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Transhumance and Land Use in the Northern
Patagonian Andes
Article in Mountain Research and Development · November 1989
DOI: 10.2307/3673585
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Mountain Research and Development, Vol. 9 , No. 4, 1989, pp. 365-380
TRANSHUMANCE AND LAND USE IN THE NORTHERN PATAGONIAN ANDES
Department of Anthropology and
Institute of Arctic and Alpine Research
University of Colorado
Boulder, Colorado 80309, U.S.A .
ABSTRACT In northernmost Andean Patagonia land use is characterized by the extensive exploitation of high and low altitude seasonal
grasslands. Sheep and goat pastoralism, in the form of transhumance, has been structured based on production strategies mainly
oriented towards meeting subsistence needs and, most recently and to an increasing extent, market transactions. This Europeanderived migratory livestock industry resembles practices in the Mediterranean region where little or no cultivation at all is directly
associated with goat and sheep breeding. Land remains public, and access to summer pastures needs to be authorized each season
anew after payment of a grazing fee. Whereas in northern Patagonia transhumance appears to be under an increasing pressure for
change towards a more sedentary, intensive-oriented mode of production, the survival of this long-time successful land-use practice
is directly linked to aspects of land tenure, grazing strategies with native and non-native grasses, and livestock diversification. This
paper also emphasizes the need for the establishment of cooperatives of producers operating at the production and commercialization
levels, as well as for the active participation of pastoralists and regional communities in the decision-making process.
RE SUM^ Transhumance et utilisation des terres dans les Andes patagoniennes du nord. Dans la partie la plus au nord des Andes patagoniennes,
l'utilisation des terres est caractkriste par une exploitation extensive de pbturages saisonniers B haute et basse altitudes. Les activitCs
pastorales portant sur le mouton et la chkvre, sous forme de transhumance, sont basCes sur des stratCgies de production orientCes
principalement ven la satisfaction des besoins d'auto-consommation, mais plus rkcemment et B une Cchelle croissante, vers des transactions
commerciales. Cette industrie saisonniere menCe par les descendants de peuples europCens ressemble ii des coutumes mCditerranCennes
qui ne nkcessitent que trks peu de culture, ou aucune, pour soutenir un Clevage de moutons et de chhres. Les terres restent publiques,
et l'accks aux plturages estivaux nCcessite chaque annCe une nouvelle autorisation moyennant paiement d'une redevance. Bien que
la transhumance dans le nord de la Patagonie semble etre soumise B une pression croissante pour Cvoluer vers un mode de production
plus sCdentaire et intensif, la prCservation de ces vieilles coutumes d'utilisation des terres semble Ztre directement liCe B des aspects
du rCgime foncier, des strategies de plturage sur prCs d'herbes indigknes ou non, et la diversification du bCtail. Cette article met
Cgalement l'accent sur le besoin de cooptratives fonctionnant au niveau de la production et de la commercialisation, ainsi que de
la participation active des tleveurs de bCtail et des communautCs rkgionales dans le processus de dtcision.
ZUSAMMENFASSUNG Nomadische Viehwirtschaft und Landnutzung in den nordlichen Anden von Patagonien. Im nordlichsten Andengebiet von
Patagonien ist die Landnutzung durch intensive Inanspruchnahme des jahreszeitlich bedingten Graswuchses in den Hoch- und Tieflagen
charakterisiert. Schaf- und Ziegenwirtschaft als Wanderwirtschaft basiert auf Produktionsstrategien, die in der Vergangenheit hauptsachlich der Selbstversorgungdienten, neuerdings aber mehr und mehr als Ertragsunternehmen betrieben werden. Diese- urspriinglich
europaische-nomadische Viehwirtschaft iihnelt dem System im Mittelmeerraum, wobei mit der Ziegen- und Schafzucht wenig oder
uberhaupt keine Landkultivierung direkt verbunden ist. Das Land bleibt in offentlicher Hand, und die Nutzung der Sommerweide
wird jedes Jahr nach Entrichten einer Weidegebiihr neu genehmigt. Dagegen scheint die nomadische Viehzucht im nordlichen Patagonien
unter stkdie wachsendem Druck zu einer seaaften. auf intensive Bewirtschaftun~
Produktion zu stehen. Das Uberleben
" aus~enchteten.
"
dieser langz;itlichen und erfolgreichen ~andnutzungsweiseh k g t direkt mit den ~esichts~unkten
des Landbesitzes, der Weidestrategie
auf einheimischen und ortsfremden Grasflachen und der Vielfalt des Viehbestandes zusammen. Diese Veroffentlichung betont die
Notwendigkeit fur die Zusammenarbeit der Erzeuger, die an der Produktion und Vermarktung beteiligt sind und unterstreicht die
Notwendigkeit von aktiver Teilnahme der Weidepachter und der regionalen Gemeinden bei der BeschluBfassung.
RESUMEN Trashumanciay Uso de la Tierra en el Norte de la Patagonia Andina. El uso de la tierra en el norte de la Patagonia andina
se encuentra caracterizado por migraciones estacionales de pastores trashumantes, 10s que, dinamizando 10s recursos naturales de
dos ambientes ecolbgicos complernentarios, han dado lugar a una peculiar organizaci6n del espacio agrario. Tanto 10s campos de
veranada, en las tierras altas, como 10s de invernada, en la estepa patagbnica, asientan sobre tierras fiscales, destinadas, casi
exclusivamente, al pastoreo extensivo de caprinos y ovinos. Las crisis ciclicas que afectan la actividad pecuaria en la Argentina como
las politicas de desarrollo implementadas por el gobierno federal han generado situaciones conflictivas comprometiendo el futuro
de la trashumancia en el norte de la Patagonia. En este trabajo se describen y analizan estas circunstancias y se presenta una serie
de propuestas para el corto y mediano plazo alentando las actividades pastoriles. Entre ellas: la implementaci6n de estudios que permitan
evaluar en detalle la composici6n forrajera de 10s campos, y asi, mejorar el manejo de pastizales sobre la base de especies nativas;
incentivar la complementaci6n caprino-ovino-bovino en el sistema de producci6n como asi tambitn la revitalizacidn genCtica de 10s
OInternational Mountain Society
planteles mediante la introducci6n de reproductores; mejorar el estado sanitario de 10s planteles; y fomentar la construcci6n de instalaciones que posibiliten el manejo de 10s rebaiios en potreros rotativos. Una mayor participaci6n del criancero en el proceso de toma
de decisiones se lograria a travCs del establecimiento de cooperativas agropecuarias de productores que operen tanto en las etapas
de producci6n como de comercializaci6n.
INTRODUCTION
The Spanish conquest and colonization of the New
World entailed not only the transfer of Iberian institutions
and legislation, but also the introduction of a mesteiio livestock industry centred on the exploitation of sheep and
goats. Despite the rigid scheme of land use implemented
in all American viceroyalties, one which resembled the
Spanish model of large landholdings, regional and local
realities shaped distinct and unique land-use practices in
these territories. In areas where no domestic herds existed
before, such as in southwestern North America and
Mexico, the sudden introduction of European farm animals followed the conquest. These added to, and sometimes
replaced, traditional indigenous farming systems. In southwestern United States, for example, the first sheep introduced by Juan de Acuiia in the late sixteenth century multi-
plied in the Spanish missions of what is today's New
Mexico, and would ultimately dominate the rancher
economy at the end of the eighteenth century. In contrast,
in the Central Andes a merging of traditional herding practices with native and European farm animals took place.
O n the Peruvian coast, sheep and cattle herding, cultigens,
and farming practices replaced, or were integrated into,
traditional valley agriculture. At high elevations, in the
puna and altiplano, llama and alpaca pastoralism continued to exist, with sheep displacing native llama herds
in the sierra. Spanish policies, resettlements, and farm
animals, however, rapidly pushed traditional herds and
herders to marginal and isolated high-altitude areas, places
where sheep and goat herding fail.
TRADITIONAL PASTORALISM AND TRANSHUMANCE IN T H E NEW WORLD
The earliest evidence for the domestication of South
American wild camelids, the guanaco and vicuiia, derives
from archaeological sites located at high altitude in the
Peruvian Andes (Wheeler, 1985). Dating back to about
6000 years BP in the Junin Puna, these early settlements
lack detailed records of herd-management practices. Nonetheless, archaeologists have shown the subsequent expansion of llama and alpaca herding throughout the Central
and South-Central Andes. Based on ethnographic and
ethnohistorical information, it is known that immediately
prior to the arrival of the Spaniards, Lupaqa Kingdoms
centred in the Lake Titicaca Basin were exerting political
control over a wide variety of ecological "floors" kept under
simultaneous agricultural exploitation (Murra, 1975). The
Lupaqa example of Murra's "Andean archipelago" incorporated gathering of wood and coca production in the
eastern Andean mountain forests and Amazonian lowlands; maize and cotton agriculture in the Pacific coastal
valleys; and cultivation of tubers, with llama and alpaca
herding in the altiplano, the core of the Lupaqa settlement.
Likewise, archaeologists have also shown that well before
the arrival of the Spaniards, from Ecuador south into the
Titicaca basin in Bolivia, northwestern Argentina, and
northern Chile, llama and alpaca pastoralism, following
transitional forms of Murra's "archipelago" model, was a
successful ongoing subsistence strategy for native popula-
tions. Under Inca rule, controlled llama and alpaca breeding and production reached its maximum distribution.
Today, however, llamas and alpacas are primarily raised
on high-altitude marginal lands, such as those occupied
by the Quechua-speaking community of Paratia in
southern Peru (Flores Ochba, 1979) and Aymara-speaking
communities in northernmost Chile (Gundermann K.,
1984). Though not sharing the major traits to be found
in European and European-derived contemporary transhumant systems, Andean pastoralism is triggered by the
seasonal variation of environmental conditions, and characterized by short-distance, horizontal movements, often
undertaken as a communal task (Figure 1A). In the Central
Andes, llamas are primarily used as pack animals to transport products and goods between ecological belts, whereas
alpacas are essentially wool producers. Outside the area
of Inca influence, native pastoralism and transhumance did
not exist before the arrival of the Spaniards. This is the
case of the Argentine Pampas and the Argentine-Chilean
Patagonia. The former, a vast plain colonized first with
sheep and later with cattle, evolved into a prosperous
ranching area. In contrast, the rugged terrain of Andean
Patagonia remained marginal to development and native
and European-descent communities turned to goat and
sheep pastoralism.
CURRENT CONCEPTS ABOUT TRANSHUMANCE
Transhumance, characterized by the seasonal movement
of animals between different but complementary ecological belts, has been the focus of geographical attention for
a considerable period of time (De Martonne, 1904; Davies,
1941; Aitken, 1947; Deffontains, 1965; Rinschede, 1988,
among others). Although often confused with pastoral
A
6
PUNA
COMMUNAL LAND
U P L A N D ME A D 0 W S
P U B L I C LAND
a
Agriculture
I
KlSHWA
LOWLAND GRASSLANDS
C O M M U N A L LAND
P U B L I C OR P R I V A T E L A N D
U P L A N D MEADOWS
UPLAND MEADOWS
P U B L lC L A N D
P R I V A T E OR
PUBLIC LAND
P R I V A T E LAND
Pasturage
and farming
LOWLAND GRASSLANDS
P U B L I C OR P R I V A T E L A N D
YEAR-ROUND M E A D 0 WS
AND G R A S S L A N D S
PRIVATE LAND
FIGURE1. Some basic forms of migratory livestock systems in South America:
A. The Central and South Andes model.
B. Ascending transhumance with only one operation station or base camp in the lowlands.
C. Ascending transhumance with dual operation stations, one in the lowlands and the other at a mid-altitude village.
D. Ranch-based migratory livestock industry based on the exploitation of year-round grasslands and summer upland meadows.
nomadism in a variety of aspects, it is quite different. First,
transhumance is often materialized as a vertical movement,
with herders having a permanent base located either in the
lowlands, uplands, or at mid-altitude. Rare to be found
is a dual-stationed transhumance with two permanent
bases, one located in the lowlands and the other in the
uplands. Second, herds are moved along traditional, very
often interconnected, migration paths, following the same
pattern of movement each year. This movement may be
an ascending one, known also as normal transhumance,
with the permanent settlement located in the lowlands; or
it may be a descending one, that is to say, inverse transhumance, in which the permanent settlement is located in
the uplands. Third, transhumant herds are not owned by
the community, but rather by individual herdowners or
households who are directly in charge of looking after the
herds. Often, sheep herders are paid in goods or cash by
the herdowners. Whereas transhumance may essentially
comprise these three basic elements, it materializes as a
much more complex system, very often embodying additional defining traits.
Environmental-determinism proponents tend to consider
this migratory system as a direct result of environmental
conditions, such as seasonal climatic variations and topography, natural events affecting forage quality and availability and, thus, the year-round access to grazing areas.
Transhumance, however, may be seen as an adaptation
process, to both natural and introduced circumstances.
These may not only be related to climate and topography,
but also to distinctive socio-economic and political conditions. In this sense, transhumants develop a definite pattern
of movement among complementary seasonal pasture-
lands; and by so doing, they assume the utilization of the
natural resources of a limited number of ecological belts,
with resource exploitation operating in demographic balance between transhumants, their herd size, and composition. But, most importantly, the factor responsible for keeping the equilibrium in the system is a social and political
subsystem regulating the growth of herds and human communities. Conditioning this is the factor of availability,
access, and control over grasslands which needs to be retained by herders. Therefore, disruption in any of the
natural and introduced subsystem variables will interfere
in the functioning of the overall system structure.
In the analysis that follows the spatial structure of northwestern Patagonia transhumance will be reviewed, and the
patterns whereby two ecological belts operate as a single
exploitative system will be elucidated. External pressure
for change and lack of herders' participation in the decisionmaking process have been identified as major disruptive
factors in the system. Herewith, these elements are analyzed within the context of present-day trends in worldwide transhumance. It is hoped that this analysis will make
some contribution to a better understanding of these migratory systems; in particular, that occurring in the northern
Patagonian Andes of Argentina.
TRANSHUMANCE IN NORTHERN PATAGONIA
The area of transhumance in Argentine Northern Patagonia stretches along a north-south belt below latitude 36'
South, comprising the mid-altitude escarpments of the
Andes and the adjacent eastern foothills. While different
migratory patterns may be differentiated along this zone,
in general northern Patagonia transhumance resembles
Mediterranean patterns where little or no cultivation is
directly associated with sheep-goat pastoralism. A unistationed form with only one operation station or base in
the lowlands predominates (Figure 1B). Occasionally, there
may be a fured station at mid-altitude, in which household
members remain in the village tending a few crops and animals. This practice, however, is undertaken only by the
few successful herdowners who can afford two permanent
houses, one in the winter grasslands and the other usually
located between the lowland and upland pastures in a midaltitude village (Figure 1C). To the north, land remains
public, and access to summer pastures needs authorization to be renewed each season after payment of a grazing
fee. At the same time, south of 39' latitude, privately
owned and relatively large landholdings also support
migratory herds. This ranch-based, market-oriented livestock industry may be considered rather a transitional form
of transhumance, in this case primarily defined by ranchers'
(estancieros) ownership of year-round grazing lands (Figure
ID).
After a preliminary literature and field survey, the northernmost area of transhumance, between latitudes 36' and
38' South, was selected for this study. This area, characterized by a relic of a European-introduced transhumant
pattern which still functions successfully, appears to be the
subject of an increasing pressure for change towards a more
sedentary, intensive-oriented mode of production. In terms
of data acquisition, and for practical purposes, the core area
for this study was limited to about 25,000 km2, correspondi?g to the territories bounded by Minas, Chos Malal,
Norquin, and Pehuenches, administrative departments in
the Argentine Province of NeuquCn (Figure 2).
FIELDMETHODS
Fieldwork for this research was mainly conducted in the
village of Andacollo, a year-round settlement in the Alto
NeuquCn River Valley. On-site research between 1978 and
1981 included interviews with herder families (crianceros),
with occasional participation in their daily summer activities. The interview schedule consisted of both closed and
open-ended questions in formal and informal sessions with
herdowners, herders, and village officials. To increase the
number of interviews and to give a basis for comparison,
the sampling universe was extended into the ranch-based
area of north-central NeuquCn. Standardized questionnaires were not utilized and, circumstances permitting, sessions were recorded. In addition to the information collected in the field, historical records and unpublished survey data were collected until 1987 at different government
institutions in NeuquCn City. Among these, the Bureau
of Land and Colonization, the Comahue National University, the Council on Planning and Action for Development, and the Provincial Historic Archive provided the
bulk of the unpublished data.
ANTECEDENTS
OF NORTHERN
TRANSHUMANCE
PATAGONIA
In recent years the NeuquCn and Limay river basins
have been the scene of several archaeological surveys and
excavations. Evidence presently available from archaeological research at Chenque Haichol points toward a rather
extensive year-round exploitation of floral and faunal resources from early dates (Massoia et al., 1981; Fernindez,
1984). At Haichol, the extensive procurement of edible
piiion nuts of pehuCn (Araucaria araucana) tends to indicate
a specialized adaptive strategy, focused on seasonal
mobility for the steppe-forest ecotone during the last 7,000
years. Moreover, it seems to give evidence of a spatial
mobility pattern that existed before the arrival of domesticated sheep herds from Chile and the flourishing of a regional transhumant system.
The lack of information of pre-nineteenth-century transhumants of northern ~ a t a ~ o nisi aimpressive. o n l y a few
accounts are available and these have been condensed in
Gregorio Alvarez's outstanding collection of essays on the
peopling of Neuqutn (Alvarez, 1980-1986). In addition,
very limited nineteenth-century descriptions are offered in
Captain Jose Barros' campaign diary (Fernindez, 1982),
in the geopolitically oriented work of Olascoaga (1901), and
in the early twentieth-century Argentine government-sponsored study directed by Bayley Willis. This, a railway feasibility study, was to link San Antonio Oeste on the Argentine Atlantic coast with Valdivia in Chile (Willis, 1914).
NEUQUEN CIT
ZAPALA
CUTRAL CO
FIGURE2. Map of the study area and its location within the Province of NeuquCn (Argentina) and South America. The stippled
pattern indicates areas above 1,300 m.
The first systematicallyorganized study on NeuquCn transhumance was by Daus (1947), a work limited to observations among native Mapuche groups of the central-west
of the province. More recently, very useful insights were
put forward by Jorge Fernkdez. Backed by his life's experience in the Alto NeuquCn river basin, this author corn-
ments on the striking elements and the socio-economic
aspects and implications of a regional and widespread
transhumant pattern (Fernhndez, 1965).
In the past fifteen years considerable attention has been
given to marginal rural communities of northern Argentine Patagonia. Much of this interest, however, emerged
within the context of national geopolitical urgencies which
focused on incidental needs of peasant groups. O n the other
hand, the analysis of regional and micro-regional humanland interactions remained the concern of researchers who
have been attempting to provide a basis for long-term landuse planning (Monsalvo, 1980; De Jorge, 1982). A recent
interdisciplinary study by a Comahue National University
research team in nine administrative departments of the
province addresses specific issues on transhumant labour
conditions. The study states, among other important findings, that transhumant systems do not operate as closed
subsistence economies, but that rather they behave as
simple open economies (Ortega et al., 1985). Although
supported by field data, this team's assumption tends to
overlook the active role played by a significant number of
less prosperous herdowners and herders. Indeed, to define
these as operating at a subsistence level is more realistic.
In addition to university-based research projects, survey
and policymaking-oriented research has been conducted
by national and provincial government institutions such
as the Council on Planning and Action for Development
and The Council for Federal Investment (Consejo de Planificaci6n para el Desarrollo, 1975; Consejo Federal de Inversiones, 1977; Benedetti et al., 1983). Although these works
are important from an economic standpoint, development
planners often assume that the pastoralists' grazing strategies are irrational. Indeed, recommendations that regard
as worthless all traditional, labour-intensive modes of production tend to endow ethnocentric views. In fact, such
recommendations operate as negative forces by reinforcing
herders' isolation from the national social and economic
spectrum. O n the contrary, current trends in development
anthropology strongly propose that it is not sufficient
merely to address technology and development per se; very
often it is necessary to establish and define contexts in which
plans are to be implemented (Barlett, 1984a). In northern
Patagonia, technology and capital cannot simply replace
a still persistent and relatively successful mode of production without taking into account those involved in the production system; and any attempt to transform or introduce
new economic variables needs to be addressed specifically
within a broader framework.
T H E NATURAL ENVIRONMENT AND S T R U C T I
In northwestern Patagonia, climatic conditions limit the
availability of year-round pastureland and, thus, two ecological units which primarily reflect annual precipitation
gradients, ranging from 200 mm in the Patagonian steppe
to 500-600 mm at the steppe-forest ecotone, can be differentiated. These units, unsuitable for permanent human
occupation and exploitation, are integrated into a transhumant scheme (Figure 3). Upland meadows and lowland
grasslands are then exploited alternatively, and a complex
network of traditional migratory routes along which flocks
are seasonally moved links both extremes, allowing the
functioning of the system.
quen, are suitable for year-round permanent occupation.
Huinganco, at 1,200 m, has a mean annual precipitation
of 304 mm, whereas El Cholar at 1,200 m a and 35 km
to the southwest records an annual mean of 618 mm. Soils
are better developed in the uplands than to the east in extraAndean Patagonia. In general, those from the Alto NeuquCn river basin have a thin surface horizon of organic
materials (Irisarri et al., 1980). When near-surface ground
water is present, wet meadows and marshy environments,
known as mallines, support a forage-rich sedge-grass association. Winter snowfall, however, limits this area's grazing
season to the short summer.
THEUPLANDMEADOWS
THELOWLAND
GRASSLANDS
Wet meadows (veranadas) located above 1,300 m altitude
along the eastern escarpment of the Andes and throughout
the eastern and western slopes of the Cordillera del Viento
provide extensive summer pasturage for herds (Figure 4).
As climate varies with respect to elevation and slope orientation, a variety of microclimatic units exists. In general,
cold and snowy winters followed by short, warm summers
are characteristic. Mean temperature may vary between
2' and 6OC for the coolest month, July, and between 16'
and 18OC for the warmest month, January (Dimitri, 1972).
In the uplands cloudy weather predominates in winter, but
long, clear intervals are frequent in late spring and summer. Overall, precipitation decreases to the north and east,
and is concentrated in narrow cross-valleys where small
and-discontinuous stands of CiprCs (Austrocedrus chilensis)
or Nire (Nothofagus antarctica) represent the northern limit
of the Subantarctic forest1Patagonian steppe transition
(Cabrera, 1976). Some of these valleys, such as Epulau-
Winter and year-round grasslands (invernadas) are located
between 600 and 1,300 m. They extend to the east and
southeast of the Cordillera del Viento, and along the Alto
NeuquCn River Valley, an area where permanent village
settlements are found. As one proceeds towards the steppe,
winter and early spring pastureland is spread throughout
the NeuquCn Plateau. The climate, compared to the uplands, becomes progressively drier, as the number of clear
days increases. At the confluence of the Alto NeuquCn and
Curileuvli rivers, the town of Chos Malal(850 m) records
a mean annual temperature of 13.4'C, with a mean minimum of 0.4' and 12OC for the coolest and warmest month,
respectively (Papadakis, 1974). This increase in temperature is paralleled by a very significant decrease in precipitation; at Buta Ranquil-invernada-lands (about 1,150 m),
for example, the annual mean remains below 140 mm
(Benedetti et al., 1983). The longest available records of
precipitation are for Chos Malal in the foothills of the
e
A l t o Neuquen
0
<
-
-
0
u
C
0
0
0
6
P
6
0
e
C
->
0
-u
L
e
c
FIGURE3 . Cross-section (northwest-southeast) of the study area at the latitude of the town of Chos Malal.
Cordillera del Viento. There, the mean annual precipitation is 267 mm and the rainy season begins in May, reaching a peak during June and July. Lack of water at Chos
Malal is reflected in the annual water balance, which is
around -1,185 mm, with maximum deficit in December
(-198 mm), January (-178 mm), February (-198 mm), and
March (-132 mm) (Benedetti et al., 1983). In the sandy
rolling plains east of the Curileuvli River, soils are very
permeable and low in organic matter. Very often, carbonate build-up appears near the soil surface as a combined
result of soil weathering and human activity (Cabrera,
1976). The dominant plants growing on these soils are tall
bunch grasses mostly of the genera Stipa and Festuca, and
shrubs such as Chila (Mulinurn spinosum) and Mata Mora
(Seneciofilagimoides). To the north, algarrobo (Prosopis alba
and 3.nigra), a mesquite shrub, occupies relatively large
areas; and limited to marshes, herbaceous taxa and sedges
grow abundantly along perennial and ephemeral streams
(Figure 5).
SETTLEMENT PATTERN AND LAND USE
Transhumant settlement patterns bear a definite relationship to the modes of exploitation of the natural environment, defining both a unique human~landrelationship,
and a particular land-management behaviour. Throughout
the study area, the exploitation of natural resources has
been structured based on production strategies mainly
oriented towards meeting subsistence needs. This provides
sufficient output for barter and, to an increasing extent,
for market transactions.
Lowland grasslands are perceived by herders as permanent settlements, and are regarded as suitable locale for
base camps in the overall production system. Being continually exploited for seven to eight months, from May to
November, these lands have yet to be consolidated. O n
the other hand, upland meadows support more temporary
settlements, often occupied and utilized during the remain-
ing part of the year. There, herders live in temporary
shelters, huts framed with wooden poles and covered with
bunch grasses (Figure 6), and flocks are kept overnight in
ad hoc corrals.
The transhumant household is usually composed of a
nuclear family group - a married couple with an average
of four children. Daily activities involve all household members and the woman and children are an essential part of
the labour pool. Resembling Iberian transhumance, pastoral activities do not generally coexist with home horticulture or crop agriculture. Herders are essentially
breeders, pure pastoralists, and are predominantly dependent on pasture availability. Horticulture and cropagriculture, moreover, are limited to wealthy herdowners
who can afford the irrigation of small parcels in the winter
rangelands. The majority of poor herdowners cannot afford
FIGURE4. Upland meadow at Los
Malales (Minas). In the foreground are
bunch grasses and several forage-rich
herbaceous species; in the background
is the Cordillera de Flores.
FIGURE
5. Lowland grassland in Central NeuquCn. Access to perennial
streams is important for herding not
only because of water availability but
also because of the forage-rich species
growing along these streams.
FIGURE
6. A temporary residence at a
summer herding area in Central Neuqutn. These ramadar are made of a
wooded structure covered with straw.
At the beginning of the season before
being occupied, they must first be repaired, if not rebuilt.
to practise farming. This situation is evident from the 1978
Stock Census. This documents that land suitable or already
in use for agriculture accounts for less than 2 percent in
all four administrative departments, whereas land in exclusive use by goat-sheep-cattle herds reaches as much as 98
percent in Minas and Pehuenches, and 88 percent in Chos
Malal and Norquin. The one exception is the experimental
400-hectare unit operated by a provincial agronomic station in the vicinity of Chos Malal. There, a small number
of parcels are assigned for horticulture and 30 hectares for
experimental vineyards (Cuevas Acevedo, 1981).
CHARACTERISTICS
OF THE POPULATION
The ethnic composition of the region includes descendants of the Chilean roto, poor and socially marginal
individuals who have somatically and culturally absorbed
the major part of the Mapuche indigenous population. At
present, Mapuche communities, which are few in number,
are mostly established in ad hoc Federal Reservations. The
seasonal migratory year-round pattern is also common to
these communities, but goat and sheep herding is often a
communal, rather than an individual, subsistence strategy.
Four Mapuche groups hold territories in the study area.
The Antiiiir in Minas and the Manqui in fiorquin occupy
year-round grazing areas, whereas the Huayquill6n and
Millain Curical reservations explojt territories in both the
upland meadows and lowlands of Norquin and LoncopuC,
respectively.
At present, according to the 1980 population census, all
four administrative departments total 18,953 inhabitants,
representing 7.8 percent of the provincial population. Density is extremely low, ranging from 1.7/krn2 in Chos Malal
to 0.41km2 in Pehuenches (Table 1). The town of Chos
Malal, with 4,823 people, is the major population centre
in a relatively large area. This number, although low, represents an increase of 89 percent from the previous census
in 1970 (Instituto Nacional de Estadisticas y Censos, 1981).
Chos Malal also monopolizes regional administrative and
commercial activity.
The demographic composition of herds is difficult to
assess. Statistics from the 1978 Stock Census record
382,838 goats, 142,084 sheep, and 36,944 head of cattle,
and this transcribes as 68 percent, 25 percent, and 7 percent of the total herd com~ositionin all four administrative departments. On the whole, it appears that the number
of animals owned per family varies. A few of the very
poorest own no animals at all, but the average family herd
exceeds 600 animals. Table 2 shows the number of migrant
animals as recorded at official toll stations for the season
1982-1983. These figures, however, are far from accurate.
Apparently, a considerable number of animals are being
sold in late spring just before the departure to the uplands
and, thus, are not reported to, and taxed by, the Bureau
of Land and Colonization. In addition, fee stations have
been placed only on the major transhumance routes and
records for short distance migrations are missing. However, based on their own data, the Bureau of Land and
Colonization has attempted to control overgrazing by limit-
ing the number of animals in grazing units and by overtaxing goats up to 100 percent more than sheep.
Criollo goat and Criollo sheep herding constitutes the
traditional and almost unique component in land use.
Attempts have been made to improve quality with pure
breeding-stock, especially Angora and Corriedale, but
without success. During the last fifteen years, on the other
hand, there have been more successful attempts to introduce beef cattle, especially the bumpkin Criollo and
Criollo-Hereford crossbreeds. Whereas cattle herding has
lowered the number of animals that can be placed on grazing units, it has effectively contributed in the diversification of the livestock and has worked positively as a buffer
in maintaining production during critical periods of scarcity
or changing market conditions (Birkner, 1979).
The levels of health and sanitation of animals is often
low. Vaccinations for foot and mouth disease (aftosa),
blackleg or carbuncle, and brucellosis are not standard.
External parasites such as those producing scabies and
mange (sarna), as well as bloodsucking lice and ticks, are
kept under control through dips using commercial
products. Internal parasites are also common in both goats
and sheep, but they are generally controlled by using homemade recipes, mostly solutions of salt, vinegar, and
kerosene (Benedetti et al., 1983). In general, external para-
TABLE1
Population size and density
Population
Area
Population
Density
Department
1970
1980
(km2)
1970 1980
Chos Malal
Minas
Norquin
Pehuenches
5,502
3,518
2,651
2,641
7,365
4,366
3,350
3,872
4,330
6,225
5,545
8,720
1.3
0.6
0.5
0.3
1.7
0.7
0.6
0.4
Source: Instituto Nacional de Estadisticas y Censos, 1981.
TABLE2
Composition of her& (arreos) during the upward movement
as recorded at toll stations in the season of 1982-1983
Localitv
Goats
Shee~ Cattle Horses Mules
Andacollo
Barrancas
Buta Ranquil
Chos Malal
El Cholar
El Huecu
Guaiiacos
Las Ovejas
Los Miches
Tricao Malal
Varavarco
5,995
20,770
13,305
107,888
8,720
2,150
2,895
9,036
4,192
13,395
5,800
1,328
84
2,686
688
1,979
635
18,067 4,401
1,124
309
435
180
2,370
308
223
4,985
1,628
348
4,919
302
2,817
286
144
805
849
4,814
292
100
*
354
212
723
300
23
218
144
667
45
2
*
41
18
66
26
Based on data provided by the Bureau of Land and Colonization.
'No record available.
Tricao Male1
_ _ _ _ __ -
EXPLANATION
MATS
4
SHEEP
CATTLE
MULES AND HORSES
SUMMER MEADOWS
0
WINTER GRASSLANDS
b
FIGURE
7 . Location of the major summer meadows (veranadas) and winter grasslands (invernadas) within the study area. Also shown
here are figures for herd composition for the season of 1982-1983, as recorded at selected toll stations along migratory routes. (Based
on information provided by the Bureau of Land and Colonization.)
sites severely damage the fleece of sheep, and impair production.
Competition between cattle, sheep, and goats for rangeland is not very high because diet preferences are dissimilar.
Distinct seasonal availability of resources, however, may
generate species competition. From late August until
November is the critical time for the livestock because
pasture is in short supply. Compared to goats, cattle and
sheep require a higher level of nutrition. Cattle satisfy those
needs by selectively grazing plant species and plant parts,
but sheep accept browse more readily than cattle. O n the
other hand, goats browse a wide range of natural pasture,
and therefore are not particularly susceptible to extreme
forage shortage.
Mixed flocks are herded by day, united in the rangeland
every morning, and placed in corrals at night. Each household supervises its own livestock, and although men do
herd, herding is the activity carried out mainly by children and young adults. Sometimes, prosperous herdowners
hire temporary herders who are generally paid in goods
and only rarely in cash; but this is an uncommon practice
except in the trek to the uplands, when hired personnel
are often required to help in the seasonal migration.
Compared to the Pampas and other areas where Argentina has developed an intensive use of the rangelands,
manipulation of northwestern NeuquCn grasslands is minimal. Lands are not fenced, and winter range improvements, such as paddocks, corrals, and water troughs, are
rare. Therefore, non-selective grazing during the winter
months is a common practice. Supplemental pasture intake
FIGURE8. A common scene during the
ascending migration. The picture was
taken along National Highway 40, one
of the most important routes of transhumance and a major pass across the
Cordillera del Viento.
is uncommon exceDt for wealthv herdowners who can
afford to buy forage.'~ewbornsand malnourished animals,
however, are often given supplementary feed of hay on the
way to the upland pastures. Herds are generally weak because of
late winter-spring feeding: and reach a crisis
period just before departure to the summer fields. Birthing also occurs at this time, which makes livestock losses
common on the ascending
" trek.
Seasonal migrations are a combination of short and long
distance vertical and horizontal movements. Short ascending migrations, for example, are common in the north, in
the Alto NeuquCn River Valley, whereas longer circuits
are common in the south (Figure 7). Migrations are undertaken by herders, on foot and on horseback, accompanied
by dogs. Occasionally, relatively old pick-up trucks escort
the herd, used for the transportation of both household
members and food supplies. Reduction in the number of
autumn-spring intermediary quarters, and the confluence
of the differing drovers' routes at certain points, such as
mountain passes, which today are public roads, has raised
safety problems and generated further stress in the overall
transhumant cvclic round.
The transhumant migratory schedule is not rigid, but
tends to follow the yearly seasonal cycle dependent on pasture availability and the needs and tolerance of the herds.
Seasonal migration is also controlled by the melting of highland snowfields and the needs and resilience of the stock.
For a considerable number of herders, long trips between
exploitation extremes are demanded. Uplands are located
5 to 30 days away from the winter base camp, and herding distances of about 50 to 150 km are common. For
example, between 15 and 20 days are required to move
flocks from the Naunauco lowland grassland to Buta
Mallin, a distance of about 200 km, but a 30-days' trek
is needed to cover the distance from,Huantraico to Buta
Mallin.
Not long ago, intermediate autumnlspring quarters or
primaveras along herding routes were frequently part of the
migratory scheme and were used by herders as herdrecovery quarters, and as lambing grounds. Current pressure for land, however, has limited the access to these intermediate stations. Indeed, the extension of rights to own
land within the villages, and the fencing of land along main
circulation roads, are major causes of weight loss during
travel. This pressure has resulted in the virtual disappearance of the spring-autumn quarters, which traditionally
served as buffer areas during years when drought or early
snowfall in the uplands caused a rescheduling of departure
from the winter grasslands because of depleted pastures.
Nonetheless, today's herders must ensure that there are
stopping places along migratory routes, and these may be
roadside fields which are usually scarce or devoid of adequate pasture (Figure 8).
LANDTENURE
Land tenure in the Argentine Patagonia varies considerably. In the windy and cold south, most of the land is private. Huge lattfundia are, for the most part, owned by
wealthy Argentine landholders and major foreign investors
primarily of British origin. To the north, land tenure loses
some of its large-scale character, but the bulk of the land
is kept in private hands. As shown in Figure 9, in Patagonia south of the Colorado River 89 percent of the land
is private, whereas the remaining 11 percent is utilized by
temporary landholders. In the late nineteenth century, and
after the Argentine Conquest of the Desert, southern and
central NeuquCn Indian land was subdivided and granted
to heroes and participants of the military campaign. Only
a few of the new owners ever consolidated these lands, and
the lax policy of the central government in Buenos Aires
served the interests of major land-recipients who bought
or took possession of the land. Today, however, some of
these NeuquCns' latifundia are family owned and family
operated properties. Overall, 60 percent of the land is kept
in private hands and 40 percent used by landholders of
various types. Contrasting with this general Patagonian
trend of private ownership, the long-time periodic state of
hostilities along the Argentine-Chilean border has kept
northern NeuquCn land under the administration of the
provincial government. In Norquin, however, wealthy
herders own individual lots, and private land ownership
accounts for up to 50 percent of the landholdings. Despite
this, for most herders access to land is limited in both summer and winter grasslands. Statistics provided by the
Bureau of Land and Colonization show that 92 percent of
the land in Pehuenches is administered by the provincial
government, while in Minas and Chos Malal 73 percent
and 64 percent, respectively, is public land.
Winter pasture is granted to herders through a tenancy
contract with the sole requirement being the permanent
occupation and exploitation of the land. However, insufficient land is available to meet livestock needs. At present,
lowland pastures are being slowly transferred to herders
on the understanding that land improvements such as
fenced pastures, paddocks, and windmills should be made
in a period of ten years. After that, herdowners are allowed
to keep the land by paying a nominal fee with the approval
of the Bureau of Land and Colonization.
For summer grasslands, access to pasturage has to be
reauthorized each season by a contract drawn up between
the Bureau of Land and Colonization and the herdowners.
The contract specifies the boundaries of pastureland, and
a nominal pasturage fee is assessed according to herd size
and the cattle/goats/sheep composition. Attempts are being
made to obtain additional pasture through a variety of
means. As there are no collective grazing rights, one way
to obtain additional pasturage and to avoid legal responsibility for the payment of grazing fees is an agreement
among would-be partners, one of whom figures as the legal
user/occupant of the land. Upland pastures exploited 4-6
months each year between late November and May-June
are not officially defined, but are usually recognized by the
household summer-camp name, for example, Veranada de
Mendoza or Veranada de Ldpez. The boundaries of these
pasturelands are common knowledge among herders.
COMMERCIALIZATION
In general terms, herdowners, and herders to a lesser
extent, have moved from a subsistence economy to a relative commercialized economic system (Ortega et al., 1985).
At present, market transactions are relatively common for
successful herdowners but many people still continue to
produce a good deal of what they consume and bartering,
often undertaken in village grocery stores, is a frequent and
widespread means of exchange. There, herders obtain basic
consumer goods, charged to a credit line, and "paid for"
not in cash but with wool and skins. Following the same
pattern, migratory peddlers established in neighbouring
areas of summer camps monopolize transactions in the
uplands.
Animals are commercialized locally but, to a greater
FIGURE
9. Land tenure in Patagonia, NeuquCn Provicce, and a
portion of the study area (Chos Malal, Minas, and Norquin).
1. Private land.
2 . Federal land occupied by various types of landholders.
3. Land administered by the Province of Neuqutn and granted
on sale to occupants.
4. Mapuche Indian reservations.
(Based on data provided by the Bureau of Land and Colonization.)
extent, sold to outside buyers who truck livestock to Zapala,
Cutral-Co, and NeuquCn City, relatively progressive urban
centres in the province. The price paid for these animals,
in part subject to general market variables, relates more
to the monopoly of a few intermediaries than as a consequence of supply and demand. Wool, hair, and skin is also
sold locally to peddlers (bolicheros) as well as to outside
buyers. Ultimately, much of these secondary products
reach the international market (Monsalvo, 1980).
In an attempt to stabilize market prices and to improve
wool quality and annual yields, since 1975 the provincial
government has established a voluntary shearing programme. Under this programme, all steps, including shearing, classing, baling, transportation, and wool storage are
operated by the Provincial Bureau of Agriculture. This,
in a common operation with the Bureau of Industry and
Commerce, oversees wool marketing by calling for sealed
bids. Herdowners are paid in cash by the provincial government after full processing costs are deducted. The social
function of this programme, securing a minimum price for
herders' annual wool yields, cannot be overlooked. However, Argentina's political and economic instability, characterized by stop-go cycles in policy-making, and the effects
of these on people's credibility (Corradi, 1985; Manzetti
and Dell'Aquila, 1988)) may have caused the Shearing Programme to become ineffective by failing to attract more
than a few herdowners (Benedetti et al., 1983).
DISCUSSION
In general, the decline in traditional forms of transhumance is an ongoing process worldwide. In Europe, and
particularly in Spain, a country where special legislation
has protected migrant herds for more than 600 years
(Klein, 1920), the urban and industrial expansions of the
nineteenth century, as well as the intensification of agriculture, has led to a radical decline in transhumance (Ruiz
and Ruiz, 1986). In addition, the growth of an efficient
railway network has diverted the long, and to some extent,
the short seasonal migrations (Abellh and Olivera, 1979).
Thus, whereas sixteenth-century transhumance, in Spain
alone, involved the migration of 3 million mesteiio sheep (Le
Flem, 1972), only 1.5million migrant sheep were estimated
for the early nineteenth century (Klein, 1920). Today, only
a few thousand cattle and goats continue to use traditional
transhumant driveways on the Castillian plateau (Ruiz and
Ruiz, 1986). A similar decline has also occurred in southwestern United States. In this case, the decline relates
rather to restrictions imposed on the use of federal forest
lands and the pressure of environmentalist groups (Rinschede, 1988).
Current economic trends in Latin America tend to follow
a similar pattern, favouring production-intensive systems
at the expense of migratory-based production-extensive systems. The above-mentioned gradual decline in traditional
pastoralism in the Central Andes relates, in part, to this.
Some exceptions, however, may be noted. The Saguro
Indians, living in eastern Ecuador, have recently shifted
from a long-term sedentary settlement pattern to a migratory, transhumant-like one. Apparently this shift was not
related to demographic or environmental pressure, but
rather to the perception of an economic opportunity
(Steward et al., 1976). It is also well known that in some
parts of Europe, such as the French High Alps, transhumance is experiencing a major revival (Cleary, 1986).
But what is the status of northern Patagonia
transhumance? It was not possible to identify a decline in the
numbers of animals involved in transhumance from survey
data collected by the Bureau of Land and Colonization.
O n the contrary, statistics covering the period 1972-1982
show the steady increase in the number of grazing permits
issued, as well as in the number of migrant sheep and goats
(Figure 10).
The survival of traditional transhumance in northern
Patagonia is linked to aspects of land tenure, grassland
improvements-such as paddocks and corrals, selective
grazing strategies with native and non-native grasses, and
livestock diversification. Priorities for the short. middle.
and long term need to be established along with a general
land-use approach which may provide management direction for the protection and maintenance of upland pastures
and improvement of increasingly overgrazed winter grasslands. Carrying capacity figures are unavailable, but stocking rates have been tentatively estimated after the provincial law 1306 passed in 1981, and when new leasing and
sale prices of public land were set by a provincial decree
in 1983.
Whereas lowland and upland grazing lands still remain
under government administration, current legislation tends
to regulate its use. A land-award programmewas launched
in 1981 by the provincial government and in 1983 a pricetag based on land receptivity and distance to the livestock's
point of embarkment was established. All operations could
have a 25-year fmancial support term with 5 percent annual
interest (Provincial Decree, Number 075811983), At that
time, the price per hectare for land to be committed to pas-
mm
R
mm - --
M
--
--------
4
0
I
W
W
anan
19?2 N74 l9E 1976 lW 1W
1973 1 9 ~ 19n 1979 1981
SEASON
,
1972
,
1973
,
1974
,
9
,
19%
,
1977
,
1976
SEASON
I
1W
,
1W
,
1981
,
192
1974 19%
1976 l
m 1W
19721973 19E 1977 1979 1981
SEASON
FIGURE10. The ten-year trend in the number of summer grazing permits issued to herders (left), compared with the total number
of sheep and goats moved upward (centre). The average of sheep and goats moved upwards is shown on the right. Figures are for
the Province of NeuquCn alone. (Based on data provided by the Bureau of Land and Colonization.)
toral activities varied from 1,319 Argentine pesos per
hectare for the land with the lowest receptivity (8.33 hectaresfanimal) and 300 km or more distance to the point
of embarkment; to 250,646 Argentine pesos per hectare
for land with the highest receptivity (0.7 1 hectarelanimal)
and distance 20 km or less from embarkment place. This
document also established new prices for the leasing of
public land, equivalent to 7 percent of the value of the land
being occupied. It is important to note here that receptivity
figures are tentative with the sole purpose of launching the
transfer of public lands and assigning new leasing values
for pastoral lands.
Free grazing on public lands, one of the most important defining traits of NeuquCn's transhumance, possesses
potential risk for grasslands. As occurring with other traditional agrarian systems, pastoralist attitudes are linked to
long-term socio-economic and ecological forces. However,
participation in the Argentine national market, characterized by short-term supply and demand pressures,
resulted in an increased number of animals grazing on the
land. Despite the continuous efforts being made by the
Bureau of Land and Colonization to control this situation,
winter pasturelands support animals in numbers at and
beyond their maximum carrying capacity. Most recently,
demands on upland pasture have been increasing steadily
in the area. At this point, it is important to note that, apart
from the formal agreement between herders and the Bureau
of Land and Colonization for the use of upland pastures,
informal grazing arrangements are common among
herders. This is evident from the unofficial numbers of animals that are grazing on these lands. While this situation
is still under control in the upland wet meadows, the pressure of grazing has increased in the winter fields. The
growth in animal numbers, combined with the shortage
of grazing land, has led to soil compaction and increased
surface runoff. The construction of paddocks, corrals, and
fenced parcels may ultimately reverse this situation, but
today's lack of improvements and long-term investments
in land is not only the result of shortage or lack of capital,
but also relates to herders' perception of their landless
condition. The management of natural prairies with native
grasses and forbs may also constitute a viable alternative
to control overgrazing in the short run. Among the most
important forage-rich species to be noted are the locally
grown Festuca scirpifolia, Hordeum endicola, Bromus breuis,
Distichlis humilis, Bouteloua simplex, Caesalpinia pumilo, Dalea
hofstenii, Adesmia horrida, and Trifolium amabile (Bellati, 1953).
Though population in all four administrative departments is increasing, poor herdowners seek daily or temporary village employment. However, few opportunities
for wage employment exist locally or in the more urbanized
Chos Malal. Despite the efforts being made by municipal
governments to employ herders and poor herdowners on
a daily or monthly basis, a number of herders are leaving
the countryside in search of part-time or permanent yearround jobs in progressive Patagonian urban centres.
Attempts have been made to diversify the regional
economy. Experimental forest plots of Monterrey pine
(Pinus radiata) were introduced in 1972 in the Alto NeuquCn River basin, primarily in the vicinity of Andacollo,
Huinganco, and in Pampa de Malal Caballo. While these
forests may contribute by reducing erosion and perhaps
supply raw material for the future establishment of a local
lumber industry, they may also become direct competitors
with transhumance.
The exploitation of aromatic native herbs may also constitute a viable complement to pastoral activities and could
prove to be a profitable enterprise in a mixed agro-pastoralist system. Nonetheless, significant changes in the
pastoralist socio-economic structure need to occur before
this could be implemented. Herbs, such as pol60 (Lippia
turbinata), tomillo (Acantholippia seriphioides), pichana (Psila
spartiaides), paico (Chenopodium ambrosioides), and palo-piche
(Fabiana imbricata), would be the most appropriate for commercial exploitation (Instituto Nacional de Tecnologia
Agropecuaria, 1965).
T H E FUTURE O F TRANSHUMANCE: NATIONAL POLICIES AND
SOCIO-ECONOMIC CHANGES AMONG PASTORALISTS
An examination of federal policies presently developed
for peripheral areas in northern Patagonia lack an integrated approach and rarely are attuned to the local geographic reality. Indeed, national and provincial policies
tend only to emphasize economic targets and geopolitical
needs (EscudC, 1988) at the expense of socio-cultural elements. Thus, herders "natural" conservatism and apathy
towards development (Benedetti et al., 1983) is rather the
result of inappropriate aid programmes. One frequent difficulty confronting development planners and policy
makers is how to transfer new technology to herdowners
and sheepherders. Social factors should be closely examined
before supposed improvements are disseminated among
herders. Major efforts should focus on guidelines and policies for local involvement in planning and decision making, and solutions for intensification and development
should be the result of decisions made by both planners
and herders. Such active participation would help avoid
discrepancies between external planning and the local and
regional pastoralists' cultural reality (Barlett, 1984b). One
possible pathway would be the establishment of both production and marketing cooperatives. In the French Alps,
for example, such institutional framework granted pastoralists the power to retain control over summer grasslands (Cleary, 1986). In northern Patagonia, it would help
deal with topics such as land tenure, including availability
of, and access to, upland pastures; winter grassland and
livestock improvements; and the flexible handling of the
social changes that may occur from the increasing and more
active participation in the regional and national economies.
While the future of northwestern Patagonia transhumant
systems is somewhat uncertain, it is dependent not only
on local and regional socio-economic processes, but also
on national land-use policies towards agriculture and
towards Patagonia. Its stability a n d survival is directly
linked to its resilience and capacity to deal with, and
respond to, increasing external pressures for change. I n
the short a n d middle term, however, stock breeding under
the form of transhumance will still play a n important role
in the regional economy.
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
Field research for this study was supported in part by
the Government of the Province of NeuquCn and the Centro
& Estudios Regionales Zapala. Preparation of the final manuscript was made possible by the allocation of funds from
a PCrez Companc Foundation Fellowship. For his guidance
a n d strong support in the field, I a m deeply indebted to
m y friend a n d colleague Jorge Fernindez, and to the late
D o n Ignacio ArCvalo, criancero. Comments on earlier drafts
of the paper by Maria Liz MenCndez, Beatriz Monsalvo,
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Lara and anonymous reviewers of this journal are gratefully acknowledged. Jorge Fernindez took most of the
photographs that accompany the text and m y friend
Kenneth Brown helped edit the English manuscript. I a m
also indebted to Maria J. Bustos Fernindez for her daily
support.
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MOUNTAIN RESEARCH AND DEVELOPMENT
The western side of the Cordillera del Viento in the northern Patagonian Andes viewed from the outskirts of Andacollo, a year-round
settlement in the Alto Neuquen Valley; in the foothiis lies the village of Huinganco surrounded by Solix sp. and Populus sp. This
area was the location of field research on transhumance on which the paper by Carlos Baied (this issue, pages 365-380) was based.
Photograph by Jorge Fernhdez.
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