4
Agrarian America (1790-1840): A Country
on the Move
Introduction
Thomas Jefferson saw the United States as an agrarian nation, and this was definitely true during the first
70 years after the Declaration of Independence in 1776. Within one generation, America was slowly developing 1ts own characteristics—its own culture, dress styles, food, and manner of speech. America was definitely
a nation in transition, gradually tearing itself away from its agrarian roots to eventually become an industrial
power. Pockets of factories were slowly sprouting in the northern states. Mass production, mass consump-
tion, and the industrial capitalism of the North was to come to blows with the agrarian economic model of
the South, and the contrasting economies were to come to blows in the 1860s, as predicted by Alexis de
Tocqueville (1835).
The U.S. Territory and Population
The United States was comparatively large in 1790, and the country expanded considerably over the next half
century. The United States stretched 1,200 miles from north to south, from Maine to Georgia; and by 1840
the country stretched 1,000 miles west of New York City. Aided by the railroad system, steamboats, and the
establishment of the National Road,' which stretched from Baltimore, Maryland, to Vandalia, Illinois,” travel
became easier, though it remained hazardous and done by only a few (Larkin, 1988; Tunis, 2000).
By far, the United States was not a homogenous society; although immigrants of English descent
made up the largest number, the country had diverse cultures and economies. With New York, Boston, and
Philadelphia as major ports of call, the country experienced a rapid population growth from 1790 to 1840.
The country’s population was approximately 4 million in 1790 and skyrocketed to 17 million 50 years later
(Larkin, 1988).
There were several variables that facilitated the rapid population growth, primarily the huge influx of
immigrants and territorial expansion during this period. Immigrants of English descent made up the largest number, followed by the Scotch-Irish, Germans, Dutch, and Africans via the slave trade. The Louisiana
Purchase (1803)° from the French incorporated Cajun French-speaking planters, farmers, and fishermen to
the American populace. The Irish immigrants of the North became more visible during the 1820s. Most of
them migrated due to the severe poverty in Ireland, but this was only a fraction compared to the Irish immigrants who migrated to the United Sates during the Potato Famine (1845-1852). Most of the Irishmen
who came to the United States were hired to build canals and railroads, which aided the westward expansion
(Larkin, 1988).
The westward expansion also had its fair share of casualties. The Indian Removal Act (1830) signed
by President Andrew Jackson, a known Indian fighter, saw the forced relocation of Native Americans from
Georgia, the Carolinas, Mississippi, and Alabama to Indian Territory, what is known today as Oklahoma.
The westward migration of a population of approximately 60,000 people took over two years to complete.
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Rural America
Though the urban population grew by leaps and bounds, America as a nation was rural. Notoriously known
as tree haters by the Europeans, Americans established their farms by hacking and hewing their way through
forests. In short, the rural landscape and American farms were the by-products of the immense labor that went
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Disease and exposure eradicated 10 percent of the Indian population, an event remembered by historians
as the Trail of Tears. The relocation eventually brought the demise of the last independent Indian nation
(Larkin, 1988).
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Agrarian America (1790-1840): A Country on the Move
131
into the clearing of lands. Like their predecessors, people were generally tied to their land and rarely traveled
far from home (Larkin,
1988).
Unlike the Europeans who settled in agricultural communities, where people lived within the distance
of the church bell,” Americans lived far apart from each other. Farms were literally scattered throughout the
country. Unlike rural communities today, rural communities durtng the antebellum period were poorly demarcated. Churches, stores, inns, and taverns were located along roads, and American families traded in country
neighborhoods with vague boundaries (Larkin, 1988).
Urban America
Out of the American populace, only 1 in 20 resided in areas with a population of 2,500 or more in 1790. Fifty
years later in 1840, the ratio increased to 1:9. This 1s due to the urban implosion brought about by the growth
of factories and textile mills. In terms of early American cities, houses were scattered all over without any
sense of order. This phenomenon remained intact until America’s Victorian Era from 1870 to 1915 (Larkin,
1988: Schlereth, 1991).
The five seaport cities—New York, Philadelphia, New Orleans, Baltimore, and Boston—each had
90,000 people or more by 1840. New York City, by far, was the largest with 312,000 inhabitants, whereas
smaller cities, sea ports, or major road junctions ranged from 50,000 people downward (Larkin, 1988,
pp. 8-9).
Cities were small compared to today’s standards. They were, in essence, walking cities, where people
literally walked from one point to another. Places were small, crowded, noisy, and unhygienic,” and communicable diseases were rampant. Though transportation was good, it was slow. Cities were focal points of
culture as well as commerce. Though they took in agricultural goods and rural immigrants, they transmitted
goods, books, dress fashions, songs, dances, childrearing techniques, and furnishing styles (Larkin, 1988,
pp. 8-9).
Stratification in American Society
As America became economically diverse, different levels
economic strata were the households of successful urban
and successful farmers of the North. Few professional men
remained in the hands of the landed farm owners (Larkin,
of society started to emerge. At the top of the sociomerchants, large plantation owners of the South,
made the top strata, but the power structure firmly
1988).
Those in the middle were moderately successful farmers, storekeepers, and successful artisans. Those
at the bottom of the social strata included but were not limited to common farmers and mechanics, landless
laborers, and slaves. The industrial economy was to turn everything on its head over the next few decades
(Larkin, 1988).
American Families:® Definition and Primary Functions
The definition of families during the early parts of the 19th century was radically different from what it is
today. Instead, the definition of families was much closer to that of the Romans, who referred to families as
households, which included servants, slaves, and anyone who resided on the premises (Gies and Gies, 1987).
The same definition applied to early-19th-century American families. Many American families included
people unrelated by blood, marriage, or adoption, such as journeymen and apprentices. Others defined family
members as those who had their meals together (Larkin, 1988).
In reality, households were independent economic units. Americans lived and worked as families, whose
lives were dictated and dominated by the means of production. Families were tied to their farms, artisan shops,
and stores. Family members shared meals, sleeping quarters, and beds. Households were both the primary
means of production as well as consumption. They also took care of the sick, orphaned, widowed, and destitute
(Larkin, 1988).
132
Agrarian America (1790-1840): A Country on the Move
Birthrates in America were high,’ and this was due to the agrarian economy, where children were consid-
ered economic assets, providing the much needed labor in the fields. Social commentators report that children
were seen everywhere they went. On the whole, the population of the United States during the period was very
young, with the average age of 16 (Larkin, 1988).
The average American household had approximately six to seven people. One out of five American
households had 8 to 10 members. As mentioned earlier, households also contained domestic help, apprentices,
employees, and even paying lodgers. On the whole, very few people lived alone. Those who did so were
generally considered social outcasts, as in the case of Ebenezer Scrooge of Charles Dickens’s A Christmas
Carol. Due to the high mortality rate, it was also rare to see three generations living in the same household
(Larkin, 1988).
In order to alleviate the cost of raising a child, it was common for parents to have their children sent out
to work as domestics for rich families. This guaranteed food and lodging, along with the ability to save some
money. In most cases, children spent over a year as domestics, only to move on to other trades as they got
Childbirth: A Community luvent
Like with the early American settlers, births were social events, a gathering of neighborhood women
welcoming a new member of the community. One can only imagine the excitement behind the event.
Women literally dropped everything they were doing to participate in this event. Men were hardly present in the labor and birthing process, although, at times, they may have been the only birth attendant
present, especially in cases of isolated farms. A woman, in this case, gave birth sitting on her husband’s
fap for support.
In most cases, expectant fathers waited nervously outside the room, and midwives supervised the birthing
process (Larkin, 1988).
Children were usually born in the parents’ bedroom, with the community women encouraging the mother
during the process. Women did not lie down completely when they gave birth, but stood slightly upright.
Others squatted on a low midwife’s stool, sat on two chairs to provide support for the leg, or stood supported
by two helpers. Births in the South crossed color lines, as children of plantation owners were delivered by
African American midwives. Midwives were not qualified physicians but instead learned their trade through
experience. Physicians were enlisted if there were complications, but were often avoided, especially when the
physician was male (Larkin, 1988).
Birth by midwives waned as the country became more populous. Physician-assisted births rose in prominence during the 1840s, changing the social fabric of birth. What was once a communal event became a private
affair. As much
as birth provided life, it also carried the specter of death for both mother and child. Infant
mortality was high, and women dying of childbirth was commonplace (Larkin, 1988).
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households until they reached adulthood. The old, infirm, or insane, whose kin couid not help were often auc-
tioned off by town or country authorities at public vendue, and were taken to households of the lowest bidder
(Larkin, 1988).
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Fathers had claim to their children’s labor until they reached adulthood. Older children, however, had
fluctuating partial independence, where they worked in farms and shops in nearby communities, often to return
home to labor with their fathers, balancing their family needs and their own aspirations. Children of farmers
were learning trades as journeymen and apprentices, as America was slowly departing from its agrarian-based
economy. Apart from farmers, merchants, artisans, fishermen, and country traders were important parts of the
economy. In 1800, four out of five Americans farmed lands for themselves. In 1840, it was two out of three
Americans who farmed for themselves (Larkin, 1988, p. 16).
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these children were mistreated and exploited for their labor. Childhood as the age of innocence did not exist
for the working class (Larkin, 1988).
Orphans and children of destitute families were bound out to farms and household services in wealthier
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older. Others sent their children out as apprentices and journeymen to learn a trade, and 1t was common that
Agrarian America (1790-1840): A Country on the Move
133
Division of Labor”
Labor was still divided according to gender, but this was gradually waning. In reality, male and female roles
were intertwined, but the nature of American families, for the time being, remained patriarchal. If work was
done according to concentric circles, male labor focused from the farm outward, while women focused inward.
Men’s worked covered the areas of the farmyard, barn, workshop, and across the fences to the fields, pastures,
woodlands, and roads leading off the farm. Women minded the poultry; men cared for the horses, sheep, and
cattle. Men stabled the cows and mucked out the stalls; women milked and made butter and cheese (Larkin,
1988,
pp. 17-18).
Like that of previous generations, women’s work was monotonous and extended year round. Women
cooked, cleaned, washed, sewed, and mended, daily chores that were both physically demanding, and time
consuming. Men had their fair share of daily chores, but they were often more seasonal in nature. Due to
their biological disposition, men engaged in work that was physical and labor intensive. The plow, axe, saw,
scythe, and other heavy implements were distinctively male tools, whereas cooking pots, crockery, washtubs
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and baskets, butter churns, spinning wheels, needles, and threads were female tools (Larkin, 1988, pp. 17-18).
Families were producers and consumers, not only when it came to their food, but also in what they wore and
what they washed with. Families made their own butter and cheese; it was said that successful producers could
make approximately 80 Ibs of butter a week. Soaps were also homemade, and were often used for washing
clothing. Personal hygiene was poor compared to today’s standards, and people rarely used soap to wash themselves. Families also made their own clothing, with the help of the spinning wheel. Although tailors existed,
only the affluent could afford tailor-made clothing. Hence, it was simple to tell the income level of others
simply based on what they wore. As shoes were expensive, many could not afford them; it was common to see
people walking around barefoot. This, however, was soon to change with mass production, which made shoes
and clothing cheaper and more accessible to the masses (Larkin, 1988; Schlereth, 1991).
Cooking was at the center of women’s work, and this became more important as the dietary habits of
Americans improved and increased. Women spent more time in the kitchen compared to previous generations,
and one’s culinary skills became more important. In fact, one’s cooking became a status symbol, winning admiration of others for one’s ability to prepare a well-cooked meal. Women started sharing recipes and changing
ideas, and America’s culinary taste was increasing in standards (Larkin, 1988).
The period from 1790 to 1840 saw a revolution in American cooking in terms of technology. Women
shared the same cooking technology with the previous century during the early 1800s. Cooking took place at
the fireplace with pots hanging on a crane that had a habit of swinging over the fire as women cooked. Fires
could be dangerous and accidents were commonplace (Larkin, 1988).
Cooking was labor intensive and definitely time consuming, as everything had to be prepared in the
rough. Spice, sugar, and coffee were bought in bulk and had to be processed, grounded, and pounded. Flour
did not come in the form that it does today. Instead, it was filled with stones and bugs that women had to pick
from the flour. Women also had to collect eggs from the barn, milk the cows, and slaughter the chickens. They
also harvested vegetables from the garden or brought them up from the root cellar. Hence, food preparation
was a day-long process (Larkin, 1988).
Washing was traditionally done on Mondays, and only once a month. Clothing on the whole was dirty
for most people, and it was common for people to sleep in their day clothes. One can imagine the dirt, sweat,
and grime on one’s clothing during that time. When women did wash, they usually started the task long before
sunrise. They had tubs of boiling water and soft soap, and women repeatedly washed and rinsed the clothing
until it reached their satisfaction. It was common to have withered, bleached hands when the task was done.
Washing could take hours, and one was usually done before noon (Larkin, 1988; Tunis, 2000).
Wives of artisans maintained their families like farmer’s wives. Apart from attending to the needs of
husbands and children, they also had to tend to apprentices and journeymen in the husband’s workshop. Most
134
Agrarian America (1790-1840): A Country on the Move
artisan wives maintained small garden plots, where they planted their own vegetables, and at times, were
able to keep pigs and cows in their stables. Apart from their household duties, wives also helped out in their
husbands’ shops (Larkin, 1988).
Wives of poor laborers struggled for a living. They spent most of their time searching for any available
firewood, which was growing steadily more expensive, and looking for any available clothing and items
discarded by wealthy families. Most important, however, they had to hunt for cheap provisions, not knowing
when the next meal was to come (Larkin, 1988).
Duties of Children
Children during the pre-industrial age were economic assets, as they provided the valuable labor farmers
needed. Children assisted their parents once they were able. Like other duties concerning adults, girls and boys
had separate duties. Girls assisted their mothers in cooking, fetching water from the well,” gathering eggs from
the barn, and milking the cow, a task most boys found effeminate (Larkin, 1988).
It was important for boys to master the skills of riding a horse and using a rifle as soon as possible. Boys
steadied the horse while the father plowed, and planted corn seeds in the hills as father covered them. Hours
were also spent weeding. As per past generations, it was important for a boy to wield an axe, as it was his duty
to haul and chop wood for the fireplace. Children literally learned their skills from their parents, and this was
not limited to farmers and craftsmen. Lawyers and doctors also acquired their skills on the job (Larkin, 1988).
Schooling
Children rarely attended school, and if they did, they did so sporadically. This was due to the fact that work
took precedence over schooling. If parents required their children’s labor, the children simply skipped school.
Formal and mandatory schooling was yet to be established, and education did not yield the utility 1t was to
yield decades later. Most schools were held in churches,'® and there was only one person,'' usually male, who
taught classes. New England was called the land of schools, as one could see schools scattered throughout the
landscape. Schools in New England were funded by local taxes, a practice followed by other local govern-
ments. Schools were also funded by private funds and by churches (Larkin, 1988).
Children acquired rudimentary reading, writing, and mathematical skills that were sufficient to function
in one’s daily tasks. Children needed to be literate enough to read the almanac, Bible, and property deeds, and
have the mathematical skills to comprehend an account. In most cases, children acquired the mathematical
skills to add, subtract, multiply, and divide. Methods of instruction stressed memorization over comprehension, and it was important to acquire the acumen to recite things out loud. Corporal punishment was allowed in
schools, and it was common for schoolmasters to paddle the children. Some, however, were overpowered by
teenage boys, and when this happened, the school was closed and another schoolmaster was sought. Teaching
was a thankless job (Larkin, 1988).
There were no grade levels, and children of different ages attended the same class. Toddlers as young a
two accompanied their older brothers and sisters to school, and this
lems parents encountered. Most children from 5 to 15 spent a few
while some never attended school at all. Women lagged behind men
literary surpassed that of their European counterparts. Books were
coming decades (Larkin, 1988).
was done to alleviate the child-care probweeks to two months in school per year,
in terms of education, though Americans’
expensive, but that was to change in the
Basic Economic Exchange
Rural Americans traded within their communities, and bartering was a common means of exchange. Families
acquired credits and debits as they exchanged a variety of labor and commodities. Some would barter a few
days’ labor during harvest season, and women would spin, make cheese, and weave cloth in exchange for some
commodities. 1t was difficult to distinguish economic transactions from social life (Larkin, 1988).
Agrarian America (1790-1840): A Country on the Move
135
Some accounts were committed to memory, whereas others would make markings on a pillar or doorposts. It was customary to settle one’s debt in March or April, the beginning of the agricultural year. Debts,
however, could run as long as two years, but it was the norm to settle one’s debt among neighbors. There was
no national standard monetary means of exchange in 1800, save the speciec—a gold or silver coin. Despite the
gold or silver coin serving as a means of exchange, most preferred to barter (Larkin, 1988).
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3
The Mechanization of Production'?
While factories scattered the landscape of Industrial Europe, the United States was still a hand-made society,
where everything was manufactured by hand. Tools, clothing, and shoes were all hand-made, and were expensive. This, however, was to change during this period, when Americans started adopting the European means
of production. The mechanization of production gradually destroyed the traditional means of production. Mass
production through machines and the implementation of new tools transformed traditional work patterns that
were slow, labor intensive, and unproductive (Larkin, 1988).
Not only did the growth of factories transform traditional work patterns, it also ushered women and children into the workplace. Apprentices, journeymen, and artisans became employees of the factories. This radically changed social relationships. It empowered women and children, and radically weakened the traditional
roles of the family, where work and family was once inseparable. Parents no longer transmitted their skills to
their children, and it was no longer important for children to take up the professions of their parents. People'”
moved toward business and commerce, which accounted for the urban population rise, which increased eightfold from1790 to 1840 (Larkin, 1988).
Water-powered textile factories made their appearance in the American landscape during the 1830s. With
the mechanization of production, the tasks of picking, spinning, and weaving took place on a larger scale and
much more swiftly. The new industrial methods, however, maintained the traditional sexual division of labor.
Skilled and supervisory jobs were reserved for a minority of men. Women, girls, and boys'* found themselves
tending machines, with the youngest performing the roles of doffers or bobbin boys, replacing empty spindles
of yarn with full ones. The older workers had to oversee operation of drawing frames, spinning throttles, and
power looms, work that required meticulous attention, while women had to scan their machines for broken
threads or empty shuttle bobbins (Larkin, 1988, pp. 56-57).
It took approximately a month for mill workers to become accustomed to their jobs and machinery, and
formulas for success depended on vigilance, quickness, and manipulation (Larkin, 1988). Those unable to
adapt were terminated. Workers now fell under the tyrant of the bell and clock, and worked as long as 16 hours
a day. Although the mechanization of labor enabled greater freedom in some areas, it also introduced new
forms of exploitation that were dehumanizing. Instead of being independent economic units, families became
appendages to the machines (Marx, 1848).
Improved methods of farming brought the rise of what would be later called agribusiness. Changes in the
designs of tools made farming quicker and easier, and critical parts of tools were now made of iron instead of
wood. Tools were lighter and easier to use, and with the introduction of the horse-powered threshing machine,
farming moved up another level (Larkin, 1988).
Mass production and the influx of cheap material goods in the market compelled women to abandon
tradition tasks, as they had become redundant. Women abandoned producing cloth from flax machines, and
homemade clothing and shoes gave way to mass-produced clothing and footwear, which was considerably
cheaper than in the past. In essence, the mechanization of production, along with the influx of cheap material
goods in the market, provided the masses access to goods that were once considered luxuries. Inevitably, old
textile equipment was consigned to the family attic. With the additional time women had, they moved away
from textile production to intensive dairying (Larkin, 1988).
With people writing and exchanging recipes, the art of cooking was taken to another level, and with the
invention of the cooking stove. Stoves were more effective, consumed less firewood, were safer and, most
tmportant, aided in the heating of the homes during the cold winter months. Women no longer labored in front
of the hot fireplace with huge cooking pots, as with the use of the cooking stoves, pots became considerably
136
Agrarian America (1790-1840): A Country on the Move
smaller and lighter. Women
preparation (Larkin, 1988).
now planned meals, and sought exactness in the kitchen when it came to food
Cooking stoves became a common feature among most middhing city families and northern commercial
villages. Stove-top cooking was less laborious, and women learned new ways of estimating temperatures and
judging cooking times, and found the cooking-stove oven heat pleasant compared to the blazing fire of the
fireplace. The cooking stove became the first major appliance in the United States. Stoves saved firewood,
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ending rapid deforestation of the country. As the prices of stoves declined, the prices of firewood increased,
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making the use of cooking stoves more important (Larkin, 1988).
1
Marriage and Families
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The academic year, which runs from fall through spring, reflects the agricultural rhythms American life was
attached to. Lives were structured along seasonal patterns of planting, harvest, work, and leisure, and marriage
patterns practiced today reflect America’s agricultural past. Marriage, pregnancies, and childbirth were all
timed according to the seasons. People traditionally got married in spring, conceived in fall, and gave birth in
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spring, just before the agricultural year began (Larkin, 1988).
Most people got married between the ages of 19 to 23. Unlike the big wedding ceremonies witnessed
today, most couples were married by a clergyman at the home of the bride.'> Ceremonies on the whole were
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simple. In rural areas, the bride would invite the entire neighborhood to the celebrations. Brides rarely received
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presents, nor did they were white for their wedding gowns. Most chose brown or dove-colored silk and some-
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times married in their traveling clothes.'® America farm couples married and then settled in their homes and
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engaged in work that would define the rest of their lives (Larkin, 1988).
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If the couple was married in winter, they would take a few days off to visit kin and friends. Those who
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Agrarian America (1790-1840): A Countrty onthe Move -
137
or the Niagara Falls: venues popular among Americans. The poor, on the other hand, had little choice but to
return to their jobs immediately.
Married couples could expect up to eight children on the average. The first child usually arrived during
the first year of marriage, and then the next was spaced between two or three years. The intervals between
children lengthened as mother grew older. Extremely large families 8 eight to 10 children were not typical, but
common enough to be found in every community.
As America advanced technologically, family size grew progressively smaller due to delay in marriages
and childbirth. Some women got married as late as 25 years, and once married, they made a conscious decision not to have many children. Men and women preferred to build their financial base before getting married,
and calculated the cost of having children—indicative of an industrial economy where children now became
economic liabilities.
Diseases'’ and Mortality
Daily life was unhealthy, and sickness and death were common among families. It was hard to find a family
that had not experienced the death of a child during this period. American life chances, however, were good
compared to other European industrial countries during the time. Those in the South, due to warmer weather,
were susceptible to mosquito-borne malaria and yellow fever. Food was harder to preserve from infection and
parasitic diseases, and hookworms attacked the shoeless (Larkin, 1988, pp. 74-75).
Diseases struck both rich and poor, and greater wealth was only a small guarantee of longer life. White
men and women, upon reaching the age of 21, were expected to live until their 60s. Widows and orphans were
commonplace, and children were expected to lose at least one of their parents by the time they reached their
teens. Both parents were usually gone by the time children reached their late 20s (Larkin, 1988, pp. 74-75).
One out of six white babies did not reach the age of one, and one out of four or five did not make it from
birth to adulthood. Because infant mortality was high, most parents put little emotional investment in their
babies. In reality, very few families escaped infant deaths. One out of three African Americans died in infancy.
One of the most common diseases during the era was scarlet fever, which was known to have wiped out entire
families (Larkin, 1988, pp. 75-76).
People usually died of respiratory diseases during the late winter and early spring months, while those
in the South were vulnerable to malaria during the months of August and September. Malaria, tuberculosis,
typhoid, and cholera were common diseases, with New Orleans as the most disease-stricken city in the United
States, often afflicted by yellow fever and malaria. Yellow fever was common at seaport towns, as it was transmitted by the Aedes Aegypti mosquito from the West Indies. Yellow fever killed 1 out of 10 in Philadelphia in
1793. It is said that there were so many bodies that gravediggers had to enlist the help of others (Larkin, 1988).
It would be years before Americans had the vaccinations and medicine to combat these diseases.
Death
In a period where mortality rates were high, Americans experienced death at home irrespective of income level.
[t was hard to find an American family who had not dealt with death and/or participated in the ritual of burial
and morning. With communicable diseases rampant, death was sudden, and it was the obligation of family
members to complete the final watch. It was common for people to die in the presence of family members, as
the prospect of dying in the presence of total strangers was a frightening one. Infants, in most cases, died in
their mother’s arms, an experience most mothers were accustomed to. Men and boys who died in accidents
were carried home on a plank (Larkin, 1988).
News of death transmitted through word of mouth. Announcements also came through meeting houses
or church bells. There were codes when it came to the ringing of the bells. For example, the initial nine tolls
of the bell signified the death of men, six for women, and three for the children. There would be a short pause,
and the final toll would indicate the age of the individual (Larkin,
1988).
138
Agrarian America (1790-1840): A Country on the Move
As much as birth was a social event, so was death. Friends and neighbors would gather at the house of the
dead, where the body was laid. Community members would participate in the washing of the body, which was
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the final act of purification. The hair was trimmed, the nails were cut, and men were shaved. It was a custom
for neighbors to dress the deceased with a shroud, which was a tong white cotton garment, with an open back
and sleeves (Larkin, 1988).
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It was not a custom to embalm the corpses; hence, funerals had to be quick.'® Most shrouds and coffins
were made in haste. Surviving shrouds from the period show evidence of great haste in sewing. The poor, on
the other hand, were wrapped in what they called winding sheets, which in essence was a long piece of sheeting fabric (Larkin, 1988).
There were not too many undertakers during this period, and it was common to have the local carpenter or cabinet maker make the coffin. If an artisan was unavailable, others would volunteer to make one at
no cost. Coffins were made with the traditional tapering hexagonal shape, with pine as the wood of choice
(Larkin,
1988).
Preparation of the body for burial was a sex-divided task. In larger communities, it was women who
perforimed the task; and it was common to have a woman who healed the sick in the morning called the same
day to lay the dead. With the greater impersonality and complexity in urban life, professional service providers arose. In a directory of Philadelphia in 1810 for example, it listed 10 individuals as layers out for the dead
(Larkin, 1988, page 99).
Funerals were by no means private affairs, but were attended by almost everybody in the community.
The casket was literally carried to the gravesite regardless of how far it was.
Affluent families followed behind the horse carriage that carried the coffin. Community members assisted 1n digging the grave and burial. Once the funeral was over, it was back to life as usual for others, save
the family to mourn the loss of the loved one (Larkin, 1988).
[t was customary for women to mourn more than men, and this was particularly the case for widows.
One was expected to wear black from six months to two years, although Queen Victoria wore black for the
remainder of her life'” after the death of her beloved consort Prince Albert?® in 1861. Men, on the other hand,
wore a simple crepe armband as a sign of mourning (Larkin, 1988).
Unlike today, graves were initially treated well but fell into neglect shortly thereafter. It was reported
in 1830 that most graveyards throughout the country were unkempt and covered with weeds. It was common
to come across half-broken monuments and tombstones covered with grass. Graveyards in urban areas were
notoriously crowded, and the purchase of family plots was a rarity. In reality, neglected graveyards did not
bother anyone, as Americans generally shunned graveyards; it was a rarity to see anyone at a graveyard unless
they were there for a burial (Larkin, 1988).
Conclusion
The pertod from 1790 to 1840 was a period of transition for the United States. The fledgling society was slowly
coming of age, forging 1ts own identity and culture. America was gradually departing from its agrarian roots,
although much of the population still lived in rural areas. Traditionalism was slowly giving way to modernization, and social scripts were to change along with the market forces driving the change.
Though the nature of marriage and families was still patriarchal, traditional family and gender roles
were to succumb to the new norms imposed by the money market economy that promoted self-profit and
self-aggrandizement. With the rapid urban expansion and the complexities of city life, America was losing her
communal roots, leaving families and individuals to fend for themselves in the brave new world.
The contrasting economic models of the North and South were to collide, as the agrarian-based economy
of the South could no longer keep up with the industrial changes of the North. Old values were to give way to
new ones, and America was never going to be the same again. America was to enter her Victorian Age during
the postwar period, which radically transformed and developed American culture to what it is today.