Why the Utilitarians Shot President Kennedy Author(s): Don Locke Source: Analysis , Mar., 1976, Vol. 36, No. 3 (Mar., 1976), pp. 153-155 Published by: Oxford University Press on behalf of The Analysis Committee Stable URL: https://www.jstor.org/stable/3327840 JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact support@jstor.org. Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at https://about.jstor.org/terms Oxford University Press and The Analysis Committee are collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Analysis This content downloaded from 142.58.232.197 on Thu, 30 Nov 2023 22:15:51 +00:00 All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms WHY THE UTILITARIANS SHOT PRESIDENT KENNEDY* By DON LOCKE T now appears that sometime in the early i96os, when othe philosophers were agonizing over the logic of moral judgem the meaning of 'good', a group of Utilitarians was meeting in t States to discuss the practical applications of their theories and they might do in the world. Among their principal concerns evident increase in inner-city violent crime, which seemed to threaten the very roots of civilized life, and they placed the cau and squarely in the traditional American policy of ease of acces arms. Yet they knew that public pronouncements and political from a handful of academic moralists would count for nothing agai powerful gun-lobby in Congress and the ingrained attitudes of of their countrymen. The only hope of change lay in shocking to its senses by demonstrating how easy it was to purchase a gu American main street, or through the mails, and shoot any might take your fancy. Accordingly they decided on the course of action which most likely to produce the desired benefit at least cost, one whi appear bad on the surface, but which would ultimately prove m ductive of good than evil. They decided to shoot just one indiv as to minimize the inevitable suffering and misery, but the one ind whose prominence and popularity-personal if not political- most likely to horrify the country and lead in a mood of national m ing and self-criticism to the imposition of stringent gun contro Even so the conspirators had their qualms. It was not simpl their Utilitarianism was permitting, indeed requiring, an acti on any non-Utilitarian ethic must seem horribly and unquesti wrong: as Utilitarians they had long been inured to that famili bility. But Utilitarianism was requiring an action because it was inasmuch as its eventual rightness depended precisely on its b versally condemned, even among Utilitarians. But they comfort selves with the thought that what was necessary was not that their be wrong, but only that it seem wrong. Evidently a Utilitarian prepared to make the right seem wrong, and also, presumably, the wrong seem right: unlike Justice, Utility need not be seen to b And so the deed was done, for the best of Utilitarian reasons the best of Utilitarian results. But unhappily things went spect wrong. Not only did the desired results fail to accrue, but it i * I uncovered this plot while reading Utilitarianism: For and Against by J. J. C. Bernard Williams (Cambridge, 1973), and especially Section 6 of Williams' pap evidence may be found in 'It Makes no Difference Whether or Not I do it' by Glover, Proceedings of the Aristotelian Society, Supplementary Volume XLIX, I975. 153 This content downloaded from 142.58.232.197 on Thu, 30 Nov 2023 22:15:51 +00:00 All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms 154 ANALYSIS possible that this incident w cult of political assassination death became even more an But although the conspirat objective terms, it is diffic rightness. The plotters may would be irrational of them the Utilitarian gun-lobby, equivalents the depth terference with his to least harm involve then that sight. was They it, right and took a may of in we th to c itsel are a calculat estimating the consequences through any fault of their o outweighed praise praise les or or blame, autres, moral the blame fault and even in probable them if their no h must doubt they had acting as wholly reasonable expectatio blameworthy, but by no me In another respect, moreov the wrong. It was, of cours discover why or by whom t crease the resulting harm, w Utilitarian penalty for thei Utilitarianism Utilitarian the plot itself policies might into and fail pract here t motives and justification lai happily for the prevention o to a solitary individual, agai avoid the risks of exposure i In fact it proved easy enoug enquire into these incidents Utilitarian importance, whi the Utilitarian secret; and t no one has so far come near The original action may hav of good will would be able to an unmitigated moral succes But now Indeed if the jig people is up, are This content downloaded from 142.58.232.197 on Thu, 30 Nov 2023 22:15:51 +00:00 All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms the led to wo qu WHY THE UTILITARIANS SHOT PRESIDENT KENNEDY 155 luck, would have justified the murders of two innocent men and all t subsequent political intrigue and public deception, then I fear this not guilty, not only of bad taste, but of moral subversion. But I have tw defences. One is that the fault cannot wholly be mine, if the same evil woul have followed without my intervention. In fact the Utilitarians the selves are equally to blame. For generations they have been publicizing morality which insists that the value of a deed depends not on reasons but on its results. So even if the assassination had been the work of the unfortunate who, for good Utilitarian reasons, was made to take the blame, his action could still have been justified, would still have been right in Utilitarian terms, if only it had had the desirable result of a drop in violent crime via firearm controls. His acting thus, supposing he had acted thus, would then have been more productive of good than his not acting thus, and worthy of honourable mention in the annals of great twentieth-century moral achievements (not that such annals should ever be made available to public inspection). This conclusion was there to be drawn, even by those with no inkling of the Utilitarian plot; sooner or later the truth-about Utilitarianism, if not about Dallaswould have emerged. There are, then, good Utilitarian reasons why a Utilitarian should not preach his Utilitarianism, except to those so secure in their Utilitarianism that no consequence thereof will lead them to question it. But driven by a natural human desire to make converts, rather than doing good in the world, the Utilitarians have not been content to follow this precept, and they must bear some of the responsibility. Of course it is possible that the conspirators were mistaken in think- ing that the likelihood of people's performing good Utilitarian acts would be affected by their acceptance or rejection of Utilitarian principles; and equally it is possible that no Utilitarian harm will be done by publishing the consequences of Utilitarianism. In that case the preaching of Utilitarianism will not be harmful, merely idle, though there will still be no good Utilitarian reason for publicizing Utilitarianism. That at any rate is my hope and my second defence: that however much the morally unsophisticated might be appalled by the deeds that Utilitarianism can be used to justify, and the deeds that might be done in its name, a modicum of ignorance, deception or human perversity may yet suffice to ensure that everybody acts for the Utilitarian best in the best of Utilitarian worlds. University of Warwick 0 DON LOCKE 1976 This content downloaded from 142.58.232.197 on Thu, 30 Nov 2023 22:15:51 +00:00 All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms