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Yousuf Al-Bulushi
Ruptures
in the Afterlife
of the Apartheid City
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CHAPTER 1
Introduction: Thinking the World
from Durban
Apartheid, the political logic of late capitalism, arranges our future through
control of our space.
Ruth Wilson Gilmore1
Revolutionary dreams erupt out of political engagement; collective social
movements are incubators of new knowledge.
Robin Kelley2
The great powers of the world may have done wonders in giving the world
an industrial and military look, but the great gift still has to come from
Africa—giving the world a more human face.
Steve Biko3
Some say the Durban beachfront represents the most desegregated
space in the “post-apartheid” city today. Take a moment to transport
yourself back to 2013, the year in which I spent the longest stretch in
the city,4 and join me on the following journey: Start at the northern tip
of the three-mile-long stretch of sand that graces the city’s Indian Ocean
shores, where the Suncoast casino sits, and walk south between the waves
and the concrete. Observing your immediate surroundings, you might be
inclined to agree that the formal segregation which defined the apartheid
era has now been transcended, or at least suspended. A real mélange
of city-life meets at these shores, where white and black surfers, Indian
1
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2
Y. AL-BULUSHI
bunny chow sellers, and fully covered Muslims seek out the early morning
sunrise views or a late-night bite to eat on the waterfront. In what was
once an archetype of the apartheid doctrine of “separate development,”
where prime recreational areas such as these were strictly segregated, now
children of all races can be seen splashing in the water together, digging
in the sand, and mingling in the many play pools that stretch along the
waterfront.
If you are lucky enough to visit during the Durban International Film
Festival, one of the best of such gatherings on the African continent, you
might catch a documentary at the Blue Waters Hotel—just south of the
Suncoast casino—about comparative histories of apartheid in South Africa
and Israel/Palestine. This experience would encourage you to believe in
the contemporary analytical salience of apartheid, but only insofar as it
marks a now-transcended historical reference point for South Africa, and
an oddly apt description of contemporary Israel’s colonization of Palestine, albeit one seemingly “out of joint” with our globally interconnected
and integrated times.5
Advancing south along the white sands that meet the rough waves,
however, seeds of doubt might begin creeping into your mind. Why are
most of the “car guards”—people who offer to keep your vehicle safe in
exchange for a few coins while you dine nearby—people of color? Why are
the low-wage service workers almost entirely black and Indian? Like me,
you might have your dreamy rainbow nation moment along the beachfront ultimately fractured by witnessing an incident of petty-theft, one of
thousands to occur that day across the country. A short, shoeless black
boy is chased down by a burly white man who could easily be a rugby
player. The white man claims the boy stole his backpack while he was
enjoying himself in the waves. Black police standby and watch quietly—
only hesitatingly intervening—clearly weary of interrupting the white
man’s seeming “right” to extract extra-judicial and violent revenge on
the poor boy, and in so doing, re-enact the very white-on-black violence
that founded modern South Africa, and the racial capitalist world order it
came to symbolize.6
Trying to forget this momentary violent interruption of your beachfront tour, you proceed along the shore until you reach the southernmost tip of the beachfront, just past the Ushaka Marine World theme
park that was built in 2004 to recognize a decade of post-apartheid
“freedom.” There, you will turn right, rounding the point and entering
the Durban Bay, where you will likely find yourself face-to-face with a
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1
INTRODUCTION: THINKING THE WORLD FROM DURBAN
3
Fig. 1.1 Durban Beachfront (Photo by author)
massive container ship coming to port. Durban is known today as perhaps
the busiest port on the entire African continent—alongside Port Said,
Egypt—with roughly 60% of South Africa’s exports and imports passing
through its terminals.7 Durban grew during the late nineteenth and twentieth centuries, serving as a logistical export hub for the minerals extracted
from the area around Johannesburg, including gold, diamonds, coal, platinum, uranium, and chromium. More locally, it was sugar cane that drove
the provincial economy of Natal during much of the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, and which also passed through the Durban port for export
to the rest of the world. Tongaat Hullet, one of the largest sugar companies on the continent, is still the largest landowner in the city today,
although their infamously long history of exploitation and dispossession
may have finally caught up with them as the organization faces extreme
financial difficulty and potential bankruptcy (Fig. 1.1).
Heading slightly inland, northwest from the port itself, you will find
yourself in downtown Durban. Once a thriving central business district
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4
Y. AL-BULUSHI
under colonial and apartheid rule, today it is less glorious, having been
abandoned by the white elite once the formal integration of the city
occurred in 1994. Many of these white elites fled to the outskirts
of the city to former sugar plantation land, transforming them into
new suburbs like Umhlanga Ridge, with exclusive gated communities
mirroring those that first emerged in Southern California.8 Despite this
white flight, downtown Durban remains a bustling city center, albeit
one without much of the glitz and glam of financial power that one
finds in other metropolitan centers. Here you will pass through thriving
informal markets and Chinese shopping malls, and over roads that have
been renamed in honor of veterans of the struggle against colonialism and
apartheid.9 The two most prominent among them include Pixley Ka Seme
St and Anton Lembede St., founders of the African National Congress
(ANC) and the ANC Youth League, respectively. Somewhere nestled
between these two streets—more commonly (and maybe appropriately)
still referred to by their colonial-era names—you will find the office of
Abahlali baseMjondolo, a shack dweller organization perhaps ironically
headquartered in a once-glamorous but now much diminished thirteenfloor building in downtown Durban. Abahlali’s office is meager, to say
the least, constituting three small rooms where meetings can sometimes
pack dozens of attendees into incredibly cramped quarters. The organization was forced to shift their headquarters here soon after the leadership
was displaced from the Kennedy Road shack settlement following a brutal
attack by an ANC-led and police-backed mob in 2009 that combined
formal and informal modes of repression.
In order to get to the shack communities where Abahlali members
actually reside, you will have to take Pixley Ka Seme St going against
traffic, up to where it eventually dovetails with the N3 highway heading
northwest through the city’s most immediate white-majority suburbs
where many tourists and the city’s professional class reside. If you stay
on the N3, you will eventually arrive at Johannesburg, but your journey
today is much shorter. Exiting the N3 to the south just past the affluent
suburbs deposits you at the Cato Crest shack settlement a mere three
miles from city center. Or you can take the N3 a bit further and exit to
the north, where you will find the Kennedy Road shack settlement, just
six miles from Abahlali’s downtown office. Abahlali members in Durban
reside in roughly forty such communities scattered throughout the city,
but these two have been especially prominent in the movement’s history.
As the crow flies, the distance to these shack settlements is relatively short,
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INTRODUCTION: THINKING THE WORLD FROM DURBAN
5
but as Henri Lefebvre and David Harvey remind us, space is not only
absolute but also relative and relational,10 and you will feel as though
you have time traveled. The enduring structural logic of sociospatial
apartheid, fleeting but nonetheless present along the Durban beachfront,
now smacks you upside the head, leaving you feeling dizzy. Communities
like Kennedy Road and Cato Crest mimic the historic “black spots” that
the apartheid government sought to eradicate when unruly blacks boldly
penetrated the boundaries of white urban space. Suddenly, you are among
an entirely black population, but only in an immediate sense. Just beyond
the borders of the shack communities are formally planned, working, and
middle-class neighborhoods where Indian and white families dominate in
number. But for now, you are in the middle of a shack settlement, and
here it does indeed feel like a different world. The global HIV/AIDS
epicenter that is Durban and the broader KwaZulu-Natal Province—
where infection rates for adults aged 15–49 hover around 27%—is likely
double that, if not more, in shack communities. Clean water, sanitation,
and electricity are all hard to come by, and can often only be accessed by
illegally tapping into nearby sources in more affluent neighborhoods.
But if these communities represent continuities with an apartheid
logic predicated on premature death for black people, they also represent ruptures with that logic.11 This is because such spaces, precarious
though they may be in the extreme, are also fought over and won by
their residents. It is true that shacks can also be found in rural settings
as well as in the backyards of formal homes located in historic townships
established under apartheid. But many of the urban shack communities
where Abahlali members reside, like Cato Crest, were only established
following intense struggles by their occupants to find a home closer to
the city center, given the economic and social opportunities such precise
geographies often promise.
1.1 Abahlali baseMjondolo:
Residents of the Shacks
Having first emerged in 2005, Abahlali is now the longest-running and
most prominent social movement in South Africa and one of the most
well-known radical organizations across the entire African continent. The
organization is a key node in the global struggle for the right to the
city, where resistance to gentrification in the global north has coupled
with demands for urban land redistribution in the global south. In
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6
Y. AL-BULUSHI
a context of permanent mass unemployment, Abahlali highlights the
ongoing centrality of struggles around social reproduction, offering a
crucial complement to the important resurgence of workplace movements
centered around factories, farms, and mining pits in South Africa.12 The
group operates as a network in the sense that ultimate power is granted to
local “branches” in specific shack settlements, rather than to the central
elected leadership body operating out of its small downtown office space.
As shack communities have blossomed in the post-apartheid era, so too
have intense struggles around access to formal housing, electricity, sanitation, childcare, and the basic necessities of everyday life. In the late 1990s
and early 2000s, many of these struggles may have pursued tense but
somewhat amicable negotiations with the national and local representatives of the ruling African National Congress (ANC). But over time they
have deteriorated into antagonistic stand-offs between everyday people
and their supposed “representatives.” As the promised “freedom” of a
post-apartheid era slowly turned into a nightmare, many shack dwellers
realized that not only might the government fail to meet their basic
needs without a persistent agitation in the form of people’s movements
from below, but even worse, state officials would begin to portray poor
black citizens as an anti-government mob in need of violent repression. In
their desperate search for an alternative politics, many poor people have
begun abandoning the official political parties—be they the governing
ANC or the smaller opposition parties such as the Democratic Alliance,
the Economic Freedom Fighters, or the Inkatha Freedom Party. Especially in Durban, but increasingly in other cities too, poor people living
in shacks will often turn to Abahlali in such situations when accusations
of corruption are leveled at local ward councilors or when the municipal
government has dispatched its repressive apparatus against shack dwellers
living on occupied land, squatted upon out of necessity in their bid to
survive in the city.
In addition to operating as a mediator between shack dwellers and the
different branches of local, regional, and national government, Abahlali
encourages self-organization among its membership in all aspects of their
life. Rather than waiting for freedom to be delivered from on high, the
group reminds its membership that true liberation lies in their own hands.
It supports the establishment of community programs such as childcare,
youth halls, and universities of the poor for dialogue and self-education in
the shacks. Most important, Abahlali has consistently preached a gospel
of dignity whereby it is the minds of the poor that are the simultaneous
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1
INTRODUCTION: THINKING THE WORLD FROM DURBAN
7
means and ends of struggle, something that existing political institutions
simply fail to comprehend.
1.2
Africa in the World13
This book recounts a story about the struggles for such spaces, with
particular attention to how they might offer us a window into broader
global debates concerning urban justice, race and class, development, and
the strategies of global movements confronting racial capitalism. As such,
the book is not exactly a story about a social movement, per se. Readers
expecting a traditional ethnographic or primarily empirical study should
certainly look elsewhere.14 Instead, a fundamental aim of this study is to
approach the movement as a looking glass, one that reflects and refracts
back to us important insights regarding our common ways of seeing and
understanding the world. I am most concerned with theoretical debates
regarding issues of transition, rupture, development, precarity, autonomy,
and dignity, and I periodically deploy the experiences of shack dwellers
involved with Abahlali to help us grapple with these theoretical challenges. In so doing, this study builds on decolonial and Marxist theorist
Sabelo Ndlovu-Gatsheni’s call to deprovincialize empirical and theoretical studies of Africa in order to place them into conversation with other
geographies that nonetheless resonate powerfully with the experiences of
shack dwellers in South Africa.15
This demand for deprovincialization by way of thinking the world from
Africa is mirrored by Achille Mbembe. In his rumination on the contemporary theoretical legacy of decolonization, Mbembe explains that “to
write the world from Africa, or to write Africa into the world or as a
fragment thereof, is an exhilarating and, most of the time, perplexing
task. As a name and as a sign, Africa has always occupied a paradoxical
position in modern formations of knowledge.”16 Africa is most often
deployed as a foil for purportedly global theory, as an extreme case or
an exception that successfully debunks the rule. While such interventions
have offered important correctives to the pretenses of an overly ambitious
Euro-American theory of globalization, the actually existing transnational
imaginaries and practices of shack dwellers in South Africa struck me as
requiring a more expansive theoretical reflection, one that included but
also exceeded the prevailing methodological nationalism in what are often
presented—implicitly or explicitly—as narrowly South African debates. As
Sandro Mezzadra argues, such a project pursues the “resonances of the
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8
Y. AL-BULUSHI
common” across time and place, whereby a renewed practical and theoretical interest in internationalism also takes into account the metaphorical
project of “translating” politics between specific contexts while keeping in
mind the epistemic borders that continue to shape such initiatives.17 In
this regard, the simultaneity of global uprisings in 2011 and 2020 was
both striking and emblematic. In the former case, a chance event of selfimmolation in Tunisia became the spark that ignited an “Arab” and then
global spring. In the latter case of 2020, the murder of George Floyd
kicked off yet another round of the diffusion of the global Movement
for Black Lives that stretched from Minneapolis to Holland and Nigeria,
offering an example of the profound resonance felt between struggles
across what are otherwise heterogeneous contexts. To grasp the continuities and resonances at play in contemporary global movements, I take
a cue from Mbembe who argues that “‘desegregating’ and disenclaving
theory must become a constitutive part of the new agenda.”18 To desegregate and disenclave theory is a parallel but slightly distinct project from
decolonizing theory, at least with regard to how decolonization has most
often been linked to processes of reestablishing sovereignty (both territorial and intellectual) through indigenization.19 In this book, theory is
desegregated and disenclaved by thinking Africa and the world with and
from theories across the global south and global north. In this regard,
such a decolonial project somewhat surprisingly insists that Africa need
not only be thought with African theories—for that would risk further
enclaving it.
Any project seeking to identify resonances of the common today
must also include Mezzadra’s claim that “the scenario of a capitalist
world-system without a ‘Western’ center is a concrete possibility for the
twenty-first century.”20 In asking what is left of the theoretical and political project of decolonization in our contemporary globalized world,
Mbembe also argues that “Europe is no longer the center of the world.
Its sovereignty has become ancillary. The contemporary world is decidedly
heterogeneous—that is, constituted by a multiplicity of nodes governed
by the double logic of entanglement and disconnection.”21 For evidence
of this tendency, we will look to the rise of the BRICS bloc in the first
decade of the twenty-first century; but we could just as easily look to
the fractured multipolarity signaled by the global divide over whether to
condemn Russia’s 2022 invasion of Ukraine; or even to the tremendous
confusion surrounding the 2021 American withdrawal from Afghanistan
after two decades of a “global war on terror” that failed to even claim
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1
INTRODUCTION: THINKING THE WORLD FROM DURBAN
9
a victory in the very place the war began.22 Such a relative decline of
Western-centered world order “would be quite a rupture with a fivecenturies-long history,” notes Mezzadra, “and there is a need to take
stock of its meaning…both in terms of its potentialities and in terms
of its risks.”23 Among radical anti-systemic movements, such a shifting
global scene has required a renewed openness to learning from—and a
commitment to being in constant dialogue with—comrades across the
world.
This theoretically itinerant manner of reading and situating place-based
struggle in Durban, South Africa, draws on what Ngũgı̃ wa Thiong’o has
called a “globalectical imagination”:
Globalectics is derived from the shape of the globe. On its surface, there
is no one center; any point is equally a center. As for the internal center of
the globe, all centers on the surface are equidistant to it—like the spokes of
a bicycle where they meet at the hub. Globalectics combines the global and
the dialectical to describe a mutually affecting dialogue, or multi-logue, in
the phenomena of nature and nurture in a global space that’s rapidly transcending that of the artificially bounded, as nation and region. The global
is that which humans in spaceships or on the international space station see:
the dialectical is the internal dynamics that they do not see. Globalectics
embraces wholeness, interconnectedness, equality of potentiality of parts,
tension, and motion. It is a way of thinking and relating to the world,
particularly in the era of globalism and globalization.24
While earlier conceptions of globality tended to emphasize the whole
at the expense of the parts, potentially leading to unhelpful generalizations and the flattening out of difference,25 a globalectical imagination
turns our attention to the entirety of the local–global continuum. As
Eve Darian-Smith and Philip McCarty explain, “In this sense, the local,
national, regional, and global are better understood as embedded sets of
relations: inseparable and continually creating and re-creating each other.”
Such an approach aims “to grasp global-scale issues, to integrate larger
global systems analysis into a multilevel analysis of the entire local–global
spectrum, and to see the global through the local and vice versa.”26
In line with these approaches, this book advances the argument that
place-based shack communities constitute an important site for the examination of both the enduring afterlife of apartheid space and the ruptures
within these spaces produced by everyday people seeking out a better
life.27 By approaching Durban through a multi-scalar global lens, I aim to
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Y. AL-BULUSHI
deprovincialize the South African experience of social movements, while
contributing to the destabilizing of both methodological nationalism and
area studies prisms in favor of the more scrambled geographies of an
ever-mutating process of globalization that I argue more accurately illuminates and situates shack dweller struggles.28 While I pay close attention to
national and continental conversations and debates, I also place Durban
into dialogue with Latin American social movements, black diasporic
theory, and theories of liberation emanating from Euro-America.29
1.3 Cape Town–Durban–Johannesburg:
The Founding of Urban Racial Regimes
South Africa offers a useful vantage point from which to assess cyclical
patterns in the historical rise and fall of hegemons in the modern worldsystem. The prerequisites for a single integrated world economy began
to develop slowly in the second half of the fifteenth century, between
the 1452 and 1493 papal bulls.30 These public decrees issued by the
head of the Catholic Church encouraged the subjugation of Muslims
and “pagans” along the African coast, Portuguese expansion and trading
rights, and an Iberian division of the world’s territory into Spanish and
Portuguese domains.31 At the same time that Columbus achieved Spain’s
westward expansion by sea in 1492 with his arrival on the Caribbean
island of Hayti, the Portuguese opened an eastern route for European
expansion by successfully rounding Africa’s southernmost point at the
Cape of Good Hope in 1497. The local resistance that the Portuguese
encountered at Table Bay—where the iconic city of Cape Town sits
today—encouraged them to continue their journey along the African
coast. They moved northeast along the African coast and eventually found
East Africa to be a more suitable region for establishing a permanent presence on the continent.32 Along this journey to East Africa and Asia, the
Portuguese “explorer” Vasco da Gama is credited with “discovering” the
Durban port in 1497 when he sailed by on Christmas Day, naming the
land he sighted “Natal” in honor of Jesus’s birthday.33 While the province
was therefore known as Natal under apartheid, the post-apartheid regime,
in its pursuit of hybridity and rainbow nation mythology, has chosen
to blend the Portuguese explorer’s “Natal” with the locally-dominant
Zulu community of the Zulus in renaming the province KwaZuluNatal. Just prior to his voyage past the coastal homelands of the Zulu
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1
INTRODUCTION: THINKING THE WORLD FROM DURBAN
11
people, da Gama’s completed his “rounding of the Cape.” This feat—
successfully achieving a southern sea-route from Europe to the Indian
Ocean and Asia—ensured his name would forever be remembered in the
hagiographic chronicles of European geographical expansion.34
It was not until the Dutch assumed their own position as global
hegemon in the mid-seventeenth century that the more dire consequences of Vasco da Gama’s earlier journey would be felt by the
indigenous inhabitants of Southern Africa. Formal European settlement
in Cape Town began in 165235 with the arrival of the Dutch colonizer, Jan van Riebeeck, whose statue in the Cape Town central business
district remained standing as of 2022.36 While the settlement at Cape
Town was initially intended to serve as a mere refueling point along the
route to the more important “East Indies,” many of the early Dutch
who settled there soon had a more permanent presence in mind. Early
settlers would intermittently conquer, and intermarry with, local indigenous populations—the Khoikhoi and San peoples—as they stretched out
over the inland frontier from Table Bay over what would become the
Cape Colony.37 The mixing between settler and native, along with the
importing of enslaved laborers from West Africa, East Africa, and Asia—
first from Dahomey and Angola, and then increasingly from the East
African coast, Madagascar, the Indian subcontinent, and Indonesia—
would combine to create the “Cape Malay” and later, more expansively,
the “Cape Coloured” community in South Africa.38 As Pumla Dineo
Gqola explains in her study of the memory of slavery in South Africa,
today there is “an absence of folk memory of South African slavery even
in the Western Cape, where the bulk of the slave population lived between
1658 and 1838, and where the majority of their descendants continue
to live.”39 While the racial designation “colored” would later be applied
to most “mixed” people throughout the country, Cape Town and the
Western Cape Province remain the epicenter of the majority of the mixed
people who are still referred to as colored in South Africa today.
As the tentacles of global capitalism continued to spread, the cyclical
rise and fall of world powers left parallel imprints upon landscapes such
as South Africa’s.40 The Dutch descendants who called the Cape Colony
their home were eventually forced further inland by the encroachment
of yet another rising world hegemon in the early 1800s—the British.
As they sought to strengthen their own foothold on the African continent, the British met stiff resistance from the now “indigenous” white
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12
Y. AL-BULUSHI
Dutch-descendant inhabitants who identified as “Afrikaners,” a Dutchderived term for “the Africans.” And while this particular group of
“Africans” would go on to become the most notoriously anti-African
“Africans” on the continent,41 it was apparently their destiny to set out
on a “Great Trek” across the entirety of what would become modern
South Africa, as a means of escaping English rule by becoming farmers,
or “Boers,” further inland.42 Thus was born South Africa’s own foundational myth of settler colonialism in the “Boer trekkers,” who are
celebrated by their contemporary descendants for having set out across
the frontier to successfully conquer a harsh landscape through bloodshed
and sheer determination.43 Such narratives mirror those of homesteaders
conquering the Oregon Trail in the United States and the Kibbutzim
“making the desert bloom” in Israel-Palestine.44 As Patrick Wolfe reminds
us, “territoriality, the fusion of people and land, is settler colonialism’s
specific, irreducible element.”45 Many of these settler Afrikaners journeyed to Natal, and this set off decades of fighting with the Zulu people,
as well as with the British, who were keen to expand inland from the port
of Durban which they had established in 1824.46 Thus, if Cape Town has
Portuguese/Dutch colonial origins in the world-system, Durban is more
firmly rooted in the British rule that would define the nineteenth century,
and much of our Anglo-centric world since.47
Just as the Dutch had imported slave labor to the Cape Colony from
overseas, so too would the British look abroad for a supplementary
labor force. For in their never-ending clash with the Zulu Kingdom, the
British would soon learn that the proudly resistant indigenous population might prove to be unreliable as laborers. As the British empire had
abolished the slave trade in 1807—crucially, only on the heels of the
successful 1804 Haitian revolution48 —and soon thereafter would abolish
slavery entirely throughout their own colonies by 1833, they decided to
explore other geographies in search of a pliant laboring class. Following
exactly in the footsteps of their Dutch predecessors, they looked to their
colonies in Asia. The British began sourcing indentured workers from
India primarily to serve as laborers on sugar cane plantations. Beginning
in the mid-1800s thousands of Indians arrived in Natal, making Durban
the paradigmatically Indian-minority city in the country, paralleling Cape
Town’s designation as a colored Mecca.49 Durban would emerge as a
preeminent military bastion and port under British rule, exporting sugar
cane and serving as an operations base in the long-running Anglo-Zulu
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1
INTRODUCTION: THINKING THE WORLD FROM DURBAN
13
wars of the late nineteenth century that marked the arrival of the age of
imperialism and the scramble for Africa.
As they “laid claim to extensive tracts of land,” the British made sure
to feed “the outside world a picture of fierce Zulu militarism, and of
devastation over a wide area of Natal. This ‘devastation stereotype’ took
on a useful propaganda role,” and continued to feature well beyond the
formal colonial era as a part of the dominant colonial trope justifying
British occupation in films such as the 1964 British war epic “Zulu.”50
Wolfe argued that “elimination should be seen as an organizing principal
of settler-colonial society rather than a one-off (and superseded) occurrence.”51 But once Africa is incorporated into the experiences of settler
colonialism, as Robin Kelley has brilliantly argued, this conceptualization
proves limited.52 The white people who came to South Africa primarily
from Holland, France, Germany, and Britain were clearly settlers, but
Wolfe’s framework—despite its overall utility—reproduces the marginalization of Africa in the global geopolitics of knowledge by refusing to
deal adequately with such cases of settler colonialism in Africa. As Kelley
makes clear, this is because South Africa troubles his delimitation of settler
colonialism to the logic of elimination. It was as potential labor reserves
that white settlers spatially confined the African population to particular
territories. “In South Africa white settlement was both a structure and
a process, not an event. But the complete elimination of the native was
hardly the objective…They wanted the land and the labor, but not the
people—that is to say, they sought to eliminate stable communities and
their cultures of resistance.”53 This book offers a study of black radical
praxis among contemporary shack dwellers in South Africa to demonstrate the ultimate failure of this settler colonial project to 54 eliminate
the culture of resistance. But, like elsewhere, South African settler colonialism and capitalism have created devastation in their wake, and they
set the terms for historical and contemporary forms of resistance to
land dispossession and forms of both labor and existential precarity. My
account is therefore one that underscores the ongoing dialectic between
exploitation, elimination, and resistance.
The discovery of diamonds and gold in the 1860s and 1880s led
to the final colonial showdown between British colonists and the Boer
Afrikaners. The last remaining Afrikaner heartland by this time was
located inland to the north, in what were known as the Orange Free
State and the South African Republic—precursors to the “Free State”
and “Transvaal” provinces in contemporary South Africa—and it was here
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Y. AL-BULUSHI
that a minerals boom took off. The global reach of racial capitalism again
impacted local developments, as hegemonic Britain had set the trend for
other industrializing countries by formally adopting a gold standard by
the middle of the nineteenth century. Once the precious metal (together
with other subterranean minerals and organic sources of energy) was
found in great quantities in inland South Africa in the late 1800s, it
shaped the trajectory of South African development, urbanization, and
racist labor relations through what scholars would later call a “MineralsEnergy Complex.”55 As soon as gold was discovered in South Africa,
therefore, the avaricious Brits began to push inland, and the result was
the South African War of 1899–1902, previously referred to as the AngloBoer War.56 And while the eventual British victory over both settler white
Afrikaners and black Africans unified the modern country for the first time
in 1910 as the Union of South Africa, the minerals boom which precipitated this territorial unification also led to the growth of the third great
urban racial regime in the country: Johannesburg. While inland Johannesburg quickly became the preeminent urban metropolis of the country,
Durban grew alongside it, serving as a logistics hub of sorts with its port
exporting the vast majority of the minerals taken out of the ground in the
Witwatersrand region surrounding Johannesburg.
When the apartheid government came to power under the leadership
of the National Party in 1948, it bucked the global trend toward decolonization and instead moved to fortify the racist divisions of the prior
colonial era. Part of what drove the rise of the National Party to power
was an overwhelming feeling of resentment among the Afrikaner population toward the prior history of displacement and rule at the hands of the
British. And yet, the dominant characterization of blaming only Afrikaners
for South Africa’s white supremacist rule has long been dismissed by
historians and black radicals alike. Immediately after having united the
territory into a single Union of South Africa in 1910, the government
passed the Natives’ Land Act of 1913. This act—which has fundamentally shaped South African history and the freedom struggle since—would
prohibit Africans from buying or renting land outside of “scheduled
areas” known as native reserves, which eventually amounted to a meager
13 percent of South African territory.
The Afrikaner-led National Party did not invent what became known
as the “Bantustans”—literally, homelands (-stan) of the African (Bantu) people—they merely reinforced and further entrenched the previous
policy adopted under British colonialism of indirect rule, confining
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INTRODUCTION: THINKING THE WORLD FROM DURBAN
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indigenous populations to their supposedly “traditional” rural lands, while
reserving the cities and the best farmland for whites.57 Over the past
three decades, historians have slowly begun to chip away at the myth of
South African exceptionalism—be these racial or economic stories that
set the country apart from the rest of the continent. We now understand just how much the South African racial regime served as a model
for the forms of indirect rule that British colonialism institutionalized
throughout the rest of the African continent. But we also know that South
Africa’s racial regime was always transnationally articulated and derived,
with roots stemming from the United States policy of reservations.58
While formal urban townships were built to accommodate and internally
divide a limited number of Indian, colored, and African laborers in the
cities, the “proper place”59 of the majority African population was always
conceptualized as the rural underdeveloped “Bantustan.” Colonialism and
Apartheid were fundamentally produced by a geographical imagination
that conceptualized the city as a preeminently white and civilized space,
defined in contradistinction to the rural, underdeveloped, traditional, and
despotic Bantustan, a space for African people. Thus, settler colonialism
and racial capitalism came together to form a regime of spatial production
called “apartheid,” which was in turn always based on the simultaneous
processes of separation and articulation60 between race and class, white
and “non-white,” urban and rural. And just as Du Bois’s retheorization
of the end of slavery in the United States foregrounds the self-activity and
spatial flight of enslaved people from plantations—what he calls a “General Strike”61 —so too would apartheid be brought to its knees through
the self-activity of African people in a movement transgressing their spatial
confinement. Millions of people simply left the Bantustans and illegally
moved into urban areas, most of them setting up homes in shack settlements that increasingly began to define the urban built environment in
ballooning numbers by the 1980s and 1990s.
1.4 Apartheid Space and its
Afterlife: From Township to Shack
In an essay published in 1993, just as South Africa was supposed to
be transitioning out of apartheid, Ruth Wilson Gilmore claimed that
apartheid in fact represented the political logic of late capitalism.62
Far from a bygone era, she would go on to argue that the moniker
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Y. AL-BULUSHI
“apartheid” applied equally to the neoliberal, post-emancipation, postJim Crow United States and to the broader structure of the necessarily
global relation of racial capitalism. Gilmore’s arguments imply that it
should be no surprise, then, that the relations first established under the
colonial rule of the Dutch and the British, and which were further sedimented by the 1948–1990 regime that would make the word “apartheid”
infamous, would persist into the present day. These historical–geographical racial regimes were founded on the twin logics of separation and
articulation. But just as Vasco da Gama was met with stiff resistance from
the moment he tried to disembark at Table Bay in 1497, so too has the
long arc of South Africa’s specific iteration of racial capitalism never gone
unchallenged.
This book foregrounds this dialectic between racial capitalism and
freedom struggles by examining the modern-day relationship between
shack dwellers and the municipal government in the city of Durban,
South Africa. Grounded in the local realities of the struggle for housing
and basic survival, the book makes broader interventions in national,
continental, and global debates about political theory, race and class,
African/a studies, and social movements. I argue that the shack settlement is emblematic of a democratic South Africa still profoundly shaped
by apartheid’s afterlife. Tourists visiting South Africa today often go in
search of historical apartheid by visiting “townships” like Soweto, icons
of both apartheid’s segregated urban planning and the anti-apartheid
struggle. While the township was a formally planned space shaped by
the disciplinary, panoptic logic of apartheid’s sharply demarcated racial
divisions, today’s shack settlement represents a move to a more spatially
diffuse, post-apartheid logic marked by abandonment and the biopolitical drive of “letting die.”63 In short, shack communities continue a logic
of separation that spatially demarcated black, Indian, and colored townships from white spaces under apartheid, while also unsettling it. Shack
settlements often form within former townships or in peri-urban and
rural areas where access to formal living conditions is lacking. But, especially in Durban, shacks also emerge in the interstices of former apartheid
spaces, in crevices of undeveloped land alongside roads, ravines, factories,
municipal dump sites, and sometimes immediately adjacent to suburban
middle-class communities. As such, while apartheid-era townships constituted separate spaces, post-apartheid shack settlements can sometimes
operate more like space-fillers, taking up the remaining meager urban land
that has often been deemed uninhabitable by official zoning restrictions.
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INTRODUCTION: THINKING THE WORLD FROM DURBAN
17
Through their everyday acts of occupying land, I argue, shack dwellers
have become the most successful agents in the desegregation of postapartheid South African cities. They have made significant headway
toward de facto land redistribution and desegregation while the de jure
policies of the ruling African National Congress (ANC) have either failed
outright or moved far too slowly. At the same time, these same shack
communities offer stark reminders of the continuity between apartheid
and post-apartheid temporalities as they continue to represent racialized
zones of exclusion and abandonment defined by premature death. This
study takes up Saidiya Hartman’s notion of the “afterlife of slavery” to
grapple with such continuities and breaks in apartheid temporalities from
the mid-twentieth century to the present.64 The “afterlife of apartheid”
connotes the many ways in which the logic of apartheid lives on in a postapartheid present defined by the “burdened individuality of freedom.”65
It draws our attention to the mutually constitutive relationship between
“the threat of race” and neoliberalism, and to the ongoing effects of
transnational racial regimes not just in the diaspora but on the African
continent itself.66
Building upon these theories, my argument is that these lines of continuity are not merely reproductions of the past. Rather, they must be
situated within a changing global context marked by crises in neoliberal
globalization and corresponding openings on both the radical left and the
authoritarian right. The book offers an intervention that moves analysis
of enduring racial regimes in South Africa beyond the African continent
to more fully accommodate the global dimensions of struggle playing out
on the ground in peoples’ intimate and collective relations with the city.
1.5
The Zone of (Non)Being
In the preface to his first book, Black Skin, White Masks, Frantz Fanon
identifies a “zone of non-being” to which the black subject is confined,
but also from which a new human might emerge.67 This double-sided
condition opens the door to competing theorizations of blackness, as
illustrated in recent debates between Afropessimism and black optimism.
As Fanon puts it: “Angering my black bothers, I shall say that a Black
is not a man. There is a zone of nonbeing, an extraordinarily sterile
and arid region, an incline stripped bare of every essential from which
a genuine new departure can emerge. In most cases, the black man cannot
take advantage of this descent into a veritable hell.”68 On the one hand,
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18
Y. AL-BULUSHI
then, blackness can be conceived as the condition of existing in the world
as an object, what Constance Farrington’s mis-translated earlier English
edition of Black Skin called “the fact of blackness,” and what Richard
Philcox’s 2008 translation calls “the lived experience of the black.” As
Fred Moten reminds us, while this condition is indeed stripped of every
essential, making blackness operate as the paradigmatic affected object—
rather than an agentive subject capable of acting upon the world—the
capacity to be affected might still contain a clue to a radically different
understanding of humanity that challenges Western modernity’s obsession with a self-determining man.69 In other words, as Grant Farred has
argued, when understood as an entirely discrete space, there is a risk that
the notion of non-being within Fanon’s “zone of non-being” amounts to
“a philosophical nonsense.” As Farred astutely puts it, “in our determination to mark this as discrete from that, we are prone to uncoupling that
which is best apprehended as entangled.”70 Being and non-being cannot
be so easily torn asunder. Rather, they should be understood as part of a
broader relational space defined by both apartheid and articulation.
Nonetheless, the zone of non-being remains a real condition, one
where premature and social death provides the condition of possibility
for all other peoples to be recognized as human.71 Following Sylvia
Wynter, we might situate the zone of non-being geographically within the
“shanty-towns” of the global south and among the “captive populations
of the urban inner-cities” in the global north.72 The zone of non-being is
therefore fundamentally marked by antiblackness. Your understanding of
antiblackness will change, however, depending on whether you conceive
of it as a structural relation that endures in the afterlife of slavery, or
as a product of the historically and geographically specific processes that
many theorists term racialization.73 To emphasize the enduring logic of
antiblackness over a more contingent and processual “racialization” is in
some senses to offer a rejection of the prevailing post-structuralism in the
Western academy and to insist upon a return to a structuralist analysis of
race. Such a move also names antiblackness as a condition that has been
remarkably durable over the longue durée, outlasting those moments—
such as the abolition of chattel slavery, the overturning of Jim Crow
legislation, and the overthrow of apartheid in South Africa—which the
triumphalist and hegemonic narrative of liberal progress often points to
as evidence of gradual improvement over time.
While theorists like Fred Moten, Katherine McKittrick, and Clyde
Woods do not deny the salience of antiblackness,74 they are often more
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INTRODUCTION: THINKING THE WORLD FROM DURBAN
19
interested in an affirmative study of blackness, understood as a condition of perpetual fugitivity from antiblackness and capital, “a movement
of escape,” “an undercommon of disorder,” in which “some folks relish
being a problem.”75 This study picks up on their work by paying close
attention to the structuring logic of antiblackness in South Africa, while
remaining attentive to the moments of fugitivity in the freedom dreams
and enactments of dignity embodied in shack dweller politics. As such,
it follows Moten’s central question: “How can we fathom a social life
that tends toward death, that enacts a kind of being-toward-death, and
which, because of such tendency and enactment, maintains a terribly
beautiful vitality?”76 And it similarly pursues McKittrick’s provocative
remarks when she states: “How then do we think and write and share as
decolonial scholars and foster a commitment to acknowledging violence
and undoing its persistent frame, rather than simply analytically reprising
violence?”77 In following this methodology of black study, we can highlight “the ways in which blackness works against the violence that defines
it.”78 Such an approach in turn requires the centering of a countervailing
metaphysical system that emerged “from the whole experience of Black
people and not merely from the social formations of capitalist slavery or
the relations of production of colonialism.”79 Cedric Robinson terms this
system “the black radical tradition,” and it offers up an understanding of
forms of radical politics that operate from a position of relative autonomy
vis-à-vis Marxism, even as it remains a crucial part of fraught and productive debate within Marxism.80 It is from this lens that I believe we can
best comprehend both the violent structures that shack dwellers confront
as well as the alternative visions of a “living communism” that they seek
to realize through their collective struggle.
1.6 Place-Based Shack
Struggles in Global Context
In addition to deploying the black studies methodology outlined above,
this study implicitly synthesizes and transcends the ongoing debate in
urban studies between a relatively Eurocentric political economy of planetary urbanization81 on the one hand, and a post-colonial study of
everyday life in cities of the global south on the other.82 The book
argues for closer attention to the black radical tradition and the explicitly organized forms of political mobilization at play in South African
shack settlements and their necessarily global political imaginaries. These
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Y. AL-BULUSHI
models of organization offer up what political theorist Alain Badiou calls
“ruptures,” sharp breaks with the status quo, “when the very ground
under our feet shifts in order to transform the point from which we
see.”83 My central point is that despite facing incredibly difficult conditions, shack settlements continue to operate as communities and as
important sites of political organization and experimentation.
Ruth Wilson Gilmore argues that “all liberation struggle is placebased liberation struggle,” even if the scale and size of those struggles
“might differ wildly.”84 This book thinks across multiple scales by placing
the local, place-based interventions of South African shack dwellers into
conversation with (1) ongoing shifts in the geography of global neoliberalism and (2) the broader rupture produced by alter-globalization
movements who continue to insist that “another world is possible.” While
initial theorizations of neoliberalism emphasized its Euro-American basis
in the “Washington Consensus,” my study shifts the geographical focus
east and south to a second phase of globalization where neoliberalism
has had to adapt to an emerging context of multipolarity best represented by the rising “state capitalism” of the BRICS countries (Brazil,
Russia, India, China, and South Africa). In this second phase of globalization, countries of the global south continue to apply much of the
neoliberal doctrine, but they also importantly depart from its orthodoxy in their insistence on strong state enterprises and a simultaneous
rolling-out—rather than merely a rolling-back—of developmental policies geared toward uplifting the poor. In part because this renewed focus
on the possibilities of a developmental state reproduces some of the key
ideas of the post-colonial developmental state, while also reworking these
ideas to fit the contemporary neoliberal conjuncture, I borrow Sapana
Doshi’s notion of a “redevelopmental state.”85 The redevelopmental state
concept helps theorize the conjunction of state-led programs of redistribution under the ANC within a broader context where the ideas of
homo economicus continue to dominate. I argue for understanding South
Africa’s evolving housing policy in this context of the shifting geography
of, and adaptations to, global neoliberal policy.
This shift at the level of states and their transnational alliances only
captures a change in globalization “from above.” To provide a more
holistic account I insist we pay equal attention to what is happening “from
below” at the level of organized social movements. “Alter-globalization”
movements first emerged in the 1990s and together they argued for a
radically different form of global interdependence that proposed a break
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INTRODUCTION: THINKING THE WORLD FROM DURBAN
21
with the dominant institutions of global neoliberalism such as the World
Bank and the International Monetary Fund. Over the past two decades,
a sharp divide has emerged within these movements between traditional
state socialists and autonomist/anarchist currents arguing for a politics
beyond the state and its reductive focus on elections.
Shack dweller mobilizations in Durban offer an opportunity for
synthesis between competing statist and anti-statist notions of the political. Operating at a distance from the state, and usually refusing to endorse
any political party, the shack dwellers in Durban nonetheless have opened
lines of communication with the local, municipal, and national South
African state to their community’s benefit. Reciprocally, the local state
has responded with a bifurcated program: on the one hand continuing to
deliver housing for the poor in evolving policies of spatial planning ostensibly intended to desegregate urban environments and alleviate poverty,
while on the other hand deploying police and paramilitary assassins to
eliminate important actors within the shack dweller movement in order
to crush any sign of popular opposition to the ANC’s hegemonic postapartheid consensus. This dynamic relationship between the movement
and these competing local state strategies demands a grounded analysis of
the nuanced and shifting relationship between movement and state.
The study draws on seventeen months of fieldwork in Durban, South
Africa, conducted between 2011 and 2018, with the longest stretch of
nine months occurring in 2013. In addition to time spent on the ground
with the shack dweller movement Abahlali baseMjondolo—attending
meetings, protests, court cases, branch launches, youth summits, and
festivals—I draw on extensive participation in academic spaces at the
University of KwaZulu-Natal, film, documentary and literary festivals, and
social movement summits. I rely on qualitative methods such as interviews, participant observation, archival, documentary, textual, and policy
analysis. In the end, however, I am most interested in the broader political and theoretical ramifications of viewing the world through the lens
of Durban’s shack dweller struggles, rather than in a straight-forward
documentation of Abahlali’s story. This is partly due to the fact that I
came to this study after many years of activist work in the United States,
during which time I also had the opportunity to visit and learn from
“autonomous” movements across Latin America, Europe, and Africa.
As an active participant in a variety of small place-based but transnationally linked alter-globalization movements over the past two decades,
the methodological horizon I pursued attempted to follow what the
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22
Y. AL-BULUSHI
Argentine group Colectivo Situaciones calls “militant research.” Research
militancy challenges the unstable distinction between doing politics and
thinking politics, and it sees movements as always embodying complex
forms of thought that are embedded in an organization’s everyday activities. As the translators of Situaciones, Sebastian Touza and Nate Holdren,
put it:
Militant researchers have to abandon their previous certainties, their desire
to encounter pure subjects, and the drive to recuperate those subjects’
practice as an ideal of coherence and consistency. In this regard, we can
say that Colectivo Situaciones seek to concretely embody two Zapatista
slogans: ‘asking we walk,’ and ‘we make the road by walking’, such that,
the act of questioning and collective reflection is part of the process of
constructing power…Militant research does not teach, at least not in the
sense of an explication which assume the stupidity and powerlessness of
those to whom it explains. Research militancy is a composition of wills,
an attempt to create what Spinoza called joyful passions, which starts from
and increases the power (potencia) of everyone involved. Such a perspective
is only possible by admitting from the beginning that one does not have
answers, and by doing so, abandoning the desire to lead others or be seen
as an expert.86
I say that I approached this methodology as a “horizon” that I was
aiming for because I do not believe I accomplished it in practice in
any fully realized fashion. Rather, it served as an inspiring framework
for research pursued with and alongside subversive political organizations directly engaged in struggle that I used to orient my own project,
even if always imperfectly and incompletely. Most importantly, I aimed
to follow the notion that black radical struggles embody freedom dreams
that are epistemological by nature; that is to say, as Robin Kelley succinctly
puts it, “social movements generate new knowledge, new theories, new
questions.”87
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INTRODUCTION: THINKING THE WORLD FROM DURBAN
27
movement studies from an abstract notion of the global to a grounded
conception that captures the entirety of the local–global continuum.94
The initial round of alter-globalization movements which emerged in the
1990s and early 2000s tended to focus on summit-hopping, traveling
to prominent cities hosting the new transnational architects of global
governance in order to protest institutions such as the World Trade
Organization, the International Monetary Fund, and the World Bank. In
South Africa, this strategy was embodied by mobilizations organized at
the United Nations World Conference against Racism held in Durban in
2001 and against the World Summit on Sustainable Development held in
Johannesburg in 2002.
The rise of the global war on terror arguably shifted the focus of these
movements and drained them of momentum, forcing many into mere
survival mode. Starting in 2011, however, a new sequence of global revolt
emerged, and social movement protest has returned once again to the
foreground.95 In this new sequence of struggle, I argue, movements must
remain more attentive to the links between spectacular moments of global
and national rupture represented in mass uprisings and protest—such as
the inspiring globalization of the “movements of the squares”96 and the
more recent Movement for Black Lives97 —and the more mundane spaces
of everyday life in the city. Shack dweller struggles in Durban offer us
one lens through which to capture the link between everyday life and
social movement mobilization, across the entire local–global continuum.
The book concludes by situating South African urban movements in this
broader global conjuncture of a post-2008 world, whereby ongoing shifts
in the global architecture of power have led to a bifurcation in the worldsystem, with openings on both the radical left and the authoritarian right.
Notes
1. 1993 “Apartheid USA,” 77.
2. 2002 Freedom Dreams, 8.
3. 1971 I Write What I Like, “Some African Cultural Concepts,” 47.
4. A number of important changes have occurred in Durban, and
within Abahlali, in recent years. For example, the organization is
much bigger today than when I conducted most of my research,
and it has an even more expansive national presence, especially in
the Johannesburg area. Abahlali’s office in Durban is also in a new
location. Finally, the violent repression of the movement which I
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INTRODUCTION: THINKING THE WORLD FROM DURBAN
29
and Hendricks in the same 2013 volume The Promise of Land.
For a powerful account of the miners struggle around Marikana,
see Rehad Desai’s 2014 documentary Miners Shot Down. For an
early reflection on the complicated terrain of social reproduction
in an African context, see Patricia Daley’s fantastic 1991 article,
“Gender, Displacement and Social Reproduction.”
13. A wonderful account of what I’m calling “Africa in the World”
is captured by David Henry Anthony III’s fascinating 2006 biography, Max Yergan: Race Man, Internationalist, Cold Warrior. It
underscores the important local, transatlantic, and internationalist
impacts that Yergan, who was born in the United States, had on
South African nationalism and on early leading members of the
African National Congress in the 1920s and 1930s (78). It also
offers a nuanced account of Yergan’s later anti-communist turn
that led him to become “an apologist for apartheid,” 265. See,
in particular, chapters 3, 4, and 6 in Max Yergan.
While deploying a different conception of “Africa in the world”
from that which I detail here, many of Frederick Cooper’s thoughts
in his eponymous contribution are still useful in this regard,
including his (admittedly late) incorporation of diasporic Black
studies in the study of Africa. Cooper 2014 Africa in the World.
Perhaps the future-oriented articulation of what I see as Achille
Mbembe’s own theorization of “Africa in the World,” Afropolitanism, best captures my own understanding. In Mbembe’s hands,
Afropolitanism becomes a concept that moves the world forward
through its radical openness and experimentation, flying in the face
of all stagnant notions of identity that tend to do more to fix people
and places in conditions of suffering. These older notions of Africa
also miss a much more dynamic, on-the-ground set of processes
that are unfolding across the continent, according to Mbembe. As
he puts it in his 2021 Out of the Dark Night: “A name has been
found for this African-world-to-come, whose complex and mobile
fabric slips constantly out of one form and into another and turns
away all languages and sonorities because it is no longer attached
to any language or pure sounds, this body in motion, never in its
place, whose center moves everywhere, this body moving in the
enormous machine of the world: that name is Afropolitanism,”
6. Alongside this reflection, Mbembe insists: “‘Desegregating’ and
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30
Y. AL-BULUSHI
disenclaving theory must become a constitutive part of the new
agenda,” 39.
14. I agree with Mezzadra and Nielson (2019), who state: “While we
respect the lures of ethnographic immersion, we are wary of claims
that the distinct forms of engagement it offers provide an exclusive
or reliable index of analytical depth. Rigorous and probing analysis,
we submit, can be generated in other ways” (18–19). Ferguson
(2006) makes a similar argument.
15. See Ndlovu-Gatsheni’s 2018 Epistemic Freedom in Africa:
Deprovincialization and Decolonization, and his 2022 co-edited
collection with Morgan Ndlovu, Marxism and Decolonization
in the Twenty-First Century, respectively. A consistent theme in
Ndlovu-Gatsheni’s work centers on his refusal to pit Marxism and
decolonization against each other, a move that refreshingly swims
against the tide of much theorizing emanating from the global
north. Regarding the important notion of “resonances” between
anti-systemic movements across the world, see the powerful and
synthetic contribution by Sandro Mezzadra 2015 “Resonances of
the Common,” and his 2019 co-authored book with Brett Nielson
The Politics of Operations.
16. 2021 Out of the Dark Night, 10. This paradox results from the
divide between two different traditions of thinking about Africa:
what Mbmebe’s terms “descriptivism”—which “always ends up
constructing Africa as a pathological case, as a figure of lack”—
and rich historical-anthropological studies that he argues informed
the theoretical turns in the West during the 1980s and 1990s but
which have hitherto gone relatively unacknowledged, 26. Drawing
primarily on the latter tradition, but also attempting to push
beyond it, Mbembe elaborates an alternative way to think about
the world from Africa: “The search for alternative acts of thinking
requires the exploration of other ways of speaking of the visual,
of sounds, of the senses, and it requires thinking as philosophically and historically as possible about the precariousness of life
in Africa, the intensive surfaces of power, and the various ways in
which events coexist with accidents. Indeed, if the project is to
‘rethink Africa’, or, for that matter, to write the world from Africa
or to write Africa into contemporary social theory, then there is no
better starting point than the question of time,” 28.
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INTRODUCTION: THINKING THE WORLD FROM DURBAN
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17. “Resonances of the Common,” 217. For a lovely renewal of traditions of internationalism and a retheorization of the general strike
in the contemporary feminist movement, see Veronica Gago 2020
The Feminist International.
18. 2021, 39.
19. For a more useful theorization of decolonization, drawing on
Cesaire and Senghor, see Gary Wilder 2015 Freedom Time: Negritude, Decolonization, and the Future of the World.
20. “Resonances of the Common,” 219.
21. Out of the Dark Night, 76.
22. Such examples abound. To point to just two of the more obvious
and recent cases of the signs of a declining US hegemony, we can
look to Russia’s horrifically bold challenge to NATO in its 2022
invasion of Ukraine, or to Saudi Arabia ignoring the Biden administration’s repeated requests to help lower oil prices to fight inflation.
Instead, MBS decided to push OPEC + to cut output and raise oil
prices in the run up to the November 2022 elections in the United
States.
23. “Resonances of the Common,” 219–220.
24. 2012 Globalectics: Theory and the Politics of Knowing, 8.
25. For examples of the limits of globalization-speak when applied
to Africa, see James Ferguson 2006 Global Shadows: Africa in
the Neoliberal World Order, and Frederick Cooper 2001 “What
is the Concept of Globalization Good For? An African Historian’s Perspective.” Ngũgı̃’s notion of a “globalectical imagination,”
however, resonates with what Cooper (2014) would later call the
perspective of Africa in the World.
26. Darian-Smith & McCarty 2016 The Global Turn: Theories, Research
Designs, and Methods for Global Studies, 44.
27. See Karin Shapiro 2021 “A Conversation with Jacob Dlamini” for
reflections on temporality, rupture, and continuity in the telling of
South Africa’s past and present.
28. Matthew Sparke’s 2013a Introducing Globalization offers a
fantastic account of the many different forms of capitalist interconnectivity that globalization accentuates. Sparke’s 2018 article
“Globalizing Capitalism” also usefully examines theorizations of
geopolitics and geoeconomics to argue for a dialectical account
of contemporary forms of globalization. See also the collection by
Eunice Sahle 2015 Globalization and Socio-Cultural Processes in
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Y. AL-BULUSHI
Contemporary Africa, for a parallel insistence on thinking interconnectivity in Africa and beyond. Hannah Appel’s 2023 “Pan African
Capital? Banks, Currencies, and Imperial Power” offers us another
crucial example of why we need to update our categories of analysis
and our theorizations of global capitalism, in part by pointing out
how Western-dominated institutions like the IMF are slowly being
displaced by the rise of Pan African Banks on the continent.
29. In this regard, I build on the crucial arguments by Hisham Aidi
regarding the provincialized nature of most African social movements, and the need to understand the far-reaching implications
of struggles on the continent. See Aidi 2018 “Africa’s New Social
Movements: A Continental Approach.”
30. Giovanni Arrighi famously argues it is the Italian city-states who
emerge as first hegemons, not the Portuguese or Spanish, while
Wallerstein argues that the seventeenth-century Dutch were the
first real-world hegemons in the world-system. For useful overviews
of the cyclical rise and fall of hegemonic powers and world-systems
analysis, see Arrighi 1994 The Long Twentieth Century, and Wallerstein 2004 World-Systems Analysis: An Introduction. For how this
impacted global and US history, see especially chapter 11 on “The
Doctrine of Discovery” in Roxanne Dunbar-Ortiz’s foundational
2014 An Indigenous People’s History of the United States. For a
concise and brilliant genealogy of modernity, starting with the
Crusades, the Papal Bulls, Portuguese slavery, and the evolving,
religiously and racially circumscribed, notion of the “human,” see
Pithouse 2016 Being Human After 1492.
31. Gerald Horne 2020 The Dawning of the Apocalypse: The Roots of
Slavery, White Supremacy, Settler Colonialism and Capitalism in
the Long Sixteenth Century.
32. Robert Ross 2008 A Concise History of South Africa, 22.
33. See, for example, the Maritime Services Directory entry for Durban
port: https://ports.co.za/durban-harbour.php.
34. For an extended discussion of the early Portuguese presence in
West Africa, see Michael Ralph’s fascinating discussion in Forensics
of Capital, especially the eponymous chapter 1, 11–43. See also
Pithouse Being Human After 1492, 7.
35. A systematic destruction of the 1652 colonial narrative of terra
nullius that continues to circulate in the present, coupled with
a synthesis of the violent journeys of the many different peoples
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brought to South Africa, is offered by Patric Tariq Mellet (2020)
The Lie of 1652: A Decolonised History of Land.
36. The ongoing and globally interlinked protests against statues venerating figures responsible for colonialism and slavery in places like
the United States, Europe, and South Africa have now evolved to
include anti-Amazon gatherings in Cape Town, connecting past
forms of exploitation and domination with contemporary struggles
around land dispossession, logistics, and racial capitalism. Lalkhen
and Roomanyay 2020 “If Rhodes Must Fall, then so must Jan van
Riebeeck.” Karabo Mafolo 2021 “Bo Kaap’s ‘Walk of Resistance’
against Amazon’s River Club Development.”
37. For a wonderful account of thinking across the local–global
continuum from the specific site of frontier material culture, see
Laura Mitchell 2014 “Global Context, Local Objects, and Cultural
Frontiers: Unsettling South Africa’s National History in Four
Moves.”
38. The history of urban slavery in Cape Town is helpfully synthesized
in Gerald Groenewald 2010 “Slaves and Free Blacks in VOC Cape
Town, 1652–1795.” For slavery more generally in South Africa, see
John Edwin Mason 2003 Social Death and Resurrection: Slavery
and Emancipation in South Africa. Regarding how slavery lives
on (or not) in contemporary South African memory, see Pumla
Gqola 2010 What is Slavery to Me? Postcolonial/Slave Memory in
Post-Apartheid South Africa. On Islam and slavery in South Africa,
see Gabeba Baderoon’s fantastic 2014 study, Regarding Muslims:
From Slavery to Post-Apartheid. For more in the vexed and evolving
history of the term “Colored” in South Africa, see Deborah Posel
2001 “Race as Common Sense.”
39. Gqola 2010 What is Slavery to Me? 4.
40. William Martin makes a parallel argument in his study of South
Africa as a semi-peripheral country in the world-system. See his
2013 South Africa and the World Economy: Remaking Race, State,
and Region.
41. See Timothy Keegan 1996 Colonial South Africa and the Origins
of the Racial Order for a detailed account of this period and the
corresponding emergence of a distinctly racial order during colonial
times. Thanks to Tiffany Willoughby-Herard for this reference.
42. These journeys “inland,” “upcountry,” or “into the wild” functioned symbolically to link space and race in the Pan-European
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Y. AL-BULUSHI
imaginary. The civilizing missions into a supposedly untamed state
of nature thus pursued the core objective of extermination central
to settler colonialisms. As Charles Mills explains, “In South Africa,
the trekboers went on exterminatory hunting expeditions and
subsequently ‘bragged about their bag of Bushmen as fishermen
boast about their catch.’ So the basic sequence ran something like
this: there are no people there in the first place; in the second
place, they’re not improving the land; and in the third place—
oops!—they’re already all dead anyway (and, honestly, there really
weren’t that many to begin with), so there are no people there,
as we said in the first place.” See Mills 1997 Racial Contract,
50. This genocidal logic behind the imperative to settle in settler
colonialism need not necessarily result in a complete annihilation
of the indigenous population, as in the case of Tasmania. At its
core, it is fundamentally concerned with displacement. As Jared
Sexton explains, “Settler colonialism…seeks over time to eliminate
the categories of colonizer and colonized through a process by
which the former replaces the latter completely, usurping the claim
to indigenous residence. ‘You, go away’ can mean the removal of
the native population, its destruction through direct killing or the
imposition of unlivable conditions, its assimilation into the settler
colonial society, or some combination of each.” Sexton 2014 “The
Vel of Slavery: Tracking the Figure of the Unsovereign,” 585.
43. This mythology should not be construed as singular in the annals of
global history and national identity. Rather, it was part and parcel
of what Benedict Anderson (2006) has termed “imagined communities,” a process that took place wherever the nation-state form
took root.
44. For an interesting comparative study of settler colonial mythmaking, see Annie Coombes, ed. 2006 Rethinking Settler Colonialism: History and Memory in Australia, Canada, Aotearoa New
Zealand and South Africa.
45. Wolfe 2016 Traces of History: Elementary Structures of Race, 34.
46. Ibid. 191.
47. As T.J. Tallie succinctly puts it in Queering Colonial Natal, “British settlers and colonial officials alike envisioned Natal as part of
a global nineteenth-century Anglophone settler project, predicated
upon the dispossession and marginalization of indigenous peoples
in order to claim access to their lands and labor” (2).
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48. After two hundred years of intentional forgetting, the twenty-first
century has thankfully witnessed a flowering of scholarship on the
centrality of the Haitian revolution to the modern world and to
the rise of black internationalism. For a study of black internationalism that places both Haiti and South Africa at the center of global
history, see Michael West, William Martin, and Fanon Che Wilkins
eds. 2009 From Toussaint to Tupac: The Black International Since
the Age of Revolution.
49. While Indians make up a little more than 2% of the overall population in the country today, they constitute roughly a quarter of
all residents in Durban. The sugar cane plantations that Indians
were brought over to work on remain in the hands of the largest
landowner in KwaZulu-Natal today, the sugar cane multinational
Tongaat Hullet.
50. Keegan Colonial South Africa, 192.
51. Wolfe 2016 Traces of History, 33.
52. Kelley 2017 “The Rest of Us: Rethinking Settler and Native.”
53. Ibid. 269. Kelley’s fantastic intervention in “The Rest of US” is
premised on at least two crucial points: the need to incorporate
a black radical analytic into the stories of settler colonialism, and
on the demand for “a wider geographic optic” (273). This study
builds on Kelley’s insights.
54. For another critical appraisal of Wolfe’s work, see Max Ajl 2023
“Logics of Elimination and Settler Colonialism.”
55. Ben Fine 2010 “Engaging the MEC.” For the relationship between
extractivism, capitalism, and urbanization in South Africa, see
Bernard Magubane and John Yrchik 1977 “The Political Economy
of the City in South Africa.”
56. The shift in names for the 1899–1902 war is in part intended to
recognize the broader participation of 135,000 Africans, Indians,
and coloreds as irregular troops, scouts, and in transportation.
While the British and Afrikaners were vying for power, the war
necessarily affected and involved all communities of color as well.
See S. M. Molema 1920 The Bantu Past and Present.
57. Mamdani 1996 Citizen and Subject.
58. If Mamdani’s 1996 Citizen and Subject served as the model for
understanding indirect rule as a continental phenomenon, his more
recent 2020 Neither Native Nor Settler links the African story
with other geographies, arguing for the origins of indirect rule
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Y. AL-BULUSHI
in the treatment of Native Americans by the United States settler
colonial government. Other scholars of racial regimes have long
argued for understanding their inevitable transnational formation.
In this regard, see the foundational work of Cedric Robinson and
Tiffany Willoughby-Herard. Paul Landau’s 2010 Popular Politics
in the History of South Africa, 1400–1948 offers yet another crucial
account of some of this history, dismantling the colonial (and
post-colonial) trope of delimited “tribal” polities as the supposed
principal unit of political organization among Africans.
59. Fanon 2008 Black Skin, Whites Masks, 61.
60. Here I am using articulation to refer to the reliance upon people of
color by the white minority, and more specifically to the conjoining
of white people and people of color in a specific relation. I am also
using it in the same vein as Stuart Hall, as Gillian Hart 2007 and
Sharad Chari 2017 both explain in detail. For an extremely generative use of racial capitalism and settler colonialism to understand
both South Africa and Palestine/Israel, see Andy Clarno’s 2017
Neoliberal Apartheid.
61. See Du Bois 1998 Black Reconstruction, 55–83.
62. “Public Enemies and Private Intellectuals: Apartheid USA,” 77.
63. See Foucault 2003 and Mbembe 2019.
64. Hartman 2007 Lose Your Mother.
65. Hartman 1997 Scenes of Subjection, 115–124.
66. Goldberg 2007 The Threat of Race; Al-Bulushi 2020 “The Global
Threat of Race”; Pierre 2013 The Predicament of Blackness;
Willoughby-Herard 2015 Waste of a White Skin; McKittrick 2006
Demonic Grounds; Woods 2002 “Life after Death”.
67. For a wonderful reading of Fanon’s oeuvre, including Black Skin,
see Nigel Gibson 2003 Fanon: The Postcolonial Imagination. For a
complementary analysis that places special emphasis upon the zone
of non-being, see Lewis Gordon 2015 What Fanon Said.
68. Fanon 2008 Black Skin, White Masks, xii, my emphasis.
69. On this (useful) mistranslation of Fanon’s first book, see Fred
Moten 2008 “The Case of Blackness.” On the opposition between
self-determination and the capacity to be affected, see Denise
Ferreira da Silva 2007 Toward a Global Idea of Race. For a fascinating rumination on the colorblindness of animal studies and an
attempt to think beyond human and non-human, see Zakiyyah
Iman Jackson 2019 Becoming Human.
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70. For Grant Farred’s extremely generative deconstruction of Fanon’s
“zone of nonbeing,” see his as yet unpublished talk, “A Philosophical Nonsense: Fanon’s ‘Zone of Nonbeing’,” author’s possession.
Both Farred and Moten draw extensively on Heidegger in their
discussions of Fanon.
71. In this regard, see Saidiya Hartman and Frank Wilderson 2003
“The Position of the Unthought.”
72. See Wynter 1992 “No Humans Involved”.
73. For the former, see Frank Wilderson 2020 Afropessimism and Jared
Sexton 2016 “Afro-pessimism: The Unclear Word.” For the latter,
see Howard Winant 2004 The New Politics of Race. For a recent
critique of racial formation theory by Afropessimists and fellow
travelers, see P. Khalil Saucier and Tryon P. Woods, eds. 2018
Conceptual Aphasia in Black: Displacing Racial Formation.
74. As Moten puts it: “The cultural and political discourse on black
pathology has been so pervasive that it could be said to constitute the background against which all representatives of blacks,
blackness, or the color black take place. Its manifestations have
changed over the years, though it has always been poised between
the realms of the pseudo-social scientific, the birth of new sciences,
and the normative impulse that is at the heart of—but that strains
against —the black radicalism that strains against it.” 2008 “The
Case of Blackness,” 177. Responding directly to Afropessimism in
a later article, he states: “In the past decade, the most exciting and
generative advance in black critical theory, which is to say critical
theory, is the announcement and enactment of Afro-pessimism in
the work of Frank Wilderson III and Jared Sexton…I have thought
long and hard, in the wake of their work…about whether blackness could be loved; there seems to be a growing consensus that
analytic precision does not allow for such a flight of fancy…And
this, perhaps, is where the tension comes, where it is and will
remain, not in spite of the love but in it, embedded in its difficulty
and violence.” 2013 “Blackness and Nothingness,” 737–738.
75. Moten “The Case of Blackness,” 179, 187.
76. Ibid.
77. McKittrick 2014 “Mathematics Black Life,” 18.
78. McKittrick 2014 “Mathematics Black Life,” 19.
79. Robinson 2000 Black Marxism, 168.
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80. For more on this relation, see my article, “Thinking Racial Capitalism and Black Radicalism from Africa.”
81. Brenner and Schmidt 2014 “The ‘Urban Age’ in Question”.
82. Myers 2011 African Cities.
83. Eisenstein and McGowan 2012 Rupture, 4.
84. Gilmore 2020 “Geographies of Racial Capitalism” https://www.
youtube.com/watch?v=2CS627aKrJI.
85. Doshi 2019 “The Redevelopmental State”.
86. Touza and Holdren 2011 “Translators Preface,” 19&20: Notes for
a New Social Protagonism, 8, 11.
87. Freedom Dreams, 8.
88. Kerry Chance 2018 Living Politics in South Africa’s Urban Shacklands.
89. See, for example, Leo Zeilig 2016 Class Struggle and Resistance in
Africa. For an illustration of the South Africa-based variant of this
tendency, see the magazine/collective Amandla!
90. For a study of its multinational sugar holdings in Zimbabwe, and
the asymmetrical power relations involved, see Freedom Mazwi
2020 “Sugar Production Dynamics in Zimbabwe.”
91. See, for example, James Ferguson 2015 Give a Man a Fish.
92. Doshi 2017 “The Redevelopmental State,” 3.
93. Bledsoe and Wright 2018 “The Pluralities of Black Geographies”.
94. Darian-Smith and McCarty 2017 The Global Turn.
95. Paul Amar 2013 The Security Archipelago.
96. See, for example, Paolo Gerbaudo 2017 The Mask and the Flag.
97. The spirit of the Movement for Black Lives has now spread to
tens of countries, including South Africa, where it dovetailed with
recent decolonization protests tackling both physical remnants of
the colonial era such as statues of Cecil Rhodes, and the epistemological remnants of colonial knowledge that continue to structure
its elite university system. For more on this, see Gillespie and
Naidoo 2019 “#MustFall” and “Between the Cold War and the
Fire,” as well as the other articles included in the special issue they
edited on “Fallism” in South Atlantic Quarterly.
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