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NEW COMPARISONS IN WORLD LITERATURE
Economic Informality
and World Literature
Josh Jewell
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New Comparisons in World Literature
Series Editors
Upamanyu Pablo Mukherjee
Department of English Comparative Literary Studies
University of Warwick
Coventry, UK
Sharae Deckard
School of English, Drama & Film Studies
University College Dublin
Dublin, Ireland
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New Comparisons in World Literature offers a fresh perspective on one of
the most exciting current debates in humanities by approaching ‘world
literature’ not in terms of particular kinds of reading but as a particular
kind of writing. We take ‘world literature’ to be that body of writing that
registers in various ways, at the levels of form and content, the historical
experience of capitalist modernity. We aim to publish works that take up
the challenge of understanding how literature registers both the global
extension of ‘modern’ social forms and relations and the peculiar new
modes of existence and experience that are engendered as a result. Our
particular interest lies in studies that analyse the registration of this decisive historical process in literary consciousness and affect. We welcome
proposals for monographs, edited collections and Palgrave Pivots (short
works of 25,000-50,000 words).
Editorial board
Dr Nicholas Brown, University of Illinois, USA
Dr Bo G. Ekelund, University of Stockholm, Sweden
Dr Dorota Kolodziejczyk, Wroclaw University, Poland
Professor Paulo de Medeiros, University of Warwick, UK
Dr Robert Spencer, University of Manchester, UK
Professor Imre Szeman, University of Alberta, Canada
Professor Peter Hitchcock, Baruch College, USA
Dr Ericka Beckman, University of Illinois at Urbana-­Champaign, USA
Dr Sarah Brouillette, Carleton University, Canada
Professor Supriya Chaudhury, Jadavpur University, India
Professor Stephen Shapiro, University of Warwick, UK.
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Josh Jewell
Economic Informality
and World Literature
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Contents
1 Introduction 1
Neoliberalism and World-Literature 6
Method 10
Case Studies 14
Works Cited 26
2 From Malandros to Agregados: The Precarious Labourer
and the Novel Form in Nineteenth-Century Brazil 31
Introduction 31
Part I 35
Rethinking ‘Dialéctica malandragem’ 35
The Dialectic of Order and Disorder in the Text 40
Part II 50
The agregado and the Novel Form in Dom Casmurro 50
Works Cited 71
3 Sex
Work in Caribbean Fiction 75
Caribbean Fiction and Neoliberalism 81
Informal Aesthetics in Heading South 88
Haiti’s Informal Economy in the World-System 96
Order and Disorder 102
Works Cited 105
vii
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viii
Contents
4 Economic
Informality in South African Fiction109
Works Cited 140
5 (In)formal Structure in Wizard of the Crow145
Objective Form in Kenyan Fiction 148
Informal Labour and the Creative Economy 154
(In)formal Structure 163
Objective (In)formality in Wizard 170
Conclusion: Informality and Resistance 181
Works Cited 185
6 Precarious Core187
Part I 189
The ‘West’ and Modernity 189
The Vicar of Wakefield 194
Part II 203
Repressions and Representations 203
Abstraction and Hilary Leichter’s Temporary 213
The Social Cost of Reproduction: Race and Gender 219
Works Cited 224
Index227
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CHAPTER 1
Introduction
Let there be no mistake about it; it is to this zone of occult instability where the
people dwell that we must come; and it is there that our souls are crystallized
and that our perceptions and our lives are transfused with light.
—Frantz Fanon, “On National Culture”1
A bewildering and contradictory set of data, experiences, and critical positions attend the contemporary debate about labour. Despite the orthodox
claim that capitalism “eliminat[es] peasantries” and “push[es people] out
of agriculture” and into industry as proletarians (Endnotes n.p.), ‘long
downturn’ theorists note “a chronic under-demand for labour” (Benanav
117). Yet formal employment in the deindustrialised United States is
reported to be relatively high (Bureau of Labor Statistics, 2), leading those
such as Aaron Benanav to suggest that the problem is not “mass unemployment” but “continuously rising under-employment” (118). As a literary critic my own readings across world-literature tell a particular story
about the experience of work, one concerned not so much with proletarianisation and unemployment, but more with constant shifts between the
drastically different kinds of work people have to do in order to secure
minimal social reproduction.
1
From Fanon, Frantz. “On National Culture.” The Wretched of the Earth, translated by
Constance Farrington. Grove Press, 1963, pp. 227.
1
J. Jewell, Economic Informality and World Literature,
New Comparisons in World Literature,
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-53134-7_1
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2
J. JEWELL
The result of what is often called the moving contradiction of capital is
that more and more workers are drawn into a system of production that
increasingly renders them redundant through greater ‘efficiencies’ of the
process. This creates a vast ‘reserve army of labour’ which, when left
unaided by income from wage or welfare, often has to struggle for the
means to reproduce itself through ad hoc work, communal pooling of
resources, or eliciting the favour of patrons. Amid this to-ing and fro-ing,
the work that Maya Gonzalez and Jeanne Neton call “abject reproduction”—namely the work “no one else is willing to do”—will “in the end
mainly be foisted upon women” or, we might add, groups whose labour is
systematically devalued (171). But compare this—or Melinda Cooper’s
work on the deferral of reproductive labour to the family amid the neoliberal attack on the welfare state—with Harold Wolpe’s research on the
political economy of apartheid:
When the migrant worker has access to means of subsistence, outside the
capitalist sector, as he [sic] does in South Africa, then the relationship
between wages and the cost of the production and reproduction of labour
power is changed. That is to say capital is able to pay the worker below the
cost of his reproduction. (434)
Or John Lonsdale and Bruce Berman’s work on Kenya:
Elders who had organized the local circuits of reciprocity could convert
them into funds of accumulation; services once rewarded with the means of
production – women, livestock or land – might now be paid off with the
means of subsistence only, food or cash, and thus become a source of surplus
value. The potential for distortions of property rights, marital rights, parental or filial obligations, were endless, as indigenous modes of production
yielded up produce or labour to merchant or landed capital. (78–9)
A consistent feature of labour across the world-system, then, is the informal and improvisatory nature of people’s working patterns necessitated by
the articulation of modes of production. This is the crucial import of
Schwarz’s work on Brazilian fiction which features prominently the figure
of the agregado: “neither proprietor nor proletarian” who must shift restlessly between the opposed realms of a society that was simultaneously
slaveowning and bourgeois in search of work or patronage (“Misplaced
Ideas” 22). As diverse groups with different gender divisions of labour,
racialised histories of labour, and so on are unevenly integrated into the
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1
INTRODUCTION
3
capitalist world-system, literature has registered this erratic form of work
at the level of both content and form.
Taking my lead from the Brazilian critic Roberto Schwarz, for whom
cultural forms are shaped by objective conditions, in this book I analyse
the impact of economic informality on the novel across the world-system.
I am interested here in fiction which registers the experience of having to
move between what Gonzalez and Neton call the “indirectly market-­
mediated sphere” and the directly market mediated sphere, or wage labour
(153), which has led me to investigations into the literature of Brazil—
which, for much of the nineteenth century, maintained an articulated slaveowning and bourgeois economy; the Caribbean—a region with a large
population of informal workers long excluded from the high concentrations of capital in the hands of settlers and their descendants; South
Africa—which, under apartheid, maintained ‘Bantustans’ where labour
was reproduced at no cost to capital or the state; Kenya—a settler colony
which saw a variation of the South African model, not however legally
codified as was apartheid; and the United Kingdom and the United
States—where the dismantling of the welfare state has seen the cost of the
reproduction of labour itself shifted back onto families and communities.
By analysing Memoirs of a Militia Sergeant (1854), Dom Casmurro (1899),
Heading South (2006), The Pickup (2001), The Reactive (2014), Wizard
of the Crow (2006), and Temporary (2020), I argue that narratives of precarious workers in casual or informal employment in different parts of the
world-system are shaped by uneven and combined development. While
the concept of the ‘informal economy’—Keith Hart’s term for the non-­
wage labour sector in Ghana—has been used primarily by scholars of
African society and culture, I argue that by looking at work on economies
of favour, unofficial or extra-legal forms of governance or resource distribution, and non-wage sectors, from various locations across the world-­
system, we will see that social and economic informality is a common
thread of global capitalist modernity.2 Looking at criticism and fiction
2
The term world-system comes from Wallerstein, for whom modern global capitalism is
not a politically centralised entity like an empire (15) but an economic world-system in which
a “core” region and its institutions exercise effective hegemony. “[I]nternational capitalism
is a system that is simultaneously one, and unequal; with a core, and a periphery (and a semi-­
periphery) that are bound together in a relationship of growing inequality” (Moretti,
“Conjectures” 149). This book focuses largely on cultural production from semi-peripheral
zones, “in which ‘local’ and ‘global’ forces come together in conflictual and unsteady flux”
(WReC 67).
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4
J. JEWELL
from Brazil, Haiti, South Africa, Kenya, and the United Kingdom I explore
the aesthetic features that arise from and grapple with this crucial yet
undertheorised experience of global capitalist modernity.
Research on economic informality has largely taken place within
African studies, with many scholars citing Keith Hart’s 1973 essay on the
non-­wage labour sector in Ghana as the earliest sociological work on the
‘informal economy’. Ato Quayson, Sarah Nuttall, and Achille Mbembe
have produced the most influential studies on topics such as the aesthetics of superfluity (Mbembe 37), the cultural economy of free time
(Quayson 199), and the idea of the African metropolis or ‘Afropolis’
(Nuttall and Mbembe 1–36), where these flexible, improvisatory, and
informal itineraries and cultural forms manifest. Despite acknowledging
that many of these urban and cultural phenomena are shaped by “[t]he
vast expansion in urban populations along with the dramatic dislocations
in urban life since the oil crises of the 1970s”, work on economic informality has rarely looked beyond Africa to other locations that are vulnerable to the shocks of globalisation (Quayson 201). Indeed work on the
regional impacts of global modernisation has often sought to single out
Africa as an exceptional case—hence Nuttall and Mbembe’s idea of the
Afropolis. But if we put into dialogue research on different regions’
extra-legal resource distribution networks, non-wage sectors, and economies of favour, we begin to see that economic informality is one of the
unifying themes of global capitalist modernity. For Chabal and Daloz,
for example, “[t]he state in sub-­Saharan Africa has not been institutionalized – in that it has not become structurally differentiated from society – so that its formal structure ill-­manages to conceal the patrimonial
and particularistic nature of power” (1–2). Jobs, business contracts, and
resources are distributed through networks based on kinship and prestige rather than simply citizenship or merit. In postcolonial Africa, then,
the liberal capitalist institutions of the state or parliamentary democracy
are mediated by social ethics which contradict their ideal-typical function. Now consider Roberto Schwarz’s argument that, due to the coexistence of slavery and liberal capitalism in nineteenth-century Brazil, the
“access to social life” of “the free man” who was neither slave, nor “proprietor, nor proletarian”, “depended, in one way or another, on the
favour of a man of wealth and power” (22). “Favour” for Schwarz, “was
present everywhere, combining itself […] to administration, politics,
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1
INTRODUCTION
5
industry, commerce, the life of the city, the court, and so on” (22). This
ostensibly paradoxical economy of favour, born of the contradictory
pressures of slavery and liberalism, produces—for Schwarz—the novels
of Machado de Assis in which beleaguered freemen like José Dias struggle for agency whilst still trying to flatter capricious patrons like Bento
Santiago or Brás Cubas. The arbitrariness of the liberal values held by the
latifundia in such an environment is dramatised, for Schwarz, in
Machado de Assis’s Memórias Póstumas de Brás Cubas [The Posthumous
Memoirs of Brás Cubas] (1881) in which the eponymous narrator lays
bare the caprice of a slaveowning elite that nevertheless draped itself in
the mantle of a European high culture which included the anti-­slavery of
Voltaire and Diderot. The almost hilarious cruelty and the bizarre and
unreal behaviours of this unaccountable elite which marshals a paradoxical world of Liberalism and slavery are some of the strange aesthetics of
the nineteenth-century Brazilian novel as it engages with the nation’s
heterodox and articulated economy. Meanwhile Antônio Cândido reads
Almeida’s novel Memórias de um sargento de milícias [Memoirs of a
Militia Sargent] (first published serially between 1852–3, and as a novel
in two volumes in 1854 and 1855) as a text shaped by the erratic social
movements of the freemen or agregados who are dependent on favour.
Freemen often lived in poverty but had to move amongst the elite on
whom they were dependent for favour. For Cândido the constant oscillation between the worlds of order and disorder represented in the novel
grasps the basic social dynamic of nineteenth-century Brazil, a country
veering between divergent ideologies and political economies.
Bringing together the work of Schwarz and Cândido we see how a
range of aesthetics in the nineteenth-century Brazilian novel are shaped
by—and capture—the combination of and continuities between parts of
society that are institutionalised and non-institutionalised, official and
unofficial, licit and illicit, visible and invisible. Using specialist studies on
the hybrid, weakly institutionalised aspects of Caribbean and African societies, I attempt to show how Haitian, South African, and Kenyan fiction
have also captured the oscillation of precarious workers between client
networks and the state, between wage and non-wage labour. The form of
this fiction oscillates in a corresponding fashion, between regional and
global perspectives, between different linguistic and literary registers, and
between different representational schemas and ideologies.
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6
J. JEWELL
Neoliberalism and World-Literature
Research into informal labour will inevitably analyse how the novel form
has responded to neoliberalism’s attack on collective and socially useful
labour practices across the world-system. The global turn towards what
David Harvey calls “flexible accumulation”—where capital establishes a
much more noncommital and casual relationship with labour than under
Fordism―that was gradually consolidated throughout the twentieth
century has produced a section of the labour force without the protections afforded by formal employment, which often bears the brunt of the
neoliberal stripping-away of the social safety net (264). In literary studies
that look at responses to global capitalist modernity, a huge amount of
attention is paid to cultural registrations of proletarianisation, the exploitation of labour, the appropriation of human labour power as one of
nature’s ‘free gifts’, and so on. Michael Taussig’s work on the proletarianisation of neophyte Bolivians in The Devil in Commodity Fetishism in
South America; Kerstin Oloff ’s work on the ‘zombification’ of labour
in Haiti in her essay ‘Zombies, Gender, and World-Ecology’; Roberto
Schwarz’s work on how the coexistence of liberal capitalism and slavery
underpins the strange aesthetics of Machado de Assis in Master on the
Periphery of Capitalism; and Richard Godden’s work on how William
Faulkner’s novels register a similar set of conditions in Fictions of Labour
are a few examples of studies that show how the capitalist appropriation
of labour is a condition with cultural registrations across the modern
world-system. A recurrent theme in texts as geographically (and ideologically) disparate as James Kelman’s The Busconductor Hines (1984),
to Oonya Kempadoo’s Tide Running (2001), to Ivan Vladislavić’s
Portrait with Keys (2006), to Brian Chikwava’s Harare North (2009)
is the sense of boredom, frustration, and conflict of interest inherent in
work in the (semi-)periphery of the world-system—a zone where there
is a large reserve workforce whose labours are being wasted, or oriented
towards the market (through meaningless exchange-­value production)
and away from work on the nations’ materially underdeveloped civic
infrastructures.
What do we mean by ‘neoliberalism’, and how can this help us understand culture? As Huehls and Greenwald Smith say in the introduction to
their collection Neoliberalism and Contemporary Literary Culture, the
term can seem “[p]rotean, polymorphous, and frequently perverse”―a
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1
INTRODUCTION
7
shibboleth for “certain left-leaning academics” inclined towards simply
“imagining that so-called neoliberalism systematically opposes all things
public, collective, and regulatory” (1). In their call for neoliberalism to be
more rigorously instrumentalised as a critical tool, Huehls and Greenwald
Smith argue for its proper periodisation, contending that “neoliberalism
has advanced historically through four different phases or modes: the economic, the political-ideological, the socio-cultural, and the ontological”
(3). Huehls and Greenwald Smith go on to argue persuasively for understanding different cultural practices as broadly attempting to manage or
mediate the contradictions of these different phases, yet their examples are
drawn overwhelmingly from Anglophone core capitalist nations. Whilst
their periodisation of neoliberalism effectively challenges the received
notion that neoliberalism is a purely ‘Western’ economic project that
began with Thatcher’s and Reagan’s privatisations and attacks on organised labour in the 1970s, it tells us very little about the subjective experiences of a loss of, or lack of access to, the “deep, horizontal comradeship”―to
use Benedict Anderson’s phrase―of a workforce in the postcolonial world,
where collective labour was (and is) such a crucial part of progressive anticolonialist discourses and identities (7).
In this book I broaden the scope of Huehls and Greenwald Smith’s
study of neoliberalism: to look at literary registrations of work and its
routines outside of the core capitalist nations, in places that have never
had the broad, horizontal Fordist schemes of employment or labour
organisation that Thatcherism attacked. Put another way, what do neoliberal SAPs or ‘structural adjustment programs’, which orient labour
away from the public sector, look and feel like in places like Haiti, South
Africa, and Kenya, which have never enjoyed strong welfare states. I
draw on the work of scholars such as Frederick Cooper, whose research
reveals that elements of what we now recognise as the neoliberal ‘casualisation’ of labour were already evident across colonial Africa, to
explore the idea that contemporary world-systemic aesthetics of informality, precarity, and boredom have been globally and historically dispersed and are brought into the world-­novel today through what the
Warwick Research Collective call “the long waves of the capitalisation
of the world” (51).
But how exactly can this be instrumentalised as an interpretative heuristic for literature? A recurrent character across contemporary world-­
literature is the atomised individual labourer, struggling for a foothold in
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8
J. JEWELL
the chaotic global metropolis; driven to panicked ‘stream of consciousness’ outbursts; attempting to assimilate to a hostile society through hard
graft; hoping to redeem the promise of self-sufficiency and/or entry into
the officially sanctioned national workforce, a promise that propels the
novel forward in search of narrative closure. Here I am thinking of,
amongst literally dozens of examples, Ngũgı ̃ wa Thiong’o’s Wizard of the
Crow (2006), James Kelman’s The Busconductor Hines (1984), Tao Lin’s
Taipei (2013), Masande Ntshanga’s The Reactive (2014), Su Tong’s Rice
(1995), Brian Chikwava’s Harare North (2009), Chris Abani’s Graceland
(2004), Oonya Kempadoo’s Tide Running (2001), Yu Miri’s Tokyo Ueno
Station (2019), Paulo Lins’s City of God (1997), Teju Cole’s Every Day Is
for the Thief, Anya Ulinich’s Petropolis (2007), and Arvind Adiga’s The
White Tiger (2008). The fact that these novels reveal the economic hardship of life in places as disparate and diverse as Kenya, Johannesburg,
Glasgow, Rio de Janeiro, Bangalore, Lagos, London, Tobago, Taipei, and
New York suggests that the neoliberal paring back of the state, privatisations and asset stripping, economic shock therapy, and the ‘casualisation’
of labour is not merely a ‘Western’ phenomenon but rather a globally
disbursed logic.
Yet very similar themes and formal structures appear in parts of the
world-system as early as the 1860s in works such as Dostoevsky’s Crime
and Punishment (1866), Olive Schreiner’s Story of an African Farm
(1883), Zola’s Germinal (1885), Joseph Conrad’s ‘Youth’, Knut
Hamsun’s Hunger (1890), Alfred Döblin’s Berlin Alexanderplatz (1929),
and Lao She’s Rickshaw (1937). The fact that scholars such as Cooper
note that elements of neoliberalism appear as early as the 1930s―over
forty years before the inauguration of neoliberalism as a purely economic
project in the core capitalist nations―raises the question of the periodisation of ‘neoliberalism’. Is it even meaningful to speak of ‘neoliberalism’ (a
term generally associated with the more recent developments in global
capitalism through which we are all currently living and working) if its elements appear much further back in the history of capitalism? When used
in this way, does ‘neoliberalism’ not simply mean ‘late capitalism’ or ‘postmodernism’―terms that many critics have used to show how the present
economic moment is a rationalised version of previous phases of accumulation, distinct from, but clearly continuous with, the longue durée? In this
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1
INTRODUCTION
9
book I test one way of meaningfully utilising neoliberalism as a critical tool
by following the work of the Warwick Research Collective, namely their
urge to think of capitalism as bringing different regimes of accumulation―
‘primitive accumulation’ or accumulation by dispossession, liberal bourgeois capitalism, ‘flexible accumulation’―together into uneven
combination with one another. The same ‘flexible accumulation’ sanctioned by Thatcher and Reagan, which had the result of ‘casualising’
labour in the core capitalist countries, has been particularly visible across
the Caribbean virtually since the Haitian Revolution. Since the structural
adjustments of the Caribbean Basin Initiative in 1982, the ‘casualisation’
of labour has manifested as an orientation of labour away from infrastructural development and towards the cultivation of service economy monocultures in places such as Haiti, Saint Lucia, and Tobago, yet the labour of
hotel workers on ‘flexible hours’ is often underpinned by large amounts of
unpaid domestic labour still overwhelmingly performed by women, which
foots the bill of the reproduction of the labour for the service economy.
This combination of novel flexible labour in the service economy and
(ostensibly!) arcane forms of unpaid labour is what really characterises the
neoliberal moment across the Caribbean. Throughout the book I explore
the extent to which cultural productions from across the international
division of labour help to illuminate the social logic of neoliberalism, with
its claim to afford labourers ‘flexibility’, whilst in practice merely appropriating pre-existing forms of free labour. I therefore read informal economies as sites of residue or revival of pre- or non-capitalist forms of sociality,
such as non-wage labour, resource distribution through large and complex
kinship structures, and so on, combined with capitalist imperatives of individual development or profit, and certain kinds of prestige. The informal
is thus a paradigmatic site of uneven and combined development. If we see
neoliberalism, not as “a radical rupture in the history of capitalism, but
[as] rather a sort of outgrowth of familiar capitalist concerns” (Smith
20–1), we can begin to meaningfully draw comparisons between
nineteenth-­century Brazilian novels like Antonio de Almedia’s Memórias
de um sargento de milícias and Machado de Assis’s Dom Casmurro (1899),
and contemporary Caribbean and African fiction like Heading South and
Wizard of the Crow because we will understand them each to be responding to similar points in a world-systemic cycle.
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J. JEWELL
Method
Looking at conflicts between divergent ideologies or modes of production across various regions calls for a methodology that considers the relationship between national and international histories. Despite helping us
to understand the epistemological impact of colonisation, including the
tendency of (post)colonial literary cultures to ‘write back’ to the imperial
core and the ongoing crisis of former colonisers’ self-perception, postcolonial studies as a theory of transnational cultural production has had little
to say about the world-systemic material unevenness that imperialism consolidated. In “East Isn’t East” Edward Said points out that, while early
anticolonial criticism by authors such as C.L.R. James was “based on studies of domination and control made from the standpoint of either a completed political independence or an incomplete liberationist project” in
the ‘Third World’, contemporary postcolonialism “stresses the disappearance of the grand narratives of emancipation and enlightenment” (5). Neil
Lazarus has shown how postcolonial studies ‘exist[s] in a relationship of
supplementarity to “post-” theory’, while its leading commentators “condemn as naïve or, worse, tacitly authoritarian, any commitment to universalism, metanarrative, social emancipation, revolution” (Nationalism 10,
9). Notwithstanding its illuminating work on cultural forms arising from
or responding to the corrosive colonialist episteme, postcolonialism has
been unable (or unwilling) to formulate an immanent critique of colonialism as a phase of world-systemic capitalist modernisation. For Homi
Bhabha, the “hybrid location of cultural value” is the site from which “the
postcolonial intellectual attempts to elaborate a historical and literary project” (48). But the frictionless image of cultural hybridity Bhabha valorises
conceals the violent processes through which capitalist imperatives have
been “graft[ed] on” to other cultures (Knei-Paz 91). In light of the ‘Sewell
Report’s’ celebration of “a new story about the Caribbean experience
which speaks to the slave period not only being about profit and suffering
but how culturally African people transformed themselves into a re-­
modelled African/Britain” (Commission on Race and Ethnic Disparities
8), any critical formation which simply “exalt[s …] migrancy, liminality,
hybridity, and multiculturality” assents to the current reactionary climate
and will be unable to grasp the systematic violence and dispossession of
modernity (Lazarus, Postcolonial 21).
As the emphases of postcolonial studies appear now to cut dangerously
close to reactionary establishment dogma, a dissenting method for
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1 INTRODUCTION
11
thinking about imperialism and globalisation transnationally has emerged
in the field of International Relations (IR) with the revival of Leon
Trotsky’s concept of uneven and combined development. “Despite the
decisive importance of U&CD in Trotsky’s writings”, claimed Allinson
and Anievas in 2009, “the idea has, until recently, received little attention”
(49). We can recognise Lazarus’s critique of the postmodern tenor of
postcolonialism in Allinson and Anievas’s critique of IR:
Continually dissatisfied with the ahistorical and asocial premises of mainstream theories of international relations (IR), scholars in the field have
turned to the analytical tools of historical sociology. Marxism, traditionally
the most critical and historically oriented tradition of social theory, has consequently held a renewed appeal for the discipline. (47)
Allinson and Anievas first confront the epistemological issue of historical
critique. While Bhabha speaks from a “presumptive universalism”, taking
hybridity, heteroglossia, and in-betweenness as transcendental categories
of being and experience (Lazarus, Postcolonial 32), Allinson and Anievas
start by confronting the problem: “How can any social theory endogenously explain the causal efficacy of the inter-societal in the constitution of
social orders? How can the ‘internal’ (sociological) and ‘external’ (geopolitical) factors in social development be united into a single, coherent
explanatory apparatus?” (48). While Bhabha and others uncritically adopt
a historical perspective and set of values which celebrate the transitory, the
unstable, the nomadic—ignoring how amenable this is to capital—Allinson
and Anievas step back and ask how we might immanently critique historical change. The pair propose uneven and combined development as a
“‘general abstraction’ through which social theory can capture, as theoretically anterior, the ‘lateral field of causality’ arising from inter-societal
relations” (49). This is to read ‘inter-societal relations’—colonisation,
structural adjustment, trade war—not as a cross-pollination of cultures or
values, but as part of a basic historical process that we can recognise not as
a struggle between strong and weak powers (much less superior and inferior cultures), but simply as a series of unequal material exchanges within
and between societies. This historical process “is expressed in myriad ways
throughout pre-modern history, as well as across differing dimensions and
planes of internal differentiation within the ontological, though not yet
causally integrated, whole of world-societal development” (50). “In other
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12
J. JEWELL
words”, they say in summary, “the ‘unevenness of historical development’,
according to Trotsky, ‘is in itself uneven’ ” (50).
While the theory of uneven and combined development has appeared
periodically in Anglo-American literary studies—being taken up as early as
the 1980s by Jameson (see Political Unconscious 128, and 205–26), and
the 1990s by Lazarus (see Nationalism and Cultural Practice 16, 24–5,
49–51, 79, 176)—Franco Moretti and the Warwick Research Collective
are the first scholars to fully elaborate uneven and combined development
as an interpretative heuristic. For Moretti the novel is the paradigmatic
form of industrial capitalist northwest Europe (Distant Reading 18–19).
As imperialism imposes the cultural forms of capitalism on peripheral societies, “a culture starts moving towards the modern novel”, resulting in “a
compromise between foreign form and local materials” (“Conjectures”
60). In Modern Epic Moretti gives the example of Cien años de soledad (1967):
Grasped as ‘another story of accelerated modernization and of combined
development (239–40) and read through the Blochian lens of the ‘heterogeneity of historical time’, One Hundred Years of Solitude displays for
Moretti ‘another version of non-contemporaneity’ in a novel that, like Faust
[…] ‘tells the story of “incorporation”: of an isolated community that is
caught up in the modern world-system, which subjects it to an unexpected,
extremely violent acceleration. It is the novel of uneven and combined
development’ (243). Evidenced in various technical devices conventionally
associated with modernism – digressions, restlessly shifting viewpoints, subversions of conventional causality, chronological disjunction, recursiveness –
the form of the novel gestures to the uneven results of forced integration to
the modern world-system, exemplifying ‘Macondo’s role in the international division of labour’ (244). The ‘compromise’ represented by the novel’s form registers not the liberally consensual process implied by cultural
hybridisation, but, on the contrary, ‘enslavement to monoculture’. It
embodies the violence of capitalism, the uneven advance of modernity[.]
(qtd. in WReC 54)
The seemingly magical acceleration of time which characterises Cien años
describes a rapid and painful kind of social development within a form that
tends to describe individual development. Similarly, European modernist
tropes are refashioned to describe not inner turmoil as Lukács has it
(Eagleton 18), but social shock in a periphery of capitalism. The Colombian
experience since European invasion in the late fifteenth century has been
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1 INTRODUCTION
13
characterised by violence, disease, slavery, genocide, resource extraction,
and the conversion of the region into an ecological monoculture primed
to export cheap raw materials to core capitalist countries. This process
involved the imposition of industrial machinery on a variety of agrarian,
pastoral, and non-capitalist urban civilisations, thereby “skipping a ‘whole
series of intermediate stages’ of development” (Trotsky qtd. in Allinson
and Anievas 52). This kind of development characterised by the simultaneity of non-simultaneous phenomena—industrial mining technology
amidst a livestock-driven transport infrastructure—finds a correlative cultural registration of uneven combination in texts such as Cien años where
an advanced capitalist form like the novel mediates a pre- or partially capitalist local reality. By reading novels from exploited regions of the capitalist
world as shaped by and descriptive of unequal material exchanges and the
simultaneity of the non-simultaneous, Moretti deploys a method which
grasps fiction as uniquely responsive to long, fraught, and uneven inter-­
societal histories. By thinking comparatively about fiction from across the
world in terms of struggle and inequality, rather than in terms of unilateral
cultural imperialism or the facile terms of ‘hybridity’, Moretti provides a
useful corrective to the pitfalls of some postcolonial criticism.
One group of scholars who have engaged deeply with Moretti’s work is
the Warwick Research Collective (WReC), whose 2015 book Combined
and Uneven Development attempts to develop his idea of the novel as a
world-form. While much of Moretti’s work is successful in challenging the
Liberal and postmodern epistemes of comparativist methods, WReC critique his tendency to overlook the shades of grey in the global distribution
of wealth and power. WReC challenge Moretti’s characterisation of “literary forms moving uni-directionally from cores to peripheries” (55–6), and
his “overstat[ing] the ‘homogeneity’ of conditions in the core territories
and regions” (55). While Moretti focuses substantially on ‘major writers’—many of them European, plus a few exemplars from peripheral societies such as García Márquez—WReC attend to a far greater range of
writers, such as the Spanish author Pio Baroja and Slovakian author Peter
Pišt’anek, who show the heterogeneity of conditions in the core capitalist
region of Europe. WReC also depart from the ‘uni-directional’ movement
of forms from core to periphery, demonstrating how Dostoevsky, Machado
de Assis, and Multatuli develop, from conditions of backwardness, forms
which prefigure the ‘innovations’ of high European modernism. I find
WReC’s to be a more nuanced and flexible approach than Moretti’s, but
by pushing their critique of Moretti further I think we can do better still.
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For while Moretti polarises the core and periphery of the world-system
thereby overlooking nuances of cultural production in semi-peripheral
zones such as Brazil, South Africa, and India, WReC limit their correction
of this tendency to an exploration of the European literary periphery on
the one hand and Sudan on the other (the chapter on South African author
Ivan Vladislavic is a crucial exception). Similarly, in showing how forms
and ideas travel from (semi-)periphery to core, for example, WReC rely on
Lukács’s work on Dostoevsky and Schwarz’s work on Machado. Here I
attend to the nuances of cultural and critical production in (semi-)peripheral regions by looking in more detail at the writers’ and critics’ consciousness of uneven conditions and to one specific way in which capitalist
relations have been lived across the world-system. In Chap. 2, for example,
I suggest that Brazilian critic Antônio Cândido’s work on Brazilian fiction
contains a world-literary reading model which predates the work of
Schwarz and prefigures the Anglo-American turn to uneven and combined development.
Case Studies
In this book I hone in on one structural analogue of several regional histories: economic informality. Cândido, Carvalho Franco, and Schwarz
have all shown how the coexistence of slavery and bourgeois capitalism in
Brazil produced a large surplus labour force of free people who became
dependent on forms of non-wage work. This uneven and combined development was brought about by the colonisation of the area today known as
Brazil by Portugal, which had emerged from early modern European
power struggles with naval supremacy (Burns 20). The 1494 Treaty of
Tordesillas ‘gave’ the eastern seaboard of South America to Portugal, and
thereafter Atlantic trade financed the nation’s shift from a heavily agrarian
to a mercantile economy (Burns 22–3). As British naval supremacy eclipsed
Portugal’s in a subsequent accumulation cycle of the world-system (Arrighi
220), Britain became guarantors of the Portuguese Empire. With enslaved
peoples brought from Portuguese Angola, Brazil became a sugar monoculture (Burns 42–3). When the European crisis of the Napoleonic wars
threatened Portugal, the court of Dom João moved to Rio de Janeiro
under British naval protection (Bethell 57), meaning that Portugal was
able to exploit royal prestige to resist British calls for abolition, which
would have harmed sugar profits (Bethell 59). Brazil won independence
in 1822, and the politically powerful latifundia of the untethered nation
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1 INTRODUCTION
15
ensured that the transition away from slavery was as slow as possible. Due
in part to the inter-societal struggles of Europe, then, Brazil would become
a nation that was agrarian yet with a strong transnational mercantile class,
slaveowning yet bourgeois.
This uneven and combined development informed Brazilian culture.
“[W]e were an agrarian and independent country”, writes Schwarz,
“divided into latifundia, whose productivity depended on the one hand on
slave labour and on the other on a foreign market” (“Misplaced Ideas”
20). Brazil was thus a country of “bourgeois economic thinking”—given
that the economy was oriented towards “international trade”—“which
had become independent not long ago in the name of French, English and
American liberal ideas”, but “with equal necessity, this ideological ensemble had to be at war with slavery and its defenders and yet live with them”
(“Misplaced Ideas” 20). This articulated economy created a class of free
people or agregados, who had a bizarre ideological relationship to the ruling class: “[n]either proprietor nor proletarian” they could not sell their
labour in a slave economy, so “the free man’s access to social life and its
benefits depended, in one way or another, on the favour of a man of wealth
and power” (“Misplaced Ideas” 22). This impacted Brazilian culture
because:
[f]avour was present everywhere, combining itself with more or less ease to
administration, politics, industry, commerce, the life of the city, the court,
and so on. Even professions, such as medicine, or forms of skilled labour,
such as printing, which in Europe were on the whole free of favour, were
among us governed by it. As the professional depended on favour to exercise his profession, so the small proprietor depended on it for the security of
his property, and the public servant for his position. Favour was our quasi-­
universal social mediation – and being more appealing than slavery, the
other relationship inherited from colonial times, it is understandable that
our writers based their interpretation of Brazil upon it, thereby unwittingly
disguising the violence that had always been essential to the sphere of production. (“Misplaced Ideas” 22)
For Schwarz, the Brazilian worker’s place in the labour market depended
neither on merit nor on the production of surplus value, but on maintaining the favour of the ‘big men’ in sprawling patron-client networks.
Maintaining favour required a delicate performance, balancing an outward
appearance of equality before the law in homage to the liberal tenets of the
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nation, while remaining in practice subordinate to the caprice of
one’s patron.
Liberalism, which had been an ideology well grounded in appearances, came
to stand for the conscious desire to participate in a reality that appearances
could not sustain. When he justified arbitrariness by means of some ‘rational’ reason, the beneficiary consciously exalted himself and his benefactor,
who, in turn, had no motive to contradict him, rationality being the highest
value of the modern world. Under these conditions, which side believed in
the justification? (“Misplaced Ideas” 24)
So a social informality pervaded nineteenth-century Brazil, where agregados—little better than slaves in this crushingly hierarchical society—had to
be superficially treated and behave as equals of their bourgeois or noble
benefactors. We see this in Dom Casmurro when the decorated minister
Father Cabral and José Dias, the Santiago household’s agregado, debate
the role of vocation in clerical work. Cabral’s argument is manifestly contradictory, but the subtle weight of his nobility crushes his opponent, who
was obliged to participate in a ‘debate between equals’ in this uniquely
relaxed and informal society, despite also being structurally disqualified
from winning it. Schwarz grasps this informality, which is in fact a displacement of coercion and violence, as a social and cultural result of
Brazil’s uneven and combined development.
In this book I look at examples of informality arising from histories of
uneven and combined development in Brazil, Haiti, South Africa, Kenya,
the U.S. and U.K. By doing so we see that, just as WReC show conditions
are not homogeneous in the core capitalist countries, conditions are not
homogeneous in the (semi-)periphery either—writers (and their characters) are forced to strategically balance the conflicting imperatives in starkly
articulated economies, shuttle between the realms of privilege and poverty, and engage ingeniously in the vast patron-client networks through
which resources are distributed. In Chap. 2, I take Cândido’s 1970 essay
on Memórias de um sargento de milícias, “Dialéctica da Malandragem”
[“Dialectic of Malandroism”], to be an early example of the informal in
fiction grasped as a world-systemic feature. The novel follows Leonardo, a
young trickster figure or malandro, as he moves between a variety of
households and jobs—both precarious and illustrious—in early nineteenth-­
century Rio de Janeiro. The environment engendered by the malandro’s
circulation through the full gamut of Regency-era Rio—which I will read
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1 INTRODUCTION
17
as an environment of informality—constitutes, for Cândido, the objective
form of the novel. For Schwarz and Edu Teruki Otsuka, Almeida’s organisation of the novel around local conditions, including its “capricious balancing” of slavery and liberal ethics (Cândido “Malandroism”, 95),
abdicates all moral authority, leaving the text in a cul-de-sac of literary
history. I attempt to nuance this reading by showing how Machado de
Assis’s 1899 novel Dom Casmurro follows Almeida in using local manifestations of uneven development as a formal principle, but in this case
Machado integrates the exploitative relations of informality into the structure and interpersonal relations of the novel. I show the agregado José
Dias’s integral role in the plot structure of a novel shaped by the tragic
victory in Brazil of the most regressive historical currents. Dom Casmurro
shows the role that informality plays in a total social process of sclerotic
modernisation.3
Representations of intermediate classes of casual workers and freemen
appear in other slave societies that were externally oriented towards the
world market. In Patrick Chamoiseau’s extraordinary novel Texaco (1992)
a roving band of carpenters headed by Théodorus Sweetmeat criss-cross
Martinique fixing houses, crafting coffins, and hiring themselves out
wherever required. Théodorus is described as a flexible labourer who has
worked all over the “the brand new world”:
he had been a navy carpenter, then he worked on a Dutch island following
a shipwreck, and-then was a buccaneer, and-then a militiaman God knows
where, and-then the ruined owner of a little farm in some hole in Guadeloupe,
and-then sailor on some God-knows-what floating thing in the Mexican
Gulf. (56–7)
Théodorus is a product of the unregulated casual job market of the colonial world, and in this spirit he draws together some of the freemen of
Martinique to live as itinerant labourers. Just as Leonardo shuttles between
the poles of order and disorder, poverty and prestige, in Memórias,
Théodorus shifts constantly between “the overseers’ quarters, with wheat
bread, some modest Bordeaux wine, and dry sausages from Alsace” (57),
and his sexual exploits among the enslaved women on the plantations
3
It is a novel that continues to resonate in light of the parliamentary coup against Dilma
Rousseff—the result of the elite abandoning a precarious settlement between capital and
labour brokered by Lula da Silva.
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J. JEWELL
(55–6). Eventually the carpenters build a kind of boarding house for
affranchis or freed people, some of whom work in the island’s hidden
economy of sex work (64–6), and as the affranchi economy grows,
Esternome—the narrator’s father—ends up doing a huge amount of work
expanding ‘the City’. This story about the affranchis’ contribution to the
island and ‘the City’ makes Texaco a “collective bildungsroman” told by
Marie-Sophie in an effort to convince a city planner not to demolish the
eponymous township (Rubenstein 35). Texaco itself is a community of
casual labourers, odd-job men, hired help, muscle, and sex workers, and
the fact that Marie-Sophie’s narrative moves the urban planner to spare
the town and plug it into the electricity grid suggests a recognition of the
role of non-routinised, non-Fordist, non-Taylorist forms of labour
throughout Martinican history. Several of Texaco’s key characters, its overall plot structure, and its very form shift constantly between ‘the City’ and
the plantation, or ‘the City’ and the township, all of which is conveyed
through the imported European Bildungsroman form. Here then we have
a Caribbean manifestation of a dialectic of order and disorder.
Scholars such as Sidney Mintz have shown how, like Brazil, the
Caribbean was turned by colonial forces into sugar, rum, and coffee
monocultures, which “served as low-cost, high-energy food substitutes
that helped cheapen the living costs of the labouring classes in the core”
(Campbell and Niblett 3). The region’s integration into the world-system
as a source of cheap commodities and labour has made the Caribbean a
paradigmatic case of uneven and combined development, featuring a
dearth of civic infrastructure (as explored in Pauline Melville’s “Erzulie”
(1998) and Earl Lovelace’s Salt (1996)) and enormous wealth disparities.
The long history of the region’s unevenness and economic informality is
captured in Texaco, but unlike in the Brazilian novel—which has always
focused on the malandro and the agregado—the figures of economic
informality have received less attention in Caribbean fiction. Jamaican
critic Sylvia Wynter’s concept of ‘plot and plantation’ can still help us
attune to the non-wage and favour-based domestic economies that existed
within export-oriented regions. For Wynter, the Caribbean was a market-­
oriented plantation society, whose enslaved labourers simultaneously
maintained an “autochthonous” system of producing goods for communal use, “what we shall call the plot system” (96). Yet people operating in
this economy—especially after abolition—would have to compromise
with market imperatives (101). Initially this articulation of plot and plantation imperatives will not gain the density of the Brazilian economy of
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1 INTRODUCTION
19
favour, but it appears superficially as content from the 1930s. Interclass
affairs, clientelist landlords, and non-wage economic activity appear in
C.L.R. James’s Minty Alley (1936), while Alfred Mendes’s Pitch Lake
(1934) sees Joe da Costa ascend through the circles of Trinidad’s
Portuguese community. But Mendes, in particular, simply inverts
Almeida’s model of organising the novel around local conditions and
inserts Trinidad life into a fable about the spiritual emptiness of social
mobility. In Jacques Roumain’s Gouverneurs de la roseé [Masters of the
Dew] (1944), Manuel, a migrant worker, returns to his Haitian home and
attempts to unite the peasantry, the farmers, the poor, and others into a
collective that can stand against the world-economic waves breaking on
the nation’s shores. Manuel’s vision is one of progressive domestic modernisation, managed by organised labour, and articulated (initially) within
an indigenous metaphysical episteme. As Michael Dash argues, “Roumain
wished to see in the coumbite a modern-day ‘Bois-Caïman’ ceremony
where the transfer from the sacred to the secular is made and masses mobilized using an ancient rite” (14). In imagining the whole of Haitian society, Roumain has recourse to something like Cândido’s dialectic of order
and disorder, in which the diverse cultural and ritual energies of Haiti
become an integral part of the modernising, secular nation state.
Meanwhile Ralph de Boissière’s Crown Jewel (1952) uses interclass and
interracial relationships to symbolise “the alliance between black and
brown middle classes and the working-class masses” and George
Lamming’s In the Castle of My Skin (1953) “conveys a similar sense of
fluidity” as “rigid colonial hierarch[ies]” break down (Niblett 54).
In the wake of failed or compromised postcolonial nationalist projects
which sought to integrate ethnically diverse societies and redistribute
resources, Caribbean fiction confronted class division and the uneven integration of nonsynchronous social forms. Using Schwarz’s class-based critique of fiction, we can see the emergence of intermediate classes forced to
shift between the privileged and deprivileged poles of postcolonial society
in novels like Lovelace’s The Wine of Astonishment (1982) in which the
villagers of Bonasse “have managed to maintain an alternative habitus to
that imposed by the colonial order” (Niblett 83). They organise their
resistance through the church, but “the form of collectivity embodied in
the church has not been generalized to the rest of society, which remains
structured along imperialist lines” (Niblett 85). As the villagers are forced
to balance the twin imperatives of use-value-oriented rural society and
exchange-value-oriented market society (a form of Wynter’s dialectic of
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20
J. JEWELL
‘plot and plantation’), the novel works through a similar set of structural
contradictions faced by Brazilian fiction of the bourgeois-yet-slaveowning
era. After the structural adjustment of Caribbean economies by neoliberal
policies such as the Caribbean Basin Economic Recovery Act (CBERA),
which sought to stimulate “export-oriented growth” (Clark and Schaur
286), tourism floods into the region, resulting in bodies and ecologies
being fetishised and drawn into exploitative interracial, interclass, and
international relationships. Jamaica Kincaid’s A Small Place (1988),
Pauline Melville’s The Migration of Ghosts (1998), and Oonya Kempadoo’s
Tide Running (2001) explore the sexual and class politics of one such set
of relationships. In the latter, attractive young brothers Cliff and Ossie
share casual relationships with people from across Tobago until Cliff’s
relationship with Bella, a middle-class woman from the island, and Peter,
a corporate lawyer, becomes increasingly transactional. When some cash
goes missing from the couple’s home they become suspicious that Cliff is
stealing from them, exposing bourgeois fears about the dangers of intimacy with their working-class victims. The novel concludes with Cliff
stealing the couple’s car and going on a rampage around the island. As the
narrative slips into an unsettled stream of consciousness, we are led to
believe that Cliff suffers from kleptomania—his unconscious response to
cross-class intimacy was to steal, and this desire has now burst forth in a
flurry of property destruction. The novel begins to grasp the region as a
faultline in the seismic shifts of neoliberalisation, where meetings of local
precariats and transnational elites are seen as articulating world-systemic
velocities. But the deferral of Cliff’s desire to redress class disparities
through his relationship with Bella and Peter to mental illness pathologises
an authentic resentment and suspends its political horizon.
In Chap. 3 I argue that Dany Laferrière’s Heading South succeeds
where Tide Running fails. The novel follows poor young Haitians as they
oscillate between the various social spaces of the nation in order to pursue
casual sexual relationships with wealthy elites and foreign tourists. The
various narrative strands are woven through a fragmentary structure which
obliquely gestures towards the nation’s sexual economy—while Charlie
sleeps with Missie Abel to help his relatives remain living as domestic servants in her family home, the Magic Boys provide an auxiliary sex work
service in a beachfront hotel. Laferrière follows previous Caribbean
authors in representing discrepant classes, but crucially he also confronts
the complex, dynamic, occasionally illicit interactions between these
classes and how this might be structurally integral to a national economy.
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1 INTRODUCTION
21
Haiti has “one of the most liberal trade regimes in the world”, thus exacerbating colonial-era disparities documented in earlier Caribbean fiction
discussed above (Hallward 6). The massive and exhausted precariat must
criss-cross the city engaging in wage and non-wage labour, siphoning off
value from anyone who possess it through licit or illicit means. And while
the transnational elite are “barricaded behind walls of paranoia and contempt”, they are also dependent on the domestic working-class whom
they exploit as hired help or sex workers (Hallward 3). The novel’s constant shifts between working-class homes, tennis clubs, and ambassadorial
estates grasp the objective social dynamic of Haiti, one where the privileged and deprivileged poles of the international division of labour meet in
an ostensibly informal environment, but one which obscures an exploitative and violent world-systemic struggle. Thus we witness a Haitian dialectic of order and disorder. Yet formally we see Wynter’s dialectic of plot
and plantation in the novel as well. Much like in Memórias, the overall feel
of the novel is one of relaxed and humorous interaction between discrepant classes. But Oana Sabo’s work on Laferrière’s complex relationship to
francophone culture shows that the novel performs elements of French
High literature whilst also gesturing towards the local realities that this
form is unable to capture.
For many scholars the informal economies of Africa are paradigmatic of
social and economic formations produced by the pressures of colonialism
and capitalist liberalisation. For Harold Wolpe, apartheid was the codification of a violent state infrastructure seeking to coerce Black workers to
continue to work for wages “below the cost of [their] reproduction” as
labour, even while such a political economy gradually destroyed the pre-­
capitalist communities it exploited (434). The fact that the ANC’s neoliberal Growth, Employment and Redistribution policy (GEAR) swiftly
followed the apartheid regime has meant that any serious redistribution of
resources was foreclosed and the racial capitalism of minority rule has
remained intact. Indeed for Jane Poyner, “the new South Africa looks
depressingly too much like the old” (5), and recent fiction has foregrounded attempts to live outside of the feeble protections of both the
‘can’t do’ state and the nation’s rapidly growing corporate sector. In light
of what Martin Murray has called South Africa’s deferred post-apartheid
revolution where the state failed to deliver economic improvement to the
nation’s racial majority (3–4), a pervasive disillusionment with formal
political and economic institutions has made the informal sector (including the kasi or township markets, and extra-legal ventures) seem the only
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22
J. JEWELL
viable options for many. While scholars such as Jane Guyer, Filip de Boeck,
and AbdouMaliq Simone have celebrated the functional, democratic
aspects of South Africa’s informal sector, recent fiction has explored the
troubling world-historic pressures which shape it, its oft exploited precariat, and the extent to which it supports as well as challenges the hegemonic
forces it seeks to escape. In Chap. 4 I argue that Nadine Gordimer’s The
Pickup (2001) grasps economic informality as the fetish of a liberal elite,
while Masande Ntshanga’s The Reactive (2014) sees it as an attempt to
escape the imperatives of both traditional community and capital, whilst
ironically bringing them into uneven combination.
Given South Africa’s colonial history, and subsequent apartheid regime,
the country has combined disparate modes of production and social forms
in a comparable way to Brazil. Just as the patriarchal ‘Big House’, both
bourgeois and slaveholding, was the paradigmatic monad of nineteenth-­
century Brazil (Freyre 31), for J.M. Coetzee large extended families
formed in rural South Africa: “about each farmer-patron there comes to
cluster a band of dependents and hangers-on doing little work and getting
the poorest of wages” (White Writing 31). The colonial- and apartheid-­
era structure of South African society, shaped by world-systemic imperatives, generated a local iteration of clientelism and favour, whose cultural
results I analyse as an index of combined unevenness. I draw on a wide
range of scholarship to argue that apartheid and the subsequent transition
to neoliberalism maintained “cheap black labour” for an (initially) white
elite trading “maize and gold” on the global market (Alexander 22). This
was achieved through the “political balkanisation of African societies into
bounded tribes and, subsequently ‘homelands’ or ‘Bantustans’”, whose
inhabitants would have to travel into wealthy white enclaves for work
(Dubow 42). Many workers thus existed in a state of migrancy, oscillating
between domestic work in white suburbs, mine labour, and their strategically underdeveloped ‘homelands’. I discuss how short fiction published in
magazines such as Staffrider registers this oscillation between the worlds
of order and disorder generated by apartheid. This frenzied criss-­crossing
of social landscapes in search of subsistence remains a feature of The Pickup
and The Reactive—while Ibrahim pays in kind for a squalid room behind
the garage in which he is illegally employed, Lindanathi and his friends
shuttle between HIV and drug support groups attempting to sell antiretroviral drugs.
The state-driven attempt to suppress the social progress of people on
the arbitrary basis of physical characteristics generated a local iteration of
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1 INTRODUCTION
23
what Schwarz, writing about Brazil, calls an economy of favour. One of
the aims of apartheid, argues Louw, “was to rerank Afrikaners upward
within Milner’s racial-capitalist order and end the “consuming sense of
inferiority” that Afrikaners felt in the face of “the dismaying affluence of
the English” (34). Afrikaner labour was the chief beneficiary of a deeply
paternalistic and interventionist state, and all labour had to engage with
this culture of clientelism if it wanted to maintain favour. “The homeland
policy gave birth to a large parasitic network of black bureaucrats who
were part of an apartheid patronage system” (Louw 82). Crucially, it is the
persistence of this racialised clientelism under democracy that haunts The
Reactive—Nathi jadedly remarks that “it didn’t take much to go to school
for free, in those days, or rather to trade on the pigment we were given to
carry” (7). While South Africa’s disturbing racial history forecloses much
comparison with the ostensibly relaxed informality of Brazil, the post-­
apartheid discourse of rainbowism—concealing ongoing racialised economic rifts—appears parallel to the contradictory articulated economy
noted by Schwarz.
In The Reactive Nathi seemingly deliberately contracts HIV while
working in a lab, then sells the antiretroviral drugs he receives on a private
health-care plan provided as part of his severance package. For Andrew
van der Vlies, Nathi is both a precarious figure in an interstitial economy
and an ideal neoliberal subject—resourceful, flexible, and self-sufficient.
This informal work defers both participation in the corporate sector and
his ulwaluko or circumcision which would make him a man in the eyes of
his family. Nathi is therefore akin to the figure of the kòbòlò as described by
Ato Quayson in his work on the informal sector in Accra: a figure “in a
structural transition between socially acceptable age-related activities” with
an “attachment to street life” (emphasis in original, 199). The kòbòlò is
one of the key figures in this sector, for Quayson, someone who must “be
between short-term, low-paying jobs in the informal economy”, and—
whilst it is not a defining feature—“may spend the night on the street”
(200). I argue that Ntshanga represents these figures and the informal
sector more generally as structurally integral to the neoliberal economy,
with the very form of the novel throbbing between different social structures and reality effects, in a local iteration of the dialectic of order and
disorder. While many African writers have foregrounded this dynamic, I
find that Ngũgı ̃ wa Thiong’o’s Wizard of the Crow (2006) represents at
the level of form what Chabal and Daloz have called “the political instrumentalization of disorder” (xviii). The characteristic shape and dynamic of
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24
J. JEWELL
such disorder has its origins in Kenya’s colonial period; in Sorrenson’s
history of the European settlement of the region, for instance, he shows
how colonisation lurched forward largely as a secondary effect of Britain’s
broader colonial strategy. Claims to the headwaters of the Nile were made
in order to protect Egypt and the Suez trade route, and extracting value
from this area necessitated transport links between the interior and the
port of Mombasa (8–10). Disagreements between the British state and
capital over who should pay for this infrastructure resulted in a situation
where the land around a railway line had to be settled in order to cultivate
a tax base, leading to European settlement “almost [by] accident” and
through “a private bargain” between the various stakeholders (Lonsdale
and Berman 34). Laying claim to this land resulted in violent incursions by
colonial forces and settlers, and in the process the British formed strategic
alliances with various indigenous groups which would fuel resentments for
decades after. But given the resulting proximity of settlers and the dispossessed, an economy of squatting was established (Lonsdale and Berman
93). Such a haphazard process of ‘modernisation’, I argue, shapes the
formal structure of a text like Wizard of the Crow. For Simon Gikandi,
Ngũgı ̃ places himself “at the junction where history (the context) and his
writings (the text) meet” (Ngũgı ̃ 3). He allows Wizard of the Crow to be
formally shaped by objective conditions of African modernisation. By constantly shuttling between the Ruler’s palace, the streets, the offices of a
plutocrat, the poor suburbs, and eventually abroad, the narrative dynamic
of Wizard embodies the movement of the kòbòlò trying to survive and balance different jobs in the informal economy. Yet the formal structure,
driven by the arbitrary and haphazard despotism of the Ruler and his consiglieri, proceeds according to a logic of ‘political disorder’ that Ngũgı ̃
reveals to be the result of a political economy dependent on the informal
and the ad hoc. The informal structure of society in the novel, in which
“the public and the private spheres largely overlap”, allows the very meaning of a flexible, improvisatory civic space to be contested (Chabal and
Daloz 9). I draw on Grace Musila’s work on the counter-hegemonic
potential of rumour in African societies, and Cohen and Odhiambo’s concept of counter publics, to argue that Wizard opens up space to imagine
the role of informality in anti-imperialist struggle. Like his South African
counterparts, Ngũgı ̃ is keenly aware of the exploitative potential within
the informal economy, but following Luise White’s work on how hegemonic vocabularies and practices can be strategically contested by their
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1 INTRODUCTION
25
victims, I suggest that Wizard thinks through how the sector might provide a platform for political resistance.
Finally, in Chap. 6 I turn to the impact of economic informality on
cultural production from core regions of the world-system. While postcolonial theory has “ratif[ied] this baleful conception” of ‘the West’ as somehow the home of an ideal-typical modernity, free from the anomalies of
corruption and favour, I pick two examples of texts frequently associated
with the ‘civilisational’ project of European modernity—Oliver
Goldsmith’s The Vicar of Wakefield (1766) and Thomas Hardy’s Tess of the
D’Urbervilles (1891)—and demonstrate the formal impact that a variant
of economic informality has on these texts (WReC 14). While the postwar
interlude of social democracy did much to shift the burden of socially
reproductive labour onto public institutions in the United Kingdom and
the United States, for Melinda Cooper a confluence of neoliberal and neoconservative political economy that came to prominence between the
1960s and 1980s deferred social reproduction back onto the family (8–9).
So extreme has been this deferral under austerity that the cultural features
observed in (semi-)peripheral fiction such as the oscillation of characters
between various sources of value in order to secure social reproduction
can now be observed in more broadly Liberal and conventional cultural
production such as Sharon Horgan and Holly Walsh’s Motherland (2016).
Cooper’s model of the twin poles of Euro-American political economy is
hugely instructive in our reading of post-1980s fiction. Genre fiction of
the 1990s in Britain, for example, clearly internalises the neoconservative
construction of the family as a natural zone of hygienic social reproduction, but one utterly petrified by the encroaching threat of the precarity
and dependency of young family units amid the privatisation of social
housing and soaring unemployment in the Thatcher era and after. I show
how Madeline St John’s The Essence of the Thing (1997) is preoccupied
with the breakdown of the clean and safe heterosexual family while strategically repressing the forms of informality and precarity that attend this
social process. By contrast, texts such as Brian Chikwava’s Harare North
(2014) and Hilary Leichter’s Temporary (2020) attempt to represent the
rise of economic informality through irrealist aesthetics. The point here is
that, contrary to Moretti’s assumption that cultural forms such as the
novel move uni-directionally from core to periphery, the formal attenuations and aesthetic features of economic informality have largely flowed
from the periphery—where experiments in paying wages below the cost of
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26
J. JEWELL
the reproduction of labour were conducted—to the core of the
world-system.
One unifying aspect of the novels is their apparent unseriousness. As
Cândido notes of Memórias, life in the relaxed and informal realm often
seems like a ‘joke’. As I discuss in Chap. 2, this is partly to do with the fact
that Almeida was writing in a journal for the urban bourgeoisie, some of
whom would have been slaveowners, some of whom would have been
involved in the casual lawlessness depicted in the novel. Almeida himself
lived in, and thereby indirectly profited from, the slave society of Brazil at
the time, and he could therefore summon no moral authority to castigate
it. Any critique of the economic informality of Brazil is thus highly oblique,
and it is this same tone that we find throughout the other novels. In Chap.
3 I note the apparently humorous scenes in which local Haitian boys have
cheeky exchanges with bourgeois women and tourists. The enjoyably salacious nature of these relationships, exemplified by the fact that many of
them are explicitly sexual, displaces a seriously unequal exchange between
two people with completely different social and material protections.
Contained within these relationships, I argue, is an oblique critique of the
structurally unequal economic relations of the world-system, but the subtlety required by Laferrière in making it reveals his own fraught position as
a Haitian author, living in Canada, and writing in French, who wants his
works to be appreciated as examples of Francophone literature. Similarly,
for Andrew van der Vlies, Lindanathi seems to choose to live precariously
in The Reactive. Can his protest against family and capital really be taken
seriously if he could comfortably reintegrate himself with both of them?
Nathi’s only ever semi-serious life in the informal economy risks seeming
farcical when in fact it indexes a very real sense of deep disaffection with
post-apartheid South Africa and its failure to integrate various communities within a more flexible idea of the nation than the neoliberal model
affords. ‘Tutto nel mondo è burla’. Everything in the world is a joke. But
for Cândido, “É burla e é sério”; it is a joke, and it is serious (82).
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