun under the direct control of th e In d ian government and so gives it the power of e xtend ing the Quetta railway to th e East bank of the Haru d River if it likes and of masking the present line of defence by an e xterior lin e thrown more th an three hundred miles forward From the limited point of view of strategy as well as from the more general point of view . , . , , - , - . , . . . , , , . , , - , , . , , , , , . , , , , , . , PERS IA 475 of economic expansion Persia not Af ghanistan is the mine beneath the feet of Russia and Great Britain which threatens if either makes one false step to explode between th em and perhaps to shatter them both It would be foolish to blind ourselves to this danger true wisdom bids us face it an d seek its cause Wh en we look steadfastly we see t h at this fe arful cloud upon the future no less th an the war that is at this moment crucifying Europe is due to the lack of an i nternational power stronger handed and wider minded than the individual nation al states If a Concert of Europe could arise skilled enough to b u ild up national self government in Persia Russia and Great Britain would never come into conflict over their interests th ere and even if the Concert could not muster the initiative for this but were merely strong enough in authority to maintain its external guarantee of Persia s neutrality against all comers Russia and Great Britain th ough th ey might quarrel over in terests inextricably ta ngled by Persia s anarchy could not push their quarrel to war Their only practicable battle ground lies ath wart Persian soil and by the European guarantee this arena would be closed against them Th e present war would probably never have been fough t if the violation of Belgian neutrality had auto m atically mobilised against Germany the active inter v en tio n of every oth er European state If we learn no lesson from the present catastrophe an d allow the national S tate hereafter the same unbridled licence th at it has enjoyed before th en this war will not be the last and most terrible in th e world but th e prelude to a cycle of increasing horror til l th e nations of Europe are ground to powder and the national idea perishes simultaneously with European civilisation itself , , , , , , . . , , , , . , - , , , ’ , , ’ , - . , . . , , , , , . NAT IONAL ITY AND SO VE RE IG N TY 476 CHAP TER X I I NATI ONALITY V A N D S O EREI GN TY WE have completed our survey of national problems in the area aff ected by the war W e entered upon it with an ideal before our m inds the sovereign national state of the West How far have we found this ideal app licable to the rest of Europe and to the Nearer East As we proceeded E astwards the national atom proved less and less capable of adoption as the politi cal un it In Central Europe we discovered th e Tch ech s will be unable to work out their national s alvation as an independent state the economic factor necessitates 1 the ir po liti cal in corporation in the German Empire In the B alkans the political disentanglement of one nationality from another is only possible if all alike 2 consent to econo mi c federation in a gener al zollverein In the North East geographical conditions de cree th at national individuality shall express itse lf by devolution wit hin t h e bond of the Russian Empire ? In all th ese cases the political unit reve als itself not as a single nation but as a group of nationalities yet even these groups cannot be entir ely sovereign or self contained Like the Chemist s molecules th ey are woven out of relations be tween ato ms and are bound in their turn to enter into relation with o ne anot h er Th e nationalities O f the South East coalesce in a Balkan Zollverein ; th e Zollverein as a whole is involved Ch IV S ectio C Ch VI II Ch VI . . , . , , . . - , ’ . , , . - 1 1 . . . . n 3 . . . NA T IO NALI TY A N D SOVERE IGNTY 8 47 brou ght it into being at all—and successively they have been cast upon the s crap heap One genera tion passed and the Concert was shattered by the convulsion of 1 848 ; a second and Europe was 1 divided into two camps by the T riple Alliance now the t hird has passed and Guaranteed Neu ” th e most solid of all the international lin ks our trality great grandfathers forged h as snapped at the first shock O f battle between the marshalled hosts Guarantee T he formula coined in 1 8 1 4 rings ironi cal to -day Belgium was guaranteed in order to secure th e stability of Europe yet on account of that guarantee Great Britain and Germany two of the greatest sovereign units in the Europe an complexu s are at t his moment engaged in a life and death struggle Germany violated the Belgian guarantee de liberately in her attempt to destroy the European system by war Th e e ff ect O f the guarantee may still prove momentous it has drawn us into the war an d our intervention may turn the scale Yet even if the A ll ies are victorious and the new Europe is fashioned by them after their own hearts and not by Germany after hers t his will not save the credit of the guarantee itself Germany may be punished for her work but the work cannot be undone Europe must drink the cup of war to the dre g s—the pain the hate the waste the pure evil that is not diminis h ed one drop by cause or consequence Th e guarantee was invented to avert that catastrophe from Europe The catastrophe has happened and th e invention is bankrupt T he old Europe is dead the old vision vanished and we are wrestling in agony for new in spiration That - . , , , - , " . . , , , - - . . , . , , . . , , , , . . . , , . Ita ly j o in d Ge m an y an d A d each o th e af t r th ey h d j o 1 e e a r in e r. u str ia- Hun gary in 1 882 three years , NATIONALITY A N D SOVEREIG N TY 479 h as been the motive of this book And yet the reader will say you return to th e discredited fetish once more ? With the crash of the Belgian guarantee about our ears you propose to regulate by guarantee the future relation of Norway and the Russian Empire and replace the snapped link by a hundred oth ers more brittle than itself The objection is just and we must meet it We must be ware of putting our new wine into old bottles While guarantees hold th ey conserve t h eir ch arge : when they break t h e destruction is worse than if th ey had never existed Unless we can ensure that the sovereign states of Europe respect European guarantees h ereafter in other fashion than Germany at t h e present crisis we must modify the formula or else discard it altogether Can the mechanism of the European system be safeguarded against its individual members ? Several means have been mooted to this end Disarmament We discussed (i ) O ne means is it in connection with the Russo German frontier in 1 Poland and with the mi litary control of the Kiel 2 Canal but in both cases we found it Utopian A war may be just or unjust defensive or aggressive yet when once a nation is at war its e xistence is at stake Germany is fighting for her life no less than the powers she has attacked Armament is self preservation and self preservation is the last sovereign right that a sovereign state will surrender (ii ) Dis armament by Compulsion thus p resu p poses t h e complete suppression o f individual sovereignty and no one seriously proposes it as a means of break ing in the untamed sovereign state Voluntary Ch II S ectio n D Ch IX S ectio n A , . , , , , . , . , . , . . . . - . , , , , - . , - . . , 1 1 . . . . . . " 480 NATIONAL ITY AND SOVEREIGN TY D isarmament is the catch word yet th e di fficulty involved is just the same Nations may promise to disarm but war is a question of life and death at the whisper of war they will break their word and who is to call th em to account Limitation of Armaments would prove even (iii ) more ine ffectual It would save men s pockets in peace time but it would not save Peace itself T he essence of th e idea is to make the reduction proportional : ex hyp o th esi there would still be the same balance of forces and therefore the same calculations on the p art of sovereign governments upon whi ch the possibility of war depends A rmament is self preservation and living creatures wh eth er individual men or individual states will s afe guard their existence with all their soul an d all t h eir strength T here is no other limit th an their capaci ty and limitation of armaments in peace time would mean at most that each nation would arm to the uttermost after war had broken out as Great Britain is doing now instead of arming to the uttermost before its out break as Germany and most oth er European powers have done hitherto In practice it would not even mean t h at A rtificial limitation would set a premium upon dishonesty One extra submarine concealed in a canal one extra howitzer in a cellar and the stipulated balance would be upset the calculations invalidated and th e o ffending state ensured against defeat After all t h e off enders would say to themselves wh at is to determine our righ tful proportion except our own willingness to spend our strength Our neighbours wrote t h e m selves O ff if we can make t h e e ffort to at nine guns we at ten build an eleventh th at alters th e real proportion between , . - , - , . ’ . , . , , . - , , , . , , , , . . . , , , , . , , , , NA T IONAL ITY AND SOVERE IGN TY 4 82 sovereignty superior to its own If we are to maintain the mechanism of European society by compulsion we must swear in as special constables the individual members themselves This policy may answer under very favourable circumstances Denmark may take charge of the B altic 1 Straits and faithft execute h er comm ission yet as soon as we pass to th e B lack Sea Straits the meth od 1 breaks down We foresaw that here our chosen candi dates would fail us and that we should have to consign the task to Russia To instal Russia at the Bosphorus and Dar danelles or to leave Great Britain in control of the Persian Gulf or Suez Canal is muc h like posting a brigand to guard his professional haunts Set a thief ” to catch a thi ef : apply it to guarantees and we are driven back upon the O ld system neither more nor less the system th at one of the wolves in sheep s clothin g has just dis credited by violatin g the guaranteed in d ep en dence of Belgium We have asked our question and must accept the answer It is useless to fortify our new European org anism by guarantees of the old order because we cannot fortify such guarantees themselves again st the sovereign national state Wh enever it chooses the sovereign u n it can shatter the international mechanism by war W e are powerless to prevent it : all we can do is to abandon our direct attack and look for th e causes which impel states to a choice as terrible for themselves as for their victims ” You ask the Germans say why we broke our contract towards Belgium It would be more pertinent to ask h ow we were ever committed to such a contract at all Ch IX S ectio n A Ch IX S ectio n B . , . , . , . . , ’ . . , . , . , . , , . 1 . . . . . . 4 83 NATIONAL I TY AND SOVEREIGNTY Th e h ear t of modern Germany is t h e industrial world of th e Rhineland and Westp h alia The Bel gian frontier and t h e Belgian tariff wall rob th is region of its natural outlet at Antwerp yet the contract expressly forbids us to right this econo m ic and g eograp hical wrong by uniting the sea port to its hinterland The c hief need of modern Germany is a source of raw produce and a market for h er finished products in th e tropical zone Belgium has staked out for herself th e one important region in Africa which was not already occupied by France or Great Britain She can do nothi ng with it while we but this contract expressly forbids us to kick t h e Belgian dog out of the manger “Because of this Belgi an guarantee we must go in want of almost everything we need yet meanwhile our great neighbours on eit h er flank have conspired to take from us even the little we possess already The struggle with France and Russi a on which we are now engaged has been impending for years and on our part it is a struggle for existence but even here th e same remorseless contract operates to paralyse our e ff orts On the scale of modern warfare the Western battle front must extend from Switzerl and to t h e Nort h Sea yet th e greater part of this immense Zone is neutralised by natural and artificial obstacles on either side From Switzerland to t h e Ardennes th ere will be stalemate : the decision will be reached in the open country between the Ardennes and the coast Here as soon as war broke out France and our own fatherland had to con centrate the terrific energy of their armaments yet we had contracted away our initiative in this vital area for it lies with in the frontiers of th efiB elgian state Th e g overnment we h ad gu aran teed mi gh t prepare the ground . - , - . . . , . , . , , . , . , . , , , ’ . ' 484 NATIONAL I TY AND SOVE RE IGN TY for France and ruin it for ourselves yet be ca u se of the guarantee we must look on passively at th e digging of our grave “Why then h ad we suff ered ourselves to be bound h and and foot We had not : our gran dfath ers had entailed t h e bonds upon us Wh en th ey signed the contract in 1 83 9 th ey knew not wh at they did At t h at time Germany h ad no industry Belgium h ad no colonies and th e F ranco German frontier between the Arden nes and the Jura was not closed to field operations by two continuous lines of O pposing fortifications Had their S ignature been dem anded in 1 91 4 th ey would h ave refused it as indignantly as we should have refused it ourselves To us no choice was o f fered and if we h ave asserted for ourselves th e right to ch oose who dares in his heart to condemn us Who will impose a ch an geless law upon a changing world T his is Germany s argument about B elgium Her facts may be true or false th e arguments she builds 1 on th em valid or fallacious T hat is not the poin t B ehind arguments and facts th ere looms an idea that can i n spire an individual nation to make war on Europe We must do justice to th is idea if it is not to play t h e same h avoc ag ain Humanity has an instinctive craving for something eternal absolute petrified T his seems to be a funda mental factor in our psychology it has obtruded itself equally in spheres as diverse as religion an d po liti cs but it h as been especially dominant in diplomacy Fo r instan ce th e ar gu m en t do es n o t j ustify in th e l east th e p ro If th e situa ceed ure b y w hich Germ an y actu al ly asserted h er freed o m tio n h ad al tered so vastl y that sh e felt h erself n o lo n g er bo un d by th e guaran tee sh e o u ght to have d en o u n ced it fo rm ally in tim e o f p eace B y pro fessing o bservan ce o f it u p to th e last m o m en t an d o n ly brea kin g it b y th e d eclaratio n o f war sh e o b ta n ed a grav e m i litary advan tage That was d o wnrigh t d isho n esty , . , , . , . , - , . , . , , ’ . , . . . , . , . , , . 1 , . . , , " i , . . NA T I O NAL I T Y A N D SOVERE IGN TY 486 our ener gy of thought and will to th e racial an d economic proble ms of Europe we have to solve each one of th em an d solve it to a n icety yet w h en the work seems done and its result stands embodi ed in map and treaty we must confess that we are unprofitable serv ants an d reco g nise that we are only at the beginn ing of our task Our real work wi ll be to regulate this immediate settlement so that it varies in harmony with the su b se quent growth of Europe and modifies its stru cture and mech anism to meet the organism s chan ging needs We have now discovered the flaw in guarantees of t h e old order They were framed for rigidity and there fore were doomed to crack Our new guarantees must be el astic they must be forged of steel not cast in iron How can we frame guarantees O f this malleable ch aracter ? We may shed light on th e problem by analysing into clas ses the actual guaran tees we have proposed in our survey (i ) Firstly we have proposed gu arantees of political independence and integrity in the case of th e three 1 1 Scandinavian states the Slovene Unit the Greek 4 3 islands off Anatolia Persia and th e Sultanate of 4 Oman The autonomy guaranteed to Poland wit hin 5 the Russi an Empire comes under th e same head (ii ) Secondly we have proposed to guar antee economic righ ts o f way to one state across the po litical territory of another Instances of t his type are the 1 Russian railway through Norway to the Atlanti c 7 and through Persia to the Indi an Ocean ; Poland s title to free trade down the Vistula and to the enjoyment , , , , . ’ . . , . . . . , , , , , . . . , - - . ’ , Ch V Ch IX A Ch X S ecti o D S trictl y speakin g we pro po sed to gu aran tee th e Kin g do m o f G reece to th e exten t o f this po rtion o f its territo ry Ch VIII S ection A Ch X I Ch X I Ch Di S ection A 1 . . 1 . S ectio n n . 1 . . . . , . 1 5 . . . . 7 . . . . . . NA T IONAL ITY A N D SOVEREIG N TY 487 ’ of a free port at Danzig and Germany s S i m ilar cl aim 1 to an unh ampered outlet at Trieste Both th ese classes of guarantee are adapted from the international machinery invented during the Nineteenth Ce n tury Th e first class is an extensio n of the political guarantee given to Belgium in 1 839 th e second of the economic right O f way secured to h er th rough Dutch waters in order to furnis h the commerce of Antwerp with a free passage down th e estuary of t h e Sch eldt to th e open sea O ur standpoint towards t h ese two classes is inevitably prejudiced by th eir associations We envisage them ” as embodied once for all like th eir nineteenth century precedents in a contract and like nineteenth century diplomacy we te n d to regard such contracts ” as so many girders in a permanent settlement (iii ) Th ere is a third class however which h as no precedent in t h e past and which will react upon our standpoint in the very opposite direction our proposed guarantee of alien minorities within the n ational state We have resorted to this formula more often t h an to either of the others Th e German populations trans ferred with Schleswig to Denmark and with t h e 4 Eastern frontier Zone to Autonomous Poland ; t h e Poles abandoned to Germany in West Prussia the Germans and Slovaks wh o cannot be disentangled from 5 ‘ 1 Hungary ; the Christian elements in Anatolia an d 7— these are a few out of many instances and Arabia ” each one of them is a refutation of finality Th e fact th at such minorities must inevitably be left on our hands compels us to recognise that beyond a C h II S ectio n D Ch V C h II S ectio n C Ch II S ectio n D “Ch IV S ectio n A C h X S ection D Ch X S ectio n E 1 . . , - - , . . , , , . . , , , . . - , . 1 1 . . . . . . . . 1 1 . . . . . 1 . . . 7 . . . . 488 NA T IONALITY AND SOVERE IGNTY certain degree the economi c and the national factor are not co m mensurable Here is an essential imperfection in th e best settlement we can possibly devise The fact that th ese min o rities require a guarantee reveals a deficiency still more grave than the other inas much as it is not environmental but psychological It means that hardly a sin gle national society in Europe h as yet become capable of national toleration Just as people were persecuted for their religious beliefs in th e sixteenth century and for th eir poli ti cal O pinions in th e nin eteenth so they are stil l in the twentiet h century almost universally e xposed to persecution for th eir national indi v iduality In this sphere the so cial ev o lu tion of Europe is exceptionally backward an d the problem of nationali ty wi ll never be solved till thi s psych ologi cal incongruity is removed This at once reduces to their proper proportion both th e i m mediate geographi cal settlement O f the problem which we have elaborated in this book and that guarantee of alien minori ties wh ich we have found to be its necessary supplement In thi s li ght the contracts in which such guarantees are enshrined appear as the transitory s caffold ing they are Weakened by the morbid hypert rophy of nationalism whi ch has been preying upon h er for years exhausted by th e con vu lsio n O f war in whic h the malady has cul m i nated Europe must walk on crutches now or else collapse ; yet she will not be a cripple for ever Relieved by these guarantees from the immediate str ain of u n m iti gated national friction s h e will be able to concentrate all h er ener gy upon her spiritual convalescence As soon as S h e has tr ained herself to national toleration S h e will dis card the guarantees and walk unaided So f ar from constituting a permanent settlement . . , . . , . , . . , . , , . , . , . , NA T IO NALI TY A N D SOVEREIGNTY 490 of the In ternational Conference it can only be met by the appointment of a standing international committee with executive powers empowered that is to administer an d interpret t h e contra cts to which the members 1 of the Conference have originally subs cribed Our third type of guarantee has thus presented us with the clue we sought The letter of international law h as proved in effective hitherto because it h as lacked the inspiration of a living spirit and this spirit can only be breathed into it by a human organ of international authority Supposing that such an organ were called into existence wh at kind of international relations would naturally fall with in its s cope We can analyse its probable sphere of activity into several departments (i ) Th e first branch would of course be th ose gu ar antees of national minorities which have j ust taught us th e necessity for its existence (ii ) The second branch would include the two subjects of gu arantee we dealt with first namely Political Independence and Righ ts of Way We can see now that their administration by a repre sen tativ e international executive would eliminate t h at defe ct of rigidity which has always proved fatal to th em h eretofore Between them these two branches would cover all th e machinery we have suggested for our re g enerated European organism Are there any further sp h eres of , , , . . , . , . . . . , . . . wo u ld b e prematu re to discu ss th e co nstitu tio nal relatio n between this rep resen ta tiv e in tern atio n al o rgan an d th e in divid u al nation al We states fro m whi ch its d el egated au th o rity wo u ld b e d erived can n o t yet co j ectu re h o w m u ch discretio n its so v ereign co nstitu en ts wo u ld b e wil lin g to gran t it Its referen ce wo u ld pro bably in clu de a free han d to in terpret in th e widest sense b u t o n th e qu estio n o f em en din g th e actu al l etter o f th e co n tract o ur execu tive o rgan wo u ld a lm o st certain l y b e requ ir ed to refer b ack to its p rin C p als 1 It . n . , , i . NATIONAL ITY AND SOVEREIGNTY 49 1 national intera ction over which our international organ might properly assume control ? It would be logical to assign to it if possible all relations between sove reign national states which are peculiarly subject to ch ange Change is a harmonisation of two rhythms— Growth and Decay Some sovereign units are continu all y waxing in population material wealth and spiritual energy : such are Great Britain and Germany, Fran ce and the Russian Empire Others like the Ottoman Empire or Sp ain are as continually waning in respect of the same factors This ebb and flow in the current of life causes and must cause a perpetual readjustment of the relations between units in the two complementary phases Units in the positive ph ase inevitably absorb the fibres and trespass upon the environment of those which have passed over into the negative rhythm We cannot arrest t his process any more than we can abolis h change itself : what we can do is to regulate it on the lines O f civilisation instead of letting it run riot in a blind stru g gle for e xistence The current r adiates in an almost infinite variety of interactions Great Britain Germany and India are discharging surplus population into the empty lands of the New World ; Great Britain and France are applying surplus wealth to evoke the latent resources of countries with no surplus of their own Great Britain an d Russia are putting fort h spiritual energy to inspire pri m itive peoples with the vitality of civilisation Our international organ can handle no more than a fraction of this world wide interchange (i ) We may exclude at once from its competence every interaction that is confined within the limits , , . . , . , , . , , . . , . . , , . - . . NATIONALITY AND S O VEREIGNTY 492 of a single sovereign unit With in the British Empire for example it is patently impracticable to internationalise the problems of Indian emigration to Vancouver or the Transvaal of the closure of the Australian labour market again st labour from th e British Isles of commercial exploitation in Nigeria or Rhodesia of autonomy in Irel and or the Asiatic De pendencies The Empire may handle its o wn problems well or ill but it will never consent to waive its sove reign ty in respect of them W e should regard the proposition of international intervention as a menace to the Emp ire s e xistence We should undoubte dly fight rather than submit to it and every other sovereign state would do the same under si m ilar circumstances In purely internal af fairs international authority will never obtain a footin g at the expense of the individua l unit (ii ) We may h kewise exclude interactions between two or more sovereign states in spheres that fall entirely with in their respective sovereignty The Dominion of Canada or the U S A would never submit to international regulation the question of Japan ese immigration along their Pacific seaboard If Russia wished to float a loan she would never allow our inter national or g an to decide where and in what proportions it should be placed : she would in sist on keepin g h er hands free and making the best bargain for herself both from the fin ancial and the political poin t of view Italy and the Argentine would never relinquis h their respe ctive sovereign righ ts over the Italian labourers wh o cross the Atlantic every year to reap the So ut h American h arvests International authority would be flouted as uncompromisingly in these instan ces as in the former . , , , - , , . , . ’ . , . . . . . . . . , , . . . NATIONALITY A N D SOVERE IGNTY 494 take in h and W e s h all frankly repeat our co n fession that active politi cal construction of this kind will be beyond th e capacity of any international or g an which the immediate settlement may bring to birth after the present war Europe wi ll not be reborn in th e fuln ess of her strength like Athena she will stren gthen herself in pain and sorrow advan cing laborio u sly from small thin gs to great The assertion of international sove reign ty in Persia and at Consta ntinople will not be the first step in international organisation : it is th e goal O f our hopes the extreme horizon that our vision can wr est from Utopia . . , . , . We h ave now establis h ed th e nature of th at inter national force which is to regu late the relation between sovereign national molecules and we can abstract our conclusion in two formulas (i ) There is no virtue in lifeless contracts unless they are administered by a living organ with executive or in other words wi th sovereign authority (ii ) On th e other hand this international sovereign ty must scrupulously confine itself to th e adjustment of the equilibrium be tween individual units and to the apportionment among them of untenanted areas It cannot encroach upon individual sovereignty in any way that e ff ects or is deemed to affe ct the sove reign right O f self preservation in parti cular it cannot aspire to th e regulation of War an d it is waste of in to propound any international mac h inery for u i t en g y this purpose The best-conceived arbitration or con ciliation is bound to break down when once a sovereign state has made up its mind that the surrender of its will on a parti cular issue is equivalent to annihilation No international authori ty could ever prevent parleys like , . . , , , . . , . , , - , , . , . NAT I O NALITY A N D S O VERE IGN TY 495 those of last July from resolving themselves into a 1 conflict of arms The reader may feel this distinction of sp h eres ” casuistical I ad m it he may say th at each com b atan t has staked his existence on the result of the stru g gle but surely h e h as staked it for a cause Th e issues of th e war are certain concrete proble m s Morocco th e Balkans the Ottoman Empire— all of which conspicuously fall within the sp h ere you propose to internationalise Have you not been making a distinction without a diff erence ? If you cannot re gu late war itself h ow can you regulate the relations that precipitate it In July 1 9 1 4 your international organ would have proved just as ine f fective in the ” sphere you reserve to it as in any oth er Yes we must an swer if it h ad only been called into e xistence th at very month no if it h ad already been in com m ission during th e Moroccan crises of 1 90 5 and 1 91 1 or h ad been th ere to take in hand th e Balkan problem in 1 875 the moment wh en the revolt of B osnia against the O ttoman Government opened that chain of events which has culminated actually in the present catastrophe — Morocco th e Balkans the O ttoman E mpire the present war is not really being waged to settle th ese problems : it is being waged because t h ey h ave been settled already and settled on suc h unjust and inju dicio u s lines t hat all parties concerned h ave found it wort h while to stake their e xistence for the reversal of th e settlement No one need have been involved by such problems in a struggle for life They were all problems of expansion and their solution ought at . . , , , , , . , ‘ . , , , , , . , , , . . , All th e b elligeren ts m ain tain that they too k u p arm s f o r self preservatio n an d they all S peak tru th—it is a truism 1 , . 496 NATIONAL ITY A N D SOVERE IGNTY wo rst to have disappoin ted th e e xpe ctation of im moderate g ains it ought never as it has done to have threatened the parties with th e loss of wh at th ey possessed already before the problems were probed Why has the contrary occurred ? Because j u st for lack of that international executive with the sovereign authority we postulate these issues t h at were not vital have been fought out like issues of life and death by — war not by the war of arms which has descended upon us now like some recurrent plague in to whi ch we relapse at rarer and rarer intervals as we advance in civilisation but by the unobtrusive unremittent war of diplomacy which is being waged year in and year out between t h e sovereign states of Europe and which has increas ed app all ingly in violence durin g th e last generation In t his disastrous diplomati c warfare our opponents in the present war of arms have been uniformly the aggressors If Austria Hungary is now strug glin g for existence it is becau se she deliberately embarked nearly forty years ago upon a diplomatic campai gn of 1 aggrandisement agai n st South S lavoni c nationality If Germany is fighting back to back with her in the same ghastly struggle it is because Germany has wielded diplomatic weapons still more ru th lessly against her other European neighbours For the terrible embitte rment of the diplomatic contest Germany herself is entirely responsible but she has inevitably e xposed herself to reprisals as severe as her own provo cative blows She open ed the battle over Morocco by for cibly intruding upon a sphere wh ere she h ad no shadow of claim to e xpansion , , . , , , , , , , , . - . , - . , . , . 1 at IV v d th e histo ry o f this cam paign S ection B we ha e trace In C h eariso m e l en gth w . . . 498 NATIONAL ITY A N D S OVE RE IGN TY ’ monster s tee th we shall no longer be troubled by its still more monstrous off spring—War Attack di plomacy the reader will ex cl aim Stated in these terms yo u r sch eme takes on a more revolutionary aspect You are really demanding th at the sovereign national state s h all delegate to your international executive its en tir e sovereign ty in the diplomatic sp h ere Wh en it grasps your intention wi ll it not shrink from the sacrifice after all Our answer can be no more th an a prophecy an d we shall frame it best on th e analo gy of that asso ci ation among in d ividuals of whi ch every sovereign state co n sists In the philosophy of the individual society it is a common pl ace that liberty and political organisation increase in a direct ratio to one another Mankind ” has never lived in the State of Nature for if our progenitors h ad not evolved th e Herd already th ey would never h ave been able to evolve the Soul The life of Ishmael wh ich sovereign states are lea d ing still is a discredited myth in the individual s history nevertheless when fir st he comes within our ken h e has not committed himself entirely to the So cial ” Contract The most pri m itive individual so cieties we know are still in the ph ase of transition In almost every sp h er e of life th eir members h ave already discovered th e value of po h tical co -O peration but there is one anar c hic tradition they have not yet brought themselves to ” abandon— the Blood feud Yet t h e Blood-feud too is doomed and we watch it die out as t h e individual s politi cal sense develops The incre asing politi cal regulation of all oth er relations between man and man eliminates occasions for the shedding of blood and , . , . . , , . - . , , . , , ’ , , . . , - . ’ , . , NATIONAL ITY A N D SOVEREIGNTY 499 instead of being an everyday necessity murder becomes a last resort The individual begins to think of it as a dreadful exception to the normal reign of Law : he misses here the liberty which Law has elsewhere given him and longs here also to abandon unlimited rights in order to cast off the burden of unlimited duties Then the Blood feud dies o u t and Law wins undisputed sovereignty withi n the state Why S hould not the State itself repeat the history of th e Individual ? If the evolution of individual societies was compatible with the survival of the Blood feud surely we need not despair of organising sovereign states into a still greater political association merely because they are unwilling to abandon the sovereign right of War ; and if once this international org anisation is accomp lished surely we can look forward with hope to the eventual disappearance of War also States like individuals must eventually discover th at the Blood feud is a burden and that the sovereign right to wage it is not Liberty but a mockery of it we shall be past teac hing indeed if th e present catastrop h e is not a su ffi cient object lesson for us If sovereignty means freedom of choice when were the nations of Europe ever less free to exercise their will than in the summer of 1914 ? No ch oice was open to them O ne and all they were compelled to turn aside from the pressing task of so cial reconstruction upon which their h eart is set and take up in self defence—poor sovereign puppets —that task of mutual destruction for which they have no heart at all The political philosophy of Modern Germany vehemently repudiates this analogy of ours It refuses to regard the State and th e Individual as homologous organisms The Individual—his function is to merge , . , . - , . - , . , , - . , . - , . . . , NAT IONAL ITY AND SOVEREIGNTY 500 himself in the so ciety to which he belongs the State For the State there is that is the politi cal Absolute ” no law no vision of a wider society This dogma may be true or false that the future will show yet this much we can proclaim at once If it is true then European Civilisation is a failure ” The function of Society says Aristotle is not to ” make life possible but to make it worth living This saying at least applies not only to indi viduals but to states Hitherto the national states of Europe have been absorbed in the p reh m in ary struggle to secure their existence If they can profit by the present crisis to liberate their ener gy for h igher ends then the Kingdom of Heaven is at hand if inspiration fails th em in this hour then we are witnessing the beginning of ” great evils for Hellas and the Sovereign Nations of Europe are doomed to the same destruction as the Sovereign Cities of Greece . . , , . , , , . , , , . . , , , . THE M A P O F EUR O PE 50 2 are included besides the predominant Englis h-speak ing population of Great Britain the considerable Wels h and Gaelic minorities because though their Keltic speech is entirely alien an d the Welsh at any rate h ave a special literary and religious group consciousness of their o wn they are all entirely fused into one politi cal or ganism In Ireland on the other hand the conquering English tongue has triumphed far more universally th an in the larger island and has almost reduced the native Keltic dialect to extinction yet reli gion has been potent enough to implant in three quarters of the Irish po pu la tion a national consciousness totally distinct from t h e British alt hough the vast majority of the Ca tho lic Irish nation speaks Englis h as its native tongue In this isl and the only adherents of t h e Britis h nationality are the P rotestants of Ulster and they are the most fan ati cal partisans it possesses because they are a minority or as ” their enemies call th em a garrison planted on the territory of an other nation and continu ally threatened with ejection or forcible assimilation at t h e h ands of 1 the latter This explains why t h e distribution of stipples in the British Isles is considerably di ff erent from that which would be presented on a linguisti c map where the Erse -speaking Irish Catholi cs for instance would be distinguished from their English-speaking while no distinction would be made co nationalists between t h e latter and the Uster Protestan ts of identi cal speech but violently antipathetic national fee ling (2 ) B elfast though the capital of Ulster has attracted by its immense mercantile and industrial development a large urb an immi gration from the rural districts of Cat holic Ireland so that a stron g m inority of its present Co m pare th e position o f th e Germ ans in Bo hem ia , , , , , , , - , . , , , , - , . , , , , , . , , , - , . , , , 1 . THE MAP OF EUROPE 50 3 population monopolising solid blocks of streets is intensely Nationalist It is of course im possible to separate out this Catholic population of Belfast from the rest of Ulster by any territorial frontier and they are one of those m inorities that must inevitably remain unsatisfied (3 ) A Wels h man resident in Jersey once told the author t h at h e was able to carry on a Keltic conversation wit h th e B reton peasant women who came over from the mainland for a fair yet though the Welsh and Breton dialects are so little di ff erentiated there is no common con sciousness wh atever between the populations that speak th em T he Breton is as good a French man as th e Welsh man is a Britis h er Th e Welshman is distinguis h ed within the general British mass not so much by his language as by his Nonconformity which he shares with an important class of the whole English speaking population the Breton is a clerical like his French speaking Vende an neighbour not because of his Keltic speech but because he is a peasant and inh abits a district remote from the centres of French national life (4) The French speaking Belgians or Wa llo ons have unlike the Keltic speaking Bretons been left blank because though they have several times in the past been incorporated by conquest in the French state they have never till lately shown any active desire for 1 its membership If they ever break away from the Flemings their secession will be due far less to sympathy with th e neighbour nation with which they s hare a common language t han to th e antip athy of In co n trast to th e Fren ch sp eakin g po pu l ation o f a dis tr ict l i ke Fran che Co m p té which till th e seven teen th cen tu ry lay o u tsid e th e po litica l fro n tier o f Fran ce yet h as been co m p letely welded in to th e . , , . , . . , - , ' , , . - , - , , , , . , , 1 - - , , Fren ch natio n . T HE MAP OF EUROPE 504 so cialists and free thinkers towards th e conservatism and cleri calism of Flanders Th e heroic struggle for freedom again st the Germans is more likely however to fuse Walloons and Flemings into a really living Belgian nationality ( 5) Th e Flem ings who together with the Walloo n s constitute or will constitute in t h e future th e Belgian nation speak a Low German di alect h ardly dis tin gu ish ab le from the Dutch but since the de cline of medi e val Flemis h civilisation in t h e sixteent h century French h as ousted the native idiom as the medium of education and literature The Flemish literary revival is a movement of very recent growt h th e Dutch on t h e other h an d b egan to raise their patois into a culture langua g e during the same sixteenth century and have won it a permanent place beside French and High German T he gulf between Fleming and Dutchman has further been accentuated by Religion the Dutch be came ardent Calvin ists while the Flemings were captured by the Counter Reformation T hus there remains no factor capable of inspiring a common national con scio u sn ess and it is unlikely that such will arise in the future unless the Young Flemish revival really pervades th e wh ole Flemis h people an d brings linguistic consciousness to th e forefront Th e t h emselves as well as their Flemish t D c h u 6 ( ( ) neighbours ) are claimed by Pan Germans as truant members of t h e German nation because they speak 1 a Low German d alect It is true i like ourselves ) ( that the peasant of the Zuider Zee polders and the peasant on the Baltic co ast preserved a close dialectical - . , , . , , , , , - , , , . , , , . , - . , - , , . - , - B read bu tter an d ch eese A re g o o d E n glish an d go o d F ries , . , . THE M A P OF EUROPE 6 0 5 France they would per haps ch oose if th ey could to be left to their ins ular anarchy and would certainly repent their choice before long if they did National sentiment is hardly more strong as opposed to local in Sar d inia and Sicily than in Corsica and it is more by chance th an cons cious will that two out of the three islands h ave become united wit h the continental speakers of their langu age in t h e Itali an national state Si cily has revolted more than once s ince Garibaldi won it for Italy in 1 860 ( 1 0) Trieste is a city with an Italian nucleus and a fringe of Slovene suburbs inhabited by the industrials and dock hands wh om th e commercial development of th e port has attract ed from the countryside T he Itali an element has kept its hold upon the civic ad ministration by preventing th e new Sloven e quarters from incorporating the ms elves in the muni cipal area “ The population of o flicial Trieste is and is predo mi nantly Italian the population of Greater Trieste that is of the whole urban complexus centred in the port totals nearly a hundred thous an d more Reckonin g on thi s wider bas is the Sloven es can claim over 1 8 per cent of the total population and the pro portion is always s hifting in their favour Their admission to joint control of the muni cipality is o n ly a qu estion of time an d Trieste is essentially a b i national ci ty ( 1 1 ) The S lovenes the m selves are left blank Common Slavdom may incline them to enter th e South Slavonic u nion but th eir dialect diff ers from that of their South Slavoni c neighbours and h as never de v elo p ed a literature Their culture is German an d Italian and there are strong Germ an and Italian elements in the population of the country If these , , , . , , , , . . , - . . , , . , , , . . , . . , - , . , . THE MAP OF EUROPE 50 7 influences prevail the Slovene Unit will prefer to stand by itself ( 1 2 ) Th e S lo vaks along the Northern border of Hungary spe ak the same dialect as t h e Tch ech s in Austria but their history has proceeded on entirely independent lines Their case is the same as th at of the Croats and Serbs The stress of common p ersecu tion awakened the consciousness of South Slavonic nationality and the same causes may produce th e same e ff ects upon Tch ech s and Slovaks There is no indica tion however that this has happened yet and the two peoples are therefore distinguished on the map ( 1 3 ) Pdsz ony (Pressburg) is a Hungarian town situated on the North bank of the Danube at the point where t h e Little Carpat hian range descends to the river It is the meeting place of German Magyar and Slovak but the German element predominates in t h e 1 population of the town itself ( 1 4) The M asurians are Poles in language but culture religion and tradition link them to their German neighbours in East Prussia and make their national feeling unpredictable They are th erefore left blank The Wends of Lusatia are left blank for the same reason They are th e remnant of a Slavonic tribe the S o rab s cut off by German expansion from t h eir kinsmen furth er East ( 1 5) The Po m aks inhabit the Rhodope Mountains in Thrace Linguistically th ey are Bulgarian Slavs but like their South Slavonic kinsmen in Bosnia they have been converted to Islam and the bond of religion h as prevailed over the bond of speech During the campaign of 1 91 2 they were violent partisans of the Turks and th eir guerilla bands harassed the communi , . , . . - , . , , , . , - . , , . , , , . . . , , . . , - , . , 1 at th e cen sus o f 1 90 0 . THE MA P O F EUR O PE 50 8 cations of the Bulgarian army National cons ciousness will probably be kindled in them as in the Bosniaks by the spread of education but under present circum sta nces it would be misleading to represent them as Bulgars and accordingly they have been left blank ( 1 6 ) The Ta tars in B ulgaria are descended from refugees transplanted by the Ottoman G overnment to the South bank of the Danube when Russia annexed the Bessarabian s teppes Since the T urkish frontier retreated sti ll further in 1 878 the Tatars have been left stranded under Bulgarian rule but though they are sundered from the Bulgars by speech as well as reli gion they have become completely reconcil ed to the new situation While the Bulgar speaking Pomaks in Rh odope were fighting for the Turks the T urkish speakin g Tatars in Bulgaria were tending the fields of their Christian neighbours wh o had been mobilised for th e Turkish war They are another instance in which l angu age is no criterion of national fee ling ( 1 7) In Constan tinop le the Turkish element at present possesses a majority over all the other elements com b in ed but it will sink to the level of the Greek A rmenian and Frank colonies as so on as the city is liberated from Ottoman Sovereignty Constan tinople is essen ti ally a cosmopolitan trading centre li ke Shanghai and has no nationality of its o wn ( 1 8) In 1 91 3 Greece and Bulgaria fought for the ownership of S a lon ika yet on grounds O f nationality nei ther O f them has any claim to rule there for the Gr eek and Bulgar elements in the ci ty are negligible 1 Two thirds of th e population are Spanish Jews welcomed by the Ottoman Government after their . , , , , . . , , , - . , . . , , , . - , . , , . - , App ro xim ately yet b een tak e 1 n. out of Exact statistics have n ever TH E MA P O F EUROPE 510 (2 3) More than half the population of S myrna is Greek the remainder is cosmopo litan Geograp h ically th e city is the chief commercial centre of the Anatolian peninsula and is marked out to be the capital of a diminis h ed T urkey The Smyrniots are one of the richest most cultured and most influential Gr eek communities in the World but if Smyrna were annexed to t h e Kingdom of He llas and detached from its conti n en tal hinterland they would be ru ined (2 4) The M aron ite and Druse communities in the Lebanon speak Arabic like their Moslem neigh bours but difference of religion and a tr adition of local autonomy have combined to imp lant in each of t h em a corporate feeling of their own Druse and Maronite vi llages are so intri cately intermingled that it has been impossible to distinguish one commun ity from the oth er on the map (2 5) Th e Geo rgians are a Caucasian people wh o remained loyal to th e Orthodox Church when all their neighbours adopted Islam They developed a strong sense of nationality durin g their stru g gle for inde i aga nst Persia and Turkey t h e great Moslem d en e e c n p powers but about a century ago they placed themselves under the protection of their Russian co religionists and since then th ey h ave rapidly become Russian ised Th eir nationalism has thus been con d itioned by reli gion and not by language and they have no feeling of brotherhood with their L azic neighbours who speak an identical diale ct but are devout Moslems The Lazes on their part sympathise with the Turks and when the Ottoman armies penetrated beyond the R u ssian frontier in Jan u ary 1 91 5 the L azic population flocked to their standard To ta l po p u lation abo u t 1 , . , , . , , , , . , . . . , , - , . , , . , ' , . 1 TH E MAP OF EURO P E 51 1 (2 6 ) Tiflis was the capital of the Georgian national kingdom but under the Russian regime it has attracted a large Armenian population and has even become the chief Asiatic focus of Armenian national life The K a l u s of the Cis Caucasian steppe are m ck (2 7) distinguished from their nomadic neighbours by both language and religion They are a community of Mongol Buddhists which sought refuge within the Russian frontier when the Man chus conquered Mongolia in the seventeenth century The Russian Government transplanted them to this distant quarter of the Empire to h old the Turkish-speaking Moslem tribes in check , , . . . , . NATIONAL ITY AND THE WAR 5 14 Au s tri a H u n ga ry s ee H a p sb ur g M o n a r ch y Au stri a n Cr o wn L a n ds P ar h a m en t , ’ ( R ei ch s r a t h ) 1 7 5 3 1 26 1 3 7 1 94 , , , , , , 201 , 220 2 6 6 -8 , 3 1 2 Au st ri a n K u sten l a n d , 21 4, 24 8 -9 A u s i a n L l o yd S t ea m s h i L i n e, 1 09 l Au st r i an il i ta r y Fr o n ti ers, 1 74 Au s tr i an S u ccessm n , W ar o f , 1 1 4 Au stri a n S u d b a h n , 25 8 A l o n a , 227, 229, 23 3 , 23 6 , 25 4 -5 A z er b a u a n , 3 94 -6 , 4 5 5 , 4 6 5 , p fi ' M . B B B B e a en a on , er o u se o , on , a en , a a a , , , - , , , , a ai , , , , - a , , , , , , a r ein s an ai a , a a i a ri s , - a u, , , a u , ri o s a a a n s, - a - , , , , , , , - , ” , an an , ar , i rs , , ar, eco n , a , e, . , , , , , , , - , , a ic ro v a ic ea , , , , - ces, - , - , , 29 7, 3 1 0-1 1 , 3 1 8 , 3 3 7 , m A, 3 6 4, 3 6 9, 3 74 , 45 4 , 4 6 4 , 4 8 2 al u ch i tri es, 4 6 5 a sh k i rs , 3 08 , 3 21 , 3 22, 3 28 a sra 43 9 , 44 0, 4 5 4 a to u m , 1 09 a ari a , 2 1 , 8 2 -3 , 8 7, 92, 1 03 , 26 1 eir u t , 4 2 9, 4 4 4 elf ast , 5 02 -3 elg iu m , 5 6 , 6 3 , 1 01 , 103 , 273 , 2 75 4 75 , 4 78 , 4 8 2 -4 , 48 7, . B B B B B v B B B b , e, ra , el ra e , erc er B B B B B B , ea ce o rea an , on n , , , , e, o , , , , e, n oun , r ess o B p B B b B v B B B x B p B B B b g B B B B b g B P B B B T b , . B . gag B bb B g B z p C C l ph t a e, f gé C p t C tul t C féé C pp a d e- o - a ir o a i o ns w y 33 T k y 4 1 7 4 23 Ra il 111 a , ur e , , , ‘ 1 8 7 -8 , 1 90, 23 1 -2, 2 79, 3 6 0, 3 80 408 , 4 3 0 essa ra i a , 3 06 - 8 , 3 6 1 , 5 08 eu th en , 6 8 , 8 9 25 , 8 1 , 90-1 , 9 3 , 1 00, 1 03 , i sm ar ck 1 08 , 1 3 2, 244 , 26 5 , 2 72, 274 -5 28 7, 3 03 , 3 25 l ack F o r est , 1 01 , 1 03 l ac k S ea , 1 01 , 1 3 8 , 1 6 8 , 1 94, IV , 2 8 3 , 28 4 , 2 8 8 297 , 3 1 0, 3 1 8 , 3 3 7 3 3 9 , IX , 3 8 9 , 3 9 1 , 3 9 7, 4 20, 4 26 l ack S ea S tr ai ts, 1 90, 203 , 223 , 23 6 , , . B B , a , . B ' a - , 89 4 04 -5 , 407, 4 3 5 , 4 5 1 C al v m i s m , 149 , 5 04 -5 l a , 3 5 , 3 21 , 3 27, 3 29, 3 3 0, 3 3 3 , Ca - , B . ai B lg d 16 4 1 6 7 8 1 72 1 8 0 1 96 201 204 2 07 225 28 9 f 1 4 4 1 72 B g d P B lt G t d I ttl 3 5 0 B h t l d C t 205 21 0 h C g f 13 9 B e v B o sm a k s, IV 5 08 , B o sn an B a l l w a y , 1 96 204, gsi o s h o ru s ( see l a ck S ea S tra i ts ) , 23 6 , 3 3 8 , I X 48 2 , o th n i a n G u l f , 3 43 o u r o n s , 3 25 o y a n a R i er , 2 04 , 23 0 o yn e , a ttl e o f th e, 1 5 0 o ers , 3 7 1 ra ch y ce h ali s m , 413 r a h u i tr1 b es, 4 6 5 r ail a , 224 r an d en ur , 21 1 04, 26 1 rem en , 8 8 r esl a u , 6 4 , 70, 26 1 r eto n s , 1 5 1 , 5 03 B I l Il dl S I , 22 7 ro m er , 7 3 , 7 9 u d a - est , 1 06 , 1 1 8 , 1 4 0, 1 4 1 , 1 4 3 , 1 79 , 1 8 0, 1 8 3 , 21 7, 220 u ddh i sm , u k arest , 23 7 u k ar est , rea ty o f , 206 , 223 , 225 , 23 6 24 2 B u k o v m a , 3 05 , 3 07 u l d ur , 4 1 9 , 4 2 7 ul g a ri a , 1 0, 1 5 , 1 06 , 1 8 8 -9 , 1 94 , 1 98 , 203 , 206 -8 , 223 , 226 , 23 6 -24 2 , 25 1 , 2 77 , 3 07 , 3 6 0 3 6 2 , X A , 5 08 r , 1 6 8 , 1 8 2, 1 9 1 , 23 7 -24 2, 3 06 , B u g u n d er A 46 5 as , u r u n dy , 8 y an tin e E m i r e, 5 2 3 80 B b th L i 4 72 b f 1 04 B b g H B b yl 4 4 2 4 5 2 B d 83 8 7 B g d d 3 22 3 93 44 2 4 44 7 4 5 0 45 2 4 5 4 4 9 7 B g d d R l w y 3 7 4 1 9 4 20 4 25 7 4 46 44 8 B h I l d 46 4 B k l L k 3 28 3 3 0 1 45 7 8 B kt y B k 3 95 4 1 4 45 5 B k t t 3 88 B lk 5 2 1 22 IV 279 28 1 2 96 3 6 0 1 36 3 3 83 5 04 5 B lk W F t 23 2 240 25 5 3 71 B lk W S d 9 206 224 23 6 23 8 2 7 7 3 7 9 3 8 2 3 5 08 3 01 3 B lt P m B B l t S 4 9 6 6 71 2 76 7 2 8 8 B ar b . . B a P O v B 3 3 8 , 3 4 1 , IX 3 8 5 , 3 98 , 4 1 7, , 4 24 - 5 , 4 28 , 4 5 4 , 4 6 4 , 4 8 1 -2, 4 93 B o g u m fl s ( a u li ci ans ) , 1 7 0, 2 1 8 o h em i a , 6 6 -7 , 9 2, 9 8 , 1 06 , 1 11 -2, 1 25 -1 3 7 , 1 4 1 , 1 4 7, 25 8 , V 28 1 , 5 02 om a y , 1 09 o sn a R i er , 1 6 7, 1 70 1 98 o sm a , 1 00, 1 1 2, 1 44 , IV , 4 3 0, 49 5 , 2 , 21 0 6 , 23 2, C , a o ci a , 4 13 , 4 26 C a p p o d o m a n s, 4 1 4 C ar o h n e I sl an ds , 3 6 a r a th i a n M o u n ta ins , 6 6 , 76 , 1 04 , IV A 1 6 7 , 1 6 9 , 21 6 -7 , 21 9, 24 7 , 28 4 , 28 8 , 292, 3 05 , 3 07, 3 1 0, , C p . , 365 C p thi ar a a n s, L i ttl e 1 04 5 07 , , CaS p i a n S ea , 3 1 8 , 3 8 9 , 3 95 -7, 449, 4 5 5 , 4 73 Ca th erm e, E m r ess o f R u ssia , 1 75 , 513 1 90, 29 7, 3 3 7 p INDEX 1 5 5 Al p 1 6 7 16 9 1 72 1 79 1 8 6 C tt Fj d 1 1 0 1 73 1 8 2 204 D 2 1 4 2 3 0 23 2 25 4 ggi h 1 8 3 23 2 C 1 09 3 20 3 88 9 D 3 90 1 28 4 3 1 0 3 9 6 7 4 4 9 45 5 4 73 D p R v t R v C ld f th N th 3 3 1 D 3 06 7 3 1 0 209 23 7 C v dJ D b C yl 1 09 D R v 1 6 5 3 10 b 1 92 Ch l d D g f S (A y " ) 3 93 5 4 3 7 Ch l m g 4 0 4 05 1 09 1 14 IV B h O t D g Ch l f L x m b g 26 2 gés Ch l th B l d 275 D v R v 1 06 1 40 1 4 2 1 46 1 6 6 IV B 24 7 25 8 9 l dj L Ch 1 8 2 203 208 3 6 4 f gg D 205 228 23 0 R v Ch m 3 21 D Wh t 229 23 0 3 8 7 3 15 D Ch m g R v 1 6 7 1 76 1 99 204 28 3 1 7 3 27 3 3 0 5 4 42 4 4 7 D 43 7 8 5 1 0 01 D bl 13 473 St k Ch r b t 1 6 9 D l g 23 0 3 23 5 Ch v h 3 21 D 28 3 3 01 R v Cl T l 4 25 D zz 205 207 228 9 23 5 6 C t t P l l g 366 D thg d m A lb m 3 75 C t t P phy g D t h t S Af 32 1 03 C t t p l 1 6 9 1 7 0 1 8 2 23 5 6 24 5 29 5 3 22 I X B 3 8 2 3 90 4 08 4 1 9 4 20 4 3 7 4 94 5 08 t C C l f 26 2 C f 1 09 24 9 E t I d C p y m 45 5 C th G l f 228 E t I d 3 03 5 05 2 5 3 5 05 6 C Ed 3 93 C k 28 3 3 2 8 9 d w d VII 1 97 C t z 224 Eg t 2 28 V C l d 3 01 3 E g yp t 1 09 3 73 410 3 99 404 5 C w 7 6 1 3 2 28 5 6 43 5 4 4 2 4 46 C m 3 16 E gyp t 4 04 2 W C m 98 4 1 9 4 22 43 6 E gh t th t 23 1 4 5 1 5 7 1 6 6 IV C t Sl v Elb R v 23 4 9 8 2 8 8 26 4 3 3 9 B 24 8 26 0 3 4 3 351 2 C t 1 4 5 IV B 5 07 E m T l g m 202 C d F t 3 91 Ep 1 10 23 3 5 5 09 B ttl f 99 C t E L g 5 02 C xh v 88 E G b g 6 7 6 9 26 4 2 C yp 4 9 4 3 1 5 09 E th l d 3 02 3 or a ro a , , , , , , , - - , , , , - , , e is ra e or , ni es r i er , o e on , on n e, ar es o u e , ru r e o ur ra e i . , , , ov , rin a - , , , , , a s, es , unn e , o n s an in e o ns a n in e o n s an in o , , , , a ai o o o s , or r o en n e o s , e, , , , , . i an u , o s an ur a o, u c u c , , er , , , , e, - , er , , - , en , in , er i e i n ar - o r i ca , . , , as n ia as n i es , o an , , essa , ar . n a ia , ia , , , , , , o ni a , , , , ru sa i rs , , . . , e i s , e o , - ru s , , 1 1 0, 1 20, 1 4 4 , IV éié B 24 7 . 4 3 7 9 4 4 0 444 5 D 4 03 m a a D b R v 6 6 III 1 25 IV 25 8 26 1 3 06 7 3 8 5 5 07 8 f 224 D b vg t D b P p lt - scu s, , an u e, n a an u i an , , , , , , , , , i a ion rin ci , o , a i i es, R o u m a ni a D a n Z Ig , 71 , 7 4 , 7 6 , 8 3 , 8 8 , 27 2, 28 8 , 4S7 l ac k S ea S tr a i ts ) , ar d a n ell es ( see 1 7 0, 3 3 8 , I X , 3 8 2, 4 8 2 D a ri el , a ss o f , 3 8 9 a ri u s th e G r ea t , 41 5 , 44 2, 4 5 0, 4 5 4 ar k A e s, 8 , 2 1 -2, 3 7 4 , 3 8 4 , 4 05 eak , 1 20 D ed ea g a t ch , 3 8 0-1 A, en m ar k , 2 5 , 4 8 , 8 1 , 3 3 8 , IX 3 6 4 , 3 6 9 , 3 7 0 3 74 , 4 8 2, 4 8 6 -7 i a r ek r , 4 3 7 , 4 4 7 D B B . . , e e ra , - , , r se an u ag e, rz e ir e, s an , , , - p p p v . . K , - - , , - , , er , i , E tch n n a z rn , 3 9 0, 3 94 E u h r a tes R i er , 3 90, 3 9 2-3 , 401 , 43 2 , X E E u h r a tes , E astern , 3 9 3 E u h r a tes, W estern ( ar a S u ) , 3 91 D l a tl a , i r een , er , ir u s , en , P g een - - a u s ozza, , , i , e, , , i a ns , ar, a , , , e a, a - r o a s, D D D D D b , , , , an u , , , , D al , ri i - ri ea n ri ro a i a - , , un a - , a , - in ea , u i - ra co , e, i no, a, o ur an er , u ci , s, o ssac , , - o rS i ca , , - , o r in . , , o u n ci or u , , , o n s an z , , , ru ses, u i i ci a n s en , er , i er as ia, - , ri n , u er o n ac i sses , o , , , in es, , , u een n er e , - er , a, ri n 1 11 , a, i ra , , o a - ri an s ss a a r es , , , , er , o ur , aea n s , i a ar e , , r ni e , ron o a s, , au casu s , au ic i P F a r s ( ersi s ) , 4 5 2, 4 5 5 -6 , 4 5 9 F er di n a n d , E m er o r o f Au str i a , 98 F i f e, 6 7 Fi l a n d , 3 21 , 3 4 0-8 , 3 5 6 , 3 5 8 , 3 97, i53 Fin l a n d , G u l f o f , 3 01 -2 F in l a n d , S e des i n , 3 41 a s , 3 08 , 3 22 Fi u m e, 1 09, 1 7 9 , 1 8 0, 204 , 21 4 , 21 7, 22 2, 224 , 5 09 Fiu m e , R eso l u ti o n s o f , 1 94 -5 Fl em i n s , 5 03 -4 Fl ens u r , 5 0 F o rei n L egi o n , F ren ch , 3 73 F o rth , Fi rth o f , 6 7 ” ’ F o rty E i h t , 8 7, 9 8 , 1 1 7, 4 7 8 p i w g b g g g 5 16 NATIONAL ITY AND THE WAR Arch du k e o f Fr a n cis -F er di n an d , Au st ri a , 1 3 6 , 209 Fr a n cis - o se h , 99 , 1 1 7 -8 , 1 27 , 1 3 6 , 1 5 5 -7 , 1 75 1 8 1 Fr a n k fu rt , 93 Fr ed eri ck II , H o h en sta u f en , 90 Fr ed eri ck th e G rea t , 2 3 , 9 1 Fr en ch R e o l u t i o n , 9 , 1 1 5 , 28 6 , 3 25 ri al , 200-2 Fn ed J u n g J p . . v T G a els 6 7 5 02 , , G a h ei a , 5 3 , 5 7-8 , 6 0, 1 00 1 6 6 , 24 7 , 2 6 7 , 28 4 , 28 8 , 290-1 , 2 93 , 3 06 - 7 3 1 1 -5 , 3 1 8 G a lli o l i , 1 7 0 203 , 3 6 2, 3 6 5 G a ri al di , 2 1 2 , 25 3 , 5 06 G en o a , 25 2 25 7 G eo rgi an s , 3 8 8 , 3 9 0-1 , 5 1 0 G erm a n o n f ed era ti o n , 4 8 -9 G er m a n s i n Au st ri a , 9 0, 9 2, 94 -7 , III , 1 02, 1 1 2 1 23 -1 3 7 , 1 4 8 -9, 1 77 22 0, 24 6 -7 , VI 5 02 erm a n s i n H u n ar y , 1 4 2, IV A erm a ns i n R us5 1a , 3 02 3 , 3 06 , 3 1 6 Gl ad sto n e 23 2 Gl ei wi t , 6 8 esert , 3 3 0- 2 Go i p b , , C , . g b D z . H ej a z 4 3 4 4 3 8 4 4 0 4 4 6 H ej a z R a il wa y 403 4 3 7 4 4 4 446 H elg o l a n d 8 8 , , , , , , , , , 29 6 , 5 00 H el m u n d R i er , 4 6 6 , 4 74 H enr y VII , 273 H era t , 4 6 6 , 46 9, 4 7 3 B en R u d , 4 5 2 , 4 6 9 , 4 73 H esse arm s tad t , 9 2 H in du u s h , 3 8 8 , 4 6 6 , 4 6 9, 4 7 3 Hi n du s , 3 9 9, 4 00, 4 04 , 4 4 9, 4 5 0 Hi tti te s, 4 14 H o h en s ta u fen yn ast y , 2 1 , 4 06 H o l enz o ll ern yn as ty, 8 1 , 9 3 , 94, l a H o ll a n d , 26 , 26 2, 273 , 27 5 , 29 7, 3 5 1 , 4 8 7 , 5 04 -5 H o lste in , 3 5 0, 3 5 3 -8 H o l y R o m a n E m ir e, 4 9 , 9 0, 4 05 -6 H o s i tall ers , see n i h ts o f S t o h n H o rm u S tra i ts’, 4 5 5 , 4 5 9, 4 6 4 -5 H u n dr ed Years W a r , 2 75 H u n a ry , 6 6 , 9 8 , 1 1 1 , 1 1 8 -1 25 , 1 3 5 , IV 3 05 , 3 1 6 , 3 4 6 , 4 5 3 , 4 8 7, 4 8 9, 5 07 Hu n s, 4 49 H us s, o h n , 26 2 ell as , v . D K D D i p p K g z J g J , G o th s 3 8 5 G o ttsch ee 24 8 25 0 G ra d o 25 8 Gra u denz 6 4 8 0 Gr a v o sa 1 1 0 G reece Ki n g d o m o f 203 207 223 6 , , , , , , , - , , , , 229 , 23 3 - 5 , 2 3 7 - 9 , 24 1 , 3 3 2, 3 6 6 , 3 7 , 3 83 , 3 9 7, 4 28 - 4 3 2, 4 8 6 , 5 08 51 G reek s , 1 5 , 1 9 1 , 23 8 -9, 5 09 G reek s m Tu r k ey , 3 6 5 - 3 78 , 4 01 -3 , X , 5 08 G rey, S ir E d ar d , 45 8 , 4 6 1 G u l f S trea m , 3 4 0 8 D , - , , Ib r a h i m P a sh a 44 0 Il l yr i cu m 1 4 2 I m br o s I sl a n d 3 6 2 3 6 5 I n di a 3 4 1 09 3 27 3 3 2 3 3 4 5 3 74 X C XL 4 9 1 I n di a B ri t i sh r o u te t o 1 8 3 279 3 6 3 , , , I w . , , , , , , , , , , , , , 3 98 , 4 3 0- 1 In di a , o sl em s i n , 3 9 8 , X , 4 43 In di a , N W Fr o n ti er o f , 209, 3 89, 4 3 7 , 4 70 In di a n O cea n , 4 4 1 , 4 5 4 , 4 6 0, 4 8 6 In du s Ri er , 4 5 5 , 4 6 6 , 4 74 In du stri al R e o l u ti o n , 1 1 , 27, 6 7, 1 2 7, 1 3 0, 1 3 2, 274 , 28 7, M . C . v v O In terregn u m G rea t 90 I o m a n I sl a n ds 24 9 I p e k 23 0 Ira k Ar a b i X E 4 49 4 9 3 Ir a n P l a tea u o f 3 95 4 3 3 X I , , , H a dr a m a u t 4 41 , , H a fi , th e, 6 6 H a i f a , 4 44 H al y s, s ee i z il Irm a k H a b u r g , 4 9 , 8 8 , 1 1 3 , 1 22 , 1 3 3 , 2 6 4 m K z z H a m m erfest , 24 4 , 3 49 H a n o er , 8 1 H a n sa o n s , 8 8 H a s ur yn as ty , 25 , 6 7, 9 1 , 93 1 1 8 , 1 3 6 , 1 4 6 , 1 4 8 , 1 7 1 2 5 2, , 3 H a s u r M o n a r ch y ( Au stri a or Au stri a -H u n a r y ) , 21 , 5 1 -2, 9 0, 9 5 , III 1 4 4 , 1 6 5 , 24 6 , 4 6 6 , 4 9 6 ’ a p sb u r g M o n a r ch y s Al l i a n ce Germ a n y , 1 1 3 , 1 3 2, 4 78 H asa , a l , 43 9 H a ar as , 4 6 6 H ein e, 28 6 v T w pb g D £1 pb g z . g . , , , , , , , . I r el i d , 1 2, 1 4 , 2 1 0, 224 , 5 In sh C ath o h e N a ti o n al i sts, 1 8 , 13 4 , gé I i o n G a te s 1 40 , I sk a n deru n 3 98 4 25 4 29 4 3 2 4 44 5 I sk a n deru n G u l f o f 3 9 7 4 3 2 I sla m 434 6 X C 413 , , , , , , , , , , , 4 5 0- 2, 4 03 , 4 3 4 5 , , H o l y C i t i es o f , 4 00, égé I sl a i 4 I sp a h a n , 4 5 6 st r i a , 21 0 2 1 7 24 8 9, ta l i a n m a n u ac tu r es , 2 5 2 u st ri a , 1 02, V , 26 4 , 26 7 ta l i a n s i n I I I A f . . 5 18 NAT IONAL ITY AND THE WAR Ma l t 3 91 4 26 M l t 3 73 M m l k 4 05 M h t S h l 1 27 M h D y ty 3 3 0 5 1 1 3 3 0 3 49 M h M b g 21 7 25 9 26 0 hf l d 1 04 5 1 6 8 M h R v 1 04 1 4 0 1 41 26 1 M 9 1 1 15 1 4 4 1 7 4 M i Th M t R v 23 8 9 X A f IX B 3 85 S M m 43 6 7 5 1 0 mt M M R v 142 1 6 4 M h ll I l d 3 6 yk P f 201 2 M M L k 77 M 78 8 0 3 02 5 07 M kl b g 49 a ia , a a, a u s, es er an c u c oo n as , an c u r i a , ur , , arc , er , i , er esa , ar a , , ur . . , p p p - , , , v , M 45 3 46 7 M p t m 3 93 M g M tim St 1 09 L M t R v 23 8 9 3 8 0 er v , , eso o a essa eri es i a, ari e a m sh i es p i n e, es a i - er , , M etk o v 1t ch 204 21 4 M et o y a 2 29 23 5 rin ce 9 8 1 75 M etterm ch M et 4 4 , , z Mx P , , , , , , 330 M ex ico , Gul f o f , 3 28 M i l a n ( i ty ) , 1 01 , 21 1 i l an O b r en O V i tch , 1 8 8 190, 1 92 Mi r di te s, 5 09 Ml B Sl S Sl p p l Ri er , 3 20, 3 28 a y , 1 96 , 24 2 i tro i t a Ra i l M i ty h ni I sl a n d , 23 5 , 4 02 , 4 28 , 4 3 1 yn ast y, 405 , 4 5 1 o gu l a ttl e o f , 1 43 , 1 7 1 o h acs, M o h a m m a d th e ro h et, 405 , 4 4 0 M o l d a i a , 1 4 2, 3 07 o n asti r , 1 9 0, 2 25 , 228 -9 , 24 1 2 o n o na , 4 1 3 , 5 1 1 M o n o na , O u ter , 3 3 0-1 o n o l s 28 4 , 296 , 3 09 -1 0, 3 93 , 3 9 5 , 4 4 3 , 4 49 , 45 0- 1 , 4 5 6 , 46 6 M o n o h y si tes , 4 3 7 M o n r o e o ctri n e , 24 4 , 3 76 o n ten eg r o , 1 1 0, 1 8 2, 1 8 5 , 1 8 7 8 , 1 9 0, 1 9 2, 1 99 , 203 , 204 , 2 1 1 , 21 3 - 5 , 229 - 23 3 o o rs i n S a in , 4 1 5 o ra a Ri er , 1 6 4 , IV , 225 , 23 7 M o r a i a , 1 06 , 1 1 1 , 1 41 , V o r a i a n G a p , 6 6 , 6 8 9 , 1 6 8 , 26 1 , 26 4 -5 M o r d v m s , 3 21 M o rm o n s , 3 28 M o r ea 1 1 0 o r o cco , 3 99, 41 1 o r o cc o cri ses , 5 , 209, 4 9 5 6 M o sco , 3 09 , 3 1 1 i al ect , 3 09 , 3 1 9 o sco e i co , C M M M M M M g g M g v z D B v M M M M w P p , p M M M v D v v v , w wD p v . z 337 , , N a l es , 1 01 N a o l eo n I 9 , 2 2- 3 6 4 , 75 , 98 , 1 7 3 4 , 25 3 , 28 6 N a o l eo n III , 99, 209 N a r en t a Ri v er , 1 6 9 , 204 , 214 esert , G r ea t , 4 3 9 N ef u d N ej d , 4 3 9 , 44 0 N em a n y a yn a sty , 1 70 N es to ri an s , see h a l daea n s N et h erl a n ds , 8 , 3 4 1 , 3 5 1 N et e R i er , 7 1 , 73 N eu e F r ees P r esse, 200 N eu P o m i n ern , 3 6 N ew Gu i n ea , 3 5 N ew Y o r k , 3 4 0, 3 76 N ew Z ea l a n d , 3 5 , 3 3 3 , 4 1 0 N i ch o l as , sar , 9 9, 1 1 7 , 1 9 7 , 24 0 N i ch o l as, P ro cl a m a ti o n o f G ra n d u k e, 5 6 , 74 , 2 8 2 N i em en R i er , 77 - 8 0, 28 3 29 2 N i k ari a Isl a n d , 4 28 N is h , 23 7 , 23 9, 24 2 Ni a , 25 3 a t a rs, 3 1 5 N o ai N o rm an s , 1 1 , 21 N o rt h S ea , 4 9 , 5 1 , 8 8 , 1 1 3 , 3 3 9 , 3 4 8 , 3 5 0-1 , 3 5 7 , 4 8 3 N o r a y , 1 6 9 , 3 4 0-5 , 3 4 7, 3 4 9, 4 5 3 - 4 , 4 77, 4 8 6 N o a ra , a ttl e o f , 99 o r o d , 3 09 , 3 1 1 , 3 21 , 3 4 0 No No o r o d , N i j n i , 3 21 D , , . , D , M eh em et A l i 4 40 M eissen 26 1 M ek ra n 4 5 5 M em el 79 M er ch a n t Ad en tu r ers M ersm a 4 25 445 , , , r o esso r , asa r , a es , a sur i a n asu r i an s , , , en . , i er , a ri sa ea o , o ra , ar es , aro , i er , ar o s , s a n s, a rs a ec , - e arc p v M z gP g v w z , , , M , , , v o sell e R i er , 4 4 93 M o sk a 10 p h i l s , 3 1 2 M o su l , 4 3 7 , 4 4 4 -6 u l h a u s en , 4 7 - 8 M ur a d S u see E u h r a tes , E a ster n M ur R i er , 1 6 7, 2 1 4 , 25 9 r o r a m m e 1 91 - 2 1 9 6 u r ste M u sco i tes, see R us si a n s, G r ea t M y sl o i t , 6 8 , an c ar M , B . C v T D v . zz g T w v vg vg B v v O b i R i er , 3 28 O der R i er , 6 6 -9 7 1 -2 8 3 , 26 1 O d essa , 28 8 , 3 06 -7, 3 1 6 , 3 1 8 , 3 3 7, 361 O h r i d a , 1 5 , 22 8 , 24 2 o n en t i o n o f , 99 O lm u t , O m a n , 4 6 4 4 86 eln , 6 8 -9 O O ri en t al R a i l a y , 23 7 O r sm i , 2 09 O rth o d o Ch u r ch , 1 6 9, 1 7 0, 2 13 , 2 15 , 23 4 , 3 1 1 3 9 4 , 5 1 0 u n k er , 8 2 , 84 , 8 7, O st -E l b i sch er 90 O th m a n , H o u s e o f , 405 O tr a n t o , S t r a i t s o f , 24 5 I a nd II H o l y R o m an O tto E m er o r s , 1 03 , z C v pp , w x , p . J , INDEX T O tto m a n , see ur k i sh O u s Ri er , 3 3 1 , 3 3 6 , 4 6 6 -7, 46 9, 4 7 2-3 x v 3 99, P 45 1 b P a ch tu tr i es, 4 6 6 , 4 6 8 , 4 70 P a C ifi c O cea n , 3 5 , 3 28 , 4 5 4 a l a t in a te , 93 a mi r l a t ea u , 3 3 1 , 4 6 6 , 4 70 P a i g rm a m sm , 5 6 , 1 1 3 -4 , 1 2 2, 4 1 0 o P a n sl a V i sm , 5 6 , VII , 3 5 9 a a cy , 25 , 2 1 2, 2 15 , 4 05 , 48 1 a a l Z o u a es, 3 73 arsees, 4 5 0 a tm o s I sl a n d , 429 a tr as , 22 7 a u l i ci a n s , see B o g u m il s ek in L e a ti o ns , r eh ef o f , 3 7 1 ell a , 1 5 ersi a , 3 22, 3 94 , 3 96 , XL , 4 77, 4 86 , 4 93 -4 , 5 1 0 er si a , el i a n u sto m s S er v m e in , 3 74 , 4 6 1 P e i i , S ed i sh G en d arm er i e i n , 3 74 , P gf P p P p v P P P P P g P P P B g w fii . C P erS i a n G u lf , 1 1 3 , 1 22, 1 3 3 , 3 97 , 4 3 3 4 3 8 -9, 4 4 2, 4 4 4 , 4 4 6 , XI 4 8 2, 4 9 7 er si a n R e o l u t i o n , 3 95 , 4 5 7 er si a n s , 3 95 4 04 , XI esh a ar , 4 7 3 eter t h e G r ea t , 296 , 3 25 , 3 3 7 6 01 K a rag eo rg eV i tch , 1 94 , 209, 15 eters u r , 5 4 , 13 2, 29 7, 3 1 1 etr o r a d , 3 1 8 , 3 4 3 45 , 4 7 h al s o u r h i li o f M ace d o n , 296 o o li s 23 6 , 3 8 1 h i li h r y i a ns , 4 1 4 i edm o n t , 21 2 i e dm o n t ese , 99 P i g IV a r 1 96 P il i tz a R i er , 5 9 l e n a , S i e e o f , 4 08 P 0 R i er , 98 , 2 5 2 o d o li a , 3 1 5 o l a , 1 1 1 , 25 4 o l a n d , 1 3 2 , 2 1 9 , 26 1 , 26 4 , VIII A 3 00, 3 02 - 3 , 3 08 , 3 1 0, 3 4 0, 3 44 -5 , 3 9 7, 4 5 9 , 4 8 6 , 48 7 a rt i t i o n s o f , 8 , 9 , 1 9 0, VIII o la n d A , 3 01 , 3 1 2, 279 o l es in Au stri a , 5 3 , 1 02 , 1 23 , 1 27, 1 29 , 2 6 7 , 3 1 2, 3 4 5 ru ss1a , 24 , II D , 8 0, 1 5 8 o l es in 26 9 , 2 7 1 , 3 4 5 , 3 8 9 , 4 7 9 , 4 8 7 o lt a a , 3 1 5 o m a k s , 5 07 -8 P o m era m a , 8 3 , 24 4 o rt Arth u r , 3 49 o r te , th e, see u r ki sh E m ir e o rtu a l , 274 , 27 6 o sen ( i t y ) , 7 1 -2, 29 3 o sen ( P r o v mce) , 5 4, 6 0, 6 4 , 6 9, 7 1 -3 , 7 7, 9 1 , 28 6 P P P P P P P P P P P P v w 3 b g g b g p pp p g v , P v v P P P P P P P P P P P P P . , , , g . , P . P v g T C b g P esz o n y ( ress u r ) , 9 8 , 1 04 , 1 4 1 , 1 4 6 -7 , 220, 5 07 r ag , 9 8 , 1 26 , 1 3 2 26 2 -3 ra ni er si ty , 2 6 2 r ess u r , see P esz o n y ri et a r sh es, 28 4 P r i sr en , 23 0 r o t esta n t R ef o rm a ti o n , 21 , 23 , 5 2, 26 2, 3 02 r u s si a , E a st , 7 6 - 8 0, 292, 3 01 , 5 07 P r i i a , West , 5 4 , 6 0, 73 -7, 2 6 9, 2 8 5 , P P gU v P b g P p M P P lgi P L dt g 70 8 7 P Z ll v 24 P b g l 23 77 78 P th R v 3 06 7 P I l d 4 28 P k v L k f 3 02 , P P P 519 p r u ssi a n an ru ssi a n o a i sa ra s o in a o ri , , , - er , s an , a e o , , er ein , ru ssi a n s , a ru , , P u n J a b , 4 4 3 , 4 6 6 , 4 71 " " u etta Ra i l w y 4 74 a , z R a d et k y , 9 9 R a u sa , 1 73 204 , 21 4 Ra t i o r , 6 8 - 9 , 2 9 2 R a n ch , a ro n a u l 1 9 8 200, 202 R ed In di a n s 3 21 3 2 8 , 4 1 0 R e d S ea 4 03 4 3 4 , 4 3 9 , 4 4 0, 4 4 6 R ef o r m i ll , G rea t r i t ish 1 2 7, 15 3 R ei ch en er 1 06 , 1 1 2 1 06 , R ei tfl s t a g , G erm a n I m er i a l l l r o r a m m e, 1 9 7 Re al R e o l u ti o n , G l o r i o u s , 1 48 3 1 1 16 Ri er , 21 , 4 5 -7, 8 2-3 , 93 , 1 01 , 4 R hi n el a n d , 24 , 4 4 , 8 2, 93 275 , 4 83 R h o des I sla n d , 3 73 , 4 2 9 R h o do e o u n ta i n s , 3 8 1 -2 5 07 R i a, 3 87 R i a , G u l f o f , 3 02 R I V I GI a , I ta li a n , 25 2 R o a -a l -M a h , 4 4 1 . 4 6 4 o ll e e , 3 7 7 R o er t R o er t s, L o r d , 209, 4 6 7 R o d o st o , 3 8 5 R o m a i c, see y a n ti n e R om an h u r ch 5 2 7 8 , 1 1 6 1 26 - 7, 1 2 9, 1 3 0, 1 3 2, 1 4 9, 1 6 9, 215 , 26 2, 3 74 , 4 3 6 R o m a n E m p n e, 1 5 , 1 70, 21 1 , 4 05 , 4 5 0, 4 5 2 R o m a n ti c o em en t , 24 R o tt en o r o u h s , 1 5 3 re R o u m a n i a D a n u i a n P rm ci p a l i ti es ) , 1 01 -2 1 06 1 4 2 1 6 2 -4 , 206 2 08 , 2 23 -5 , 2 3 6 - 7 , 23 9, 3 05 -8 , 3 6 0- 2 R o u m a n s i n H u n g a r v 1 02 1 4 2, 1 4 5 , 1 49 , 1 5 0, 1 6 2 -4 , 1 6 6 R o u m el i a E a st ern , 1 98 29 7 R u d o lf o f H a s u r g 1 00 R u S S i a , Wh i t e, 79, 28 4 -5 , 3 08 -9, 3 1 1 g b , B P , B b g . , , , B , , p , é v P g v v 24 . , g g b b b p M ' C g B z C , . , ' Mv B g , b , , , . , pb , , , NATIONAL ITY A N D THE W A R 0 2 5 R u S S i an co rn l a n ds , 26 4 , 297, 3 1 5 -6 3 20, 3 24 R u ssi an Im eri a l um a , 3 1 9 R u ss i an s , G r ea t ( M u s co w t es ) , 28 4 3 08 - 3 1 1 , 3 1 6 , 3 1 8 , 3 20- 3 , 3 2 8 R u ssi a n s , L i tt le , see R u th en es R u s so - a a n ese W a r , 1 1 2, 1 92, 1 95 , 1 9 9, 298 , 3 23 , 3 27, 3 3 0 1 49 R u th en es 5 3 , 1 02 1 4 3 , 1 4 5 2 6 7, 28 4 , 2 9 1 , 293 , 3 08 -3 1 9 , D p Jp , , , £83? b S i eri a , 3 28 -3 3 0, 3 3 4 S i cil y , 1 01 21 1 5 06 S il esi a , 6 6 - 7 1 , 7 7, 8 3 -4 , 89 1 06 , 1 1 5 26 1 26 4 2 6 6 , 26 9 S i l i stria , 23 7 S i ll ei n ( S z o ln a ) 6 8 8 0, 29 2 S i m ar H ill s , 43 7 444 S k o d r a , 1 8 6 , 23 0-3 , 3 71 S k o dr a , L a k e o f , 2 3 0-3 S k o p l y e, see sk u S k u ta ri , see S k o dra o s h o ru s , 4 1 9, 4 20 S k u tari o n th e S 10yra k s , 1 02, IV A , 220, 2 7 8 , 4 8 7 5 () 7 S l o en es , 1 02, 1 1 6 , 1 27, 1 3 3 , 1 6 8 , V 26 7, 3 1 1 , 4 8 6 , 5 06 -7 S m yrn a 2 3 4 , 4 1 3 , 4 1 9 , 4 20, 4 3 1 , 5 1 0 S o fi a , 23 6 2 3 9, 240, 3 8 1 S o l o m o n Is l a n ds , 3 6 S o ra b s, 1 6 9, 5 07 S o u da n , An g l o -E g y tia n , 1 09, 4 3 9 S o u n d , th e, 3 5 0 ea l th , 3 2 o m m on S o u th Afr i ca n S o u th Am eri ca , 3 3 3 , 4 9 2 S o u th ern S la s , 1 02, 1 1 2, 1 6 6 , IV 27 8 , 3 5 6 , 3 5 9, 4 5 3 , 4 96 , . . . , . , , , , U b B p . v S aa r Ri er , 44 S aa rb o u r g , 4 5 , 4 7 S aa rg em un d, 4 5 4 7, 93 S a h a ra , 4 3 4 oh n K ni h ts o f , 3 7 3 St S al o n a 1 6 8 S a l o n i k a , 1 0, 1 90, 1 92 1 96 206 , 208 224 -5 , 228 23 3 23 7, 23 9 , 2 4 2, 3 6 0, 3 8 3 -4 , 4 02 5 08 S a l o n i k a Ra i l a y , 1 96 , 207, 225 - 6 23 9 - 24 2 u r , 1 6 9, 21 8 25 8 , 26 4 S al S am o a , 3 6 S a m o s I sla n d , 4 28 ed u a 23 0 S a n G i o a nn i di r ea t y o f , 1 8 2 - 3 , 1 8 8 S an S te h a n o u a r a n ta , 23 3 S an t i S a ra ye o , 1 3 7, 204, 209 S a r di ni a 5 06 S a s en o I s l a n d 25 5 S as sa n i d D yn a st y , 3 93 , 4 5 0 45 2 45 4, 45 6 ers 4 3 7 S a ta n - o rsh i 2 5 8 S a e R i er 1 4 4 IV 9 , S a o n y 6 7, 8 9 9 2, 1 06 , 26 1 S ch el dt R i er 4 8 7 S ch l es i ( t o n ) , 5 0, 3 5 3 S ch l eswi o r S ch l esm g - H o ls tei n , II 8 1 9 1 , 26 9 2 7 1 , 3 5 0, 4 8 7 , 5 1 S ch u l -V er en i , D eu t sch e, 1 3 2 S co t ch H i h l a n d ers, 1 4 , 21 0 S co tch L o la n d ers, 6 7 S e ast o o l , 3 4 9 S eb em co 1 1 0 25 4 S eill e R i er , 4 4 S eis ta n , 4 6 5 - 6 , 4 74 S e st u S am ( H a m un ) , 4 6 5 , 4 6 9, ii 7 1 S eli m I S u l ta n o f ur k ey 4 05 , 4 3 5 S em i te s , 3 93 , 4 3 4 , 4 4 9, 4 5 0 4 5 2 S er h ur ch i n H u n a ry , 1 74 , 202 S er i a , 1 0, 1 01 -2, 1 06 , 1 1 2 IV , 25 1 , 28 1 29 6 , 3 3 6 , 3 5 9 S er s , IV 3 8 7, 5 07 S er b s m H u n a r y , 1 4 5 , 1 4 7 -9, 1 6 4 -6 , 1 77, 1 8 2 S erf s, em a n ci a ti o n o f H u m an , 3 1 6 S err es, 2 4 2 ’ S e en Y ea r s W a r , 1 1 4 298 ’ S e en W eek s W a r , 90 S h an tu n 35 S h a tt -a l -Ar a , 444 , 4 5 4 , 4 5 8 S h i ah H er es y 3 9 5 , 4 4 0, XI S h in a r , see Ira k Ar a i , . J g , , , , , , w , zb g , v p " v , T M , , , , w pp v v x v wg w g C g w b p v w p gi , , B , . , , , , , , bC b C b , , T g , , , , v v . . B , g p , . B . v , , p C w v . S o u t h - S la v o m c F edera ti o n , 21 0-6 25 0-1 , 25 4 5 06 IV S p ii , 1 01 , 274 , 2 76 , 4 1 2 , 4 15 4 9 1 , f s ) S p a la i k o v i t ch , D o cto r , 201 S a la t o , 1 1 0 204 S p a m sh l a n u a g e, 2 6 5 09 S p a m s h S u ccessi o n , W a r o f , 2 98 C . , , , a s , p g , p z p z p C p , S e z 1a , 227 S iz a 2 1 4 S o r a d es I sl a n ds , 4 29 S se - h u a n R a il a y, 4 4 7 S t em , 2 3 S te h en , r o n o f S t 1 1 8 , 1 2 0, 1 23 , A, 1 6 6 , 1 7 8 1 25 , 1 28 , 1 3 7 , IV 1 8 8 , 1 9 4 -5 , 1 9 7, 21 4 , 222, , , w C w . 223 p D K g b g v 1 70 S te h en us h a n t ep h en , o f H u n a r y , 3 73 in 4 5 4 7-8 S tr as u r S tru m a R i er , 2 3 8 - 9 , 24 2 S t yri a 1 00, 1 04 , 1 06 , 1 1 0, 1 28 , 1 4 1 , 25 9 26 4 S u e ( o rt ) , 44 6 an al , 4 8 2 Sue yn as ty , 45 1 S uf i S u n n i S ect , 4 00, 4 5 1 S a i a , 1 45 S ed en , 24 4 , 29 7 , 3 02, 3 3 7, 3 3 9, 3 4 1 3 4 3 -5 , 3 4 7 , 3 5 0, 4 8 6 S w z erl an d , 8 , 1 4 6 , 21 1 , 3 75 , 4 83 , , g , , , z P zC D w b w , , g g s S yr i a , X E S yr y en s , 3 21 S z ek els , 1 6 3 , 1 6 6 . . , g , b , b . T T ff C t 1 3 0 1 3 3 T b te 2 6 2 aa a e, o ri oun s, , , NATI O NAL ITY A N D THE WA R 522 Y a gi ell o n , 74 Yan ni n a", 227, 23 3 , 23 5 , 25 4 Y em en , 4 03 -4 , 4 4 1 -2 Y em sel Ri v gr , 3 29 7 379 11 , 220 , 23 9 -242 3 35223 253 26 4 223 W al l ach i a Wa ll o o n s 5 3 4 0 W arsa w 5 2 5 6 5 9 76 28 5 28 8 Gran d D u ch y o f 5 9 6 4 sa w ’ “ - , , n sG , , , , , ‘ , , , , Z W ei -h ai -W ei 3 6 Wek erl e D r West p h a li a , , , 15 7 8 3 -4 , 8 9, 483 Wh i s , 1 49, 1 5 0 Wh i te S ea , 3 1 8 , 3 21 , 3 41 Wi en er Wal d , 1 04 -5 Wi lh el m s h a en , 8 8 Wil s o n , resi den t , 3 75 Wu r tem u r , 8 3 , 8 7 W y clif , 26 2 g 275 , 3 3 7, 2 88 , 339 v P b g Z a b Ri Z ab R i Z a b ern v v , er , er , G rea ter 3 94 5 4 3 7 L esser 3 96 4 3 7 , , , 4 5 -6 Z ag r o s M o un ta in s , 3 8 6 , 3 93 -4 , 4 3 7 4 4 9 , 4 5 4 -7 Z ara , 24 9 , 5 08 I Z ara , o n f eren ce o f , 1 95 Z ara th u sh tr a , 4 5 0-2 Z em s t o s, 3 23 -4 Z o r o astri a ni sm ( see arsees) , 3 9 3 C v N C T€ M PL€ Pits - , GN G LA N D P
0
You can add this document to your study collection(s)
Sign in Available only to authorized usersYou can add this document to your saved list
Sign in Available only to authorized users(For complaints, use another form )