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Hercules
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Hercules
Seneca
Edited with Introduction, Translation,
and Commentary by
A . J. B OY L E
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For Athena,
Helen,
and James
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Let Hercules himself do what he may,
The cat will mew, and dog will have his day.
Shakespeare, Hamlet V.i.286–7
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Contents
INTRODUCTION1
I. Seneca and Rome
3
II. Roman Theatre
14
III. The Declamatory Style
31
IV. Seneca’s Theatre of Violence
39
V. Seneca and Suicide
45
VI. The Myth before Seneca
57
VII. The Play
68
VIII. Reception of Seneca’s Hercules127
IX. Metre
147
X. The Translation
152
T E X T A N D T R A N SL AT IO N 155
Selective Critical Apparatus
Differences from the 1986 Oxford Classical Text
252
262
C OM M E N TA RY 267
Select Bibliography
681
Indexes:
I. Latin Words729
II. Passages from Other Plays of the Senecan Tragic Corpus
736
III. General Index774
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IN T RODU C T ION
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I. Seneca and Rome
Quasi in tutte le sue tragedie, egli avanzò (per quanto a me ne
paia) nella prudenza, nella gravità, nel decoro, nella maiestà,
nelle ­sentenze, tutti i Greci che scrissero mai.
In almost all his tragedies he surpassed (in my opinion) in prudence, in gravity, in decorum, in majesty, in epigrams, all the
Greeks who ever wrote.
Giraldi Cintio Discorsi (1543)
Life and Works
Lucius Annaeus Seneca was born in 1 bce or shortly before in Corduba
(modern Córdoba or Cordova) in southern Spain, the second of three sons
to Helvia, the mater optima (‘best of mothers’) of Seneca’s ‘Consolation’ from
exile, and the cultivated equestrian, Annaeus Seneca (c.55 bce to
c.40 ce—­praenomen probably also Lucius), author of a lost history of Rome
and surviving but badly mutilated works on Roman declamation,
Controuersiae and Suasoriae. The youngest son, Mela, became the father of
the epic poet Lucan. Brought to Rome as a young child and given the standard ‘elite’ education in language, poetry and rhetoric, Seneca had become by
the early years of Tiberius’ principate (14–37 ce), while still in adolescence,
a passionate devotee of philosophy. He studied Stoicism with the philosopher Attalus, but was drawn also to Sextianism, a local, ascetic form of
Stoic-­Pythagoreanism with a strong commitment to vegetarianism, taught
by the philosophers Papirius Fabianus and Sotion. Before long he had been
dissuaded from Sextian practices by his father (Ep. Mor. 108.17–22). During
his youth and throughout his life Seneca suffered from a tubercular condition, and was impelled on one occasion to contemplate suicide when he
despaired of recovery. He records that only the thought of the suffering he
would have caused his father prevented his death (Ep. Mor. 78.1–2).
Ill health presumably delayed the start of his political career, as did a
­substantial period of convalescence in Egypt during the twenties under the
care of his maternal aunt. He returned to Rome from Egypt in 31 ce (surviving a shipwreck in which his uncle died), and entered the senate via the
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4
Introduction
quaestorship shortly afterwards, as did his elder brother, Gallio. By the
beginning of Claudius’ principate (41 ce) he had also held the aedileship
and the office of tribune of the people (tribunus plebis). During the thirties,
too, he married (although whether it was to his wife of later years who survived him, Pompeia Paulina, is uncertain), and he achieved such fame as a
public speaker as to arouse the attention and jealousy of the emperor Gaius,
better known as Caligula (Suet. Gai. 53.2, Dio 59.19.7–8). By the late thirties
Seneca was clearly moving in the circle of princes, among ‘that tiny group of
men on which there bore down, night and day, the concentric pressure of a
monstrous weight, the post-­Augustan empire’.1 His presence in high places
was initially short-­lived. He survived Caligula’s brief principate (37–41 ce)
only to be exiled to Corsica in the first year of Claudius’ reign (41 ce). The
charge was adultery with Caligula’s sister, Julia Livilla, brought (according
to Dio: 60.8.5) by the new empress, Claudius’ young wife, Messalina.
Seneca’s exile came at a time of great personal distress (both his father and
his son had recently died: Helu. 2.4–5), and, despite pleas for imperial clemency (see esp. Pol. 13.2ff.), lasted eight tedious years. During those years
Rome’s dominion expanded. The emperor’s power depended upon his control
of Rome’s army and, during Seneca’s exile, that army was put to work, acquiring five new provinces for the empire (two Mauretanias, Lycia, Britain, and
Thrace) in a period of rapid imperial expansion. In 48 ce Messalina was executed after her treasonous ‘wedding’ to the consul-­elect, Gaius Silius. In the
following year Seneca was recalled to Rome by Claudius’ new wife, Agrippina
(great-­granddaughter of Augustus, another of Calig­ula’s sisters and Claudius’
niece—­Seneca was later accused of having been her lover: Tac. Ann. 13.42.5,
Dio 61.10.1), and was designated praetor for 50 ce. His literary and philosophical reputation was now well established (Tac. Ann. 12.8.3), and, towards
the end of 49 (Tac. Ann. 53.2) or in 50 ce (following Claudius’ adoption of
Nero: Suet. Nero 7.1), he was appointed Nero’s tutor. This appointment not
only placed Seneca again at the centre of the Roman world, but brought him
immense power and influence when Agrippina (allegedly) poisoned her
emperor-­husband and Nero acceded to the throne (54 ce).
Throughout the early part of Nero’s principate Seneca (suffect consul
probably in 56 ce)2 and Afranius Burrus, the commander of the praetorian
guard, acted as the chief ministers of the young emperor, whose speeches
Seneca initially wrote, but whom they were increasingly unable to control.
1 Herington (1966: 429). For the Cinthio citation in the epigraph, see e.g. Crocetti
(1973: 184).
2 On the date of Seneca’s suffect consulship, see Griffin (1976: 73–4).
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Seneca and Rome 5
During this period Seneca became extremely wealthy. Nero’s matricide,
however, in 59 ce, to which it seems likely that neither Seneca nor Burrus
were initially privy,3 but for which Seneca wrote a post factum justification
(Tac. Ann. 14.11), signalled a weakening of the ministers’ power. When
Burrus died (perhaps poisoned) in 62 ce, Seneca, although his requests to
quit public life were officially rejected by Nero (Tac. Ann. 14.53–6, 15.45.3),
went into semi-­retirement.4 In 65 ce he was accused of involvement in the
Pisonian conspiracy against Nero and was ordered to kill himself. This
he did, leaving to his friends ‘his one remaining possession and his best—­
the pattern of his life (imaginem uitae suae)’ (Tac. Ann. 15.62.1).
Apart from a body of epigrams (many of which are certainly spurious)
and a prose-­verse Menippean satire on Claudius’ deification, Apocolocyntosis
(the ‘Pumpkinification’), Seneca’s extant writings can conveniently be
divided into the prose works and the tragedies. The prose works comprise
Naturales Quaestiones (‘Natural Questions’), the Dialogi (twelve books of
so-­called ‘Dialogues’, which include the three books of De Ira, ‘On Anger’), De
Clementia (‘On Clemency’—addressed to Nero on his accession), De Beneficiis
(‘On Benefits’), and Epistulae Morales (‘Moral Epistles’—addressed to his friend
Lucilius). Lost works include a biography of Seneca the Elder, speeches, ethnographical and geographical treatises on India and Egypt, treatises on physics,
and several philosophical works (among them De Amicitia, ‘On Friendship’, De
Matrimonio, ‘On Marriage’, and De Immatura Morte, ‘On Premature Death’).
The prose works focus on practical ethics and the progress to virtue. They are
infused to a greater or lesser extent with Stoic ideas concerning fate, god, virtue,
wisdom, reason, endurance, self-­sufficiency and true friendship, and are filled
with condemnation of the world of wealth and power (to which Seneca
belonged) and contempt for the fear of death. Central to their conception of the
world is the Stoic belief in divine reason/ratio as ‘the governing principle of the
rational, living and providentially ordained universe’, in which ‘only the Stoic
sage (sapiens) . . . can achieve virtue . . . and live the truly happy life’.5 Seneca’s
­philosophical writings cover a considerable period of time—­from the thirties
ce to their author’s death. Among the earliest to be written was Consolatio ad
Marciam, composed under Caligula (37–41 ce); among the last were Naturales
Quaestiones and Epistulae Morales, written during the years of Seneca’s
‘retirement’ (62–5 ce).
3 See Barrett (1996: 189).
4 Tac. Ann. 14.52: mors Burri infregit Senecae potentiam,‘Burrus’ death shattered Seneca’s power’.
5 Williams (2003: 4).
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6
Introduction
Ten extant plays have come down under Seneca’s name, eight of which
are agreed to have been written by him: Hercules, Troades, Phoenissae,
Medea, Phaedra, Oedipus, Agamemnon, and Thyestes. Such are their titles in
the E branch of the MS tradition. In the A branch Hercules, Troades,
Phoenissae, and Phaedra are respectively entitled Hercules Furens (still in
general use), Tros, Thebais, and Hippolytus. Of the eight only Phoenissae,
which lacks choral odes, is (probably) incomplete. The remaining two plays
are a tragedy, Hercules Oetaeus, and the tragic fabula praetexta, Octavia. The
former is almost twice as long as the average Senecan play and seems
to many—­on stylistic, linguistic, thematic, and dramaturgical grounds—­
non-­Senecan.6 The latter, in which Seneca appears as a character and which
seems to refer to events which took place after Seneca’s death, is missing
from E and is certainly not by Seneca.7 Each of the eight tragedies is marked
by dramatic features which were to influence Renaissance drama: vivid and
powerful declamatory and lyric verse, psychological insight, highly effective
staging, an intellectually demanding verbal and conceptual framework, and
a precocious preoccupation with theatricality and theatricalization.
Composed presumably in the second half of Seneca’s life, the plays cannot be dated with certainty. Many commentators accept a terminus ante
quem of late 54 ce for Hercules on the grounds that Apocolocyntosis (probably dated to November/December 54 ce)8 seems to parody it. And, though
the parody theory is clearly not certain, I have adopted a working hy­poth­
esis of a date of c.53–4 ce for this play. The earliest unambiguous reference
to any of Seneca’s plays is the Agamemnon graffito from Pompeii, of uncertain date but obviously before the catastrophe of 79 ce.9 The next is a cit­
ation from Medea by Quintilian, writing a generation after Seneca’s death
(Inst. 9.2.8; see also Inst. 8.3.31). Seneca, although he refers to tragedy and
the theatre in his prose works, makes no mention there of his own plays.
Some commentators assign them to the period of exile on Corsica (41–9 ce)
during the principate of Claudius; others regard it as more likely that their
composition, like that of the prose works, was spread over a con­sid­er­able
period of time. The important stylometric study of Fitch not only ­supports
the latter position but attempts to break the plays into three c­ hronologically
consecutive groups: (i) Agamemnon, Phaedra, Oedipus; (ii) Hercules, Troades,
6 See Boyle (2006: 221–3).
7 It is most plausibly dated to the early Flavian period: see Boyle (2008: xiii–xvi).
8 Griffin (1976: 129).
9 CIL iv. Suppl. 2.6698: idai cernu nemura, ‘I see the groves of Ida’ = Ag. 730.
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Seneca and Rome 7
Medea; (iii) Thyestes, Phoenissae.10 The groupings and implied chronology
are by no means agreed, but most modern scholars would probably accept
that on stylometric, dramatic, and other grounds Thyestes and Phoenissae
are Seneca’s final extant tragedies. The present e­ ditor also accepts that these
final tragedies are probably Neronian.11
The relationship between the tragedies and the prose works continues to
be debated. Although the tragedies are not referred to in the prose works,
they are still sometimes regarded as the product of Stoic convictions and the
dramatization of a Stoic world-­view. Certainly they abound in Stoic language and moral ideas (many of them evident in the prose works), and their
preoccupation with fate, with human emotion, psychology, and action, and
the destructive consequences of passion, especially anger, is deeply indebted
to the Stoic tradition.12 But this Stoicism is no ideological clothing but part
of the dramatic and critical texture of the plays.13 And to many, including
the present editor, the world-­view of most of the plays is decidedly unStoic,
even an inversion of Stoicism, cardinal principles of which are critically
exhibited within a different, more disturbing vision.14
Julio-­Claudian Rome
Although Seneca was born only a few years after Horace’s death he in­habit­ed
a different world. Horace (65–8 bce) lived through Rome’s bloody trans­
form­ation from republic to empire; he fought with Brutus and Cassius at
10 Fitch (1981).
11 A Tiberian or Caligulan date for Seneca’s plays, though theoretically possible, is most
unlikely, given Tiberius’ hostility to the theatre and reported execution of at least two tragic
dramatists and the ‘volatile and dangerous atmosphere’ of Caligulan Rome. Several Senecan
tragedies are perhaps to be assigned to the Claudian principate. Under Claudius imperial support for the dramatic festivals came without the oppressive control of a Caligula. The consular
tragedian, Pomponius Secundus, with whom Seneca debated tragic language, was active in
Claudian Rome. The stylistic differences, however, noted by Fitch, suggest a considerable gap
between the earlier plays and Thyestes and Phoenissae (perhaps even late Neronian: see Boyle
2017: xix n. 11).
12 See e.g. De Ira (for an analysis, see Boyle 2019: lvii–lxiv). For Stoic language and ideas in
Hercules, see Comm. ad 162–3.
13 Cf. Trinacty (2015: 38): ‘Stoicism is not the key by which one can unlock the single meaning of Seneca’s tragedies but rather one of many keys that help us to uncover the myriad associations that these works suggest.’
14 The question of the relationship between Seneca the philosopher and Seneca the tragedian has tended to privilege the former. But what is clear is that Seneca’s philosophical mode is
itself essentially theatrical. His letters and ‘dialogues’ are filled with scripted voices (of others
and himself) and his prime philosophical position is that of spectator/audience—­spectator of
others and of himself. Senecan philosophy ‘stages ethics’ (cf. Gunderson 2015: 105).
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8
Introduction
Philippi (42 bce). Seneca never knew the republic. Born under Augustus
and committing suicide three years before Nero’s similar fate, he lived
through and was encompassed by the Julio-­Claudian principate. Throughout
Seneca’s lifetime—­despite the preservation of Rome’s political, legal, moral,
social, and religious forms—­power resided essentially in one man, the prin­
ceps or emperor, sometimes (as in the case of Caligula) a vicious psychopath. Political and personal freedom were nullities. Material prosperity
increased (for all Romans, not simply for the upper classes), but for the
social elite the loss of political power brought with it a crisis of collective
and individual identity. In Rome and particularly at the court itself, on
which the pressure of empire bore, nothing and no one seemed secure, the
Roman world’s controlling forms used, abused, and nullified by the princeps’
power. Servility, hypocrisy, corrupting power indexed this Julio-­Claudian
world.
Or so at least the ancient historians would have us believe, most
­notably Tacitus, whose Annales, written in the first decades of the second
­century ce, documents the hatreds, fears, lusts, cowardice, self-­interest, self-­
abasement, abnormal cruelty, extravagant vice, violent death, the inversion
and perversion of Rome’s efforming values and institutions—­and, more
rarely, the nobility and heroism—­which to his mind constituted the early
imperial court. Tacitus’ indictment of the Julio-­Claudian principate is as
clear as it is persuasive. In the case of Nero, for example, the emperor’s
debauchery (Ann. 15.37), fratricide (Ann. 13.16–18), matricide (Ann.
14.8–10), uxoricide/sororicide (Ann. 14.60–4) are melodramatically portrayed. Witness the murder of Octavia, sister, step-­sister, and ex-­wife in
62 ce (Ann. 14.64):
ac puella uicesimo aetatis anno inter centuriones et milites, praesagio
malorum iam uitae exempta, nondum tamen morte adquiescebat. paucis
dehinc interiectis diebus mori iubetur, cum iam uiduam se et tantum
sororem testaretur communisque Germanicos et postremo Agrippinae
nomen cieret, qua incolumi infelix quidem matrimonium sed sine exitio
pertulisset. restringitur uinclis uenaeque eius per omnis artus exsoluuntur.
et quia pressus pauore sanguis tardius labebatur praeferuidi balnei uapore
enecatur. additurque atrocior saeuitia, quod caput amputatum latumque
in urbem Poppaea uidit.
So the girl, in her twentieth year, in the midst of centurions and soldiers,
already cut off from life by the foreknowledge of suffering, still lacked the
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Seneca and Rome 9
quietude of death. After a few days’ interval she is ordered to die, although
she pleaded that she was now an ex-­wife and only a sister and evoked the
shared lineage of the Germanici and lastly the name of Agrippina, under
whom, while she survived, she had endured an unhappy but non-­fatal
marriage. She is bound, and her veins are opened in every limb; then,
because her blood flowed too slowly, checked by fear, she is suffocated
with the steam of a boiling bath. There is an additional, more savage
­cruelty: her head was cut off and taken to Rome, where it was viewed by
Poppaea.
And the corollary of imperial vice and power: the black farce of Roman servility. Witness the city’s ‘joy’ in the aftermath of the failed conspiracy of Piso
in 65 ce (Ann. 15.71):
sed compleri interim urbs funeribus, Capitolium uictimis. alius filio, fratre
alius aut propinquo aut amico interfectis, agere grates deis, ornare lauru
domum, genua ipsius aduolui et dextram osculis fatigare.
Meanwhile funerals abounded in the city, thank-­offerings on the Capitol.
Men who had lost a son or brother or relative or friend gave thanks to the
gods, bedecked their houses with laurel, fell at the feet of Nero and kissed
his hand incessantly.
Indeed the ‘farce’ of Roman aristocratic behaviour, its theatricality, is a
major focus of Tacitus’ vision of the Julio-­Claudian principate.15 Roman
political life had always been theatrical.16 To the author of Annales, however, imperial Rome was the unacceptable apogee of earlier political theatre,
a profoundly histrionic culture, in which role-­playing had become the
dominant behavioural mode and acting the emblematic metaphor. In his
account of the principates of Augustus, Tiberius, Caligula, Claudius, and
Nero the distinction between play and public reality disappears. Nero’s initial ‘mimicries of sorrow’ (tristia imitamenta, Ann. 13.4), for example, at the
funeral of his adoptive father, Claudius, led into insistent attention not only
to the emperor’s appearances on the stage but to the political and social
15 Tacitus is not alone. For self-­dramatization and theatricality at the Caligulan court, for
example, see Philo Leg. 79, 93–7, 111, Suet. Gaius 11, 15.1, 31, 36.1, 54.1, 55.1, Dio 59.5.5, 26.6–8,
29.6. On the theatricality of early imperial Rome, see Rudich (1993: xvii–xxxiv), Bartsch (1994:
passim), Boyle (2006: 160–88).
16 See Boyle (2006: 3–23). On theatricality in the late republic, note Cicero’s analysis of the
individual in terms of four personae: Off. 1.107–15.
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10
Introduction
imperatives of role-­playing in the theatricalized world of imperial Rome,
where citizens mourn what they welcome (Ann. 16.7), applaud what they
grieve (Ann. 14.15), offer thanksgivings for monstrous murder (Ann. 14.59,
64), and celebrate triumphs for national humiliation or horrendous and
impious sin (Ann. 15.18, 14.12–13). In the narrative of Nero’s notorious
matricide there is a focus not only on role-­play and sets, but props, dialogue, stage directions, and tragic structure (Ann. 14.1–13). The theatrics
are overt and highly allusive. Agrippina’s ‘final words’ even draw Seneca’s
Jocasta into the text, as Nero’s mother reveals herself as the theatrical, incestuous figure she had always been.17
Nor does Nero’s death end the political theatre. The description in Tacitus’
Historiae of the people’s reaction to Otho’s conspiracy in 69 ce or to the
bloody fighting between the Vitellian and Flavian armies at the end of the
same year parades the theatricality of their behaviour (Hist. 1.32 and 3.83):
uniuersa iam plebs Palatium implebat mixtis seruitiis et dissono clamore
caedem Othonis et coniuratorum exitium poscentium ut si circo aut theatro
ludicrum aliquod postularent. neque illis iudicium aut ueritas, quippe
eodem die diuersa pari certamine postulaturis, sed tradito more quemcumque principem adulandi licentia adclamationum et studiis inanibus.
The whole populace together with slaves now filled the palace, demanding
with raucous cries the death of Otho and the destruction of the c­ onspirators
as if they were calling for some show in the circus or theatre. They had neither
sense nor sincerity (for on the same day they would clamour for the opposite
with equal passion), but followed the convention of flattering whoever was
emperor with unlimited applause and empty enthusiasm.
aderat pugnantibus spectator populus utque in ludicro certamine hos rursus
illos clamore et plausu fouebat.
The people attended the fighting as the audience for a show, and, as with a
stage battle, supported now this side, now that with shouts and applause.
Seneca’s prose works provide contemporary testimony of this theatricalized
world.18 Nature herself is said to have created us as ‘spectators for the great
17 See Boyle (2011: lxxxi–lxxxii).
18 For the many allusions in Seneca’s prose works to ‘le théâtre et les spectacles’, see Aygon
(2016: 13–140).
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Seneca and Rome 11
spectacle of reality’ (spectatores nos tantis rerum spectaculis, Ot. 5.3), Cato is
paraded as a moral ‘spectacle’ (spectaculum, Prou. 2.9ff.), Lucilius is exhorted
to do everything ‘as if before a spectator’ (tamquam spectet aliquis, Ep. Mor.
25.5; cf. Ep. Mor. 11.8ff.), ‘human life’ is declared ‘a mime-­drama, which
assigns parts for us to play badly’ (hic humanae uitae mimus, qui nobis partes
quas male agamus adsignat, Ep. Mor. 80.7). Though the Stoic goal is the single part, ‘we continually change our mask (personam) and put on one the
very opposite of that we have discarded’ (Ep. Mor. 120.22). Indeed Seneca’s
addressees are sometimes specifically instructed to ‘change masks’ (muta
personam, Marc. 6.1), or to stop performing: for ‘ambition, decadence, dissipation require a stage’ (ambitio et luxuria et impotentia scaenam desiderant,
Ep. Mor. 94.71). In life, as in a play (quomodo fabula, sic uita), what matters
is not the length of the acting but its quality (Ep. Mor. 77.20). Stoicism as a
philosophy abounds in theatrical tropes, as both Greek Stoic writings and
Seneca’s own Epistulae Morales testify,19 demanding from its heroes a
­capacity for dramatic display and exemplary performance. And Stoicism
was a philosophy of regular choice for the Roman imperial elite.
It was not primarily Stoicism, however, which turned Rome’s male elite
into actors. Few educated Romans would have found either theatrical self-­
display or a multiplicity of personae difficult. On the contrary, rhetorical
training in declamation (declamatio), including mastery of the ‘persuasion-­
speech’ or suasoria, which required diverse and sustained role-­playing, gave
to contemporary Romans not only the ability to enter into the psychic
structure of another, i.e. ‘psychic mobility’ or ‘empathy’,20 but the improvizational skills required to create a persona at will.21 As works such as Petronius’
Satyricon exhibit, the cultural and educative system had generated a world
of actors. So, too, the political system. The younger Pliny’s depiction of Nero
as ‘stage-­emperor’, scaenicus imperator (Pan. 46.4), catches only one aspect
of the theatricality of the times. Nero’s public appearances onstage late in his
principate seem to have been designed in part to parade his familial crimes
as acts of theatre. Among the tragic roles which he is reported by Suetonius
(Nero 21.2–3) as singing, sometimes ‘wearing the tragic mask’ (personatus),
were ‘Niobe’, ‘Canace in Labour’ (Canace Parturiens), ‘Orestes the Matricide’
19 See e.g. Ep. Mor. 74.7, 76.31, 115.14ff.; also Marc. 10.1. On Stoicism and self-­dramatization,
see Rosenmeyer (1989: 47ff.).
20 Terms used by the sociologist Lerner, quoted by Greenblatt (1980: 224ff.), in his detailed
discussion of the Renaissance capacity for ‘improvisation’.
21 For this ‘rhetorical fashioning of the self and others’ in Roman education, see Bloomer
(1997: 59) and also §III, 33–8 below.
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12
Introduction
(Orestes Matricida), ‘Oedipus Blinded’ (Oedipus Excaecatus), and ‘Mad
Hercules’ (Hercules Insanus). Juvenal (8.228–9) adds the roles of Thyestes,
Antigone, and Melannipe, and Dio (62.9.4, 22.6) those of Thyestes and
Alcmaeon.22 That some of the masks he wore were made to resemble either
his own features and those of women with whom he was in love (Suet. Nero
21.3, Dio 62.9.5) further confounded the distinction between illusion and
reality, between Rome’s theatre and Rome’s world. But Nero’s stage per­form­
ances made not only himself but the audience an actor and object of spectatorial attention.23 Degrees of enthusiasm, adverse responses, indifference,
and absence were noted in the audience by Nero’s claques and military staff
(Tac. Ann. 16.5).
Upper-­class Romans seated in the theatre were well fitted for the required
role of approving, adoring spectator, as for many others. Even private iconospheres—­at least so the evidence from Herculaneum and Pompeii and from
Nero’s own Domus Aurea suggests—­were theatrical. The walls of the houses
not only of the elite seemed regularly to have been adorned with theatrical
paintings, pre-­eminently of subjects drawn from tragic myth. It is arguable
that in early imperial Rome’s confounding culture the distinction between
persona and person began to collapse. Certainly the distinction between
‘reality’ and ‘theatre’ dissolves conspicuously within the theatre/amphi­theatre
itself, where buildings burn, actors bleed, spectators are thrust into the arena,
human and animal bodies dismembered, and pain, suffering, death become
objects of the theatrical gaze and of theatrical pleasure.24 In the year after
Nero’s death the emperor Vitellius sought popular support by joining ‘the
audience at the theatre, supporters at the circus’ (in theatro ut spectator, in
circo ut fautor, Tac. Hist. 2.91) only to become later the spec­tacle itself.
Tacitus’ account of imperial Rome’s distemper is prejudicial, in part
myopic. The author of Annales had experienced at first hand the human
degradation at the centre of the early principate, the paralysing nightmare
of a tyrant’s court (in his case that of Domitian). As had Seneca. And, as in
Tacitus, it shows. Indeed for Seneca late Julio-­Claudian Rome was not simply a theatricalized, but a self-­consciously dying, world. A world in which
death was a source of aesthetic pleasure (NQ 3.18) and the death-­wish
(libido moriendi, Ep. Mor. 24.25) a paradigmatic emotion, as individuals
22 Philostratus Vit. Apoll. 5.8 mentions the role of Creon. Suetonius also records that Nero
towards the end of his life intended to ‘dance Virgil’s Turnus’ (saltaturumque Vergili Turnum,
Nero 54).
23 See Bartsch (1994: 2ff.).
24 Strabo 6.2.6, Suet. Gaius 35.2, Nero 11.2, 12.2, Mart. Spec. 7, 8, Epig. 8.30, Dio 59.10.3.
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Seneca and Rome 13
sought the empowerment they lacked in life through the controlled artistry
of death. A world which felt the onset of its own dissolution (Thy. 875–81):
nos e tanto uisi populo
digni, premeret quos euerso
cardine mundus?
in nos aetas ultima uenit?
o nos dura sorte creatos,
seu perdidimus solem miseri,
siue expulimus.
Did we of all mankind seem
Worthy to be crushed by
A world disjoined?
On us has the final age come?
O we are creatures of bitter fate,
Whether we wretches destroyed the sun,
Or banished it.
The themes of Seneca’s tragedies—­vengeance, madness, power-­lust, passion, irrational hatred, self-­contempt, murder, incest, hideous death, fortune’s vicissitudes and savagery, a theatricalized and dying world—­were the
stuff of his life. Critics who think them merely rhetorical or literary commonplaces have not stared into the face of a Caligula (see Ira 3.18–19.5).
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