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Racialization, Criminalization, Representation

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Murdocca, C. (2014) “Racialization, Criminalization, Representation.” In D. Brock, A.
Glasbeek and C. Murdocca, (eds). Criminalization, Representation, Regulation. Toronto:
University of Toronto Press, pp. 107-132.
1.​ Summary
2.​ Critical Analysis
3.​ Questions
Summary
Hi everyone, today we will be exploring the section from pages 107–132 of the article,
Criminalization, Representation, Regulation: Thinking about Crime, explores the intersections
between criminalization, representation, and racialization, focusing on how these processes are
deeply interwoven with historical, cultural, and structural factors.
This section begins by exploring the concept of race and its construction as a modern idea tied to
specific historical, social, and political developments. Scholars argue that race is not a biological
reality but a social and cultural construct rooted in European colonialism and Enlightenment
thinking. The Enlightenment, often celebrated for its focus on reason, science, and progress,
paradoxically advanced ideas of human classification and hierarchy. While the period
emphasized universal human rights, it simultaneously promoted racial distinctions, with
Indigenous peoples and Africans often categorized as “savage” or “subhuman.” This duality laid
the foundation for systemic racialization, a process in which ideas about race are created and
used to justify social, economic, and political inequalities. It focuses on the point that these
racialized ideas have become embedded in Western societies, influencing cultural narratives and
legal systems over time. It further notes that race signifies and symbolizes sociopolitical conflicts
in relation to perceived differences, demonstrating how race is continually shaped and redefined
through history. The chapter underscores that racialization is not static but shaped by changing
historical and geographical contexts, reflecting the dynamic nature of racial categories.
The discussion then turns to colonialism, as significant forces in the racialization process.
Colonialism, described as a project of domination involving the exploitation of non-European
populations, was central to the construction of race. It often relied on settler colonies, where
Indigenous populations were displaced, while colonizers seized resources and imposed legal,
cultural, and social systems. Settler colonialism in Canada, depended on taking power over land
and racial governance of Indigenous peoples. This project also led to myths that settlers were the
rightful occupiers while Indigenous people were erased. The racial hierarchies established
through colonialism were further reinforced by imperialism, which extended economic and
political control over foreign territories. This interplay between colonialism and imperialism
created a global framework of racialized inequality, linking race to ideas of deviance. The
transatlantic slave trade, for instance, trafficked millions of Africans to support colonial
economies, embedding racialization in the development of capitalism.
A significant portion of the chapter is dedicated to analyzing how race and criminalization
intersect in representations of crime. Media, cultural narratives, and legal systems have
historically constructed crime as a racialized phenomenon, portraying Black and Indigenous
peoples as inherently criminal or deviant. This representation reinforces stereotypes and informs
state practices, including discriminatory policing and sentencing. The chapter highlights how
these portrayals are not accidental but are deeply rooted in colonial histories, where racialized
groups were associated with disorder and lawlessness to justify their domination. Legal systems
played a critical role in legitimizing these narratives, using laws to regulate and criminalize
racialized populations while presenting European settlers as the lawful and civilized norm.
Theoretical insights from postcolonial studies, particularly Edward Said’s Orientalism, are used
to deepen the analysis of racialization. Said’s work demonstrates how colonial powers
constructed the “Orient” as the cultural and racial “Other,” creating distorted representations of
non-European peoples. These representations were not just cultural artifacts but part of a broader
colonial strategy that combined economic exploitation with ideological domination. Said
emphasizes that colonialism was not only about military or political power but also about
producing ideas and narratives that justified empire-building. The chapter connects this
theoretical framework to the criminalization of racialized groups, showing how colonial-era
discourses continue to influence contemporary understandings of race and crime.
Finally, the chapter emphasizes the importance of intersectionality in understanding the
relationship between race, criminalization, and representation. Racialization does not operate in
isolation but intersects with other social categories, such as gender, class, and sexuality. For
example, colonial narratives often portrayed Indigenous men as violent and Indigenous women
as hypersexualized, reinforcing both racial and gendered stereotypes. Similarly, class distinctions
have historically shaped criminalization, with economically disadvantaged groups more likely to
be policed and punished. These intersections reveal the complexity of racialization and highlight
the need to consider multiple dimensions of identity when examining processes of
criminalization.
In conclusion, the chapter argues that racialization, representation, and criminalization are deeply
interconnected, with historical processes of colonization and imperialism leaving lasting
legacies. These dynamics continue to shape how race is constructed and how racialized groups
are disproportionately targeted by criminal justice systems. By critically analyzing these
processes, the chapter calls for a more nuanced understanding of how race, crime, and power
intersect in both historical and contemporary contexts.
Critical Analysis:
Murdocca emphasizes how racialization and criminalization aren’t just historical issues—but
rather they are ongoing and deeply rooted issues in today’s social structures. One of the main
points from this chapter is how race is not something natural or fixed but is constantly being
shaped by political, economic, and social forces.
For example, the way the criminal justice system disproportionately targets Black and
Indigenous communities through over-policing of racialized neighborhoods or racial profiling
under the appearance of “public safety.” Programs like carding in Canada or stop-and-frisk in the
U.S. are examples of this. Even though these practices have been criticized, they were justified
for years as necessary tools for crime prevention. But when asked, who is actually being labeled
as a criminal? we see how these laws aren’t neutral—they reflect the same racial hierarchies that
Murdocca talks about.
Another major connection is with media representation. Murdocca talks about how crime is
racialized in news coverage, and we see this constantly in the way stories are framed. If a white
person commits a violent crime, the media talks about their mental health or their difficult
upbringing. Meanwhile, when a Black or Indigenous person is accused of a crime, the focus is
more on their past criminal record or their “dangerous” behavior. This pattern reinforces
stereotypes that racialized people are inherently criminal while defending violence when it’s
committed by white people.
This type of racialized narrative doesn’t only happen in news media—it’s also present in pop
culture. Shows like Law & Order have historically portrayed racialized suspects as dangerous,
giving into public fears that then justify more policing and harsher punishments.
Comparing Murdocca’s perspective to older criminological theories, there is a major shift.
Traditional theories, like biological determinism, tried to argue that crime was based on innate
characteristics, suggesting that some people are just more prone to criminal behavior. Murdocca,
along with scholars from critical race theory and postcolonial studies, completely flip
this—arguing that crime itself is a social construct and that racialized groups are criminalized not
because they commit more crimes, but because of how society defines crime and who it chooses
to police.
This is important because these narratives and structures don’t just exist in history books—they
actively shape the world we live in today. Understanding how crime is racialized helps us
recognize that criminal justice policies aren’t just about enforcing laws, they are about
maintaining power structures.
Questions:
1.​ How does the racialization of crime influence public policy?
●​ The racialization of crime has led to policies that disproportionately target
racialized communities, often fueled more by fear than by actual crime data. One
major example is the War on Drugs in the U.S., which heavily criminalized drug
use in Black and Latino communities while white communities engaged in similar
drug use with far fewer legal consequences. In Canada, we see this with carding,
where Black and Indigenous individuals were stopped by police at much higher
rates, not because they were committing more crimes, but because of racial
profiling disguised as crime prevention. Even today, tougher laws on gang-related
activity tend to disproportionately affect racialized youth, reinforcing stereotypes
that they are inherently more dangerous.
2.​ How can media representation of crime be changed to challenge racial stereotypes
rather than reinforce them?
●​ Media plays a huge role in shaping public perception, and to challenge racial
stereotypes, journalists and filmmakers need to be intentional about how they
frame crime stories. First, news outlets should stop racializing crime—if race isn’t
relevant to a case, there’s no need to mention it, yet we often see racialized
suspects described by their ethnicity while white suspects are not. Also, the
language used matters: instead of framing white criminals as “troubled” and
racialized offenders as “dangerous,” reporting should focus on objective facts.
3.​ What are some real-world alternatives to the current criminal justice system that
could help break the cycle of racialization and criminalization?
●​ One of the biggest shifts happening now is the push for restorative justice, which
focuses on repairing harm rather than just punishing people. Programs like
diversion courts—which provide alternatives to incarceration for minor
offenses—are already being used in some places, especially for youth. These
programs recognize that many crimes are linked to poverty, lack of education, and
systemic inequalities, and they aim to address the root causes instead of just
throwing people in jail.
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