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Security, Conflict and Cooperation in the
Contemporary World
Series Editors
Effie G. H. Pedaliu, LSE Ideas, London, UK
John W. Young, University of Nottingham, Nottingham, UK
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The Palgrave Macmillan series, Security, Conflict and Cooperation in the
Contemporary World aims to make a significant contribution to academic
and policy debates on international history, war and diplomacy since
1900. It evolved from the series Global Conflict and Security edited
by Professor Saki Ruth Dockrill. The current series welcomes proposals
that offer innovative historical perspectives, based on archival evidence
and promoting an empirical understanding of economic and political
cooperation, conflict and security, peace-making, diplomacy, humanitarian
intervention, nation-building, intelligence, terrorism, the influence of
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Valentine Lomellini
The Italian State
and International
Terrorism, 1969–1986
The Lodo Moro
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Acknowledgements
The translation has been supported by the Department of Political
Science, Law and International Studies, University of Padua. This book
has been written in the wider framework of the University project
‘Memory & Oblivion: International Terrorism in Cold War Time’, led
by the author.
vii
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CHAPTER 1
Introduction. Fast Forward: Uses
and Abuses of the Lodo Moro
The history of the Italian Republic is intertwined with a variety of legends.
One of these legends is the Lodo Moro, a ‘backroom deal’ allegedly made
by the Italian secret services on behalf of Christian Democrat politician,
Aldo Moro, in order to shelter Italy from the wave of Arab-Palestinian
terrorism that shook Europe in the late 1960s.
When reflecting on and discussing the Italian political scene, the name
of Aldo Moro appears again and again. He held the office of Minister
several times, particularly that of Foreign Affairs, and was Prime Minister
twice, from 1963 to 1968 and later in 1971. He was the political mind
behind what is known as the ‘apertura a sinistra’ (the dialogue between
the Christian Democrats and the Italian Socialists), which led to the
formation of centre-left governments in the late 1950s and early 1960s.
In addition, Moro was the interlocutor of Enrico Berlinguer, Secretary of the Italian Communist Party (PCI), with whom he discussed
the possibility of developing a ‘compromesso storico’ (historic compromise), between the Christian Democrats and Communists. This dialogue
involved the two major Italian parties and sought to address the major
crises of the 1970s.
He was highly esteemed; but he was also widely reviled and opposed.
On 16 March 1978, Italy’s main terrorist organisation, the Red Brigades,
kidnapped Aldo Moro. His abduction sent shockwaves through the
1
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2
V. LOMELLINI
country and ended 55 days later, on 9 May 1978, when his body was
found in the back of a Renault 4 in the centre of Rome.
Over the last 20 years, the subject of domestic political terrorism
has been thoroughly investigated in many studies and is the subject of
numerous testimonies. The memory of the 360 deaths caused by this
violence on both ends of the political spectrum exists to a certain extent
but should be studied further.1
It is a different matter for the victims of Arab-Palestinian terrorism.
In the early 1970s, several other attacks were carried out by ArabPalestinian terrorists: the assault on the Israeli Olympic team in Munich
was undoubtedly the most notorious among them. However, these kinds
of attacks were directed towards clear targets, and thus the result of a
logic of selection rather than one of mass slaughter. In this context, the
sole exception was the attack on a bus at Munich Airport in 1970, which
resulted in one victim and 11 wounded. The number of Italian victims
(about 60 deaths and more than 200 injured) of this type of terrorism
during the Cold War period may seem small. Such reasoning may explain
the oblivion into which they have fallen.2
At the heart of legend lies reality, but reality is never as straightforward
as legend. The legend of the Lodo emerged as early as the dawn of the
1970s, when, in December 1973, a massacre took place on Italian soil at
Fiumicino Airport, the first of the terrorist campaigns launched in Europe
by various fringes of the Palestinian armed movement. At the time, it
was primarily parliamentarians of the neo-fascist Italian Social Movement
(Movimento Sociale Italiano or MSI) who denounced the ineffectiveness
of State pro-Arabism, and the alleged agreement between the Italian State
and the Palestinians, which had not been sufficient to protect Italy from
attack. There were multiple authors of the Lodo, and the upper echelons
of the Christian Democrat party, as a whole, were accused of bearing
responsibility.
Over time, the press and journalists periodically came to play a controversial role, aided by silence on the part of the authorities, as well as
by the tendency of witnesses to read the dynamics of the situation from
an Italo-centric perspective. The context in which they reported on the
agreement was muddled, with different types of terrorism being conflated
into one (the secular Palestinian with the religious Islamist, to give but
one example). This only increased the fog surrounding this delicate and
confidential topic, namely, State security and the safety of citizens.4
In July 1989, a few months prior to the fall of the Berlin Wall and the
unexpected shattering of the polarised world in which this story is set, a
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INTRODUCTION. FAST FORWARD: USES AND ABUSES …
3
long article was published in the weekly magazine Panorama in which the
‘Italy–PLO secret pact’ was mentioned. Just a dozen days earlier, Judge
Carlo Mastelloni had filed at the Records Office, a dossier on arms trafficking between the Palestine Liberation Organisation (PLO) and the Red
Brigades (Brigate Rosse; BR), catapulting the issue back into the headlines.5 The way in which the Lodo would be remembered became more
precise, taking the form it would acquire nowadays: Aldo Moro decided
upon the pact, Colonel Stefano Giovannone of the secret services negotiated it, and Yasser Arafat, the leader of Al Fatah and the PLO, promised
that, in exchange for the free movement of arms and guerrilla fighters,
Italy would be safe from attack.6 Panorama returned to the issue once
again in 1996, when public opinion was shaken by the escape of Majed al
Molqui, the man responsible for the assassination of Leon Klinghoffer, a
disabled Jewish American citizen, and the only fatality of the hijacking of
the Italian ship Achille Lauro in 1985.7 Alongside Moro, Mario Pedini,
former Undersecretary of Foreign Affairs, also had a prominent role in the
affair. Pedini would be identified as the intermediary to the real guarantor
of arms supplies to the PLO, Mariano Rumor, the Christian Democrat
politician regularly in government during those years.8
Following the wave of terrorism that swept through Europe in the
early 2000s after the attack on the Twin Towers, this issue was evoked
to explain the absence of Islamist attacks in Italy.9 In the first decade
of the new millennium, a clear, definitive, and unequivocal association
between the figure of Aldo Moro and the agreement was solidified. This
occurred when former President of the Republic, Christian Democrat
Francesco Cossiga, used the expression Lodo Moro for the first time on
20 July 2005 in a letter addressed to the right-wing National Alliance
Deputy of the Italian Parliament, Enzo Fragalà,10 and later in an interview with journalist Aldo Cazzullo in the Corriere della Sera newspaper
in 2008.11 Cossiga, denying knowledge of the agreement despite having
held office during the so-called First Italian Republic (1946–1994), spoke
of the Lodo. He linked it to the Bologna train station massacre of 2
August 1980 to substantiate the idea that the tragedy was an act of
retaliation by the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine (PFLP)
against the Italian government’s (alleged) violation of the Lodo Moro. This
discovery had supposedly been made the previous year, after the arrests
of Daniele Pifano, a member of the far-left Autonomia Operaia (Workers’
Autonomy), and Abu Anzeh Saleh, a Jordanian of Palestinian origin who
had long been in contact with the Italian intelligence services, following
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4
V. LOMELLINI
their involvement in the transportation of two Sam 7-Strela surface-to-air
missile launchers near Ortona, in central Italy.12
Although it has been legally found that neo-fascist terrorists belonging
to NAR (Armed Revolutionary Nuclei) were responsible, in the public
opinion the Lodo affair is still inevitably intersected with debates
surrounding the ‘motive’ for the Bologna station massacre in August
1980. The former President of the Italian Republic, Francesco Cossiga,
and the President of the Association of Victims of Terrorism, Paolo
Bolognesi, were on opposing sides regarding the idea the Italian neofascists were the guilty party.13 The judiciary screened the theory, closely
identifying the link between Palestinian involvement in the Bologna
massacre and the use of the agreement. It would later definitively refute
both the link with the massacre and the existence of the Lodo itself in
2020.14 Moreover, in 2016, General Mario Mori, former Commander of
the Special Operations Group (ROS) and former Director of the Intelligence and Democratic Security Service (SISDE), stated that if the Lodo
really existed, it ‘must have been made up of mere allusions, on both
sides’.15
Giovanni Pellegrino, former Chairman of the Stragi Commission, and
Bassam Abu Sharif, former representative of the PFLP, gave conflicting
opinions.16 Both confirmed the existence of the Lodo but rejected its
link with the Bologna massacre.17 The term Lodo Moro became widely
used. Moro’s clear authorship appeared to be established conclusively.
The reference to letters penned by the Christian Democrat politician
during his abduction by the Red Brigades from 16 March to 9 May 1978,
in which he wrote of an exchange of Palestinian prisoners, was interpreted
as evidence of his central involvement in the affair.18 From the ‘people’s
prison’, Moro returned to those events to support the increased possibility
of negotiation with the BR for his release.
40 years later, the President of the Italian Republic, Francesco Cossiga,
blamed Moro’s attitude during his kidnapping.19 He argued that Moro
was more concerned about his personal needs rather than ‘the dignity
of the State’.20 The news of Arafat’s attempt to mediate with the Red
Brigades during the politician’s kidnapping seemed to affirm the disgrace
of his request for preferential treatment.21
So, did the Lodo really exist? Who were its Italian protagonists? Who
were Rome’s representatives? Was it merely a domestic practice, a clear
demonstration of the archetypal dishonesty and abstruseness of Italy’s
ruling class? Was it an affair that concerned the secret service, Moro’s
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1
INTRODUCTION. FAST FORWARD: USES AND ABUSES …
5
‘loyal friends’?22 Was it Moro’s affair, a man of historic compromise, a key
player in the dialogue with the PLO, and a victim of the Red Brigades?
In May 2021, former President of the Italian Senate, Maria Elisabetta
Casellati, on the 43rd anniversary of the assassination of the Christian
Democrat politician, stated that ‘silence is louder than bombs’.23 In 2021,
President of the Republic Sergio Mattarella evoked a number of ‘truths
yet to be clarified’, and this should not be limited to those regarding
Italian political terrorism.24 Yet to be uncovered is the truth about the
‘asymmetric war’ that involved a State faced with international terrorism,
the memory of which has been consigned to oblivion.
This book came about almost naturally as part of a broader study on
European States’ policies on international terrorism between the 1960s
and 1980s.
I believe it is important to specify this, as this international approach
to Italian events, present in the sources as well as in the wider contextual framework, was vital to the development of several methods of
interpretation that the reader will find in the pages that follow.
There are many people I would like to thank: first and foremost,
the archival staff who actively collaborated in making the documents
available, most of which have been recently declassified. In many cases,
the sensitive nature of the subject required the assistance of a dedicated archivist to verify that information on security could be accessed.
I, therefore, in particular, thank for their professional help and substantial assistance: Simona Greco of the Archivio centrale dello Stato, Stefania
Ruggeri and Cinzia Aicardi of the Archivio del Ministero degli Esteri,
Marina Giannetto and Giuseppe Borrello of the Archivio Storico della
Presidenza della Repubblica, Ilaria Moroni of the Centro documentale
Flamigni, Ariane Morais-Abrau of the Archives Diplomatiques des Affaires
Étrangères, Dieter Schlenker of the Historical Archives of the European Union, Giovanna Bosman and Cristiana Pipitone of the Fondazione
Archivio Antonio Gramsci, Concetta Argiolas and Luciana Devoti of the
Luigi Sturzo Institute, Umberto Valloreja of the Archivio Generale Penale
del Tribunale di Milano, and the staff of the National Archives of the
United Kingdom, the Fondazione Lelio e Lisli Basso, the Auswärtiges
Amt Politisches Archiv, the Archivio Storico del Senato della Repubblica,
and the Fondazione Giangiacomo Feltrinelli.
My sincere thanks also to the staff of the Ettore Anchieri Library of the
University of Padua, and in particular to Maria Cristina Vettore, Natalia
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6
V. LOMELLINI
De Lorenzo and Raffaella Palma for supporting me in the search for
sometimes unobtainable texts.
This book benefited from the fruitful discussion with students from
the ‘Terrorism and Security in International History’ course, established
in 2018 as part of the master’s degree in European and Global Studies
at the University of Padua. My sincere thanks to the course’s organising
committee, which upheld the importance of teaching dedicated to these
topics, and to the former Director, Elena Pariotti, who found this research
strand to be of interest to the Department of Political Science, Law, and
International Studies. Indeed, within the Department, I found discussions
with various colleagues from other disciplines particularly stimulating.
The ‘Seminars in Politics’ that we have organised since 2017, together
with Marco Almagisti, Ekaterina Domorenok, Paolo Graziano, Giorgia
Nesti and others, have been important occasions for interdisciplinary
dialogue, the impact of which can be found in the pages of this book.
In this regard, I am indebted to Matteo Bassoli, whose help was crucial
in the development of the graph in Appendix 1 on [pagexxx].
ATTENTATI E VITTIME
IN QU ATTRO PAESI EUROPEI, 1968-1988
300
9
8
250
7
6
200
5
150
4
3
100
2
50
1
0
Germania-Eventi
Germania-Vittime
Italia-Eventi
Italia-Vittime
1987
1988
1986
1985
1984
1982
1983
1981
1980
1978
Francia-Eventi
Francia-Vittime
1979
1977
1976
1975
1974
1973
1972
1970
1971
1969
1968
0
UK-Eventi
UK-Vittime
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1
INTRODUCTION. FAST FORWARD: USES AND ABUSES …
7
Conversations with several leading international scholars of terrorism,
including Richard English, Bruce Hoffman, Jörg Monar and Tim Wilson,
offered me fresh perspectives. For helpful comments, sincere thanks go
to Filiberto Agostini, Mireno Berrettini, Bernhard Blumenau, Michele
Brunelli, Massimo Bucarelli, Giovanni Mario Ceci, Massimiliano Cricco,
Sante Cruciani, Laura Di Fabio (whom I thank for her help with the
German language), Elena Dundovich, Filippo Focardi, Guido Formigoni,
Giuliano Garavini, Miguel Gotor, Maria Eleonora Guasconi, Andrea
Guiso, Silvio Labbate, Francesco Saverio Leopardi, Michele Marchi,
Arturo Marzano, Mariele Merlati, Luca Micheletta, Leopoldo Nuti,
Eva Oberloskampf, Guido Panvini, Daniele Pasquinucci, Luca Polese
Remaggi, Silvio Pons, Luca Riccardi, Paolo Soave, Massimiliano Trentin,
Angela Villani and Benedetto Zaccaria. For the English translation, my
thanks also to Simranjit Kaur Sahota, Philip Cooke, and Octavia MoiseZanellato for the notes. My deep gratitude goes to Effie G.H. Pedaliu
and John Young for believing in the importance of making this volume
available to the international community through its translation into
English.
For sharing their experience with me and providing me with several
important suggestions, my thanks go to Simona Colarizi, Georges-Henri
Soutou and Antonio Varsori. In addition to helping me improve the draft
of the book, Alba Lazzaretto was a pillar I often leaned upon in moments
of dejection, as well as to celebrate successful pages. To her, I offer my
most profound and sincere thanks. Amid the stormy pages of this volume,
my mother has been a patient observer. This book is dedicated to my
children, Federico, Dimitri and Noemi, my best ISBN-free ‘products’, in
the hope that, one day, they will understand why I felt it was so important
to write it.
Notes
1. Speech by the President of the Senate, Maria Elisabetta Casellati, Giorno della Memoria dedicato alle vittime del terrorismo, accessed 25 May 2021: https://www.senato.it/4171?atto_
presidente=10201. An important step towards commitment to
preserving the memory of terrorism took place in 2017 with
the signing of a memorandum of understanding between the
MIUR (Ministry of Education, University and Research) and the
Associations of Families of the Victims of Terrorism: accessed
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8
V. LOMELLINI
5 April 2021: https://www.miur.gov.it/web/guest/-/protocollomiur-associazioni-vittime-del-terrorismo.
2. Rand Corporation Database, accessed 15 February 2019: https://
www.rand.org/nsrd/projects/terrorism-incidents.html.
3. In the early 1970s, several other attacks were carried out by
Arab-Palestinian terrorists: the assault on the Israeli Olympic team
in Munich was undoubtedly the most notorious among them.
However, these kinds of attacks were directed towards clear targets,
and thus, the result of a logic of selection rather than one of mass
slaughter. In this context, the sole exception was the attack on a
bus at Munich Airport in 1970, which resulted in one victim and
11 wounded.
4. For example: ‘Dodici anni di terrorismo arabo in Italia’, La Repubblica, 9 October 1985 (which lists attacks by Libyans, Shiite
Muslims, Armenians, Israelis, Palestinian extremists, Lebanese,
Socialist Muslims, Jordanians and unspecified ‘‘Arabs’’); Francesca
Paci, ‘Fu il lodo Moro a risparmiare agli italiani la sorte di francesi
e americani a Beirut nell’82’, La Stampa, 6 July 2017; ‘Ministro
Lamorgese, esiste un altro ‘lodo Moro’ che protegge gli jihadisti in
Italia?’, L’Adige, 30 October 2020.
5. It is reported in headlines as such: Antonio Carlucci, ‘Tu non fare
attentati, io ti armo’, Panorama, 9 July 1989, Centro Documentazione Archivio Flamigni (hereinafter: CDAF), Serie Flamigni,
SF_Serie5_SS8_SSS5_UA23_Panorama.
6. Ibid. Another example in the text: Giovannone, head of the SISMI
base in Beirut and ‘friend of Aldo Moro as well as his representative
in the field with respect to Middle East policy’, was the architect
of the ‘secret pact made between our military intelligence and the
Palestinian secret services to keep Italy unharmed by attacks on its
territory’. See Maria Antonietta Calabrò, Giuseppe Fioroni, Moro.
Il caso non è chiuso. La verità non detta, (Torino: Lindau, 2018),
90.
7. Al Molqui was arrested in Spain a few weeks later, under US pressure: ‘L’arresto di Al Molqui’, la Repubblica, 23 March 1996,
CDAF, Serie Flamigni, Rassegna CS, Achille Lauro.
8. Antonella Stocco, ‘Fughe di terroristi, quante bugie’, Il Messaggero, 14 March 1996, CDAF, Serie Flamigni, Rassegna CS, Achille
Lauro. The security controversy was further revitalised by the news
that the 1982 bomber of a Rome synagogue, in which a child was
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1
INTRODUCTION. FAST FORWARD: USES AND ABUSES …
9
murdered, had been in Libya for years. Cf. ‘Bombarolo cercasi, anzi
meglio di no’, Panorama, 28 March 1996, CDAF, Serie Flamigni,
Rassegna CS, Achille Lauro.
9. Magdi Allam, ‘Bin Laden in Italia’, Gnosis. Rivista italiana di intelligence, January–April 2003, n. 25; Francesco Paternò, ‘L’Italia nel
mirino. Non per caso’, Il manifesto, 13 November 2003; both in
Manlio Graziano, ‘The Rise and Fall of ‘Mediterranean Atlanticism’
in Italian Foreign Policy: The Case of the Near East’, Modern Italy,
2007, vol. 12, n. 3, 299–300.
10. Cossiga dated the Lodo to the period in which Aldo Moro ‘was
for the first time President of the Council of Ministers’ between 4
December 1963 and 21 July 1964. However, during this period,
the internationalisation of Arab-Palestinian terrorism had not yet
taken place. Gabrielle Paradisi, Gian Paolo Pelizzaro, Francois de
Quengo de Tonquédec, Dossier strage di Bologna. La pista segreta,
(Bologna: Giraldi, 2010), 202–203.
11. Aldo Cazzullo, ‘Cossiga compie 80 anni: Moro? Sapevo di averlo
condannato a morte’, Corriere della Sera, 8 July 2008, 13.
12. Renato Farina, Cossiga mi ha detto. Il testamento politico di un
protagonista della storia italiana del Novecento (Venezia: Marsilio,
2011), 131. On the reasons that led Cossiga to define and publicly
comment on the Lodo Moro, and to not miss an opportunity to
deface the image of the Christian Democrat statesman, as well
as his position on the use of terrorism, see: Nando dalla Chiesa,
Lo statista. Francesco Cossiga, promemoria su un presidente eversivo
(Milano: Melampo, 2011), 61–76. On Cossiga’s manipulation of
the memory of terrorism see: Guido Panvini, ‘I Presidenti della
Repubblica e il terrorismo’, in Presidenti. Storia e costumi della
Repubblica nell’Italia democratica, ed. Maurizio Ridolfi (Roma:
Viella, 2014), 222–226. The harsh judgement of the judiciary
was also echoed later: ‘During terrorism and the Cold War, for
example, it happened several times that important judges, moved
not only by human narcissism but also by a certain sense of the
State, turned the other way’. Francesco Cossiga, Andrea Cangini.
Fotti Il Potere: Gli Arcana Della Politica e Dell’umana Natura
(Roma: Aliberti, 2010), 105. In particular, on the Lodo Moro:
‘The Bologna massacre was an accident that befell friends of the
“Palestinian movement” who, permitted by the “Lodo Moro” to
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10
V. LOMELLINI
do as they pleased in Italy as long as it did not harm our country,
deliberately blew up one or two suitcases of explosives’.
13. ‘Cossiga divide ancora la città. Bolognesi: non fu uomo di Stato’,
la Repubblica, 19 August 2010.
14. In August 2014, the left-wing Italian newspaper la Repubblica
reported that, for the prosecutors of Bologna, ‘the establishment of the “Lodo Moro” has not been ascertained, nor have
specific occasions of the Italian State’s concrete tolerance of the
illegal carrying of weapons and explosives on Italian territory by
Palestinian agents’: ‘Quella pista del Medio Oriente che emerse
nel giugno ’80 da fonti segrete del Sismi’, la Repubblica, 1
August 2014. Cf. ‘Strage del 2 agosto, cade la pista palestinese. Bolognesi: ‘Era ora’, (ibid.); Gianluca Di Feo, ‘Strage di
Bologna: i due volti della nuova perizia’, la Repubblica, 28 June
2019; Salvatore Sechi, ‘L’ombra di Carlos, Gheddafi e Habbash
sulla strage di Bologna’, Avanti!, 29 April 2020, accessed 16
January 2021: https://www.avantionline.it/lombra-di-carlosghe
ddafi-e-habash-sulla-strage-di-bologna/; Antonella Baccaro, ‘Vent’anni sulle carte del 2 agosto: ‘Ma è arrivata l’ora della verità’,
Corriere di Bologna, 29 July 2020; it should be noted that, with
respect to the Lodo, the President of the Victims’ Association
Bolognesi called for caution: ‘I have seen the papers, there is
nothing’. la Repubblica, 6 May 2016. Some right-wing parliamentarians, including Francesco Storace, Carlo Giovanardi, Maurizio
Gasparri, found it credible that Palestinian involvement was later
supported by Libyan involvement: ‘Strage di Bologna, si riapre la
pista palestinese’, la Repubblica, 20 August 2011; ‘Due agosto, si
riaccende lo scontro sulla matrice fascista della strage’, la Repubblica, 21 August 2011; ‘Stragi, altre voci sulla pista libica’, la
Repubblica, 6 May 2016; ‘Moro, la verità si trova anche negli
archivi Stasi’, l’Unità, 25 September 2013.
15. Piero Melati, ‘Mario Mori: la storia dei Servizi, dai Sumeri a me
stesso’, il Venerdì, 15 January 2016.
16. In an interview with the Corriere della Sera, Cossiga underlined
that Bassam Abu Sharif had confirmed the presence of a Palestinian as an involuntary architect of the Bologna massacre, thus
indirectly admitting ‘that the Lodo was present and was dealt with
by the SISMI officer in Lebanon, Stefano Giovannone, on behalf of
Moro’. The former President of Italy commented on Abu Sharif’s
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INTRODUCTION. FAST FORWARD: USES AND ABUSES …
11
speech with these words: ‘He says this because he wants the world
to know this: there is another Lodo in progress, the Pollari-D’Alema
Lodo that protects us from attacks in Lebanon and protects Italy’.
Note that on 11 July 2008, the PFLP also rejected Cossiga’s accusations in the pages of the Lebanese magazine as-Safir. as-Safir, n.
11044, 8 July 2008, quoted in Farina, Cossiga mi ha detto. Il testamento politico di un protagonista della storia italiana del Novecento,
132–133. The article to which Cossiga referred is probably: Davide
Frattini, ‘Trattai io il lodo Moro. Mani libere a noi palestinesi’,
Corriere della Sera, 14 August 2008.
17. Dino Martirano, ‘Moro e il patto con i palestinesi. Ne scrisse dalla
prigione delle BR’, Corriere della Sera, 15 August 2008.
18. ‘Fiumicino 1985. Quel raid palestinese al Leonardo da Vinci’,
l’Unità, 27 December 2010.
19. The expression comes from journalist Giovanni Bianconi, an expert
on Italian political terrorism, 16 marzo 1978, Laterza, Bari-Roma,
2019, 124–127.
20. Cazzullo, ‘Cossiga compie 80 anni’.
21. Regarding attempts at international dialogue to facilitate Moro’s
release, Andreotti called Czechoslovakia into question, while for
Craxi the Palestinians came to mind. The eagerness of Gaddafi
and Arafat was also mentioned; Agostino Giovagnoli, Il caso Moro
(Bologna: Il Mulino, 2005), respectively 85 and 242. On Arafat’s
statement: Sergio Flamigni, La tela del ragno. Il delitto Moro,
(Roma: Edizioni Associate, 1988), 263. Regarding Aldo Moro’s
policy towards Italian terrorism before his kidnapping: Giovanni
Mario Ceci, ‘Aldo Moro di fronte ai terrorismi e alle trame eversive
(1969–1978)’, Mondo contemporaneo, 2010, n. 2, 167–206.
22. Mastelloni also recently used the expression ‘l’équipe di Moro’:
Ferruccio Pinotti, ‘Il giudice Mastelloni: Vigilare sulla fase 2,
sanità e sicurezza necessitano di più finanziamenti’, Corriere della
sera, 22 April 2020; Francesco Grignetti, ‘Mastelloni: Così nel’71
bloccammo un golpe Gheddafi’, La Stampa, 24 May 2016; Piero
Laporta, ‘Patto Moro-Arafat: l’Italia evitò le bombe ma si fece due
nemici’, Libero, 30 May 2016.
23. ‘La giornata della Memoria delle vittime del terrorismo: I silenzi
sono più rumorosi delle bombe’, La Stampa, 9 May 2021.
24. ‘Aldo Moro, il presidente Mattarella depone una corona di fiori
in via Caetani’, Corriere della Sera, 9 May 2021. For evidence of
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12
V. LOMELLINI
the lack of memory surrounding international terrorism in reflections on the ‘‘years of lead’’, a period marked by a wave of
far-left and far-right terrorism from the late 1960s to the late
1980s in Italy see: Anna L. Tota, Trever Hagen (eds.), Routledge International Handbook of Memory Studies, (London–New
York: Routledge, 2016), Part V; Andrea Hajek, ‘Lo stragismo
sul grande schermo: terrorismo, didattica e le strategie dell’oblio
in Italia’, Storia e Futuro, October 2013. President Mattarella
made an important gesture towards remedying this situation by
including Stefano Gaj Taché, the two-year-old boy murdered in
the 1982 attack on the Rome Synagogue, among the victims
of terrorism, after a long battle fought by his brother Gadiel.
Faro di Roma, 35esimo dell’attentato alla Sinagoga. Mattarella: ‘Il
ricordo di quel giorno non si attenua’, 9 October 2017, accessed
13 May 2021: https://www.farodiroma.it/35esimo-dellattentatoalla-sinagoga-mattarella-ricordo-quelgiorno-non-si-attenua/. The
presence of President Napolitano at the 30th anniversary of the
massacre was noteworthy: Giacomo Galeazzi, ‘Attentato alla Sinagoga. Anniversario senza giustizia’, La Stampa, 10 October 2012.
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