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Course Material No. 1 Prelim
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SSM 106 Urban
Geography
King Arnold C. Satsatin
Course Instructor
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Introduction to
Urban Geography
LEARNING OUTCOMES
At the end of this module, the learners are expected to
a. discuss the meaning of urban geography; and
b. explain the role of urban geography in understanding cities.
RESOURCES NEEDED
For this lesson, you would need the following resources:
Introduction to Urban Geography
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Before you start, try answering the following
questions.
1.What is urban geography?
___________________________________________
___________________________________________
___________________________________________
2. What are the different subdisciplines of urban
geography?
___________________________________________
___________________________________________
___________________________________________
3. Why it is important to study urban geography?
___________________________________________
___________________________________________
___________________________________________
4. What are the characteristics of an urban place?
___________________________________________
___________________________________________
___________________________________________
5. What are the differences of urban and rural places?
___________________________________________
___________________________________________
___________________________________________
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MODULE CONTENTS
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Pre-Activity Title
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Pre-Activity Title
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Your heading here
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Your heading here
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Your heading here
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Posttest
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Key Terms
References
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City Quiz
Identify the following city based on pictures below.
INTRODUCTION
Why do city populations get sifted out according to race and social class to produce
distinctive neighborhoods? What are the processes responsible for this sifting? Are there
any other characteristics by which individuals and households become physically
segregated within the city? How does a person’s area of residence affect his or her
behavior? How do people choose where to live, and what are the constraints on their
choices? What groups, if any, are able to manipulate the ‘geography’ of the city, and to
whose advantage?
As many writers now acknowledge, the answer to most of these questions is
ultimately to be found in the wider context of social, economic and political
organization. It follows that a proper understanding of any city requires a very broad
approach. In the city, everything is connected to everything else; cause and effect are
often difficult to sort out. Within geography as a whole, there are several different
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approaches to understanding cities.
Four main approaches have been identifiable in the recent literature.
Different approaches within human geography
The quantitative approach
First there is the quantitative approach, which attempts to provide descriptions of
the spatial organization of cities using statistical data represented in the form of maps,
graphs, tables and mathematical equations. Much of the inspiration for this approach has
come from neoclassical economics and functionalist sociology. These approaches aim
to be ‘scientific’, providing objective descriptions of cities in such a way that the values
and attitudes of the observer do not influence the analysis.
This attempt to separate the observer from the observed is often termed the
Cartesian approach (after the philosopher Descartes). However, many have questioned
whether such neutrality is possible, since the values of the researcher will inevitably be
reflected in the data that are chosen and the theoretical frameworks, words and
metaphors which are used to represent this data.
The behavioral approach
Second is the so-called behavioral approach, which initially emerged as a reaction to the
unrealistic normative assumptions (i.e. theories concerning what ought to be, rather than
what actually exists) of neoclassical functional description. The emphasis here is on the
study of people’s activities and decision-making processes (where to live, for example)
within their perceived worlds. Many of the explanatory concepts are derived from social
psychology although phenomenology, with its emphasis on the ways in which people
experience the world around them, has also exerted a considerable influence on
behavioral research. Geographers have for a long time been interested in the
relationships between urban settings and certain aspects of people’s behaviour.
This sort of approach can easily fall into a deterministic frame of thinking, where
‘space’ is a cause. In fact, the relationships between environments and behaviour are
reciprocal: ‘a neighbourhood takes its character from the values and life-styles of its
residents; however, reciprocally, its personality is also a context that acts to reinforce
and narrow a range of human responses’ (Ley, 1983, p. 23). The emphasis of most
research in this area, though, has been on the way in which the ‘personality’ of urban
settings influences individual and group behaviour and, in particular, the way in which
‘deviant’ behaviour is related to urban settings.
The structuralist approach
Third, there is the approach generally known as structuralism. Unlike the
quantitative and behavioral approaches, structuralists are very suspicious of every day
appearances and people’s subjective reactions to, and interpretations of, the world.
Instead, they argue that to understand society one needs to probe beneath the obvious
external world to apprehend the underlying mechanisms at work. Since these
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mechanisms cannot be observed directly, they must be studied through processes of
abstract reasoning by constructing theories.
This structuralist approach was initially used to study ‘primitive’ societies. Despite
the diversity of cultural forms that can be found throughout the world, it was argued that
there were underlying universal cultural structures that govern all human behaviour
(such as prohibitions on incest). However, most geographers have allied structuralist
approaches with Marxian theories, rather than anthropology. These attempt to update
the ideas devised by Karl Marx in the context of the nineteenth-century industrial city
(sometimes termed classical Marxism) in the light of developments in the twentieth
century. These updated Marxian theories are also sometimes termed neo-Marxist
approaches. Marx argued that the key underlying mechanism in a capitalist society
was a conflict between two major classes over the issue of value: first, the class made
up of owners of capital and, second, the class of workers who owned little but their
labour power. Of course, much has changed since Marx was writing in the nineteenth
century. In particular, both the class structure and the role of the state have become
much more complex.
Nevertheless, at root, Marxian perspectives attempt to relate contemporary societal
developments to the class struggle over value. Thus, structuralist approaches stress the
constraints that are imposed on the behaviour of individuals by the organization of
society as a whole and by the activities of powerful groups and institutions within it.
Critics have argued that, in playing down the perceptions of people, Marxian theorists
ignore the fact that there are many different conflicts in society in addition to those based
around class, such as those based around gender, ethnicity, age, sexuality, religion,
disability, nationality, political affiliation, location of neighbourhood, and so on. There
is growing recognition that there are many different interests in the city, many different
‘voices’ and different theories that can represent these interests.
It is also argued by critics that Marxian theories also have a poor sense of human
agency (i.e. the capacity of people to make choices and take actions to affect their
destinies). Nevertheless, it is undoubtedly true that many people are relatively
defenceless in the face of economic forces. Furthermore, it is important to note that
Marxian theories are diverse in character and many scholars have tried to overcome
these limitations in recent years. As we will see later, the basic principles of structuralist
thinking provide us with powerful tools for understanding contemporary social change.
Post-structuralist approaches
Post-structuralist approaches are strongly opposed to the idea that the world can be
explained by a single, hidden, underlying structure, such as class-based conflict. Instead,
it is argued that there are numerous shifting and unstable dimensions of inequality in
society. In addition, it is argued that these inequalities are reflected in various forms of
representation, including language, intellectual theories, advertising, popular music and
city landscapes. All of these forms of representation involve sets of shared meanings –
what are called discourses.
Post-structuralism therefore argues that there is no simple undistilled experience –
all our experiences are filtered through particular sets of cultural values. It follows that
the method by which we represent reality is as important as the underlying reality itself.
Clearly, then, words are not neutral but have powerful underlying assumptions and
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meanings. This means that analysis of culture is crucial to understanding language and
discourse.
The effect of post-structuralist thinking on urban social geography has been
substantial, to the point where the sub-discipline has taken a clear ‘cultural turn’.
Why Study Urban Geography?
As a future practitioner of Social Science in the academe, you should be in a good
position to answer this question. Urban geography provides an understanding of the
living environments of a majority of the world’s population. Knowledge of urban
geography is of importance for both students and citizens of the contemporary world.
Urban places are complex phenomena. Urban geography untangles this complexity by
explaining the distribution of towns and cities, and the socio-spatial similarities and
differences that exist between and within urban places.
This course adopts a global perspective for the study of urban geography. The
perspective acknowledges:
1. the inter-connectedness of global urban society as a result of globalization;
2. the dialectic relationship between global and local processes in the
construction and reconstruction of urban environments;
3. the importance of local and regional variations in the nature of
urbanism within the overarching concept of a global economy and society.
The concepts, themes and issues introduced in this opening chapter illustrate the
complexity of urban phenomena and the explanatory power of urban geography.
Concepts and theory provide the essential framework for explanation in any academic
subject. Accordingly, proper understanding of urban geography must be based on a
combination of theoretical insight and empirical analysis.
Throughout the course, relevant theory and concepts are integrated with empirical
evidence to illuminate particular themes and issues under investigation.
Urban geography is a subfield of human geography that focuses on the study of
cities and urban areas. It seeks to understand the spatial organization, structure,
dynamics, and processes that shape urban environments and the people who inhabit
them. Urban geography explores the complex interplay between physical, social,
economic, political, and cultural factors within urban spaces.
Here are some key aspects and concepts within urban geography:
Spatial Organization: Urban geographers analyze how cities are laid out, including
the arrangement of neighborhoods, transportation networks, land use patterns, and the
distribution of amenities and services. They examine the factors influencing the spatial
organization of cities and how it impacts urban residents' daily lives.
Urbanization: Urban geography studies the process of urbanization, which is the
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growth of cities and the increasing proportion of a population living in urban areas. It
investigates the causes and consequences of urbanization, such as rural-to-urban
migration, changes in land use, and the expansion of urban infrastructure.
Social and Cultural Diversity: Cities are often characterized by diverse
populations, and urban geography delves into issues related to multiculturalism,
ethnicity, race, and social inequalities within urban contexts. It explores how different
social groups interact, segregate, or integrate within urban spaces.
Economic Activities: Urban areas are hubs of economic activity, and urban
geographers examine the dynamics of urban economies, including industries,
employment patterns, business districts, and the role of cities in regional and global
economies.
Urban Planning and Development: Urban geography is closely linked to urban
planning and development. It assesses the effectiveness of planning policies, land-use
regulations, and infrastructure projects in shaping urban growth and improving the
quality of life for residents.
Environmental Sustainability: Sustainability is a growing concern in urban
geography, as researchers study how cities can address environmental challenges like
pollution, climate change, and resource management. This involves analyzing green
spaces, transportation systems, and sustainable urban development practices.
Political Geography: Urban areas often serve as political centers, and urban
geography examines the distribution of political power and governance structures within
cities. It explores topics such as urban politics, governance, and the impact of policies
on urban communities.
Cultural and Historical Geography: Cities have rich cultural and historical
legacies, and urban geographers investigate the heritage, identity, and narratives
associated with urban spaces. They analyze how history and culture shape the physical
and social landscapes of cities.
Transportation and Mobility: The movement of people and goods within cities is
a crucial aspect of urban geography. Researchers study transportation networks, traffic
patterns, and the accessibility of different urban areas.
SUMMARY
In summary, urban geography provides insights into the complex and dynamic nature of cities,
helping us better understand the challenges and opportunities presented by urbanization. It
plays a vital role in informing urban planning, policy development, and the creation of
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sustainable and inclusive urban environments. The study of urban geography is essential for
addressing the challenges and opportunities presented by the rapid urbanization of our world. It
provides the knowledge and tools necessary to create sustainable, inclusive, and prosperous
urban environments that benefit current and future generations.
KEY TERMS
Urban geography
Urban Place
Rural community
City
Social mobility
Urbanization
Urban planning
LEARNING TASK
Search for a webpage of a particular city and provide the required profile points below:
1. City Vision
2. Population
3. City Classification
4. Economic Classification
5. Major sources of income
6. Development goals
Discuss your findings in 1 paragraph
REFERENCES
Bowden, R. (2007). Urbanization: Human settlements. Wayland
Duany, A., Plater-Zyberk, E., Speck, J. (2001). Suburban nation: The rise of
sprawl and the decline of american dream. Farrar, Straus and Giroux
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Knox, P. L. & McCarthy, L. (2005). Urbanization: An introduction to urban
geography. Speck,
J. (2013). Walkable city: How downtown can save america, one step at a time.
Farrar, Straus and Giroux
Verma, L. N. (2006). Urban geography. Rawat Publications
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Negotiating
Diversity in the City
LEARNING OUTCOMES
At the end of this module, the learners are expected to:
a. describe the effects of having diversity in cities;
b. explain the development of city life; and
c. identify the different events and incidents that altered cities.
RESOURCES NEEDED
For this lesson, you would need the following resources:
Urban Diversity
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Ponder on this
Try to answer this question
INTRODUCTION
Without doubt the most important change in urban studies in recent years has been
the increased attention given to issues of culture. This development reflects a broader
trend in the social sciences that has become known as the ‘cultural turn’. In the last
two decades the cultural turn has radically influenced the study of city cultures,
affecting both what is studied and the way cities are examined. As suggested by the
socio-spatial dialectic, cities have long had a crucial impact upon, and have in turn
been influenced by, cultural dynamics. What makes cities especially interesting in
the contemporary context is that they bring together many different cultures in
relatively confined spaces. Appadurai (1996) calls the diverse landscape of immigrants,
tourists, refugees, exiles, guest workers and other moving groups to be found in
many contemporary cities an ethnoscape. This juxtaposition of peoples often leads
to innovation and new cultural forms as cultures interact. But it can also lead to
tensions and conflict, especially if cultural groups retreat into particular areas of the
city.
This module provides a guide to understanding the cultural turn and explains why
issues of culture have so radically altered our ways of looking at cities. This will equip
us with a series of concepts and perspectives that we can use to understand the many
issues that will be considered in the later parts on this course.
What is culture?
Culture is popularly thought of as ‘high art’ in the form of paintings, sculpture,
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drama and classical music, as found in museums, art galleries, concert halls and theaters.
However, in the social sciences culture is usually interpreted in a much broader sense.
Culture is a complex phenomenon, and therefore difficult to summarize briefly, but may
best be thought of as consisting of ‘ways of life’. These ways of life involve three
important elements:
1. The values that people hold (i.e. their ideals and aspirations). These values
could include: the desire to acquire wealth and material goods; seeking out risk
and danger; caring for a family; helping friends and neighbors; or campaigning
for political change.
2. The norms that people follow (i.e. the rules and principles that govern their
lives). These include legal issues such as whether to exceed speed limits when
driving or whether to engage in illegal forms of tax evasion. Norms also involve
issues of personal conduct such as whether to be faithful to one’s partner or
whether to put self-advancement over the needs of others.
3. The material objects that people use. For most people in relatively affluent
Western societies this is an enormous category, ranging from everyday
consumer goods through to transportation systems, buildings and urban
facilities.
A number of important insights flow from these points
The materiality of cultures
It should be clear that these elements of culture – values, norms and objects – are all
highly interrelated. Culture is not just about ideas: the material objects that we use also
provide clues about our value systems. The widespread use of the automobile, for
example, says something about the value placed upon personal mobility. The same
applies to the urban landscape. The structures of cities – whether they display extensive
motorway networks or integrated public transport systems, uncontrolled urban sprawl
or tightly regulated, high-density development – provide us with indications of the wider
set of values held by the society.
Because we can attempt to ‘read off ’ people’s values from the landscapes they
inhabit, landscapes can be regarded as ‘texts’ that can be scrutinized for layers of inner
meaning, in a manner analogous to reading a book.The relationship between material
objects and culture may be encapsulated by the notion of intentionality. This concept
draws attention to the fact that objects have no meaning in themselves but only acquire
meaning through the uses that people put them to. To sum up, culture involves much
more than high art; indeed, in cultural studies a text comprises any form of representation
with meaning and can include advertising, popular television programs, films, popular
music and even food.
Urban space, power and culture
A significant insight that emerges from the cultural studies movement is the crucial
role of space in the formation of culture. The reason for this connection is that space,
like culture, is a social construct and is therefore intimately bound up with power and
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authority.
Foucault and the carceral city
Michel Foucault, one of the key figures underpinning contemporary cultural studies,
has been highly influential in drawing attention to these issues. He was concerned with
understanding the ways in which consent is achieved in society (i.e. the processes
through which people agree to have their lives determined by others). Foucault was
opposed to the idea that such consent could be explained by any single, overarching,
theory. Instead, he argued that consent was achieved by various types of discourse.
These discourses are a crucial component in the exercise of power, since they help to
shape the view that people take of themselves.
Foucault thought of power as a crucial component in daily life that helps to construct
the ordinary, everyday, actions of people. According to Foucault, therefore, power is not
something that some people have and others do not; what makes people powerful is not
some individual characteristic, or position in society, but the recognition by others of
their capacity to exercise that power. Power, then, is a process rather than a thing that is
exercised. Foucault also argued that power was like a network of relations in a state of
tension. The term micropowers was used to encapsulate these processes.
In addition, Foucault coined the term carceral city to indicate an urban area in which
power was decentred and in which people were controlled by these micro powers (from
the Latin term carcer meaning prison – hence the English term incarceration).
In this sense people may be envisaged as agents of their own domination.
Foucault used the metaphor of the Panopticon to describe these processes in what he
termed the disciplinary society. The Panopticon was a model prison devised by the
nineteenth-century thinker Jeremy Bentham in which inmates could be kept under
observation from a central point. Although the design was never directly implemented,
Foucault’s metaphor of the Panopticon (panoptic meaning ‘all embracing in a single
view’) has been used to describe the surveillance practices that take place in
contemporary city spaces such as shopping malls through the use of close circuit
television (CCTV) and private security guards.
Some have argued that Foucault’s concept of power is too passive and says too little
about the capacity of people to resist disciplinary forces. For example, Warren (1996)
highlights some of the tactics used by people to subvert the surveillance and control
exercised in Disney theme parks, some of the most intensively controlled spaces of the
contemporary world. Control measures even include guards dressed up in comic
costumes as Keystone Cops or as ‘tourists’ in order that they may watch both visitors
and employees. Nevertheless, such measures are not able to prevent some tourists and
employees smuggling in drugs and alcohol (considered by some to be essential to get
the best out of the rides or maybe to endure the boredom of the queues).
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SUMMARY
Cities play a crucial role in the formation of cultures. These cultures involve ‘ways
of life’ including the values that people hold, the norms that they follow and the material
objects that they use. Similarly, all cultures are hybrid mixtures of various influences
that change over time and so the notion that there is some pure authentic culture is a
myth.
Space plays a crucial role in the evolution of cultural values since, like culture, it is
a social construct intimately bound up with power and authority. Although
postmodernism is a much disputed concept, many of the recent changes in cities such as
the focus upon consumption and growing fragmentation and diversity can be interpreted
as a manifestation of the postmodern condition.
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KEY TERMS
City
Megapolis
Metropolis
Urban Planning
Deprivation
Urban space
Town
Village
Sub-urban
LEARNING TASK
Find some historical records that show how spaces in your city have become altered by social
relations extending beyond the city, and discuss in detail how it has transformed over time.
These may include pictures, video clips, and/or texts. Submit your works either electronically
(through your instructor’s email address) or printed
REFERENCES
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Bowden, R. (2007). Urbanization: Human settlements. Wayland
Duany, A., Plater-Zyberk, E., Speck, J. (2001). Suburban nation: The rise of
sprawl and the decline of american dream. Farrar, Straus and Giroux
Knox, P. L. & McCarthy, L. (2005). Urbanization: An introduction to urban
geography. Speck,
J. (2013). Walkable city: How downtown can save america, one step at a time.
Farrar, Straus and Giroux
Verma, L. N. (2006). Urban geography. Rawat Publications
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Urban Poverty and
Dis (Order)
LEARNING OUTCOMES
At the end of this module, the learners are expected to:
a. define urban poverty and disorder;
b. discuss on heterogeneity of cities; and
c. define and responding to urban dis(order).
RESOURCES NEEDED
For this lesson, you would need the following resources:
Urban Poverty
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Answer Me!
Answer the following questions based on your prior knowledge.
1. What are the main drivers of urban poverty in developed countries, and how do they differ
from those in developing countries?
2. How does the concept of a "poverty line" or "poverty threshold" apply to urban areas, and
how is it calculated differently in urban contexts compared to rural areas?
3. What role does gentrification play in displacing low-income residents and contributing to
urban poverty in certain neighborhoods?
4. How does the lack of affordable housing contribute to urban poverty, and what are some
potential solutions for addressing this issue?
5. What are the specific challenges faced by marginalized communities, such as racial and
ethnic minorities, LGBTQ+ individuals, and immigrants, in urban poverty contexts?
INTRODUCTION
The problems of poverty and deprivation experienced by people and places
marginal to the capitalist development process have intensified over recent decades. In
the Philippines, during the 1980s poverty increased faster than in any other member state
of the ASEAN Community.
In this module, we discuss the main theories proposed to explain the causes of
deprivation. We examine the multi-dimensional nature of deprivation and the
differential social incidence of multiple deprivation on different population groups.
Using the concept of territorial social indicators we highlight spatial variations in
poverty and deprivation within cities, focusing attention on the inner-city problem and
problems of the outer city. Finally, we consider the value of an area-based approach for
the analysis of urban poverty and deprivation.
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LESSON INPUTS
Theories of Deprivation
Identifying the causal forces underlying deprivation is of more than academic
importance, since the theory of deprivation espoused by policy-makers determines the
nature of the response. Five main models have been proposed to explain the causes of
deprivation, each pointing towards a different strategy. Theories of deprivation range
from the concept of a ‘culture of poverty’ which regards urban deprivation as the result
of the internal deficiencies of the poor to those that interpret deprivation as a product
of class conflict within the prevailing social formation. The notion of a culture of poverty
was first advanced in the context of the Third World and was seen as a response by the
poor to their marginal position in society.
The realization of the improbability of their achieving advancement within a
capitalist system resulted in a cycle of despair and lack of aspiration characteristic of the
‘culture of poverty’. The related idea of transmitted deprivation focuses on the processes
whereby social maladjustment is transmitted from one generation to the next (the cycle
of poverty), undermining the ameliorative effects of welfare programs. Particular
emphasis is laid upon inadequacies in the home background and in the bringing up of
children as causes of continued deprivation. The other three models take a wider
perspective. The concept of institutional malfunctioning lays the blame for deprivation
at the door of disjointed, and therefore ineffective, administrative structures in which the
uncoordinated individual approaches of separate departments are incapable of
addressing the multifaceted problem of deprivation.
The theory of maldistribution of resources and opportunities regards deprivation as
a consequence of the failure of certain groups to influence the political decision making
process. The final model, based on structural class conflict, stems from Marxist theory,
in which problems of deprivation are viewed as an inevitable outcome of the prevailing
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capitalist economic order. Although they are not mutually exclusive, each of the five
theories does point to a particular policy response. Those subscribing to the culture-ofpoverty thesis reject public expenditure on housing and other welfare items in favour of
the concentration of resources on social education. Advocates of the concept of
transmitted deprivation, while accepting the need for a range of anti-poverty programs,
emphasize the importance of the provision of facilities (such as nursery schools and
health visitors) to assist child rearing; while the solution to institutional malfunctioning
has been seen in corporate management. Policies of positive discrimination are favoured
mostly by those who view deprivation as a result of maldistribution of resources and
opportunity. Such area-based policies are dismissed by those who subscribe to the
structural class-conflict model of deprivation on the grounds that, being a product of the
existing system responsible for deprivation, they are merely cosmetic, serving to ‘gild
the ghetto’ without affecting the underlying causes of deprivation.
Dimensions of Multiple Deprivation
There is a close relationship between poverty and deprivation and other dimensions
of urban decline. We can illustrate this with reference to a number of particular issues.
Crime
The emergence of mass unemployment coincided with an increase in recorded
crime. Research confirmed that crime grew by 49 per cent, or 4.1 per cent per annum,
between 1981 and 1991. This rise was dominated by property crime, which increased
by 95 per cent over the period. The nature of the relationship between property crime
and fluctuations in the business cycle reveals several clear trends. In an attempt to
identify factors conditioning criminal behaviour, Farrington and West (1988), in a
longitudinal study of 400 predominantly white inner-city males born in 1953, found
several factors at age
8–10 that significantly predicted chronic convicted offenders. These were:
1. economic/material deprivation, including low income, poor housing
and unemployment periods experienced by parents;
2. family criminality, including convicted parents and delinquent siblings;
3. unsatisfactory parenting, either too authoritarian or too unbounded;
4. school failure.
Although the association between unemployment and criminal activity is unequivocal,
the question of the extent to which there is a causal relationship is a contentious issue.
Clearly, one must avoid the suggestion that crime is predetermined by poverty or
unemployment, not least since this slanders the majority of the unemployed who lead
respectable law-abiding lives. Unemployment provides the motivation in the form of
material deprivation, frustrated aspirations, boredom and anger (particularly in a society
that extols material success), while the generally high level of material possessions
enjoyed by the majority in employment provides the opportunity. The catalyst lies in the
loosening of the individual’s moral or ethical constraint on unlawful behaviour. This
may be fostered by resentment on the part of the disadvantaged which questions the
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legitimacy of a social order that countenances mass unemployment and increasing
income inequality.
Health
Although some of the factors that affect health, such as age, gender and genetic
make-up, cannot be changed by public policy or individual choice, a number of
‘external’ factors are recognized to be of significance for health status. These include
the physical environment (e.g. adequacy of housing, working conditions and air quality),
social and economic factors (e.g. income and wealth, levels of unemployment), and
access to appropriate and effective health and social services. There is a strong
association between quality of housing and health.
In London the ‘re-emerging’ infectious disease of tuberculosis is concentrated
among the unemployed and those in rented accommodation, while in the Bronx, New
York, there is a clear relationship between childhood tuberculosis and residential
crowding that is itself associated with household poverty, dependence upon public
assistance, Hispanic ethnicity, larger household size and a high population of young
children. Lack of shelter or homelessness can have a direct impact on the individual’s
health. Bronchitis, tuberculosis, arthritis, skin diseases and infections, as well as alcoholand drug-related problems and psychiatric difficulties, are all more prevalent among
single people who are homeless. Even families occupying temporary bed-and-breakfast
accommodation often find it difficult to maintain hygiene while washing, eating and
sleeping in one overcrowded room.
One of the clearest indications that ‘bad housing damages your health’ is the
effects of inadequate heating and dampness. Insufficient warmth (due to poor
housing design), leading to hypothermia, is reflected in higher proportions of deaths
among older people in winter than in summer. Dampness encourages the spread of
dust mites and fungal spores that lead to respiratory illnesses, and cockroaches
thrive in the warm, damp conditions characteristic of many of the system-built tower
blocks.
In the light of the body of evidence it is difficult to refute the conclusion that ‘it is
one of the greatest of contemporary social injustices that people who live in the most
disadvantaged circumstances have more illness, more disability and shorter lives than
those who are more affluent’ (Benzeval el al 1995)
Gender
Although women constitute much the same proportion of the poor (60 per cent) in
today as they did in 1900, women’s poverty has become more visible as a result of
the growth in number of female-headed households. The two groups with the highest
risk and longest duration of poverty are lone mothers and older women living alone. In
1995, 1 million lone mothers were receiving income support, including 650,000 who
had been in receipt for at least two years. In the same year 1.2 million single women
aged over 60, including 500,000 aged 80 or over, received income support. Most had
been on income support for several years and few had any other source of income.
Women in families with no wage-earner, low-paid women, non-employed women
wholly dependent on others, and homeless women must all be added to the category of
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those vulnerable to poverty. Women’s risk of poverty also reflects different life-cycle
stages, with child rearing and caring work when out of the labour market, and low-paid
and insecure employment when economically active, limiting their earning capacity and
restricting their ability to provide for old age.
Women may also experience the same deprivation to a different degree, with, for
example, poor housing affecting women responsible for domestic labour and child
care more than men. The intra-household distribution of resources can also affect a
woman’s experience of poverty. In addition, women often shoulder the burden of
‘managing’ poverty, and in trying to stretch insufficient income to cover needs women
may go without themselves, or take on a burden of debt.
The Geography of Deprivation
As we have seen, a strong relationship exists between poverty and deprivation, and
other dimensions of urban decline. Analyses using territorial social indicators reveal that
in some urban localities the intensity and socio-spatial concentration of problems are
severe.
With reference to the USA, Rusk (1994) employed three indicators to identify thirty
five cities ‘beyond the point of no return’ that typically have lost 20 per cent or more of
their population since 1950, have an increasingly isolated non-white minority population
in their central area, and have seen a dramatic decline in the purchasing power of central
city residents. To these Waste (1998) adds the three cities of Los Angeles, San Francisco
and New York City, which, along with Chicago and Philadelphia, form a group of
‘urban reservation’ cities characterized by concentrations of extreme-poverty
neighborhoods, as exhibited in the demographic profile of south-central Los Angeles.
The Inner-City
Problem
The concept of the inner city as a locus for poor living conditions dates back to
the era of nineteenth-century industrial urbanism, when the deprivation and
depravity of Britain’s inner cities were condemned by contemporary commentators.
Variations in well-being continue to characterize the modern city.
The Outer-City
Problem
The ‘inner city’ is a generic term that may usefully be seen as a metaphor for wider
social problems at the heart of which is the core issue of poverty. The dispersal of the
‘inner city problem’ to other parts of the city is particularly evident in British cities,
where the nature and incidence of ‘urban disadvantage’ have been affected by public
urban-renewal programs and associated population movements
SUMMARY
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It's important to note that urban poverty and disorder are complex and interrelated
issues. Poverty can contribute to feelings of hopelessness and frustration, which may, in
turn, lead to disorderly or criminal behavior. Conversely, urban disorder can exacerbate
poverty by deterring investment, reducing property values, and impeding economic
development.
Addressing urban poverty and disorder requires a multifaceted approach that
includes social programs, community development initiatives, investments in education
and job training, crime prevention strategies, and efforts to improve housing and
infrastructure. By addressing the root causes of these problems, cities can work towards
creating safer, more equitable, and more vibrant urban environments for all residents.
.
KEY TERMS
Urban Poverty
Urban Deprivation
Criminal behavior
Health sector
Inner City
Outer City
LEARNING TASK
PAMANTASAN NG CABUYAO |YOUR COURSE TITLE HERE
Performance
VIDEO ANALYSIS
Task:
Watch the iWitness documentary, “Dito sa Lungsod” by Atom Araullo on YouTube by scanning
this QR code:
Write a reflection paper composed of three paragraphs. The content should overarch the
discussions above.
REFERENCES
Bowden, R. (2007). Urbanization: Human settlements. Wayland
Duany, A., Plater-Zyberk, E., Speck, J. (2001). Suburban nation: The rise of
sprawl and the decline of american dream. Farrar, Straus and Giroux
Knox, P. L. & McCarthy, L. (2005). Urbanization: An introduction to urban
geography. Speck,
J. (2013). Walkable city: How downtown can save america, one step at a time.
Farrar, Straus and Giroux
Verma, L. N. (2006). Urban geography. Rawat Publications
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