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CRITICAL CULTURAL STUDIES OF CHILDHOOD
Home in
Early Childhood Care
and Education
Edited by
Andrew Gibbons · Sonya Gaches · Sonja Arndt
Mara Sapon-Shevin · Colette Murray
Mathias Urban · Marek Tesar
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Critical Cultural Studies of Childhood
Series Editors
Marianne N. Bloch
Department of Curriculum and Instruction
University of Wisconsin-Madison
Madison, WI, USA
Beth Blue Swadener
School of Social Transformation
Arizona State University
Tempe, AZ, USA
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This series focuses on reframings of theory, research, policy, and pedagogies in childhood. A critical cultural study of childhood is one that offers a
‘prism’ of possibilities for writing about power and its relationship to the
cultural constructions of childhood, family, and education in broad societal, local, and global contexts. Books in the series open up new spaces
for dialogue and reconceptualization based on critical theoretical and
methodological framings, including critical pedagogy; advocacy and social
justice perspectives; cultural, historical, and comparative studies of childhood; and post-structural, postcolonial, and/or feminist studies of childhood,
family, and education. The intent of the series is to examine the relations
between power, language, and what is taken as normal/abnormal, good,
and natural, to understand the construction of the ‘other,’ difference and
inclusions/exclusions that are embedded in current notions of childhood,
family, educational reforms, policies, and the practices of schooling.
Critical Cultural Studies of Childhood will open up dialogue about new
possibilities for action and research. Single-authored as well as edited
volumes focusing on critical studies of childhood from a variety of disciplinary and theoretical perspectives are included in the series. A particular
focus is in a reimagining and critical reflection on policy and practice in
early childhood, primary, and elementary education. The series intends to
open up new spaces for reconceptualizing theories and traditions of
research, policies, cultural reasonings, and practices at all of these levels, in
the United States, as well as comparatively.
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Andrew Gibbons • Sonya Gaches
Sonja Arndt
Mara Sapon-Shevin
Colette Murray • Mathias Urban
Marek Tesar
Editors
Home in Early
Childhood Care and
Education
Conceptualizations and Reconfigurations
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This collection of chapters is dedicated to those who collaborate,
to those who create their own caravans and travel together through
difficult terrain, inclement weather, plague, and challenging times
but who keep the caravan moving forward through shared
purpose and love.
This book is also dedicated to the memory of Barbara O’Meara
(1963-2023) who generously provided the cover image
for this book. Barbara was an artist and activist,
who worked continuously to give voice and bring attention
to those who are marginalised in society,
especially women and children. May she rest in peace.
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Series Editors’ Preface
In this series on “Critical Cultural Studies of Childhood,” we have focused
on transnational and critical studies of childhood and families, as well as
educational places, spaces, and constructs. In this short preface, we highlight some of the contributions of this book as well as ways in which we
think you, as reader, will find the book intellectually and educationally
exciting.
This collaboratively edited volume features the work of transnational
scholars reflecting on ways that notions of home are constructed by dominant cultural assumptions and how early education based on those assumptions is experienced by minoritized cultures, immigrant families, and
children in poverty. Further, the authors problematize conceptions of geographical, social, or emotional stability drawn from a westernized, imperial/colonial notion of the “good or normal” home. The editors, led by
Andrew Gibbons, deconstruct the taken-for-granted and fixed notions of
“home” and “school” as places of belonging and safety as well as connectedness for young children and their families. In various chapters, the
authors question what it means for early childhood programs to be “homelike” and how, in many situations, that might be problematic; they also
interrogate how home-lessness, conceptually and physically, plays into
experiences of teachers, families, and children.
Across the book, the authors draw on a rich and diverse set of theoretical and conceptual perspectives to highlight the many ways that educational literature, policies, and practice reify dominant notions of a classed,
racialized, and colonial imaginary of home and home-school similarities.
Contributors in this volume find hope in deconstructing not only the
vii
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viii
SERIES EDITORS’ PREFACE
physical borders that geographically separate us but those that metaphorically continue to otherize and dehumanize those sitting on the other side.
They complicate taken-for-granted constructs of home and unpack it as
lived experience, metaphor, theory, and its policy-informing implications.
Their use of the more than human in their framing of place and their call
for a fluid, rhizomatic, and nomadic conception of home-school pushes us
toward new critiques of what “is,” and opens spaces for fabricating more
socially just policies and practices. Finally, they draw from a rich and
nuanced range of settings/contexts and life experiences.
A few of the questions raised in the book are:
• What does it mean to call a place home? What does home-less mean?
• How can home be both problematic and, at the same time, critical to
ECCE and beyond?
• How do families and educators understand and/or (co-)create the
experience of home?
• How do the experiences of migrant families and young immigrant
children raise issues and contradictions to common sense understandings of home?
• How do global migrations and borderlands experiences shape constructions of home and belonging?
• When home is dangerous, denied, or multi-sited as with transborder
communities, where is home?
• What meanings do “homeland” and homeland security have for
immigrant and asylum-seeking families?
• What meanings do homeland security have for those whose homes
and cultures are stigmatized, marginalized, or constantly at risk for
being taken in their own country? In which ways do feelings of
“belonging,” that the construct home suggests, travel across geographic places and conceptual spaces as well as time?
• How do young children, their families, and educators build relationships based on activism, a sense of social justice, and upon a sense of
home and cultural identities through strategic alliances, or in
collaboration?
• How would an ethics of hospitality and relationality toward others as
well as notion of care and welcome rather than hostility or superiority/inferiority shift policy as well as practices?
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SERIES EDITORS’ PREFACE
ix
Varied theoretical perspectives are highlighted in almost every chapter
in the book. Arndt, Gibbons, Guerrero and Gibbons, Tesar, and Urban
draw on the work of Barad, Braidotti, Deleuze and Guattari, and Mouffe
to highlight home as a blurred or fluid concept, and one that requires
opening up to scrutiny and new possibilities. In the introductory chapter,
Gibbons (p. 2) highlights the authors’ contributions by speaking of a
nomadic unsettling that takes place throughout the book:
Our sense of where home is and what home means to us—and could mean—
shifts and moves with time, with experiences, and with new and unexplored
possibilities. There is a nomadic unsettling as we engage with and dwell
within these relations of home.
In addition, other contributors (e.g., Gaches, Habashi, Maldonado and
Swadener, Murray, and Sapon-Shevin) focus on home and the constructed
home-lessness of those who have fled their countries, and/or been displaced, colonized, and marginalized within their lands. They draw on
work by Anzaldua, hooks, Freire, and Border Crit Theory.
As readers see from these illustrations and will see throughout the
book, the contributors push the boundaries of education and other fields
as they unpack the common and taken-for-granted notion that “homes”
are the same, and, in a romanticized fashion, always safe and nurturing. As
with other books in this series, the authors destabilize and deepen the
theoretical and conceptual understanding of childhoods, with policy and
pedagogical implications.
Madison, WI, USA
Tempe, AZ, USA
Marianne N. Bloch
Beth Blue Swadener
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Contents
Welcome
to Home: An Introduction 1
Andrew Gibbons, Mara Sapon-Shevin, Sonya Gaches, Mathias
Urban, Colette Murray, Marek Tesar, and Sonja Arndt
The
Deconstruction of the Language of Home 25
Andrew Gibbons
Whose
Home? Problematizing the Nature of “Homelike” in
Early Childhood Education 43
Mara Sapon-Shevin
Home
or Homelessness: A Diffractive Re-articulation of
Teacher Otherness 61
Sonja Arndt
Criminalization of the Right to Home for Palestinian Children 75
Janette Habashi
Home
Is There: Borderlands, Belonging, and the Stories
We Tell 95
Angeles Maldonado and Beth Blue Swadener
Theorizing
Architectures of Home117
Marek Tesar
xiii
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xiv
Contents
The
Things of Home: Histories, People, Stories, Belonging133
Sonya Gaches
Heart(h)less:
Negative Visibility and Positive Invisibility:
An Irish Travellers’ Tale151
Colette Murray
Vagabonds Efficaces—Effectively Changing the World
from a Non-space177
Mathias Urban
Conclusion: Reconceptualizing Early Childhood Care
and Education and Home with Love199
Margarita Ruiz Guerrero and Andrew Gibbons
Index211
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Notes on Contributors
Sonja Arndt is Senior Lecturer in Early Childhood Education at
Melbourne Graduate School of Education, University of Melbourne,
Australia.
Sonya Gaches is Senior Lecturer in Education at the University of Otago
College of Education, New Zealand.
Andrew Gibbons is Professor in the School of Education at Auckland
University of Technology, New Zealand.
Margarita Ruíz Guerrero is Assistant Professor of Early Childhood
Education at Western Washington University, United States.
Janette Habashi is a Human Relations Professor at the University of
Oklahoma, United States.
Angeles Maldonado is a human rights scholar-activist and author in the
United States. She holds a Ph.D. in Education, a Master’s in Public
Administration, and a Bachelor of Science in Justice Studies. She is the
CEO of Ybarra Maldonado Law Group.
Colette Murray is a Lecturer in Early Childhood Education and Care at
the Technological University Dublin, Ireland.
Mara Sapon-Shevin is Professor of Inclusive Education at Syracuse
University, United States.
xv
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xvi
NOTES ON CONTRIBUTORS
Beth Blue Swadener is Professor Emerita of Justice Studies and of Social
and Cultural Pedagogy in the School of Social Transformation at Arizona
State Universyit, United States.
Marek Tesar is Professor of Childhood Studies and Early Childhood
Education, as well as Associate Dean International in the Faculty of
Education and Social Work, at University of Auckland, New Zealand.
Mathias Urban is Desmond Chair of Early Childhood Education and
Director of the Early Childhood Research Centre at Dublin City University,
Ireland.
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List of Figures
The Things of Home: Histories, People, Stories, Belonging
Fig. 1
Fig. 2
Fig. 3
Childhood artefacts unpacked and on display
Dolls and Toys as links to narratives of relationships and
belonging. (Note. Personal photographs from family albums
and more recently in new home)
This Grandmother’s offered hand-knitted lovey to her grandchild
135
143
147
xvii
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Welcome to Home: An Introduction
Andrew Gibbons, Mara Sapon-Shevin, Sonya Gaches,
Mathias Urban, Colette Murray, Marek Tesar,
and Sonja Arndt
“When I use a word,” Humpty Dumpty said, in rather a scornful tone,
“it means just what I choose it to mean—neither more nor less.” “The
question is,” said Alice, “whether you can make words mean so many
different things.” “The question is,” said Humpty Dumpty, “which is to
be master—that’s all.”
Lewis Carroll
A. Gibbons (*)
Auckland University of Technology, Auckland, New Zealand
e-mail: agibbons@aut.ac.nz
M. Sapon-Shevin
Inclusive Education, Syracuse University, Syracuse, NY, USA
e-mail: msaponsh@syr.edu
S. Gaches
College of Education, The University of Otago, Dunedin, New Zealand
e-mail: sgaches@otgao.ac.nz
Switzerland AG 2023
A. Gibbons et al. (eds.), Home in Early Childhood Care and
Education, Critical Cultural Studies of Childhood,
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-43695-6_1
1
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2
A. GIBBONS ET AL.
Reflections on Home: Escaping the Master
Welcome to a book about “home” in early childhood care and education (ECCE).
Home.
A word that appears at times, perhaps for many readers, so seemingly
simple and obvious—its meaning seems to be clear, unambiguous, settled.
Perhaps it is easy to shut one’s eyes and to think of home—to visualize all
the imagery, the metaphors and the experiences that have become as intimate and familiar as this thing called “home”.
To be settled could be considered a key dimension or characteristic of
what home means. Yet, in these pages you will find many different
thoughts, theories, observations and experiences of the complexity of
home for many communities of ECCE. Home is neither clear nor unambiguous, and as Murray explores in chapter “Heart(h)less: Negative-­
visibility and Positive-­
invisibility an Irish Travellers’ Tale”, for many
communities home has quite a different meaning in relation to the idea of
being settled.
Home, we believe, is not a settled concept. Home is an essentially contested concept that attracts significant scholarship and enduring disagreement (Meers, 2021). As such, home is a concept that requires unsettling.
More than this, for many communities, home is a deeply problematic
M. Urban
Institute of Education, Dublin City University, Dublin, Ireland
e-mail: mathias.urban@dcu.ie
C. Murray
Department of Social Science, Law, and Education,
Technological University Dublin, Dublin, Ireland
e-mail: colette.murray@tudublin.ie
M. Tesar
University of Auckland, Auckland, New Zealand
e-mail: m.tesar@auckland.ac.nz
S. Arndt
Graduate School of Education, University of Melbourne, Melbourne, VIC, Australia
e-mail: sonja.arndt@unimelb.edu.au
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WELCOME TO HOME: AN INTRODUCTION
3
concept that exposes not just a diversity of beliefs and experiences, but also
histories of colonization revealing the present, and some possible futures,
of oppression and discrimination—as well as immense and radical possibilities for openness and care.
These possibilities are played out in the dialogue between Alice and
Humpty Dumpty that frames this introduction. Alice’s question reflects a
concern for meaning. She’s disrupted by Humpty Dumpty’s confidence
with meaning, and perhaps inquisitive as to the implications of Humpty
appearing to reject any authority with regards the wisdom of words. Can
home mean whatever one wants it to mean? Humpty, taking a seemingly
radical relativistic position, argues that home can mean anything to anyone, and that words can (and from his perspective should) be subject to
mastery. Mastery, as a kind of sovereignty, is of particular interest here.
Home, as a word that can be mastered, is a word that has, in many configurations, been mastered to mean the mastered dwelling, the property of
a master. Home becomes, in this way, a device that gathers together and
divides. Home creates a “we” or “us”, and a “them”. Humpty Dumpty’s
rebuttal to Alice regarding the mastery of words is a reminder then to take
seriously the meanings and experiences of the word “home”.
We believe that it is vitally important to understand that home, as both
a construct and a lived experience, is complexly connected to ECCE. In
this book, each author engages with the complexity of home with a view
to opening up meanings, challenging universal or assumed meanings, and
thinking through the experiences of home for diverse communities. In this
collective task, there is a concern with reconceptualizing home: to reveal,
engage with, and rethink the manifestations of mastery that predict, prescribe and predominate the homes of many individuals and communities.
In exploring home, we recognize the deep and broad connections of
home: to place, to dwelling, to property; to the domestic, the family, the
abode, and to accommodation. In their care and attention to many different histories, meanings and experiences of home, each author dwells differently in these relations of home.
This dwelling in relations of home engages with a nomadic theorization
of home. Our sense of where home is and what home means to us—and
could mean—shifts and moves with time, with experiences, and with new
and unexplored possibilities. There is a nomadic unsettling as we engage
with and dwell within these relations of home. As nomadic theorizations
(see Braidotti, 2013, 2014, 2019; Jones et al., 2016; Mouffe, 1994) of
home, each chapter recognizes and disrupts essentializations of home, and
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4
A. GIBBONS ET AL.
of the static and settled figure of the human subject whose identity is more
or less designed into and for certain privileged configurations of home. In
working through the “hybridization and nomadization” (Mouffe, 1994:
110) of home, each chapter is concerned with questioning the matter of
home as more than metaphor constrained by the limits of discourse
(Braidotti, 2019).
Following Semetsky (2008: vii) on nomadic journeys into the disciplinary fields of education, the “forever-fixed and eternal” meanings can only
appear to abide in educational institutions. The uncontainable, uncontrollable, movement of the nomadic (Semestsky, 2008) “occupies a variety of
possible subject positions, at different places (spatially) and at different
times (temporally), across a multiplicity of constructions of the self”
(Vandenbroeck et al., 2009: 211). In this movement, recognition and disruption are processes that resonate with Deleuze and Guattari’s (1987)
provocation to explore “spaces and ways of thinking that open new directions and routes in research practices and resist codified or normalized
ways of thinking and acting” (Pacini-Ketchabaw et al., 2011: 26).
In a nomadic research act, researchers would not necessarily follow already
existing guidelines that define what counts as good research practice, but we
would act toward the creation of new ways to confront dominant research
practices and move toward seeking new potentials … asking, for example:
Where else could this go? What kinds of new encounters are possible? What
new “things” can race be linked to and, as a result, transformed and rearranged into something new? (Pacini-Ketchabaw et al., 2011: 26)
The privileged configurations of home are a central point of concern in
each chapter. Each chapter at the same time recognizes the “minorities” of
home (Braidotti, 2013). “The minority is the dynamic or intensive principle of change in nomadic theory, whereas the heart of the (phallogocentric) Majority is static, self-replicating and sterile” (Braidotti, 2013: 344).
The authors of this book take home seriously and invite serious consideration of home within the broad and global, local and deep, contexts of
early childhood care and education. Whether you are a teacher, a parent, a
manager, a teacher educator, a researcher, an advocate, or a policy maker,
these opening thoughts on home invite you to cross the threshold into
this collection on home.
We welcome you.
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WELCOME TO HOME: AN INTRODUCTION
5
The Predominance of Home
The idea of home is a predominant concept and experience in the development of contemporary ECCE philosophies and approaches. That predominance is evident in curriculum strategies and approaches, materials and
resources, activities and lessons and interactions, and in the architecture
and design of the physical spaces of an early childhood centre. Home is
both the explicit attention to learning about home, and the tacit experiences of home that make up the environment.
But home is still more than this. Home, as a predominant experience,
both constructs and connects children’s private and public lives in subtle
and silent ways. The silence of home makes it no less powerful as a knowledge that guides communities and governments in their rationales for the
life of the young child and for those that are assigned responsibilities for
the young child—responsibilities often referred to in terms of care, learning, development and education. Home as a predominant concept contributes to the diverse social, cultural, historical and political practices of
ECCE. Home reveals abiding myths, meaningful narratives, and productive subjectivities for each child and adult. Home reveals complex relationships between governments, landowners, property developers, architects
and communities (Lewis et al., 2018). Home intersects with the complexity of matter in the world. Take for example the meaning and experience
of home in relation to the study and application of electricity, computation, and fossil fuels (and, and, and). Home also intersects with knowledge. Consider for example apparent advances in public health and
medicine (see for instance Burch et al., 2014) and what they mean for the
study of home. As life expectancies alter, so too do expectations about the
meaning and experience of home; and as health practices alter, so too do
the functions and experiences of the home alter in a myriad of explicit and
subtle ways.
The arts also provide an understanding of the complexity of home. In
poetry, the aesthetics of home are experienced as a tension between
belonging and loss, “broken by incoherent words” (Compton, 2007: 16).
Through the arts, home offers up many subjectivities, from the citizen
whose “generic” dreams of home determine their own currency in relation to the economic progress of the nation (Turner, 2007: 81), to the
“homeboy” for whom that same home becomes an absurdity (Warner,
2007: 70).
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6
A. GIBBONS ET AL.
While this book cannot hope to engage exhaustively with the fullness of
these intersections and interconnections, what we would like to highlight
here is their generative immensity. We invite ECCE communities to follow
their own lines of inquiry, and to be open to the complex ways in which
their dynamic and ever-changing worlds bring new conceptualizations and
understandings, and lead to new experiences of home. Each chapter in this
book provides glimpses of this openness. These different perspectives and
applications of home highlight the complexity of home, and the benefits
of reconceptualizing home in its meaning and practice. In this book, we
invite the amplification of the concept of home with an openness to home
as a diverse, dynamic and complex concept and experience. As editors of
this collection, we share a view that there are many voices to hear on this
seemingly so familiar (for some) and yet so wonderfully and sometimes
even frighteningly strange word.
ECCE takes place within the context of Global Capitalism. Global
Capitalism is very clearly and unambiguously concerned with ECCE. With
the growth of early childhood education, driven in part by a globalization
of the early learning agenda (see for instance OECD’s Starting Strong
series), the young child is increasingly likely to attend an ECCE institution. More than this, many children have become the object of government policy because they are not attending an ECCE institution and are,
as such, believed to be missing out on the benefits of such attendance. The
institutionalization of learning and teaching, and the structuring of education systems to produce particular kinds of graduates has contributed to
the characterizations of homes in relation to the educational system.
Policies concerned with increasing attendance of target groups increasingly emphasize that these benefits mitigate against, and/or redress, systemic inequities, and at the same time contribute to better adult
outcomes—in other words, to better communities. ECCE is strategized as
better for the child in order to govern the child.
The child at home is a concern for this approach to government. A
home in many communities is a place of learning occupations, responsibilities and relationships (see for instance Metge, 2015). In a global capitalist system, this privileging of home is a problem that must be solved—for
instance pathologized as “condoned truancy” (see for instance Gibbons,
2007) in order to bring the home into line with the functions of the governance of the child. Without a home, children can also be regarded as a
risk (Boyden, 2015) to both themselves and their communities. The home
is, in this sense, not simply protection from the public gaze, it becomes the
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WELCOME TO HOME: AN INTRODUCTION
7
policing of the child. Yet home is a place that some children must escape
from (both the family home and the institutional home). Living on the
street, being homeless, is safer for some children (Boyden, 2015). Hence
children who are at home and children who are not at home become
increasingly visible as risks to society—determined by assumptions about
the appropriateness and the functions of the home.
With increases in ECCE attendance comes an associated decrease elsewhere. Children will be spending less time in their wider communities,
and less time in their homes (Bronfenbrenner, 2005). Part of the policy
logic of this trade-off is that these communities and homes are believed to
be more or less undesirable places for children to grow and to learn—
undesirable that is, when compared to the desirability of a quality ECCE
institution. For policy makers, ECCE can mitigate against the effect of
home and to a certain extent replace approved or desired functions of
home in terms of a child’s early years—including the years often referred
to as the “first thousand days” in developmental literature.
ECCE institutions are likely to employ the concept of home throughout their curriculum and daily operations, for example creating a homelike
environment, incorporating items from children’s homes into dramatic
play, communicating with children’s homes, etc. Somewhat ironically, or
perhaps as an act of balancing, curricula attend more to the experience of
home as the child spends less and less time at home. This perceived irony
creates a context and backdrop for this edited collection.
Home appears as both a problem and a solution. As such, home is a
critical concept to explore and engage with—as a critical concept, what are
its meanings and its experiences, in what ways might these experiences and
meanings be commensurable (or incommensurable), and what values and
views inform these experiences and meanings? The nature of these questions speaks to a key dimension of this book—that of openness.
In this book we are developing a scholarship of home that is active,
practical and affective. We do not see this scholarship as neutral, objective,
distanced reflection and theorizations of home. The purpose here is to
engage critically with the responsibilities and potentials within early childhood communities in relation to experiences of feeling at, being at, and
understanding, complex concepts of home. A reconceptualization of the
idea of home contributes to the many and diverse physical and conceptual
spaces that intersect with, and in, early childhood communities.
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8
A. GIBBONS ET AL.
The Past, Present and Future of Home
The third decade of the twenty-first century began with a global pandemic. The precarity of life and the extremes of social, cultural and political problems took on new global proportions. Yet at the same time, these
extremes reiterated enduring precarities and the failure of governments,
communities and education systems, to reconceptualize education and
care. Durnová (2020) observes that “staying at home” was the most prevalent approach to national pandemic responses and as such reiterates a
particular discourse of the privileges of the private home. The “lockdown
home” is assumed to be a space of safety and security, familiarity and identity, nurture and recovery (Byrne, 2020). Yet, Durnová (2020) suggests,
the lockdown policy also revealed the myth of the safety of home, pointing
to significant increases in domestic violence, and stigmatization of vulnerable communities. For Durnová these trends are made more visible during
the pandemic and have therefore precipitated an urgency for wide public
attention and debate regarding the construct and experience of home.
For this collection of chapters on home, written in the time of the
Covid-19 pandemic, new complexities and challenges inform our understanding of the concept of home. As educational institutions closed the
doors to their physical spaces, we have observed dramatic changes in the
lives of parents and caregivers, and dramatic changes in the functions of
the home. For instance, distinctions between home and school are increasingly reconfigured and/or reconceptualized:
• Many more young children are now being cared for and educated in
a home—in many situations the home is now required to fulfil functions previously attended to by ECCE institutions.
• Homes, schools and early childhood centres must re-invent themselves as new restrictions and guidelines are developed for adult and
child interaction—in early childhood centres the meaning of homelike is affected by regulations regarding social distancing and physical
contact; in homes, spaces are re-designated as home office spaces.
The global pandemic is however neither new in terms of its pandemic-­
ness, nor in terms of the impact that it has on the experience of home.
Reconfigurations of dwellings highlight the importance of understanding
urbanization, industrialization, and colonization and the experience and
understanding of home. This includes the very emergence of
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WELCOME TO HOME: AN INTRODUCTION
9
twentieth-­century policies for universal early childhood education that
annex ECCE into the technological functions of the wider education system, releasing parents from the need to keep a presence at home during
the day (see for instance Goodman, 1975), damaging or destroying the
familial “outer leaves” (Reedy, 2003: 61). For the policy makers of modernity, the home has been a mechanism for progress. “The idea of a home
(the People’s Home) was deliberately used in the Swedish context during
the postwar years to construct an individuality that would fit industrial
society” (Hultqvist & Dahlberg, 2001: 12). Home, then, can also contribute to the production of the employable and exploitable subject.
Yet at the same time home operates as a Romantic notion that protects
the subject from industrialization. Here there is a connection between
home and nature in an industrial society. Changing configurations of
housing become a concern on the grounds that there is less place for
nature at home and less place for learning about and in, and caring for
nature (Campbell, 2012). Hence, home is imbued with essentialized
romantic qualities which are believed to save the child and childhood from
industrialized, time-poor, violence-rich communities and societies (Louv,
2010). Here, home protects an idealized and privileged past that is disrupted by urbanization and industrialization.
As the stable world of the small town has become absorbed into an ever-­
shifting suburbia, children are growing up in a different kind of environment. Urbanization has often reduced the extended family to a nuclear one
with only two adults, and the friendly neighbourhood - where it has not
decayed into an urban or rural slum - has withered to a small circle of friends.
(Bronfenbrenner, 2005: 202)
In the Romantic turn, home then produces and becomes responsible
for a child’s growth. Dominant norms of child development determine
the value of home. These values guide advocates for child development to
suggest that government policies of increased attendance in ECCE are
damaging to child development. Keep in mind, however, that those policies emerged, in part, as a response to the problem of removing working-­
class children from the labour market. Getting working-class children out
of the factories and into a family home was not tenable. Industrialists like
Robert Owen recognized this problem—hence the establishment of New
Lanark (Lascarides & Hinitz, 2000). For the working classes, the home
could be a place of work—and long before the pandemic home office of
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A. GIBBONS ET AL.
2020 and 2021. Marx observed changing modes of production impacted
on the family by producing new roles out of the home that then impact on
the role of the home. Working in a factory is imagined as potentially more
fulfilling and rewarding as working in the home. Domestic industry was
responsible for all kinds of “abominations” (Marx, 1969: 502), in which
women and children are “material for exploitation” (Marx, 1969: 502)
suffering poor health, working in a home for up to 16 hours, in poor conditions. “When women work at home with the aid of their own children
(this being a ‘home’ in the modern sense of a single hired room, often an
attic room), conditions are, if possible, worse” (Marx, 1969: 504). Here,
homes are “bloodsucking establishments where they [children] are kept at
work simply in order to get through the task set them by their half-starved
mother” (1969: 505). Marx laments: “… the land in which these model
families have their homes is the model country of Christian Europe!”
(1969: 506).
As argued above, the home is a central and enduring device in Romantic
thinking. Froebel developed a model educational institution beginning
with the parents and differentiated parental roles around the construct of
the home. He explained the roles of the mother and father as supporting
the child’s developmental progress. The mother, in the protective space of
the home, creates in the child a passion for exploring the world, which the
father then furnishes:
In his instructions to parents and kindergartners Froebel told them to be
aware of their own life from its early stages, to search into the child’s life so
as to establish its present phase of development and its requirements, and to
examine the child’s environment in order to see how far it meets his needs.
(Lilley, 1967: 24)
During the mid-twentieth century in Aotearoa New Zealand, Grey’s
advocacy for play establishes the organization of an early childhood centre
to maximize play experiences and recognizes an explicit role for the home
in design of the ECCE centre space and curriculum. Grey explains that the
organization of the space is arranged in such a way as to resemble the
“outline of a house” (1964: 131). In this space children are encouraged to
engage in family play that “resembles the everyday occupations in the
home” (Grey, 1964: 131). At the same time, and somewhat ironically,
Grey recognizes the benefits of observing the child’s play in the early
childhood centre for observing the child’s experience and understanding
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WELCOME TO HOME: AN INTRODUCTION
11
of home, suggesting that the “workings of New Zealand families can be
glimpsed from the children’s behaviour at the family corner or with the
dolls. Concerns over feeding, toileting, being dirty, good manners can be
heard and often in the same tone of voice as that used at home. One can
even sometimes pick the head of the house!” (Grey, 1964: 133).
In the study of families in 1960s Aotearoa New Zealand, Ritchie and
Ritchie question the design of the home. “The Modern New Zealand
house is not a technological wonder but it is basically a machine for living,
one that works well enough in spite of poor design or other functional
inadequacies. It does so mainly because it and those who live in it are managed by the Mother” (Ritchie & Ritchie, 1970: 76). Before the massification of the early childhood sector, this image of the mother was also central
to the production of the school-ready child (Farquhar, 2010) and the
home was where this production occurred. Attitudes with regards parenting styles altered in relation to the configuration of the home space
(Ritchie & Ritchie, 1970). When researching mothers’ views of the rules
of the house, Ritchie and Ritchie (1970: 78) report mothers as explaining
“They had worked… for the house and for what it contained, and the
children had to learn to respect the property at home… if they were ever
to learn respect for property in general.”
In Begg’s research of childhood in the 1970s, the conditions of home
that impact on a child could be sustaining for the child’s experiences and
development regardless of apparent privilege. Begg observes:
But one of the remarkable features of a family home is that it flourishes, or
not, altogether apart from its material resources. In the course of my work
as a doctor I have been asked to visit many homes. Some of the happiest
have been poor in the eyes of the world. Some of the wealthiest have been
impersonal and unhappy. Sometimes if things are too easy for a well endowed
couple, they miss the stimulus and reward of a struggle. Two young people
who are prepared to make cupboards and sew curtains and to scrimp and
save will enjoy their home the more for their efforts they have put into it.
Both health and happiness must be worked for, they cannot be bought.
(Begg, 1974: 20)
In contrast, Kociumbas (1997) argues that home is a mechanism that
protects the child not just from the world, but protects their status and
privilege. Home as a symbol of status is manifest on the inside and out,
and in the relationship that the home has to the homes around it. Home
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A. GIBBONS ET AL.
operates as a determination of civilized-ness, it provides evidence of rights
and opportunities, it is necessary for certain forms of participation, it is
both place that protects you from the surveillance of state, and is a place
the state may put you (see for instance Kociumbas, 1997), whether that be
as a ward of the state in a home for a child or children, or as a family provided with a state house where public policy provides for housing
(Parsons, 1995).
At the turn of the twenty-first century, new patterns and demands for
labour produced new configurations of movements between dwellings for
employment mobility across multiple organizations, impacting family
homes and family dynamics (Beare, 2001). Families, encouraged by full
ECCE participation policies, choose (often multiple) services to suit the
demands of their employment. Yet ECCE services are established as a
necessary constant during early childhood, for the benefit of the child’s
learning and development. In this configuration, the home continues to
be a problem to solve through education policy. One key dimension of the
development of early childhood education provisions is a concern for mitigating against the effects of the home—ECCE gives children the “head
start” that is not possible at home. The home is a risky place for learning
because it may lack the approved educational resources. These resources
include other learners, an approved programme of instruction, materials,
qualified and experienced teachers, and, Beare (2001) argues, a place to
identify with as a learner.
With such advocacy for children’s participation in the institutional environments of ECCE, the growth of a diversity of services at the same time
contributed to an enduring twentieth-century discourse of developmental
deficit. In other words, some children’s home lives did not present as playful, caring and stimulating enough. Services emerged to respond to this
perceived deficit, including mobile services that would bring play to the
child. For instance, children in rural areas with limited access may be provided with a service operating out of a vehicle (see for instance Kennedy
et al., 1991). The observation of the limitations or deficits of some homes
for the child’s early years contributes then to wide ranging responses in
terms of advocacy, the development of services, and the development of
policy. In this way, whole communities can be policed through wide ranging policies that impact on the experience of home and the experience of
the functions of education in relation to the role of the home (Murray,
2013). These policies draw on an understanding of the ideals of home. In
guiding policy, the social sciences make sense of home as a human
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WELCOME TO HOME: AN INTRODUCTION
13
experience and give sense to home within the horizons of humanism. An
understanding of home is essential to the studies of economics, law, politics, history, art and design, geography, archaeology, anthropology, philosophy, and so on and so forth. They all have a stake in home, and all look
and feel the way they do on account of home.
These discourses of home contribute to the philosophy and practice of
ECCE. This contribution has at times been implied, at others associated
with home through concepts of family, and at others explicitly identified
as a key construct for ECCE. The concept of home provides one element
of distinction for early childhood centres. Gonzalez-Mena sets this up as a
key reflective question: should the centre “be as much like a home as possible for each child, or should it purposely be different” (Gonzalez-Mena,
2008: 262)?
As argued above, while the family home may be part of the perceived
problem, the family home is also part of the solution. For instance, homes
are also understood as a solution to the problem of meeting the demands
for building early childhood centres (Beare, 2001). The growth of home-­
based care is regarded as more than an alternate philosophy for parents as
choosers; it is regarded as a solution to the problem of realizing full attendance goals. Home-based care, at the same time, is a solution for critics of
the quality of ECCE—particularly in terms of service size and adult to child
ratios. Home schooling is regarded as offering a challenge to the limitations
of schooling (Beare, 2001), home-based ECCE is similarly offered as a solution to the limitations of ECCE. Home-based approaches to early childhood education are explained as natural and functional; providing education
and care in which children do not experience a dissonance between centre
and home, and the family are more involved (Shearer & Shearer, 2009).
So ECCE is constructed as a response to the failure of home and home
is constructed as a response to the failure of ECCE. This complex and
somewhat absurd paradox is further deepened in observing the connections and disconnections between home and ECCE centre. Places of
learning are regarded as artificially distinct from communities and from
homes (Beare, 2001). At the same time, the idea of a partnership with
home constructs responsibilities for sharing and understands that the
effectiveness of education is in some way an outcome of the effectiveness
of the communications and the shared understanding between the centre
and the home, the teachers and the family (Beare, 2001; González et al.,
2006). What are the effects of these shifts, reconfigurations and reconceptualizations relative to how we conceptualize and experience home?
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A. GIBBONS ET AL.
Theoretical, Philosophical and Political Movements
and Inspirations
The chapters in this collection engage with enduring and new conceptualizations and experiences of home. The collection invites teachers, centre
communities, policy makers, curriculum designers and academics to take a
step back from and critically question the concept of home. The purpose
is not to reject home but rather to recognize the complexity of a concept
that is often taken for granted. Taking for granted the concept of home
runs the risk of marginalizing and/or colonizing the very diverse experiences and understandings of home. Attending critically to the concept of
home is then an engagement in the politics of home.
The United Nations’ Convention on the Rights of the Child (1989)
refers to home in Article 16:
1. No child shall be subjected to arbitrary or unlawful interference
with his or her privacy, family, home or correspondence, nor to
unlawful attacks on his or her honour and reputation.
2. The child has the right to the protection of the law against such
interference or attacks.
This fleeting reference to home belies a very significant global experience of colonization and an attack on the homes of many communities.
The type of house that a child calls home can be an indicator of discrimination, stigma, deprivation, exploitation and marginalization (see for instance
Reedy, 2003). The discourse of home can be an indicator of similar effects.
For instance, and ironically considering the Romantic turn, discourses of
property and ownership undermined senses of home. The connection to
home is also colonized by discourses of place. Indigenous knowledge is
“place based and does not make assumptions about its own generalizability” (Stewart, 2020: 34). The colonization of home undermines relationships to place and to the ways in which communities and societies engage
in and with the world. The colonizing home colonizes place through its
very generalizability in terms of not just its aesthetic design, but also its
design as a thing that is disconnected from place and history, and its design
as a thing to be owned.
The Māori sense of belonging to particular places, captured in the word
‘tūrangawaewae’ or home ground, is neither cancelled out nor reversed by
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WELCOME TO HOME: AN INTRODUCTION
15
legal ownership in Pākehā terms. To understand oneself as originating from
this land, belonging to these hills, valleys, rivers and coasts, and as kin to all
their inhabitant, is a powerful antithesis to the individualistic notion of the
human being that has overtaken the world along with Euro-American culture under globalization. (Stewart, 2020: 35)
In the colonization of Aotearoa, the New Zealand Government
imported particular ideas and functions of home. These ideas and functions draw upon idea of property and ownership (Howard, 1996).
Urbanization redirected and amplified these ideas and functions.
Government policies included what was known as “pepper potting”, an
insidious assimilationist approach to disrupting traditions of home for
Māori (Hill, 2012; Kutia, 2019). Through urbanization, the structures of
home impact on the organization of the family (Howard, 1996). The
urban family home is then extended into the spaces of the ECCE childhood centre. In this way, the child’s experiences of community and neighbourhood are reconfigured (Bronfenbrenner, 2005).
Meers (2021: 4) argues that a “single account of the concept of home
will never be settled upon and nor should it be”. There is no universal
construct of home. Not only is home a diverse metaphor for physical
spaces for living, it is also a diverse metaphor for relationships to and with
the world including, in the language of early childhood curriculum, people places and things (Ministry of Education, 2017). The history of the
early childhood centre and the history of home intersect with and impact
on each other. Early childhood philosophies and theories are similarly
complexly intertwined with home. At times these philosophies will speak
to a particular understanding of home, a home-focused purpose for the
philosophy and curriculum, while at other times, a particular understanding of home will generate the particularities of the philosophy and theory.
In Aotearoa New Zealand, the curriculum document Te Whāriki
(2017) witnesses and resists neoliberal and neo-colonial practices that
govern the child—at the early childhood centre and at home. This occurs
both in the non-prescriptive nature of its framework, which creates opportunities for various interpretations and responses to the economic and
political contexts, and in its groundedness in bicultural philosophies
(Tesar, 2015). Te Whāriki and its development reflect the spirit of Te Tiriti
o Waitangi in the collaborative bicultural partnership that characterized its
development, as well as its focus, which is unique to the context of
Aotearoa New Zealand (May, 2013). Its flexibility and openness can be
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A. GIBBONS ET AL.
seen as reflecting the non-compulsory early childhood sector which has
been struggling for recognition within the wider field of education. Yet it
also pushes boundaries and opens up spaces for “education”, “care”, and
also “home” to enter this space. Furthermore, it opens up spaces for new
theoretical frameworks and readings, perhaps more so than in other areas
of education (Tesar & Arndt, 2020; Malone et al., 2020). May (2013)
claims that there are many stories of Te Whāriki, reflected in its development, and which continue “from the ground up” in local communities
and early childhood services, as a weaving of Western and Māori philosophies about the child, childhood, education, values, home and the world.
Rose (1999: 123) argues that children and childhood are “the most intensively governed sector of personal existence”. This is reflected in the curriculum framework Te Whāriki as it governs childhoods through its
bicultural weaving. While the neoliberal context positions the child as a
competitive, individualistic consumer subject, Te Wha ̄riki resists this by
positioning the child as a biculturally aware, relational, non-materialist,
collectivist subject. Both discourses exercise forms of governmentality,
albeit in very different ways, and produce very different kinds of subjects.
The specific bicultural agenda of Te Wha ̄riki, as an instrument of governance based in Māori and socio-cultural philosophies, has been subverted
by the impacts of neoliberalism and neo-colonialism. Neoliberalism and
neo-colonialisms are thus “connected assemblages [that] allow us to
rethink and open up early childhood research practices that attempt to pay
attention to colonial pastpresent” (Pacini-Ketchabaw et al., 2014: 40).
While, as claimed above, ECCE has altered the manifestations, functions and experiences of home, it is important to recognize that home
precedes ECCE, and so the wider study of home contributes to the conditions for, the functions of, and experiences of ECCE. In that sense, this
book advocates for the study of home as a rich thread of the curriculum to
weave into the planned and spontaneous events, experiences, and interactions of the ECCE community. While the chapters in this book are not
designed to lead curriculum interventions, they offer ideas and ways of
thinking that can contribute to an ECCE centre community’s curriculum.
For instance, through chapters exploring narratives of home, attention to
the diversity of narratives, and to each child’s narratives, can be recognized
and engaged with. The task of this book is to continue the tradition of
reconceptualist work in early childhood through attention to the concept
and experiences of home. We take home to be a concept and experiences
worth reconceptualist attention. This attention is warranted and
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WELCOME TO HOME: AN INTRODUCTION
17
productive because home as a concept and as an experience is very political
and philosophical, in ways that shape and are shaped by early childhood
policy and practice, and by early childhood centre communities.
The authors in this book take care to observe and theorize, without
reification or essentialization, a very critical element in ECCE. The work
to be done on home necessarily engages with the possibility that even an
insistence of the very existence, importance and relevance of a notion of
home can become an imposition. This imposition is recognized by
Ferdinand Deligny (1970), a radical French educator, who invites the
vagabonds efficacies, embracing nomadic ways of knowing, being and
doing. Home is affective. By this we mean, while there might be many
understandings and definitions and histories of home, there are also many
feelings and senses and emotions of home.
In this book we assemble a caravan of chapters. The idea of a caravan
organizes the chapters playfully, as a metaphor through which creative and
caring thought and practice is engaged, and seriously, as a metaphor that
challenges the politics of home as a colonizing mechanism that has marginalized, silenced, exploited and frequently exterminated cultural and
social ways of being and knowing that are not tied to fixed notions of
property, land, material, space and social structures. The caravan is
emblematic.
Each chapter explores ways of being and thinking that share an interest
in the notion of home. The chapters in this book offer multiple lenses and
approaches to make sense of home as a conceptual space that operates in
many complex and often-interrelated ways—for instance as intellectual
space, as built environment, as disciplinary technology, and as threshold.
The chapters employ a mix of theoretical and storied/narrative
approaches that engage with ideas of home. This approach recognizes that
powerful theorizations of home are particularly evident in the stories that
we are told, and that we tell. In a sense, we acknowledge that all theories
tell a story about home. Our approach to the book is to invite powerful
stories that engage the reader in ongoing, shared and active reconceptualizations of the meaning of home for early childhood communities.
Chapter Overview
Chapters “The Deconstruction of the Language of Home” and “Whose
Home? Problematizing the Nature of ‘Homelike’ in Early Childhood
Education” challenge the concept “homelike”. In chapter “The
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A. GIBBONS ET AL.
Deconstruction of the Language of Home” Andrew Gibbons explores the
task of “making-home-like” as an impossible task for an early childhood
teacher. Using Derrida’s (2000) deconstruction of hospitality, the chapter
explores the idea of home. Deconstruction operates here as a task of “restlessness” in questioning the “conditions of discourse” (Vismann, 2005: 8)
that reveals what is not said, what is made unwelcome, and what is critical
to the possibilities of talking about home. Through Derrida (2000) we
become interested in how an idea of home makes the politics of early
childhood education possible. Mara Sapon-Shevin asks “whose home?” in
chapter “Whose Home? Problematizing the Nature of ‘Homelike’ in Early
Childhood Education”. Many early childhood educators speak to the goal
of making EC centres “homelike”. Presumably, this invocation of home is
intended to conjure warmth, safety and familiarity. The conjectured hope
is that children will feel as comfortable in the early childhood centre as
they are at home. But several problematic assumptions are embedded in
this metaphor of home. First, it posits a homogenized home, as though all
children’s homes are the same, and therefore that the same kinds of structures and policies will make all children feel at home. Second, for some
children, their home is not a place of love or safety; perhaps our goal might
need to be making the EC centre very different from their home. Chapter
“Whose Home? Problematizing the Nature of ‘Homelike’ in Early
Childhood Education” problematizes descriptions of early childhood
environments as homelike, bringing to bear understandings of the visibility/invisibility of differences and conceptions of safety.
The experience of otherness is related to home in chapter “Home or
Homelessness: A Diffractive Re-­articulation of Teacher Otherness”. Sonja
Arndt observes the effects of contemporary migratory shifts in terms of
global and local impacts. Relational treatments of the Other in ECCE settings affect conceptions of home and are driven by underlying attitudes
and orientations towards Otherness, familiarity, and the self, where home
may become seen as an inner sense. Theorized through Kristeva’s (1991)
notion that it is only when we recognize that all of us are foreigners within,
the chapter offers a critical entry point towards rethinking attitudes of
openness and acceptance to and of the Other. Recognizing that “the foreigner lives within us” presents a humbling and hopeful disruption to
expectations and strategies in ECCE.
In chapter “Criminalization of theRight to Homefor Palestinian
Children”, Janette Habashi reveals that the concept of home in the
Palestinian context is not necessarily associated with socioeconomic class
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WELCOME TO HOME: AN INTRODUCTION
19
or income. Throughout history Palestinians have enjoyed different styles
and types of homes. The types of home range from mobile domiciles
which are associated with Bedouin communities, to the more traditionally
built homes made with stones. The concept of a Palestinian home has
been challenged over the years due to its intertwined nature with politics.
In 1948, the Israel colonization resulted in the expulsion of 70% of the
Palestinian inhabitants from their homes. This resulted in the majority of
the displaced Palestinians settling into refugee camps in anticipation of
going back to their homes. These acts of expulsion continue to this day,
albeit in a slightly different form. Expulsion is now associated with the
destruction of homes under the guise of improper building permits or to
appropriate the space for the purpose of building Israeli settlements.
Chapter “Criminalization of theRight to Homefor Palestinian Children”
discusses the different Israeli attempts of destroying Palestinian homes and
its impact on ECCE.
Immigrant experiences of home are the focus in chapter “Home Is
There: Borderlands, Belonging, and the Stories We Tell”. Angeles
Maldonado and Beth Blue Swadener pose two questions. What does it
mean to call a place home? What does it mean to belong? Immigrant families and youth in the United States exist in a precarious zone of indistinction, in an imaginary space, sin tierra en cuál sembrar nuestras raices. This
is what living in the borderlands feels like. It is like living in a house without foundation. Confined by shifting walls and borders, immigrant families exist and live in a mythological land of the here and there. Como dice
la India Maria, somos ni de aqui ni de alla. This is our home, and it has
been fabricated for us. It is a wavering zone that has been intentionally
constructed to make the other feel unwelcomed. Chapter “Home Is
There: Borderlands, Belonging, and the Stories We Tell” focuses discussion on the ways in which immigrant youth and their families experience
and imagine home and interrogate how and why certain home realities are
neglected, unrecognized, or silenced. Drawing from autoethnography,
conversational interviews with immigrant children and their parents, and
Border Crit Theory, the chapter questions fixed notions of home and
advocates for the creation of more fluid, transformative, and inclusive
spaces of belonging.
Marek Tesar conceptualizes an architecture of home in chapter
“Theorizing Architectures of Home”. The chapter works with concepts of
belonging and being in the world, as recorded in stories of the youngest
children and their families coming to Aotearoa New Zealand. Utilizing
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20
A. GIBBONS ET AL.
theoretical thinking around space and place, the chapter analyses data collected by early childhood children, their parents and teachers. The narratives of home and homelessness, longing, transition, opportunity and
missing are theorized through the philosophical thinking around home
and attempt to present architectures of home in both a literal and a metaphorical sense.
Histories, people, stories, belonging are the focus in chapter “The
Things of Home: Histories, People, Stories, Belonging”. Sonya Gaches
engages with bell hooks’ (2009: 24) observation that home is a place of
belonging. Returning to her geographic home, hooks felt “a sense of
belonging that I never felt elsewhere, experiencing unbroken ties to the
land, to homefolk, to our vernacular speech”. What matters isn’t her hills
of Kentucky but her interconnectedness with these histories, the people,
their struggles and their stories. Kentucky, it is argued here, is the thing
that provides a sense of belonging giving it a feeling of home. The autoethnographic narrative in chapter “The Things of Home: Histories,
People, Stories, Belonging” draws upon this thing-ness of home connecting children to their histories, their people, their stories, to where they feel
they belong.
In chapter “Heart(h)less: Negative-­visibility and Positive-­invisibility an
Irish Travellers’ Tale” Colette Murray explores negative visibility and positive invisibility through the Irish Travellers’ tale. Traveller lives are intrinsically linked to nomadism “whether travel is still a current reality for any
group or individual or whether it has become a deferred dream” (Liégeois,
2007). Traveller children’s (positive) invisibility in ECCE settings (Murray,
2017) is rationalized as protection against anti-Traveller bias. In March
2017, the Traveller community were recognized as an ethnic group in
Irish society. Chapter “Heart(h)less: Negative-­
visibility and Positive-­
invisibility an Irish Travellers’ Tale” explores the complex relationship
between the Irish Traveller and settled dominant communities’ visions of
home and the implications for early childhood settings.
In the penultimate chapter, Mathias Urban turns to the idea of an intellectual home. Despite being continuously rendered invisible, irrelevant, or
non-existent, “reconceptualist” scholarship has become an intellectual
home for many; its physical manifestation a travelling conference, over
30 years on the road to date. Inspired by Fernand Deligny’s (1970) ideas
and practices, the chapter explores how such a non-space (U-Topos) can
nurture the hope (Freire, 2004) and affirmation (Braidotti, 2011) needed
to effectively change the world. This chapter is an invitation to move (!)
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WELCOME TO HOME: AN INTRODUCTION
21
beyond the recent inward turn of post-critical scholarship. The concluding
chapter takes up this invitation through a thematic response to diverse
journeys and trajectories evident in between the paragraphs and pages of a
book dedicated to disrupting, celebrate, and care for home and early
childhood care and education. In this spirit, Margarita Ruiz-Guerrero
shares a letter to take on a next journey in reconceptualizing early childhood education.
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