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Khoo Ying Hooi · Kavitha Ganesan ·
Anantha Raman Govindasamy
Editors
Social and Political
Deglobalisation
Covid-19, Conflict, and Uncertainties in Malaysia
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Introduction: Reconsidering
(De)globalisation in the Aftermath
of Covid-19
Khoo Ying Hooi and Anantha Raman Govindasamy
Introduction
Around the world, the novel coronavirus disease 2019 (Covid-19)
pandemic brought out the best and worst in terms of how governments
managed this intersectional crisis, with implications for public health and
other human effects. For example, it has disrupted global trade, the movement of critical products as well as the continuity of supply and value
chains, primarily because of restrictions placed upon domestic and international human movement. Such global supply chain disruptions have,
for example, resulted in weaker global trade (Dass, 2020). The pandemic
coincided not just with tensions between the United States (US) and
K. Ying Hooi (B)
Department of International and Strategic Studies, Universiti Malaya, Kuala
Lumpur, Malaysia
e-mail: yinghooi@um.edu.my
A. R. Govindasamy
Centre for the Promotion of Knowledge and Language Learning, Universiti
Malaysia Sabah, Kota Kinabalu, Malaysia
e-mail: anan@ums.edu.my
3
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4
K. YING HOOI AND A. R. GOVINDASAMY
China, but also a sustained questioning of and disassociation from international trade and other aspects of globalisation. Globalisation generally
refers to governmental policies favouring free trade, open borders, the
free movement of capital, goods and services as well as the elimination
of tariffs and—within a neoliberal framework—is popularly perceived as
a critical driver of unprecedented economic growth worldwide. Political
critiques of such policies, which should be ideologically distinguished,
may be broadly categorised as follows. The political left considers globalisation as a form of domination by multinational businesses, characterised
by limited domestic policies and regulatory oversight, while the right sees
it as a platform that could have impacts on respective national sovereignties (Flew & Iosifidis, 2020; Wijesinghe, 2021). Studied in the context of
this bifurcated division, Covid-19 offered an opportunity for protectionists and nationalists to portray globalisation’s effects as the culmination of
years of indiscriminate policies (Yaya et al., 2020). Indeed, its spread may
be attributed to globalisation and interconnectedness.
Thus framed as a threat to a society’s regular functioning, Covid-19
serves as a shifting signifier that can arguably be deployed for political gain. It has also triggered a discussion around an essential dynamic:
deglobalisation. This concept is not new, in and of itself, and in simple
terms, it can be regarded as the opposite of globalisation, although we
stress that it may mean different things to different actors. For instance,
deglobalisation can be specifically seen as the reduced movement of
goods, capital, services and humans themselves (Dandolov, 2021). Before
proceeding, we also emphasise that this should not be confused with the
discourse around the so-called antiglobalisation movement: a misleading
name given its concern for international considerations of “the need for
seeking a fairer deal for the deprived and the miserable, and for a more
just distribution of opportunities in a suitably modified global order”
(Sen, 2006, p. 148). Deglobalisation is instead characterised by decreased
connections, interdependence, integration and interconnectivity, where
the pandemic-induced retreat from global economic integration can be
regarded as one aspect of this trend (Evenett & Baldwin, 2020). But there
are many other intersectional factors at play, for instance political competition among major powers (Ripsman, 2021) and contestations around
global value chains (Pegoraro et al., 2020; Wijesinghe, 2021). Covid-19
has triggered further discussion on the uncertainties of deglobalisation’s
consequences, the crucial role played by technologies such as mobile
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INTRODUCTION: RECONSIDERING (DE)GLOBALISATION …
5
devices, internet-based applications and social media (Balsa-Barreiro et al.,
2020) and the more inward-looking approaches to managing Covid-19.
In this context, Malaysia offers opportunities for insightful case studies.
Notably, it was one of the first countries to respond to the severity of the
virus by implementing various responses accordingly to minimise health,
economic and social impacts as well as limit transmissions (Shah et al.,
2020). The National Crisis Preparedness and Response Centre under
the Ministry of Health had already been activated as early as 5 January
2020—even before the World Health Organization’s announcement of a
global health emergency (New Straits Times, 2020a). The government
also had National Influenza Pandemic Preparedness Plan ready, which
had been developed in 2006 as a comprehensive response to influenza
pandemics (Hamzah et al., 2021). Its first local case was detected on
25 January (New Straits Times, 2020b), and cases were largely under
control until transmissions were significantly catalysed by a major religious
event in Sri Petaling, Kuala Lumpur, in March (Barker, 2020). Malaysia
then imposed a series of lockdown measures, known locally as Movement
Control Orders (MCOs). Starting on March 18, these were meant to
break the chain of Covid-19 transmissions (Shah et al., 2020). Instituted
under the Prevention and Control of Infectious Diseases Act (1988), the
MCO—usually referred to in its singular form, despite variations such
as the Enhanced MCO and Recovery MCO—was designed to restrict
the movement of people into or out of particular areas, including closing
all businesses except for those providing essential services and items. Its
enforcement was tightened when cases increased, thus resulting in significant restrictions for the general public. Several levels of MCOs, varying in
length and severity, were to continue until the end of 2021 when Covid19 was regarded as a less significant domestic threat. But official measures
to contain and securitise the pandemic were complicated by significant
political changes that began in February, which led to the rise of authoritarian governance and the suspension of rights and freedoms—thus
offering an analytical parallel with developments abroad. The incumbent Pakatan Harapan (PH) government under Mahathir Mohamad was
toppled through a so-called political coup—the debate over its legitimacy is contested—and replaced by the Perikatan Nasional (PN) coalition
under Muhyiddin Yassin, before being replaced in turn by Barisan Nasional’s leadership under Ismail Sabri Yaakob. At the time of writing, a further
change in government has ensued, with a PH–BN “unity government”
in power. The analysis below primarily focuses on the period coinciding
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6
K. YING HOOI AND A. R. GOVINDASAMY
with the worst effects of the pandemic in 2020–2021, which includes
major events such as the suspension of Parliament for seven months
starting January 2021 after PN declared a state of emergency, allegedly
over Covid-19 concerns (Kumar, 2021). Such measures proved ineffective, given the government’s inability to control cases, which eventually
had profound consequences for the domestic economic sectors and financial market (Majid, 2020). In fact, Malaysia’s heightened vulnerability to
global developments has been long noted, partly as a function of recent
political instability (Central Bank of Malaysia, 2018).
Overall, this period was characterised not just by a tremendous impact
on health, but also political and economic instability, as well as rising
unemployment and the curtailment of civic spaces. As such, it remains a
key site of scholarly interest, including the political dimensions of how
a consideration of the “state-in-society”—i.e., as seen in the temporal
overlaps between changes in government and actual governance—affected
the local handling of the pandemic (Por, 2023), although we instead
aim to broaden scholarly focus by unpacking the local manifestations
of (de)globalisation to a deeper degree. This chapter thus provides
further insights into Malaysia’s positionality within the discourse on
(de)globalisation, by collectively taking the conflicts and uncertainties
surrounding the Covid-19 pandemic as a key framework. The main question for us is as follows: how has the pandemic influenced (or continues
to influence) a local process of deglobalisation that was already underway
beforehand, when heightened risks to future trade and the possibility of
strategic conflicts usher in a climate of profound uncertainty?
Reviewing the Discourse on Deglobalisation
The antecedents of deglobalisation are primarily economic in nature
(Kornprobst & Paul, 2021), but its discourse is multifaceted: hence,
the discourse is examined through three perspectives—economic, political and social—with the first being the primary focus in the literature.
Cases such as the United Kingdom’s withdrawal from the European
Union can be treated as a manifestation of all three aspects. Looking
at economic globalisation specifically, this discourse reached its height
between the late 2000s and the early 2010s, after which political and
social dimensions gained significance. Within the literature, globalisation
itself is significantly connected and discussed together with multinationalism and international economic integration. Hence, the roles played
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INTRODUCTION: RECONSIDERING (DE)GLOBALISATION …
7
by international organisations such as the World Trade Organization,
the International Monetary Fund and the United Nations Conference
on Trade and Development are considered to be significant. However,
when inequality and unfairness became critical issues among trading
nations, resistance towards globalisation led to the emergent discourse
of regionalism instead (Menon, 2021), characterised by regional integration agreements such as the Association of Southeast Asian Nations
(ASEAN) and the Comprehensive and Progressive Agreement for TransPacific Partnership. This cyclical dynamic can be summed up as such:
globalisation begets deglobalisation, which can result in a return to some
form of globalisation (Kim et al., 2020).
Despite an understanding of this relationship, the literature on deglobalisation is still limited. This term is generally attributed to Walden Bello
(2004) as an alternative proposal and counterbalance to the increasing
entrenchment of (neoliberal) capitalist structures. For Bello, there are
14 features of deglobalisation, the most significant of which concerns
production for the domestic market—arguably, there may not be much
conflict between Bello’s model and a form of globalisation premised upon
equitable and sustainable development.1 Although generally characterised
as a process of diminishing interdependence and integration between
specific units, typically nation-states (Kim et al., 2020), the term is subject
to dispute. Martinez (2021) opines that the concept generally has two
meanings: (1) a solution for local manufacturers in combatting foreign
competition and (2) the decline of international economic trade and
investment. Scholars argue that drivers of deglobalisation include trade
imbalances, political pressure, populism, high unemployment rates and
international trade tensions (Kim et al., 2020). To some extent, the term
is often considered as inevitably having negative connotations.
1 The remaining features are as follows: (1) subsidies at the national level; (2) strong
trade policies; (3) industrial policies, including subsidies, tariffs and trade, to strengthen
manufacturing sectors; (4) long-postponed measures of equitable income redistribution;
(5) a deemphasis on growth but an emphasis on upgrading the quality of life instead; (6)
transforming power and transportation systems into decentralised systems based on renewable sources; (7) maintaining a healthy balance between a country’s carrying capacity and
the size of its population; (8) employing environmentally congenial technology; (9) using
a gendered lens to ensure gender equity; (10) applying strategic economic decisions to
the market or technocrats; (11) monitoring civil society as well as institutionally supervising the private sector and the state; (12) transforming into a mixed economy; and (13)
replacing centralised global institutions with regional ones.
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K. YING HOOI AND A. R. GOVINDASAMY
Several historic phases of deglobalisation (followed by a rebound in
globalisation) have been noted in the world economy (Kim et al., 2020).
These include the period bookended by the First World War’s outbreak
in 1914 to the end of the Second World War in 1945. The Great War
produced prolonged economic dislocation, including the withdrawal of
Russia from capitalist world trade after the communists took power in
1917, the outbreak of the so-called Spanish influenza in 1918, monetary
instability in the early 1920s, the introduction of new immigration restrictions in the US, the Great Depression’s lengthy effects starting in 1929
and increased protectionism in the 1930s (which arguably deepened the
global economic downturn). Such turmoil in the process towards integration led to the world economy suffering significant reversals (Irwin,
2012, 2020; Lee & Park, 2020). More recent examples include the
aftermath of the global financial crisis of 2008, while the influence of
multinational enterprises (MNEs) saw periods of distrust towards globalisation (Martinez, 2021). More recently, the so-called US–China trade war
placed pressure on various world economies (Lee & Park, 2020), resulting
in increased trade tensions and protectionist measures (Chi, 2020). For
instance, China began to turn inwards, introducing policies to promote
the domestic development of its leading industries under President Xi
Jinping, while the US embraced an “America First” policy under Trump,
which shifted away from trade liberalisation and towards protectionism
(Irwin, 2020).
Notably, there seems to be a tendency for such discourse to centre
on the more economically developed countries, where the debate
between globalisation (i.e., free trade) and deglobalisation (i.e., trade
protectionism) is coded in economic terms (Kim et al., 2020). With
Covid-19, protectionist policies are even more significant (Dandolov,
2021)—economic deglobalisation manifests as vulnerabilities in the global
value chain and MNE activity, as well as diminished flows of goods,
services, capital and information through long-distance market transactions (Afesorgbor et al., 2021; Lee & Park, 2020). Increased regionalisation and localisation emerge, thus reducing trade interdependence.
As economies regionalise and localise, further uncorrelation occurs, thus
pushing investors to rethink their approaches (Chi, 2020). Seen from a
realist approach, economic deglobalisation can be regarded in individualistic terms (Behera, 2021; Zehra, 2011), where different regions and
countries experience the pandemic differently based on their respective
economic indicators (Afesorgbor et al., 2021).
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INTRODUCTION: RECONSIDERING (DE)GLOBALISATION …
9
Meanwhile, political deglobalisation discourages international cooperation and has resulted in the re-emergence of nationalism to a significant degree, given how international cooperation has been significantly
curtailed while a higher level of nationalism has emerged regarding Covid19-related issues such as the provision of medical devices and vaccines
(ibid.). Such political deglobalisation exposes the flaws inherent in global
governance, where the proliferation of organisations in the international
arena could lead to potential political fragmentation, hence complicating
cooperation accordingly (Jubilut & Limongi, 2021; Ripsman, 2021).
From a realist perspective, such an international environment can be
viewed as being anarchic (but not in its specific ideological sense), given
the lack of a centralised system, consequently drawing attention to the
need for effective international cooperation (Jubilut & Limongi, 2021).
Finally, social deglobalisation further reveals global income inequality,
resulting in misalignment and confrontations between peoples (James,
2018). Here, Mbembe (2018) sees three aspects of deglobalisation:
digital computation (which engenders a new, common world as well as
configurations of reality and power), borderisation (which is no longer
simply a line of demarcation separating distinct sovereign entities) and
migration.
Covid-19-Related Impacts of Deglobalisation
With Covid-19, the impacts and discourse of deglobalisation have not
only increased but also gone beyond developed countries, thus becoming
effectively vernacularised elsewhere (Antràs, 2020; Peng et al., 2021;
Williamson, 2021). Through the lens of economic globalisation, Covid19 has been seen to reduce economic integration (Evenett & Baldwin,
2020; Irwin, 2020) and is manifested in protectionism, justified by the
need to maintain national security and public health (e.g., procuring
medical gear and food supplies), with an emphasis on domestic sourcing
(Afesorgbor et al., 2021; Irwin, 2020). Thus, a new form of globalised
affairs emerges, where political leaders rethink their erstwhile approaches
to investments in free markets—for example, they are more inclined
towards domestic actions to safeguard their citizens from falling below
the poverty line (Martinez, 2021). For instance, China and India are
moving towards greater self-reliance and inwardness, having observed the
impacts on their respective economies: in particular, China’s formerly
export-driven economy now relies more heavily on domestic demand
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10
K. YING HOOI AND A. R. GOVINDASAMY
(Subramanian & Felman, 2020). Aside from that, the fragility of the
global value chain has been revealed, existing economic and social
inequalities are exacerbated, while foreign direct investment has decreased
(Afesorgbor et al., 2021; Lee & Park, 2020).
Political deglobalisation is significantly seen in increased nationalism
(Bieber, 2020), with an emphasis on the state’s role in decision-making.
With mainstream politics moving towards support for tightened border
controls and further limits on migration (Betz, 2020), in the long run,
these measures could entail negative consequences for policies related to
migrants, refugees and asylum-seekers, in ways that are less “friendly”
and which overlap with social deglobalisation. For instance, the increased
emphasis on maintaining ethnic homogeneity in Western and Eastern
Europe is not just a by-product of pandemic-induced shifts in migration dynamics, but may also be characterised as a sign of intra-European
deglobalisation (Dandolov, 2021). Further, the inefficiency of regional
and global governance is another indicator of political deglobalisation
(Permal, 2021). For instance, European Union member states disagreed
on a common union-wide response to Covid-19, most clearly seen in
the case of Italy, the site of Europe’s first major outbreak in early March
2020. Despite appealing to other member countries for help when it experienced shortages of emergency medical equipment, none responded in
significant measure (Lee & Park, 2020). Meanwhile, the World Health
Organization was accused of being partial towards China by the US,
which threatened to withdraw from the international body, by extension seriously weakening its capacity to lead a global effort in resolving
the pandemic (Lee & Park, 2020). Such absences of coordinated and
cooperative responses could accelerate major problems (Irwin, 2020),
especially given the attenuation of foreign relations. The most obvious
example is the worsening of US–China relations, whose respective differences in containing the spread of Covid-19 have, by extension, influenced
the international relations approaches of other countries (Kornprobst &
Paul, 2021). At least until it reversed its “zero Covid” policy, China’s
tightly controlled authoritarian measures, which allowed for the imposition of strict lockdowns, had arguably contained the pandemic more
effectively than liberal approaches such as the US model (Lee & Park,
2020). Regarding social deglobalisation, worldwide inequality has deepened, with disproportionate impacts on poor and vulnerable communities,
which carry much of the pandemic’s health and economic burdens. For
instance, many are not covered by health insurance and do not receive
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INTRODUCTION: RECONSIDERING (DE)GLOBALISATION …
11
unemployment benefits (ibid.). Low-wage and informal economy workers
(who are most likely to lose work opportunities), the elderly and poor
(who are especially vulnerable to Covid-19 and suffer disproportionately
high death rates) as well as migrants and refugees (who face continued
discrimination and are subject to heightened securitisation) are among
the worst-hit communities.
In the Malaysian context, the general logic of globalisation was
assumed to run along conventional neoliberal lines. It was seen as a
way of boosting prosperity for all by making markets more extensive and
efficient—meanwhile, criticism of such trickle-down economics has been
elucidated at length elsewhere (see, for example, Sen, 2006). Regardless,
there have been technological advances and higher foreign investments,
with faster income growth for capitalists and highly skilled workers.
Malaysia’s integration into global value chains has played a crucial role
in its economic development, although as argued in this volume, it had
historically already been integrated into modern capitalist systems, albeit
to a lesser degree, from the colonial period. Since independence in 1957,
Malaysia has developed into an upper-middle-income country. Indeed,
if we view globalisation in a broader temporal and institutional sense,
historic trade routes have been central to its precolonial states’ respective
development, and hence, recent trends are a continuation of its interconnectedness. Within this dynamic, the impact of the Cold War cannot
be underestimated, especially given that authoritarian states were historically excellent drivers of capitalist growth, having crushed dissent raised
by the political left and enabling the consolidation of capital among elites
(Watson, 2021). Seen in this light, almost every important aspect of
globalisation—involving trade, capital, labour migration, technology and
information flows—has left a deep imprint on its economy and society,
steering it away from being highly dependent on primary commodities
(e.g., tin and rubber) towards a foci on manufacturing and services (e.g.,
electronics and Islamic banking), although the significance of its agricultural sector—particularly palm oil—remains high. The early phases of
engagement with modern globalisation markedly reduced poverty and
inequality rates, but in its later stages, an excessive dependence on lowskilled foreign labourers—who are often relegated to stigmatised and
hazardous jobs—may have compromised its economy’s competitiveness.
Malaysia’s multi-ethnic society has also posed considerable challenges in
terms of balancing domestic needs and equitable development against a
greater engagement with globalisation. Thus, the nature and impact of
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12
K. YING HOOI AND A. R. GOVINDASAMY
globalisation have changed over time, with the openness and economic
liberalisation (which is not necessarily political) of its open economy
simultaneously being vulnerable to global economic shocks (Lee, 2019).
Thus, the public health crisis has also had broad and severe negative
consequences for Malaysia’s economy. At the same time, national unilateralism has been expanding at the expense of effective regional and global
policy cooperation, thus boding ill for ASEAN.
Drawing from the above discussion, we ask how economic, political
and social deglobalisation has had impacts on Malaysia. A few key issues
can be highlighted, particularly related to migrant workers (and other
non-citizen communities such as refugees). Malaysia’s heavy reliance on
migrant workers, who were already living in poor and unsanitary conditions as well as lacking access to healthcare and worker protection, is
particularly problematic, and the human consequences have been further
compounded by the implementation of various MCOs. The authorities
tend to view migrant workers as a separate, temporary community serving
no long-term strategic interest. The pandemic’s outcome has significantly
revealed their vulnerability to policy blind spots and exclusions (Wahab,
2020). There might also be localised effects of the broader trade war,
especially for competitive producers in “developing” countries such as
Mexico, India, Vietnam, Indonesia and Malaysia. Barriers were put up to
prevent the further spread of the pandemic—although not to halt trade
and “legal” migration flows—yet negative economic effects persist.
The calls for trade protectionism and insular policies threaten to
unravel Malaysia’s gains from globalisation. While a diversified export
market and product mix provide a buffer against global uncertainties,
integration remains crucial for further growth (Central Bank of Malaysia
2018). Therefore, since 2020, Malaysia has issued several stimulus packages to mitigate the economic impact, and of particular interest is
2021’s National People’s Well-Being and Economic Recovery Package
(PEMULIH). Valued at RM150 billion, it consists of a direct fiscal
injection of RM10 billion in the forms of wage subsidies, unemployment assistance and cash aid, with special grants for micro-, small- and
medium-sized enterprises as well as more financial support for struggling
households. There was also a RM400 million provision to increase the
vaccination programme’s capacity (Ministry of Finance Malaysia, 2021).
This, however, was a stopgap measure rather than a systemic or structural
overhaul.
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Objective, Approach and Outline
In our context, not all 14 features of deglobalisation outlined by Bello
(2004) existed at the time of Covid-19’s onset—indeed, Malaysia was
very much committed to a neoliberal approach. However, a decision
between globalisation and deglobalisation policies has effectively been
made regarding its economy, where selective deglobalisation is pursued—
for instance, employing bilateral trade barriers and emphasising protection, such as mitigating against the risks of Covid-19. Therefore, discussions on political and social deglobalisation must continue, given the
implications of several sweeping legislative measures taken to alleviate
mass panic and protect the health of citizens (Shah et al., 2020). For
instance, the Prevention of Control of Infectious Diseases (Measures
Within the Infected Local Areas) Regulations 2020 and Covid-19 Act
2020 (which was passed by the Dewan Negara, or the Senate, on
September 22 and came into force the next day), once combined with
the provisions of the Prevention and Control of Infectious Diseases Act
1988 and the Police Act 1967, would certainly provide authority to curb
transmissions (The Star, 2020). Following the declaration of a state of
emergency, the Malaysian Emergency (Essential Powers) (No. 2) Ordinance 2021 then came into play.2 The question, therefore, concerns one’s
freedom under the law—how is it curtailed under the pretext of safeguarding public interests (i.e., combatting Covid-19), when restrictions
on democratic spaces lead to the weakening of governance at the national
level?
This edited volume therefore provides a crucial platform, not only as a
retrospective record of the pandemic, but also as a framework by which to
understand its various dynamics and paradoxes, setting them within the
discourse of (de)globalisation (including how the state responded with
policies which, to some extent, undermined the practice of democracy
and the rule of law). As editors, we believe that this book captures such
crucial and complex developments, but more importantly, unlocks other
2 The Ordinance, promulgated without parliamentary approval, revives the draconian
provisions of the Anti-Fake News Act 2018, which was repealed in October 2019 by the
PH government. It also ostensibly sets out to combat “fake news”, which is defined here
as “any news, information, data, and reports, which is or are wholly or partly false relating
to Covid-19 or the proclamation of emergency, whether in the forms of features, visuals
or audio recordings or in any other form capable of suggesting words or ideas”.
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14
K. YING HOOI AND A. R. GOVINDASAMY
perspectives for understanding Covid-19 in its local context—particularly among marginalised communities—based on rich empirical evidence.
Therefore, our contributors’ chapters critically examine specific issues
related to key socioeconomic and political developments, primarily occurring in the 2020–2021 period. There is no singular methodology—our
contributors deploy a combination of methods, ranging from case studies
to in-depth fieldwork and textual analyses. They were given a free rein to
decide on their respective structures and approaches based on their areas
of expertise, so long as these were anchored within the broader theme
of deglobalisation. As such, we refrain from taking a deliberate stance
on whether or not to support (de)globalisation, especially given that this
concept means different things to different actors.
The first section, including this chapter, primarily deals with the rise of
theoretical debates on deglobalisation during Covid-19 in the global environment and its impact on the developing world. Yan Yin Yeo and Ei Sun
Oh argue, based on case studies, that Malaysia has missed the opportunity to become a high-income nation, where Covid-19 and the impact of
the ongoing war in Ukraine directly exacerbated domestic socioeconomic
inequalities and disparities. Roy Anthony Rogers focuses on the dilemmas
faced by Malaysia in responding to traditional and non-traditional security
threats, particularly whether or not a focus on procuring and maintaining
conventional weaponry is capable of ensuring national security. Arguably,
the government’s focus remains set on prioritising traditional security
threats, particularly in the allocation of national funds. Vyshnav Menon
examines three interrelated trends—i.e., illiberalism, deglobalisation and
youth activism, where such activism became increasingly important in
safeguarding democracy, especially given the rise of pandemic-triggered
political and economic uncertainty. His central claim is that civic engagement and youth activism are necessary to safeguard human rights issues
at this time.
The second section provides a close observation of how deglobalisation
and Covid-19 undermined Malaysian democracy, by primarily employing
a human rights perspective. Pin Lean Lau examines bio-constitutional
shifts and their implications for human rights through the commodification of citizens’ rights to health. The pandemic has exacerbated
irregularities in the provision of basic healthcare and has increasingly
commodified access to such—such are the results of factors including
deglobalisation, internal political rivalry and the re-interpretation of
democracy along populist lines. Thus, there is a need to renegotiate
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INTRODUCTION: RECONSIDERING (DE)GLOBALISATION …
15
such “suspended” constitutional rights, with implications for others.
Sheila Devi Michael explores the issue of foreign labour and specifically
argues that although the foreign labour force has significantly contributed
to economic development, it was significantly marginalised through
mistreatment and persecution, exploitation and abuse as well vaccine
discrimination. Kuan Yee Kow and Mohamad Zaki Samsudin highlight
the role of mainstream print media (a lynchpin of regime hegemony)
in the socialisation of rising discrimination among the general public,
which was particularly directed against such foreign workers as well as
refugees. Based on a discourse analysis, they argue that mainstream print
media constructed negative representations which further contributed
to rising xenophobia. Finally, Aaron Denison Deivasagayam provides a
detailed study of such lived discrimination, arguing that deglobalisation
not only enabled increased operations targeting these communities but
also resulted in a corresponding change in public perceptions.
The third section specifically focuses on deglobalisation’s manifold
impacts in the East Malaysian state of Sabah. Although it is one of the
federation’s most ethnically diverse states, rich in natural resources such
as petroleum, it is also the poorest. Firdausi Suffian explores Sabah’s food
policies specifically and highlights the challenges faced in the agricultural
sector at large, where deglobalisation has put pressure on subnational
regions that are dependent on food imports. The impact is particularly
significant for Sabah, which prioritises industrial crops over agro-food
production. Hence, he suggests that policymakers emphasise local food
security and the maintenance of supply chains. Esther Jawing and her
team investigate the impact of digital poverty on a learning community in Keningau and suggest that the digital divide has exacerbated
existing inequalities in education, as seen in the limitations caused by a
pandemic-era lack of infrastructure and internet connectivity—thus, the
sudden shift to online learning during the MCOs further disadvantaged
underprivileged communities. Finally, Kavitha Ganesan and Shaffarullah
Abdul Rahman discuss the indigenous Lundayeh wet paddy cultivation
system (Lati’ Ba’ ) and highlight how globalisation contributed to the
erosion of their indigenous identity, until Covid-19 restrictions created an
opportunity for the community to maintain a semblance of its traditional
lifestyle through paddy cultivation. Here, deglobalisation may indeed be
favourable for remote communities such as the Lundayeh.
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16
K. YING HOOI AND A. R. GOVINDASAMY
Conclusion
Today, the era of an unbridled open market and open borders faces significantly challenges—even as the immediate threat of the pandemic appears
to be much less pronounced, geopolitics, economic downturns, rising
inequality, failures to develop new political structures to manage the illeffects of globalisation and responses to new threats remain salient. Moreover, the heightened concern regarding national sovereignty—as illusory
as this consciousness is, given how interconnected we are even at a
quotidian level—has been amplified among many governments, especially regarding their economic policies. Hence, they are less keen on
dismantling trade barriers, but instead focus more on safeguarding jobs,
preventing intellectual property theft and deterring rising cybercrime,
thus making the return of “offshored” production by MNEs in the 1990s
and 2000s more likely. The exact impacts of deglobalisation differ based
on the countries in question, of course, but appear to be mainly determined by their economic status. A few developing countries would benefit
in the short run but would likely fail to sustain this advantage because of
the heightened risk to future trade and the possibility of strategic conflicts.
To some extent, the discourse on deglobalisation may have been
exaggerated by Covid-19, particularly because some countries proved to
be much more resilient than anticipated—however, this does not mean
overlooking its very human consequences and the general failure of
lofty promises to “build back better”. What cannot be denied is that
international cooperation is necessary to prevent the consequences of
deglobalisation from being reinforced by Covid-19’s ongoing fallout,
wherein traditional approaches might be replaced by new solutions. Our
current assessment may be summed up as such—by focusing on the
Malaysian context, there are signs of deglobalisation, but globalisation
continues to be relevant.
Acknowledgements The authors would like to express their gratitude and
sincere appreciation for the contributions of their research assistant, Jessie Lee,
in completing this work.
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